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    CONTAINING Other Three Hundred Years, From William The Conqueror To The Time Of JOHN WICKLIFFE Wherein Is Described The Proud And Misordered Reign Of Antichrist, Beginning To Stir In The Church Of Christ f197 WILLIAM, duke of Normandy, surnamed Conqueror, base son of Duke Robert, the sixth duke of Normandy, and nephew unto King Edward, after the aforesaid victory against Harold and the English men obtained, was received king over the realm of England, not so much by assent, as for fear and necessity of time; for else the Londoners had promised their assistance to Edgar Etheling to the utter. most of their power. But being weakened and wasted so greatly in, battles before, and the duke coming so fast upon them, fearing not to make their party good, they submitted themselves. Whereupon the said William (of a duke made a king) was crowned upon Christmas-day, A.D. 1066, by the hands of Aldred, archbishop of York; foras much as at that time Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury, was absent, or else durst not, or would not come in the presence of the king. A little before the coming of this duke, a terrible blazing star was seen for the space of seven days, which was the same year; in record whereof, as well of the conquest of the duke, as of the blazing star, these verses yet remain: “Sexagenus erat sextus millesimus annus, Cum pereunt Angli stella monstrante cometa.” f199 Which king, thus being crowned, did reign over the realm of England the space of one and twenty years and ten months, with great severity and cruelness toward the Englishmen burdening them with great tributes and exactions; which was to pay of every hide of ground containing twenty acres, six shillings; by means whereof certain parts of the land rebelled, and especially the city of Exeter, but at last William overcame them, and won the city, and punished them grievously. But for that and for other stern deeds of this prince, divers of the lords departed to Scotland: wherefore he kept the other lords that tarried the straiter, and exalted the Normans, giving to them the chief possessions of the land; and forsomuch as he obtained the kingdom by force and dint of sword, he changed the whole state of the governance of this commonweal, and ordained new laws at his own pleasure, profitable to himself, but grievous and hurtful to the people, abolishing the laws of King Edward, whereunto notwithstanding he was sworn before, to observe and maintain them. For the which great commotions and rebellions remained long after among the people, as histories record, to have the said laws of King Edward revived again. * Here, by the way, speaking of laws, a126 this is memorable, that even in this king’s time the authority of the temporal magistrate was distinct from that of the church; but yet in such sort, that if need required, he should deal in causes ecclesiastical, and be assistant to the bishop, whose jurisdiction, what it was, and how qualified by King William now holding the stern of government in his hand, the words following do declare. f202 William, by the grace of God king of England, to all earls and sheriffs, and to all French-born and English, who in the bishopric of bishop Remigius have lands, greeting. Know you all, and the rest my faithful subjects, who abide in England, that the episcopal laws which have been not well, nor according to the precepts of the holy canons, even to my time, in the kingdom of England, by the common council and counsel of mine archbishops, bishops, and abbots, and all the princes of my kingdom, I have judged to be amended. Wherefore I command, and by my royal authority give in charge, that no bishop or arch deacon do hold any more pleas of law by the episcopal laws in the Hundred, nor bring any cause which pertaineth to the cure of souls unto the judgment of secular men: but whosoever shall be troubled about any suit or default under the episcopal laws, shall come to the place which to this end the bishop shall choose and name, and there answer his cause, and not according to the Hundred, but according to the canons and the episcopal laws, shall do right unto God and to his bishop. And if any, puffed up with pride, being called once, twice, and thrice to the bishop’s court, refuseth to come, and will not so be drawn to amendment, let him be excommunicated. And to enforce this, if need be, let the power and authority of the king or the sheriff be used. And he who, being called to the bishop’s court, will not come, for every such calling shall be put to his answer before the bishop, and make amends. And this I defend, and by mine authority forbid, that any sheriff or provost, or officer of the king, or any layman, interfere with the episcopal laws; nor that any layman bring or sue another out of the bishop’s court of justice unto judgment. And as for judgment, let it be given in no place but in the bishop’s see, or in that place which in this behalf the bishop shall appoint.

    By this evidence of record it is manifest, as you see, that Duke William (now king) having assumed unto himself the absolute authority royal, endeavored to establish a form of government both in the church and commonwealth answerable to his own mind: howbeit this is to be noted, that he allowed unto the clergy a kind of jurisdiction of conventing persons before them, and likewise of exercising such ecclesiastical discipline as the quality of that age and time did use, whereon we will not stand to debate any thing at large, but proceed in the course of our story, as the Spirit of God shall vouchsafe to direct us.* Over and besides this, the aforesaid William, as he was a warrior, so he delighting in forts and bulwarks, f203 buildt four strong castles, two at York, one at Nottingham, and another at Lincoln, which garrisons he furnished with Normans.

    About the third year of his reign, Harold and Canute, sons of Swanus, king of Denmark, entered into the north country. The Normans within York, fearing that the Englishmen would aid the Danes, fired the suburbs of the town; whereof the flame was so big, and the wind so strong, that it reached the city, and burnt a great part thereof, with the minister of St. Peter, where no doubt many worthy works and monuments of books were consumed, in the time whereof the Danes, by favor of some of the citizens, entered the city, and slew more than three thousand of the Normans. But not long after King William chased them out, and drove them to their ships, and took such displeasure with the inhabitants of that country, that he destroyed the land from York to Durham, so that nine years after the province lay waste and unmanured, except only St. John’s land of Beverly; and the people thereof were so strictly kept in penury by the war of the king, that, as our English story saith, they eat rats, cats, and dogs, and other vermin.

    Also, in the fourth year of this king, Malcolm, king of Scots, entered into Northumberland, and destroyed the country, and slew there much of the people, both men, women, and children, after a lamentable sort, and took some prisoners. But within two years after, King William made such war upon the Scots, that he forced Malcolm their king to do him homage.

    And thus much concerning the outward calamities of this realm under this foreign conqueror, which is now the fifth time that the said land with the inhabitants thereof hath been scourged by the hand of God. First, by the Romans in the time of Julius Caesar; then by the Scots and Picts, as hath been showed; afterward by the Saxons. Again, the Saxons or Englishmen did not enjoy the possession of Britain with long quiet, but were brought into as much subjection themselves under the Danes as they had brought the Britons before, and even much more, insomuch that through all England, if an Englishman had met a Dane upon a bridge, he might not stir one foot before the Lord Dane (otherwise Lurdane) were past. And then if the Englishman had not given low reverence to the Dane at his coming by, he was sure to be sharply punished, as above hath been declared. This subjection continued almost from the reign of King Ethelwolf till the reign of King Edward, for the space of two hundred and thirty years; a127 and yet the indignation of God then ceased not, but stirred up the Normans against them, who conquered and altered the whole realm after their own purpose; insomuch that besides the innovation of the laws, coins, and possessions, there was almost in no church in England any English bishop, but only Normans and foreigners placed through all their dioceses. To such misery was this land then brought, that not only of all the English nobility not one house was standing, but also it was thought reproachful to be called an Englishman. This punishment of God against the English nation, writers do ass,g~ diversely to divers causes, as partly before is touched; of whom some assign this to be the cause as followeth in the words of the story: that whereas they grew to such dissoluteness, that they left no other realm like unto them in iniquity, etc. Again some, writing of the vision of King Edward, a little before the invasion of the Normans, testify how the king, reporting of his own Vision, should hear that for the great enormity and misbehavior of the head dukes, bishops, and abbots of the realm, the kingdom should be given to the hand of their enemies after the decease of him, for the space of one hundred years and one day; which space was also seen by William the Conqueror, to be one hundred and fifty years, and that his progeny so long should continue.

    Again, some writers, treating of this so great wrath of God upon the English people, declare the cause thereof as followeth: “ Like as the Englishmen did subdue the Britons, whom God proposed for their descryings to exterminate, and them unjustly did dispossess of their land, so they should like wise be subdued and scourged with a double persecution, first by the Danes,. and after by the Normans:” etc.- Moreover to these injuries and iniquities done and wrought by the Englishmen, hitherto recited, let us add also the cruel villany of this nation, in murdering and tithing the innocent Normans before, who coming as strangers with Alfred, the lawful heir of the crown, were despitefully put to death; which seemeth to me no little cause why the Lord, whose doings be always just and right, did suffer the Normans so to prevail. By the coming in of these Normans, and by their quarrel unto the realm, three things we may note and learn. First, to consider and learn the righteous retribution and wrath of God from heaven upon all iniquity and unrighteous dealing of men. Secondly, we may thereby note, what it is for princes to leave no issue or sure succession behind them. Thirdly, what dangers often do chance to realms public by foreign marriage with other princes.

    In the same fourth year of this king, between Easter and Whitsuntide, a128 was holden a solemn council at Winchester of the clergy of England, at the which were present Hermenfred, bishop of Sion, and two cardinals sent from Pope Alexander II, Peter and John. In this council, the king being present, were deposed divers bishops, abbots, and priors, by the means of the king, without any evident cause; to the intent his Normans might be preferred to the rule of the church, as he had preferred his knights before to the rule of the temporalty, thereby to stand in more surety of the land; amongst whom also Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury, was put down for three causes against him pretended.

    The first was , for that he had unlawfully held the bishopric of Winchester together with the archbishopric, a129 The second was , for that while Robert the archbishop above mentioned was living, he sometimes used his pall which he had left at Canterbury when he was unjustly banished from England. a129 The third cause was , for that he had received a pall of Benedict X, bishop of Rome, which Benedict for buying his popedom was de posed, as is showed before. a129 f208 Then Stigand well proved the benevolence of King William, for whereas before, the king seemed in friendly countenance to make much of him, and did unto him great reverence, then he changed all his mildness into sternness, and excused himself by the bishop of Rome authority, so that in the end Stigand was deprived of his dignity, and kept in Winchester as a prisoner during his life. This Stigand is noted for a man so covetous and sparing, that when he would take nothing of his own, and would swear that he had not a penny, yet by a key fastened about his neck was found great treasure of his under the ground.

    At the same time was preferred to the archbishopric of York, Thomas, a Norman, and canon of Baieux. a130 At the which time also Lanfranc, abbot of St. Stephen’s at Caen, a Lombard and Italian born, was sent for, and made archbishop of Canterbury, between which two archbishops, about their consecration, first began a contention for giving and taking the oath of obedience; but that contention was, at that time, appeased by the king, and Thomas was contented to sub scribe to the archbishop of Canterbury’s obedience.

    After this, it followed within short space, that the said Lanfranc, and Thomas, archbishop of York, who first built the minister of York, and gave possessions thereunto, came to Rome with Remigias, bishop of Dorchester, fox their palls, as the manner was; without which no archbishop nor bishop could be confirmed, although their election were never so lawful. This pall must be asked nowhere but of the pope or his assigns, and that within three months; also it must be asked not faintly, but mightily (Dist. 100, cap. “prisca”); which, as it was a chargeable thing to other nations, especially such as were far from Rome, so it was no small gain to the Romish see, so as they did order it. For although at the beginning, the pall was given without money, according to the decree Dist. 100, or for little, as was the case in this time of Lanfranc; yet, in process of years it grew to such excess, that whereas the bishop of Mentz was wont to give to Rome but ten thousand florins, afterwards it arose so, that he who asked his confirmation, could not obtain it without twenty thousand; and from thence it exceeded to five and twenty thousand, and at length to seven and twenty thousand florins, which sum Jacob, archbishop of Mentz, was pressed to pay; insomuch that the said Jacob at his departing, which was within four years after, said, that his death did not so much grieve him as to remember his poor subjects, who should be constrained to pay so terrible a fine for the pope’s pall. Now by this, what did arise to the pope in the whole of Germany, containing in it above fifty bishoprics, besides the abbeys, may be easily conjectured. Lanfranc thus coming to Rome, with the other two bishops, he, for the estimation of his learning, obtained of Alexander two palls, one of honor, the other of love. Item, he ob tained for the other two bishops also their confirmation.

    At this time, they being there present before Alexander, the controversy began first to be moved, or rather renewed, for the primacy betwixt the two metropolitans, that is, betwixt the archbishop of Canterbury and the archbishop of York, whether of them should have pre-eminence above the other; for Canterbury challenged to himself prerogative and the primacy over the whole of Britain and Ireland. The which contention continued a long season betwixt these two churches, and was often renewed in the days of divers kings after this; as in the reign of Henry I, betwixt Thurstin of York and Radulph of Canterbury; and again, in the seven and twentieth year of the said king, at his second coronation, for Radulph would not suffer the first coronation to stand, because it was done by the bishop of York, without his assent . a132 Also, in the reign of Henry II, where Pope Alexander III made a letter decretal betwixt these two metropolitans, for bearing the cross, .A.D. 1159. Also, another time, in the reign of the said king, betwixt Richard of Canterbury and Roger of York. Again, about A.D. 1170, when Thomas Becket, hearing the king to be crowned of Roger, bishop of York, complained thereof grievously to Pope Alexander III. Item, another time, A.D. 1176, betwixt Richard and the said Roger, whether of them should sit on the right hand of Cardinal Hugo in his council in London. Moreover, in the beginning of the reign of King Richard, A.D. 1190, betwixt Baldwin of Canterbury and Godfrid of York.

    Now to proceed in the story hereof: after this question was brought, as is said, to the pope’s presence, he, not disposed to decide the matter, sent them home to England, there to have their cause determined. Whereupon they, speeding themselves from Rome to England, A.D. 1072, and in the sixth year (as it is said) of this William, brought the matter a133 before the king and the clergy at Windsor. Where Lanfranc, first alleging for himself brought in, how that from the time of Austin to the time of Bede (which was about one hundred and forty years) the bishop of Canterbury had ever the primacy over the whole land of Britain and Ireland; how he kept his councils divers times within the precincts of York; how he did call and cite the bishops of York thereto, whereof some he did constitute, some he did excommunicate, and some he did remove: besides also he alleged divers privileges granted by princes and prelates to the primacy of that see.

    To this Thomas, archbishop of York, replieth again, and first beginning with the first original of the Britons’ church declareth, in order of time, how the Britons, first possessioners of this kingdom of Britain, which endured from Brutus and Cadwallader two thousand and seventy-six years under a hundred and. two kings, at length received the Christian, faith A.D. 180, in the time of Lucius, their king; when Eleutherius, bishop of Rome, sent Faganus and Damianus preachers unto them; at which time, after their conversion, they assigned and ordained in the realm eight and twenty bishops, with two archbishops, Theonus, the archbishop of London, and Theodosius, archbishop of York. Under those bishops and archbishops the church of Britain was governed after their conversion, almost three hundred years, till at length the Saxons, being then infidels, with Hengist their king, subdued the Britons by fraudulent murder, and invaded their land, which was about A.D. 440. After this, the Britons being driven into Cambria, which we now call Wales, the Saxons overrunning the land, divided themselves into seven kingdoms; and so, being infidels and pagans, continued till the time that Gregory, bishop of Rome, sent Augustine to preach unto them; who, coming first to Dover, being then the chief city of Kent (called in Latin Dorobernia), and there planting himself, converted first the king of Kent, called Ethelbert, who had then subdued certain other kings as far as the Humber. By reason of this Augustine was made archbishop of Dover, by the appointment of Gregory I., about A.D. 600, who sent him certain palls with his letter from Rome, as before is expressed, which letter being recited, Thomas expounding upon the same, beginneth to declare for himself, how the meaning of Gregory in this letter was, to reduce the new church of Saxons or Englishmen to the order that was in the old time among the Britons; that is, to be under two metropolitans, one of London, the other of York; for so the church was ordered in the time of the Britons, as is before declared.

    Notwithstanding he giveth to Augustine this prerogative during his lifetime, to have authority and jurisdiction, not only over his twelve bishops, but upon all other bishops and priests in England; and after his decease then these two metropolitans, London and York, to oversee the whole clergy, as in times past amongst the Britons, whom he joineth together after the death of Augustine, to constitute bishops, and to oversee the church. That he meaneth London to be equal in authority with York, it appeareth by four arguments: First, in that he willeth London to be consecrated by no bishop, but of his own synod: Secondly, in that he willeth no distinction of honor to be betwixt London and York, but only according to that as each one of them is elder in time Thirdly, in that he matcheth these two together in common counsel and with one agreement to consent together in doing and disposing such things as they shall consult upon, in the zeal of Christ Jesus; and that, in such sort, that one should not dissent nor discord from the other; what meaneth this, but that they should govern together, whom he would not to dissent together? Fourthly, in that he writeth, that the bishop of York should not be subject to the bishop of London; what meaneth this, but that the bishop of London should be equivalent with the metropolitan of York, or rather superior unto him?

    And thus he expounded the meaning of Gregory to be in the aforesaid letter. To whom Lanfranc again answereth, that he was not the bishop of London, and that the question pertained not to London. Thomas replieth, having on his part many favorers, that this privilege was granted by Gregory to Augustine alone, to have all other bishops subject to him; but after his decease there should be equality of honor betwixt London and York, without any distinction of priority, save only that priority of time should make superiority between them. And although Augustine translated the see from London to Kent, yet Gregory, if his mind had been to give the same prerogative to the successors of Augustine, which he gave to him, would expressly have uttered it in the words of his epistle, writing thus to Augustine: “That which I give to thee, Augustine, I give also and grant to all thy successors after thee.” But in that he maketh here no mention of his successors, it appeareth thereby, that it was not his mind so to do.

    To this Lanfranc argueth again, “If this authority had been given to Augustine alone, and not to his successors, it had been but a small gift, proceeding from the apostolic see, to his special and familiar friend; especially seeing also that Augustine in all his life did constitute no bishop of York, neither was there any such bishop to be subject to him. Again, we have privileges from the apostolic see, which confirm this dignity in the successors of Augustine, in the same see of Dover. Moreover, all Englishmen think it both right and reason to fetch the direction of well living from that place, where first they took the sparkle of fight believing.

    Further, whereas you say that Gregory might have confirmed with plain words the same thing to the successors of Augustine, which he gave unto him; all that I grant: yet notwithstanding, this is nothing prejudicial to the see of Canterbury. For, if you know your logic, that which is true in the whole is also true in the part; and what is true in the more, is also true in the less. Now the church of Rome is as the whole, to whom all other churches be as parts thereof; and as ‘homo,’ i.e. mankind, is ‘genus,’ i.e. the general in a certain respect to all his ‘individua,’ i.e. to all particular persons, yet in every particular person lieth the property of the general; so in like manner the see of Rome in a certain respect is the general, and the whole to other churches, and yet in every particular church is contained the whole fullness of the whole Christian faith. As the church of Rome is greater than all churches, that which is wrought in it ought to work in the less churches also, so that the authority of every chief head of the church ought to stand also in them that do succeed, unless there be any precise exception made by name. Wherefore like as the Lord said to all bishops of Rome the same thing which he said to Peter, so Gregory in like manner said to all the successors of Augustine, that which he said to Augustine. So thus I conclude: Likewise as the bishop of Canterbury is subject to Rome, because he had his faith from thence, so York ought to be in subjection to Canterbury, which sent the first preachers thither. Now, whereas you allege, that Gregory would Augustine to be resident in London, that is utterly uncertain, for how is it to be thought that such a disciple would do contrary to the mind of such a master? But grant, as you say, that Augustine removed to London, what is that to me, who am not bishop of London? Notwithstanding all this controversy ceasing betwixt us, if it shall please you to come to some peaceable compo sition with me, all contention set apart, you shall find me not out of the way, so far as reason and equity shall extend.”

    With these reasons of Lanfranc, Thomas gave over, condescend ing that his province should begin at the Humber. Whereupon it was then decreed that York from that time should be subject to Canterbury in all matters appertaining to the rites and regiment of the catholic church; so that wheresoever within England Canterbury should or would hold his council, the bishop of York should resort thither with his bishops, and be obedient to his decrees canonical. Provided moreover that when the bishop of Canter bury should decease, York should repair unto Dover, there to consecrate with others the bishop that should be elect. And if York should decease, his successor should resort to Canterbury, or else where the bishop of Canterbury should appoint, there to receive his consecration, making his profession there, with an oath of canonical obedience. Thomas being content withal, Lanfranc, the Italian, triumpheth with no small joy, and putteth the matter forthwith in writing, that the memory thereof might remain to the posterity of his successors. But yet that decree did not long stand; for, shortly after, the same sear, so superficially cured, burst out again, insomuch that in the reign of King Henry I, A.D. 1121, Thurstin, archbishop of York, could not be compelled to swear to the archbishop of Canterbury; and yet, notwithstanding, by the letters of Calixtus II, was consecrated without any profession made to the said bishop, with much more matter of contention, all which to recite it were too long. But this I thought to commit to history, to the intent men might see the lamentable decay of true Christianity amongst the Christian bishops, who, inflamed with glorious ambition, so contended for honor, that without mere forcement of law, no modesty could take place.

    Of such like contentions among prelates of the clergy for superiority, we read of divers in old chronicles, a134 as in the history entitled Chronicon Hirsfeldense, where is declared a bloody conflict, which twice happened in the church of Goslar, between Hecdon, bishop of Hildesheim, and Wederatus, bishop of Fulda, and all for the superior place, who should sit next to the emperor; the emperor himself being there present, and looking on, and yet not able to stay them.

    Thus I have described the troublous contention between Lanfranc and Thomas, metropolitan of York, in the days of Alexander, of which controversy, and of the whole discourse thereof, Lanfranc writeth to Pope Alexander. f217 In the story before of King Egelred, was declared, about A.D. 1016, how the bishopric of Lindisfarne, otherwise named Holy-island, in the flood of Tweed, was translated to Durham; so likewise in the days of this Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, A.D. 1076, divers bishops’ sees were altered and removed from townships to greater cities; as the bishopric of Selsey, to Chichester; of Cornwall to Exeter; of Wells to Bath; of Sherborne to Salisbury; of Dorchester to Lincoln; of Lichfield to Chester; the bishopric of Chester, Robert being then bishop, being reduced from Chester to Coventry. Like wise after that, in the reign of William Rufus, A.D. 1095, Herbert, bishop of Thetford, from thence reduced the see to Norwich, etc.

    As concerning Dover and Canterbury, whether the see was like wise translated from the town of Dover to the city of Canterbury in the time of Theodore, or whether Canterbury in old time had the name of Dorobernia, as the letter of Lanfranc to Pope Alexander abovementioned doth pretend, I find it not in histories expressly defined; save that I read in the words of William, being yet duke of Normandy, charging then Harold to make a well of water for the king’s use in the castle of Dorobernia, that the said Dorobernia then was taken for that which we now call Dover; but whether Dorobernia and the city of Canterbury be both one or divers, the matter is not great. Notwithstanding a135 this I read in the epistle of Pope Boniface III to King Ethelbert, as also in one of Boniface V to Justus, the archbishop; in one of Pope Honorius I to archbishop. Honorius; in one of Pope Vitalian to Theodore; in one of Pope Sergius I to Icings Ethelred, Alfred, and Adulphus, and to the bishops of England; like-wise in one of Pope Gregory III to the bishops of England; of Pope Leo III. to Athelard, archbishop of Canterbury; of Formosus to the bishops of England; and of Pope John XII. to Dunstan; that the names of Dorobernia and Canterbury indifferently are taken for one matter. f218 In this time, and by the procuring of this Lanfranc, the ninth year of this king a council was holden at London, where among the acts thereof these were the principal things concluded: f219 1. For the order of sitting, a136 that the archbishop of York should sit on the right hand and the bishop of London on the left hand, and Winchester next to York; or in the absence of York, London should have the right, and Winchester the left hand of the archbishop of Canterbury sitting in council. 2. That bishops should translate their sees from villages into cities: whereupon the sees of Sherborn, Selsey, and Lichfield, were translated to Salisbury, Chichester, and Chester: some others were reserved for the king’s decision on his return from France. f220 3. That monks should have nothing in proper; and if any so had, he dying unconfessed should not be rung for, nor buried in the churchyard, nor mass said for his soul. 4. That no clerk or monk of any other diocese should be retained as such, or admitted to orders, without letters commendatory or testimonial. 5. That none should speak in the council except bishops and abbots, without leave of the metropolitan, 6. That none should marry within the seventh degree, with any either of his own kindred, or kindred of his wife’s departed. 7. That none should either buy or sell holy orders, or any office within the church pertaining to the cure of souls. 8. That no sorcery or any divination should be used or permitted. 9. That no bishop or abbot, or any of the clergy, should be at the judgment of any man’s death or dismembering, neither should be any fautor of the judicants in such causes.

    Moreover in the days of this Lanfranc divers good bishops of the realm began to take part with priests against the monks, in displacing these out of their churches, and to restore the married priests again, insomuch that Walkelm, bishop of Winchester, had placed above forty canons instead of monks for his part; but this godly enter- prize was stopped by stout Lanfranc, the Italian Lombard. This lusty prelate sat nineteen years, but at his latter end he was not so favored of William Rufus, and died for sorrow.

    Although this Italian Frank being archbishop had little leisure to write, yet something he thought to do to set out his famous learning, and wrote a book against Berengarius, entitling it “Opus Scintillarum.” The old church of Canterbury he plucked down, and built up the new. a138 After the death of Pope Alexander II., abovementioned, next unto him followed Hildebrand, surnamed Gregory VII. This Hildebrand, as he was a sorcerer, so was he the first and principal cause of all this perturbation that is now, and hath been since his time, in the church; by reason that through his example all this ambition, stoutness, and pride, entered first into the church of Rome, and hath ever since continued. For before Hildebrand came to Rome, working there his feats, setting up and displacing what bishops he listed, corrupting them with pernicious counsel, and setting them against emperors, under pretense of chastity destroying matrimony, and under the title of liberty breaking peace, and resisting authority; before this, I say, the church of Rome was in some order, and bishops quietly governed under christian emperors, and also were defended by the same; as Marcellus, a139 Miltiades, and Sylvester, were subdued and under obedience to Constantine, A.D. 840; Siricius to Theodosius, A.D. 388; Hilary to Justinian, A.D. 528; Gregory to Mauritius, A.D. 600; Adrian and Leo to Charlemagne, A.D. 801; Paschal and Valentine to Ludovicus Pins, A.D. 820: Sergius II unto Lothaire, A.D. 845; Benedict III and John VIII unto Louis, son of Lothaire, a.D. 856.

    Against this obedience and subjection Hildebrand was the first who began to spurn, and by his example taught all other bishops to do the like; insomuch that at length they wrought and brought to pass that it should be lawful for a few courtesans and cardinals (contrary to ancient ordinance and statutes decretal)to choose what pope they list, without any consent of the emperor at all. And whereas before it stood in the emperors’ gift to give and to grant bishoprics, archbishoprics, benefices, and other ecclesiastical preferments within their own limits, to whom they list; now the popes, through much wrestling, wars, and contention, have extorted all that into their own hands, and to their assigns, yea, have plucked in all the riches and power of the whole world; and not content with that, have usurped and prevailed so much above emperors, that, as before, no pope might be chosen without the confirmation of the emperor, so now no emperor may be elected without the confirmation of the pope, taking upon them more than princes to place or displace emperors at their pleasure for every light cause, and to put down or set up when and whom they listed; as Frederic I, for holding the left stirrup of the pope’s saddle, was persecuted almost to excommunication; which cause moveth me to strain more diligence here, in setting out the history, acts, and doings of this Hildebrand, from whom, as the first patron and founder, sprang all this ambition and contention about the liberties and dominion of the Roman church; to the intent that such as cannot read the Latin histories may understand in English the original of evils: how and by what occasion they first began, and how long they have continued.

    And first, how this Hildebrand hitherto had behaved himself before he was pope, I have partly declared. For though he was not yet pope in name, yet he was then pope indeed, and ruled the popes and all their doings as him listed. Item, what ways and fetches he had attempted ever since his first coming to the court of Rome, to magnify and maintain false liberty against true authority; what practice he wrought by councils, what factions and conspiracies he made, in stirring up popes against emperors, striving for superiority; and what wars followed thereof, I have also expressed. Now let us see further (by the help of Christ) the worthy virtues of this princely prelate, after he came to be pope, as they remain in histories of divers and sundry writers described.

    THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF GREGORY VII, OTHERWISE NAMED HILDEBRAND Hitherto the bishops of Rome have been elected by voices and suffrages of all sorts and deuces, as well of the priests and the clergy, as of the nobility, people, and senate, all conventing and assembling together.

    And this election a141 I find to stand in force, if so be it were ratified and confirmed by the consent of the Roman emperors, who had authority to call these, as well as other bishops, unto councils as case required.

    Moreover, all other prelates whatso ever, and the masters of monasteries and religious houses—both in Germany, France, Italy, and throughout the whole Roman world—according to the ancient usage were appointed by the emperors, with the advice of their council, and by the suffrages of the chief estates assembled together, as is declared by Aventine in his account of Charlemagne. The holy and ancient fathers (like as Christ our Lord with his disciples and apostles both taught and did) honored and esteemed their emperors as the supreme potestate next under God on earth, as above all other mortal men, and as set up, ordained, elected, and crowned of God, and called them their lords. To them they yielded tribute, and paid their subsidies, and also prayed every day for their life. Such as rebelled against them they took as rebels and resisters against God’s ordinance and Christian piety. the name of the emperor then was of great majesty, and received as given from God. Then these fathers of the church never intermeddled nor en tangled themselves with politic affairs of the commonweal; much less occupied they martial arms and matters of chivalry. Only in poverty and modesty was all their contention with other Christians, who should be poorest and most modest among them, and the more humbleness appeared in any, the higher opinion they conceived of him. The sharp and two-edged sword they took, given to the church of Christ, to save, and not to kill; to quicken, and not to destroy; and called it the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God, the life and light of men, and revoketh from death to life, making of men, gods; of mortal, immortal.

    Far were they from that, to thrust out any prince or king (though he were ever so far out of the way, yea an Arian) from his kingdom, or to curse him, to release his sub jects from their oath and their allegiance, to change and translate kingdoms, to subvert empires, to pollute themselves with Christian blood, or to war with their Christian brethren for rule and principality. This was not their spirit and manner then, but rather they loved and obeyed their princes. Again, princes loved them also like fathers and fellow-princes with them over the souls of men. Now this Gregory VII, otherwise named Hildebrand, trusting to the Normans, who then ruffled about Apulia, Calabria, and Campania, trusting also to the power of Matilda, a stout woman there about Rome, and partly again bearing himself bold for the discord among the Germans, first of all others (contrary to the manner of the elders) contemning the authority of the emperor, invaded the cathedral see of Rome, vaunting himself as having both the ecclesiastical and temporal sword committed to him by Christ, and that fullness of power was in his hand, to bind and loose whatsoever he listed. Whereupon thus he presumed to occupy both the regiments, to challenge all the whole dominion of the West, a142 yea, and to encroach all power to himself alone, abiding none to be equal, much less superior unto him; derogating from others, and arrogating to himself their due right and honor, setting at light Cesars, kings, and emperors, as who thus reigned but by his own god-a-mercy. Bishops and prelates as his underlings he kept in awe, suspending and cursing, and chopping off their heads, stirring up strife and wars, sowing of discord, making factions, releasing oaths, defeating fidelity and due allegiance of subjects to their princes. Yea, and if he had offended or injured the emperor himself, yet notwithstanding he ought to be feared, as he himself glorieth in a certain epistle, as one that could not err, and had received of Christ our Savior, and of Peter, authority to bind and unbind at his will and pleasure. Priests then in those days had wives openly and lawfully (no law forbidding to the contrary), as appeareth by the deeds and writings of the donations, which were given to churches and monasteries, wherein their wives also be cited with them for witness, and are called Presbyterissae. Also bishops, a143 prelates, parsons of churches, governors of the clergy, masters of mo nasteries and religious houses—all these were, in those times, in the emperor’s ordination, to assign by voice or consent to whom he would. Now these two things this Pope Gregory could not abide; for which two causes only was all his striving and driving from his first beginning to abolish the marriage of priests, and to translate the authority imperial to the clergy; for to this scope only tended all his labor, practice, and devices, as appeared before in the council of Lateran under Pope Nicholas, and also in the council of Mantua under Alexander, making their marriage heresy, and the other to be simony. And that which before he went about by others, now he practiseth by himself, to condemn ministers that were married for Nicolaitans, and to treat any spiritual regiment of secular persons as simony, directing forth his letters upon the same to Henry the emperor; also to dukes, princes, potestates, tetrarchs; namely to Berchtold duke of Zeringhen, to Ro-dolph duke of Suabia, to Welph duke of Bavaria, Adalberon bishop of Wurtzburg, and to their wives; item, to bishops, archbishops, priests, and to all the people. In the which letters he denounceth them to be no priests, so many as were married, forbidding men to salute them, to talk, to eat, to company with them, to pay them tithes, or to obey them, if they would not be obedient to him. Amongst all other he directed special letters to Otho, bishop of Constance, concerning this matter; but Otho, perceiving the ungodly and unreasonable pretense of Hildebrand, would neither separate those who were married from their wives, nor yet forbid those to marry who were unmarried.”

    THE COPY OF THE LETTER OF HILDEBRAND SENT TO THE BISHOP OF CONSTANCE, AGAINST PRIESTS’ MARRIAGES.

    Gregory, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to the clergy and laity, both more and less, within the diocese of Constance, salutation and benediction. We have directed to our brother Otho, your bishop, our letters exhortatory; wherein we enjoined him, according to the necessity of our duty, by the authority apostolical, that he should utterly abolish out of his church the heresy of simony, and also should cause with all diligence to be preached the chastity of priests. But he, neither moved with reverence for St. Peter’s precept, nor yet with the regard of his duty, neglected to do these things, whereunto we so fatherly have exhorted him; incurring thereby a double offense, not only of disobedience, but also of rebellion, in that he hath gone and done clean contrary to our commandment, yea, rather the commandment of blessed St. Peter, so that he hath permitted his clergy, not only such as had wives, not to put them away, but also such as had none, to take unto them. Whereupon we being truly informed thereof, and grieved therewith, have directed to him another letter, declaring the motion of our displeasure and indignation. In which letters also we have cited him up to our council at Rome, there to appear and give account of his disobedience in the audience of the whole synod. And now therefore we thought it best to signify this to you (our dear children), whereby in this behalf we might the better provide for your health and salvation; for if your bishop shall continue so obstinately to repugn and resist against our commandment, he is not meet to sit over you, etc. Wherefore these shall be to command you, and all those that be obedient to God, and to blessed St. Peter, by our apostolical authority, that if this your bishop shall persist in his obstinacy, you that be his subjects hereafter give to him no service nor obedience; for the which thing doing, we here discharge you before God and your souls. For if your bishop shall seem contrary to the decreements and injunctions apostolical, we, through the apostolical authority of St. Peter, discharge and absolve you from the band of your allegiance to him.

    So that if you be sworn to him, so long as he is a rebel against God and the apostolic seat, we loose you from the peril of your oath, that you shall not need to fear therein any danger, etc.

    Otho, bishop of Constance, thus being cited, whether he did appear personally himself, I do not read. This I read and find, that in the said council holden at Rome, Hildebrand, with other bishops of Rome, did then enact, among many others, these three things most special: First, that no priest, hereafter, should marry. Secondly, that all such as were married should be divorced. Thirdly, that none hereafter should be admitted to the order of priesthood, but should swear perpetual chastity, etc. This council of Rome being ended, forthwith the act of Hildebrand concerning the single life of priests was proclaimed and published in all places, and strict commandment given to bishops to execute the same.

    THE COPY OF HIS BULL SENT INTO ITALY AND GERMANY.

    Gregory, the pope, otherwise Hildebrand, the servant of the servants of God, sendeth the apostle’s blessing to all those within the kingdoms of Italy and Germany, who show their true obedience to St. Peter. If there be any priests, deacons, and subdeacons, that still will remain in the sin of fornication, we forbid them the church’s entrance, by the omnipotent power of God, and by the authority of St. Peter, till in time they amend and repent. But, if they persevere in their sin, we charge that none of you presume to hear their service; for their blessing is turned into cursing, and their prayer into sin, as the Lord doth testify to us by his prophets, “I will turn your blessing,” etc.

    The bishops of France a144 being called upon daily with the pope’s letters, were compelled to obey the decree of the council; but the residue of the clergy, manfully and stoutly withstanding the pope’s decree and enforcement of their bishops, would not agree, but repined thereat, and said that the council did manifestly repugn against the word of God, and that the pope did take from priests that which both God and nature had given them; and therefore that that person was a heretic, and author of a wicked doctrine, who ruled and governed not by the Spirit of God, but by Satan. That the decree and act set forth tended directly against the word of God and the saying of Christ, “ Non omnes capiunt verbum hoc:” “All men have not the gift and capacity of this word.” Also that it was against the sound doctrine of St. Paul, writing these words, — “ As concerning virginity, I have no commandment of the Lord,” etc.; again; “He that cannot otherwise live continent, let him marry.” Also, that it was against the canons both of the apostles and of the Nicene Council. Moreover, that it was against the course of nature, which he required, namely, that men being sequestered from their natural wives and women, should be coacted to live as angels; that is, to perform that which nature doth not give; and, therefore, that the bishop therein did open .a pernicious window to uncleanness and to fornication. In sum, giving up their answer, thus they concluded: that they had rather give up their benefices than forsake their natural and lawful wives, against the word of Christ; and, finally, if married priests could not please them, they should call down angels from heaven to serve the churches. But Hildebrand, nothing moved, neither with honest reason nor with the authority of holy Scripture, nor with the determination of the Nicene Council, nor any thing else, followeth up this matter, and calling upon the bishops still, with his letters and legates, doth solicit their minds, accusing them of negligence and dastardliness, and threatening them with excommunication, unless they cause their priests to obey his decree enjoined them. Where upon a great number of bishops, for fear of the pope’s tyranny, labored the matter with their priests, by all means possible, to bereave them of their accustomed matrimony.

    Amongst others, the archbishop of Mentz, perceiving this act of: taking away priests’ marriage might breed him no little trouble, talketh with his clergy gently, admonisheth them of the pope’s mind and decree, and giveth them half a year’s respite to deliberate upon the case; exhorting them diligently to show themselves obedient to the pope and to him, and to grant with good will that which at length, will they, hill they, they must needs be forced unto; and therefore of their own accord to stand content therewith, lest the pope should be compelled to attempt ways of sharper severity. The time of deliberation expired, the archbishop assembleth his clergy at Erfurdt, in the month of October, and there willeth them, according to the pontifical decree, either to abjure for ever all matrimony, or else to renounce their benefices and ecclesiastical livings. the clergy again defend themselves against the pope’s decree with the Scriptures, with reason, with the acts of general councils, with the examples of their ancestors, by divers strong arguments declaring the pope’s decree not to be consonant nor one that ought to take effect. But the arch bishop said he was compelled so of the pope, and could not otherwise do, but execute that was enjoined him.

    The clergy seeing that no reason nor prayer, nor disputation would serve, left the synod on pretense of consulting among themselves what was best to be done. Some gave counsel not to return again to the synod: some thought it good to return and to thrust out the arch bishop from his see, and to give him due punishment of death for his deserving, that by the example of him other might be warned hereafter never to attempt that thing any more, to the prejudice of the church and the rightful liberty of ministers. After that it was signified to the archbishop by certain spies that were amongst them, what the clergy intended to do, the archbishop, to prevent and salve the matter sendeth to the priests certain messengers, bidding them to compose their minds and to return again to the synod, and promising that on the first favorable opportunity he would send to Rome and do his endeavor what he could to revoke and turn the mind of the bishop of Rome from the rigour of that sentence. So being persuaded, the next day they came again to the synod. The next year following, in the month of October, the archbishop of Mentz assembled there a council, to the which Hildebrand, the soldier of Satan, sendeth his legate, the bishop of Coire, with letters, wherein the archbishop was directed, under pain of degradation, again to propose the matter, and command all his clergy there to abrenounce for ever either their wives or their cure and ministry. the clergy defended their cause again with great constancy: but when no defension could take place, but all went by tyranny and mere extortion, it burst in the end to an uproar and tumult, where the legate and the archbishop, being in great danger, hardly escaped with their lives; and so the council brake up. By this schism and tumult it followed, that the churches after that, in choosing their priests, would not send them to the bishops (the enemies and suppressors of matrimony) to be confirmed and inducted, but did elect them within themselves, and so put them in their office without all leave or knowledge of bishops; who then agreed and were determined to admit no priests, but such as should take an oath of perpetual singleness, never to marry after: and thus first came up the oath and profession of single priesthood. Notwith standing, if other nations had followed the like constancy and concord of these German ministers, the devilish drift and decree of this Hildebrand, or rather ‘Hellbrand,’ had been frustrate and avoided; but this greediness of livings in weak priests made them to yield up their godly liberty to wicked tyranny. Yet this remaineth in these Germans to be noted, what concord can do in repressing inordinate requests of evil bishops, if they constantly stand to the truth, and hold together. And thus much for banishing of matrimony, f229 Now let us proceed to the contentions between wicked Hildebrand and the godly emperor. But before, by the way of digression, it shall not be much wide from the purpose to touch a little of the properties of this pope, as we find them described in certain epistles of Benno, a cardinal, writing to other cardinals of Rome; which Benno lived in the same time of Hildebrand, and detecteth the prodigious acts and doings of this monstrous pope. First he declares that he was a sorcerer most notable, and a necromancer, an old companion of Sylvester, of Laurentius, and. Theophylact, called other wise Benedict IX. Amongst others, Benno the cardinal writeth this history of him. f230 “Upon a certain time this Gregory, coming from Albano to Rome, had forgot behind him his familiar book of necromancy, which he was wont commonly to carry always with him. Whereupon remembering himself, on entering the port of Lateran, he calleth two of his most trusty familiars to fetch the book, charging them on no account to look within it. But they being so restrained, were the more desirous to open it, and to ‘peruse it, and so did. After they had read a little the secrets of the satanical book, suddenly there came about them the messengers of Satan, the multitude and terror of whom made them almost out of their wits. At length, they coming to them selves, the spirits were instant upon them to know wherefore they were called up, wherefore they were vexed; ‘quickly,’ said they, ‘tell us what ye would us to do, or else we will fall upon you, if ye retain us longer.’ Then spake one of the young men to them, bidding them go and pluck down yonder walls, pointing unto certain high walls there nigh to Rome, which they did in a moment. The young men crossing themselves for fear of the spirits, and scarcely recovering themselves, at length came to their master.”

    We read, moreover, in the epistle of the said Benno to the cardinals, as followeth: f231 “We have divers eminent persons and colleges of the church of Rome to mention, which refused to communicate with him; as Leo, then arch-priest of the cardinals, Benno, Ugobald, John the cardinal, and Peter, chancellor and cardinal, who were all instituted before this Hildebrand. These three, who were consecrated by him, that is to say, Natro, Innocent, and Leo, forsook him, cursing the detestable errors which he held: in like case Theodinus, whom he constituted archdeacon, and other cardinal-deacons more, John the present archdeacon, and Crescentius, John the master of the singing school, a147 with all his company, and Peter the Oblationer, with all his company except one; and certain others.

    And now, when this Hildebrand saw that the bishops also would forsake him, he called unto him the laymen and. made them privy of his design, that he intended to separate the bishops, that they should have no conference with the cardinals. After that he called together those bishops, and being guarded with bands of laymen he enforced the bishops, partly for fear, and partly by his menacing words, to swear unto him, that they should never disagree unto that which he would have done, that they should never defend the king’s quarrel, and that they should never favor or obey the pope that should in his stead be instituted. Which thing being done, he sent them, by means of the prince of Salerno, into Campagna; and thus did he separate them from the company of the cardinals, and from the city of Rome. And not only the bishops, but also the priests of the city, and clerks of inferior orders, as also the laymen, he bound by their oaths, that at no time nor for any cause they should condescend unto the king. “As soon as Pope Alexander was dead, who died somewhat before night, the same day, contrary to the canons, he was chosen pope of the laymen; but the cardinals subscribed not to his election, for the canons prescribe, under pain of cursing, that none should be chosen pope before the third day after the burial of his predecessor. But he, having thus by sinister means climbed to the see, removed the cardinals of the sacred see from being his privy council. With what persons, however, he consulted night and day, Rome well heard and saw. And he now, having put the cardinals from his counsels and person, his life, faith, and doctrine, no man could accuse or bear witness of; whereas in the canons, is commanded, that wheresoever the pope is, there should be with him three cardinal-priests and two deacons,to be his ecclesiastical witnesses, and for the honor of the truth. He violently wrested the sacred Scriptures to cover his falsehood; which kind of idolatry how great it is, manifestly throughout all the Scripture appeareth. Contrary to the minds and counsel of the cardinals, and beside the order of pro nouncing judgment determined by the canons, he rashly did excommunicate the emperor, being in no synod canonically accused before, to the which excommunicatian (saith Benno) none of the cardinals subscribed. As soon as he arose out of his seat papal to excommunicate the emperor, the same seat, being made but a little before with the strongest timber, suddenly, by the appointment of God, was rent and shivered in pieces; that all men might plainly understand, how great and terrible schisms that lubber was sowing against the church of Christ, and against the seat of St. Peter, by that his so perilous and presumptuous excommunication, and how cruelly he was breaking in pieces the chair of Christ, in trampling on the laws of the church, and ruling by might and austerity. “In the body of the said excommunication he inserted those very things wherein he himself erred from the catholic faith, viz. how he cut off the emperor by an unjust excommunication, and the bishops also communicating with him, and those who communicated with them; and thus rending the unity of the church, did as much as in him lay to make two churches. f234 Also the same bold merchant commanded that the cardinals should fast, to the intent that God might reveal whose opinion was better, whether that of the church of Rome, or of Berengarius, touching the controversy of the Lord’s body in the sacrament. And hereby he proved himself to be a manifest infidel, for that in the Nicene Council it is written: ‘He that doubteth in the faith is an infidel.’

    Further he sought for the sign to establish his faith concerning the article of the Lord’s body, which was vouchsafed to Gregory to confirm a woman’s faith, when the consecrated bread was transubstantiated into the form of a finger. He also sent two cardinals, Atto and Cuno, to St. Anastasie’s, that with Suppo the arch-priest of the same church they should begin a fast of three days’ space, and that every one of them, every day during those three days, should say over the Psalter, and sing masses, that Christ might show unto them the aforesaid sign of his body; which thing they could not obtain The emperor was wont oftentimes to go to St. Mary’s church, in the mount Aventine, to pray. Hildebrand, when he had by his espials searched out and knew all the doings of the emperor, caused the place to be marked where the emperor was accustomed, either standing or prostrate on his face, to pray, and for money he hired a naughty pack like himself, to gather and lay together a heap of great stones on the beams in the vaulted roof of the church, directly over the place where the emperor would stand, that in throwing the same down upon his bead, he might slay the emperor. About which purpose as the hireling hasted and was busy removing to the place a stone of great hugeness and weight, it broke the plank whereon it lay, and, the hireling standing thereupon, both together fell down from the roof to the pavement of the church, and with the same was dashed all in pieces. After the Romans had understanding of the handling of this matter, they fastened a rope to one of the feet of this hireling, and caused him to be drawn through the streets of the city three days together for an example to others. The emperor, notwithstanding, according to his wonted clemency, caused him to be buried.

    John, bishop of Porto, being one of the secret council of Hildebrand, came up into the pulpit of St. Peter, and amongst other things, in the hearing both of the clergy and people, said, ‘Hildebrand and we have committed such a deed, and so horrible, for the which we are all worthy to be burned alive,’ meaning of the sacrament of the body of Christ; which sacrament Hildebrand, when he thereof required a divine answer against the emperor, and it would not speak, threw into the fire and burned it, contrary to the persuasion of the cardinals who were there present, and would have resisted the same.

    On the Monday in the Easter-week, when the clergy and the people were assembled at St. Peter’s church to hear mass, after the gospel he went up into the pulpit, arrayed in his pontifical attire, and, in the presence of divers bishops and cardinals, and of a great company of the clergy, and of the senate and people of Rome, openly preached, among many other words of divination, that king Henry should die, without all peradventure, before the feast of St.

    Peter next ensuing; or else, at leastwise, that he should be so dejected from his kingdom, that he should not be able to muster above the number of six knights. To also declared from the pulpit with a loud voice to the bishops and cardinals, and to all that were present, ‘Never accept me for pope any more, but pluck me from the altar, if this prophecy be not fulfilled by the day appointed.’

    About the same time he went about, by help of privy murderers, to kill the emperor, but God preserved him. And many there were, even at the time, who thought Pope Hildebrand to have been privy to, nay, the deviser of, the treason, because that just before the attempt was made he presumed on the death of the king, being by him falsely prophesied of before; which words of His struck many men’s hearts. And so it came to pass that Hildebrand was openly condemned by his own mouth in the congregation, because, as we have said, he had adjudged himself to be no pope, neither that he ought be counted for pope any longer, but a traitor and liar, unless that before the feast of St. Peter, next coming, the emperor should die, or else should be deprived of all kingly honor, insomuch flint he should not be able to muster above six knights on his part. And thus by the appointment of God it came to pass, that by his own mouth he was condemned for a heretic.

    Thus saith the Lord, The prophet who of arrogancy will prophesy in my name those things which I have not commanded him, or else will prophesy in the name of other gods, let him be slain. And if thou shalt say with thyself, How shall I know what thing it is that the Lord hath not commanded to be spoken? this token shalt thou have to know it by: whatsoever thing the prophet shall prophesy in the name of the Lord, and the same come not to pass, that mayest thou be sure the Lord hath not spoken, but the prophet hath imagined through the haughtiness of his own mind, and therefore thou shalt not be afraid of him.’

    When the time was expired which Hildebrand in his divination had set, and yet neither the king was dead, nor the number of His troops impaired; fear ing, lest by the words of his own mouth he should be entrapped and condemned, subtilely he turned his tale, saying, and persuading the ignorant people, that he meant not of the body of the king, but of his soul; as though the soul of the king had lost all, saving six, of his knights, or else had been dead during that space; and thus by these sleights he beguiled the ignorant people. Against such prophets St. Gregory on Ezekiel saith, ‘Between true prophets and false this difference there is, that true prophets, if they speak any thing of their own mind, they be soon rebuked; but the false prophets both tell lies, and, not having the spirit of truth, persevere in their falsity. “Over and besides, the said Hildebrand sentenced to death three men, before they were convicted, or had confessed their crime, without the sentence of any secular judge, and caused them to be hanged upon a pair of gallows, over against the church of St. Peter, in a place called Palatiolum, without any delay or advisement, contrary to the laws which command, that even notorious criminals should have thirty days’ space before they be put to execution; which thing even amongst the pagans is in use and observed, as teacheth the authority of St. Ambrose, and the martyrdom of holy Marcellinus and Marcus.

    He cast Centius the son of Stephen, the praefect, into prison, being, before his trusty friend; and, in a vessel thick set with sharp nails, he put him to tortures worse than a thousand deaths; who, after he was escaped, apprehended the said Hildebrand. Of this apprehension, before he was set at liberty, he openly forgave all the conspirators; which thing afterwards, contrary to good faith, he revoked, and in revenge persecuted Centius, to whom he had forgiven all offenses, and nine of his men he hanged upon the gallows before St. Peter’s porch.

    There was, at the apprehension of Pope Hildebrand, a certain widow’s son, to whom, and to others more, for their penance, he enjoined a year’s banishment; which time being run out, the widow, in token of more ample satisfaction, thinking thereby to have appeased the mind of Hildebrand, put a halter about her son’s neck, and drawing him by the rope to the feet of Hildebrand said, ‘My lord pope, at your hands will I receive again my son, who one whole year hath endured banishment, and other penance, by your holiness enjoined.’ Then the said Hildebrand, dissembling his wrath for that instant because of those who were with him in company, delivered her her son very churlishly, saying, ‘Get thee hence, woman, I bid thee, and let me be at rest.’ After this he sent his officers, and apprehended the widow’s son, and gave commandment to the judges to put him to death; who with one consent answered and said, ‘That they could no more condemn or meddle with him, for that he had appealed once to the pope, and abidden the banishment, and done the penance by him enjoined for his crime committed.’ Hereupon this glorious Hildebrand, displeased with the judges, caused the foot of the widow’s son to be cut off, making neither repentance, nor the laws and ordinances, to be of any estima tion with him; and thus, his foot being cut off, he died within three days after with the pain thereof. Many other wicked deeds did this Hildebrand, upon whom the blood of the church crieth vengeance, shed by the sword of his tongue, with miserable treachery; for which things, and that justly, the church refused to communicate with him.” f235 ANOTHER EPISTLE OF BENNO TO THE CARDINALS To the venerable fathers of the church of Rome, and to his beloved and ever to be beloved brethren in Christ, Benno, cardinal of the church of Rome, wisheth faithful service, and health, in the communion of the catholic church: of the communion, and discipline, or power whereof, he vainly braggeth, who ever, presuming on his authority, shall unjustly bind or loose any manner of person. And he doth unjustly bind, whoever curseth any man who is willing to make satisfaction, and implores a hearing, being unconvicted, and not confessing the crime; nay rather, by cursing that party in vain he curseth and condemneth himself, turning his weapon upon his own person to his destruction. O strange and new-found treachery, proceeding from the sanctuary, nay, rather from him who, as high-priest, seemed to rule the church, and to be a judge over the judges!

    Hildebrand was earnestly in hand with the emperor, that he should deprive those bishops who came in by simony. The emperor, thinking, as a zealous prince, that this commission had proceeded from the throne of God, without delay obeyed the same, and, forthwith, without any consideration, or judicial order, deprived certain bishops, and thought that by this his obedience to Hildebrand he offered an acceptable sacrifice to God; not knowing as yet the crafty handling of the man. But Hildebrand then again replaced those whom the emperor for simony at his commandment had before deposed, and those whom by that means he had caused to bear a hateful heart to the emperor he attached to him self in great familiarity; and securing their fidelity by many and solemn oaths taken of them, he promoted them above all the rest. And, by these pranks, the imperial house being shortly after troubled and almost destitute of friends, he, craftily purchasing the friendship and favor of the greatest princes, the better to bring his matters to pass, suddenly, without any lawful accusation, without any canonical citation, without any judicial order, excommunicated the emperor (always so obedient to him), and set the princes of the empire all against him. And notwithstanding, as the apostle saith, that no man ought to circumvent his brother in any matter, as much as in him lay he rather mortally wounded him, than brotherly corrected him. Thus the emperor being many ways circumvented, and excommunicated against all canonical order, and by the consent and counsel of Hildebrand spoiled of the greatest part of his imperial honor, and overcharged with wars and immense slaughter of his faithful adherents, in vain desired and sued to have a canonical hearing, but was forced against his will at Canossa, in the presence of Hildebrand, to accuse himself’ by an extorted confession.

    Say you now, I pray you, all such as love justice, and know not to lean either to the right hand or to the left in favor of any person, say your minds, whether such a confession, so extorted, ought to be prejudicial to never so poor a man, much less to an emperor? and whether he who extorted the same confession is not amenable to the canons, rather than he who, being so perversely judged, for three days together suffered the injury and violence of his perverse judge, patiently and publicly, and with lamentable affliction, being barefoot, and clothed in linsey wolsey in an unusually sharp winter, being made a spectacle at Canossa both to angels and men, and a mocking-stock to that proud Hildebrand? Never trust me, if thirteen of the more wise and pious cardinals, the archdeacon himself, and the master of the singing school, besides many others of the clerks of Lateran (to whose judgment by the privilege of the holy see the whole world is obedient), weighing and considering his intolerable apostasy, did not depart from participating and refuse to communicate with him.

    This glorious Hildebrand, and his familiar, Turbanus, a152 by their new authority, breaking the decrees of the Chalcedon Council not only in words but also in public writings, have agreed, that it is allowable both to baptize and communicate out of the church of God: and how blind these men were, and also what heretics they were, their own writings do declare. What a mischief is this (saith Benno) that they presume to judge in the church, who swarm themselves in all errors: who also convert the truth itself into a lie; for lest the poisoned errors both of their words and writings should appear, they have, like sorcerers, the better to deceive, mixed the honey of truth therewithal: but a lie, saith St. Augustine, is every thing pronounced with the intent of deceiving others.

    It were too long and tedious here to recite all the detestable doings, and diabolical practices of conjurings, charms, and filthy sorceries, exercised between him, and Laurentius, and Theophylact, otherwise named Pope Benedict IX, whereof a long narration followeth in the aforesaid epistle of Benno to the cardinals to be seen, to which the reader may repair, whoso hath either leisure to read or mind to understand more of the abominable parts and devilish acts of this Hildebrand.

    Thus having sufficiently alleged the words and testimonies of Benno and Aventinus, concerning the acts and facts of this pope; now let us proceed, in the order as followeth in his story, to set forth the miserable vexation which the virtuous and godly emperor sustained by that ungodly person.

    About what time Hildebrand was made pope, Henry IV, the emperor, was encumbered and much vexed with civil dissention in Germany, by reason of certain grievances of the Saxons against him and his father, Henry III; whereupon the matter growing to sedition, sides were taken, and great wars ensued betwixt Otho, duke of Saxony, and Henry, the emperor. This busy time seemed to Hildebrand very opportune to work his feats, whose study and drift was ever from the beginning to advance the dominion of the Romish seat above all other bishops, and also to press down the authority of the temporal rulers under the spiritual men of the church. And although he went about the same long before by subtle trains and acts set forth concerning simony, yet now he thought more effectuously to accomplish his purposed intent, after that he was exalted thither where he would be.

    And therefore now bearing himself the bolder, by the authority of St.

    Peter’s throne, first he began to pursue the act set out by his predecessor, as touching simony, cursing and excommunicating, whosoever they were, that received any spiritual living or promotion at laymen’s hands, as also all such as were the givers thereof. For this he then called simony, that under that color he might defeat the temporal potestates of their right, and so bring the whole clergy at length to the lure of Rome. And forasmuch as the emperor was the head, thinking first to begin with him, he sendeth for him, by letters and legates, to appear in the council of Lateran at Rome. But the emperor, busied in his wars against the Saxons, had no leisure to attend to councils. Notwith standing Gregory, the pope, proceedeth in his council, rendering there the cause and reason before the bishops, why he had excommunicated divers of the clergy, as Herman, bishop of Bamberg, a153 counselor to the emperor, and other priests more, for simony. And there, moreover, in the said council he threateneth to excommunicate likewise the emperor himself, and to depose him from his regal kingdom, unless he would renounce the heresy of simony, and do penance. The council being ended, Guibert, archbishop of Ravenna, persuaded one Centius, the Roman praefect’s son, whom the pope had excommunicated, to take the emperor’s part against the pope, who, watching his time in the temple of St, Mary, upon Christmas-day in the morning, taketh the pope and putteth him fast in a strong tower. The next day the people of Rome, hearing this, harness themselves with all expedition to help the bishop, whom when they loosed out of prison, they besieged the house of Centius, and plucked it down to the ground; his family having their noses cut off were cast out of the city. Centius himself escaping, fled to the emperor. Guibert, the archbishop, pretending goodwill to the pope, departed from Rome; who, likewise, had wrought with Hugo Candidus, cardinal, and with Theobald, archbishop of Milan, also with divers other bishops about Italy, to forsake the pope and take the emperor’s part. Gregory the pope, called Hildebrand, hearing of the conspiracy, layeth the sentence of excommunication upon them all, and depriveth them of their dignity. the emperor, being moved not unworthily, with the arrogant presumption of the proud prelate, called together a council at Worms, in which all the bishops a154 not only of Saxony, but of all the whole empire of the Germans, agree and conclude upon the deposition of Hildebrand, and that no obedience hereafter should be given to him. This being determined in the council, Rowland, a priest of Parma, was sent to Rome with the sentence, who, in the name of the council, should command Gregory to yield up his seat, and also charge the cardinals to resort to the emperor, for a new election of another pope. The tenor of the sentence sent up by Rowland was this: — THE SENTENCE OF THE COUNCIL OF WORMS AGAINST HILDEBRAND Forasmuch as thy first ingress and coming in hath been so spotted with so many perjuries, and also the church of God brought into no little danger through thine abuse and new-fangleness: moreover, because thou hast defamed thine own life and conversation with so much and great dishonesty, that we see no little peril or slander to arise thereof; therefore the obedience, which yet we never promised thee, hereafter we utterly renounce, and never intend to give thee.

    And as thou hast never taken us yet for bishops (as thou hast openly reported of us), so neither will we hereafter take thee to be apostolic. Vale.

    Gregory the pope, tickled with this sentence, first condemneth it in his council of Lateran, with excommunication; secondly, depriveth Sigifrid, archbishop of Mentz, of his dignities and ecclesiastical livings, with all other bishops, abbots, and priests, as many as took the emperor’s part; thirdly, he accuseth a155 the emperor Henry himself, depriving him of his kingdom and regal possessions, and releasing all his subjects of their oath of allegiance given unto him, after this form and manner.

    THE TENOR OF THE SENTENCE EXCOMMUNICATORY AGAINST HENRY THE EMPEROR, BY POPE HILDEBRAND O blessed St. Peter, prince of the apostles! bow down thine ears I beseech thee, and hear me thy servant, whom thou hast brought up even from mine in fancy, and hast delivered me unto this day from the hands of the wicked, who hate and persecute me, because of my faith in thee. Thou art my witness, and also the blessed mother of Jesus Christ, and thy brother St. Paul, fellow-partner of thy martyrdom, how that I entered this function not willingly, but enforced against my will; not that I take it so as a robbery, lawfully to ascend into this seat, but because that I had rather pass over my life like a pilgrim or private person, than for any fame or glory to climb up to it. I do acknowledge, and that worthily, all this to come of thy grace, and not of my merits, that this charge over Christian people, and this power of binding and loosing, are committed to me. Wherefore, trusting upon this assurance for the dignity and tuition of holy church in the name of God Omnipotent, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, I do here depose Henry, the son of Henry, once the emperor, from his imperial seat and princely government, who hath so boldly and pre sumptuously laid hands upon thy church. And, furthermore, all such as here tofore have sworn to be his subjects, I release them of their oath, whereby all subjects are bound to the allegiance of their princes; for it is meet and convenient, that he should be void of dignity, who seeketh to diminish the majesty of thy church. Moreover, for that he hath contemned my monitions, tending to his health and to the wealth of his people, and hath separated himself from the fellowship of the church, which he, through his seditions, studieth to destroy, therefore I bind him by virtue of excommunication, trusting and knowing most certainly, that thou art Peter, on the rock of whom, as on the true foundation, Christ, our king, hath built his church. f239 The emperor, thus assaulted with the pope’s censure, sendeth abroad his letters through all nations to purge himself, declaring how wrongfully, and against all right, he was condemned. The princes of Almany, partly fearing the crack of the pope’s thunder-clap, partly again rejoicing that occasion was renewed to rebel against the emperor, assembled a commencement, f240 where they did consult and so conclude; to elect another emperor, and so fall from Henry, unless the pope would come to Aosta, and he would there be content to submit himself and obtain his pardon, Wherein is to be considered the lamentable affections of the Germans in those days, so to forsake such a valiant emperor, and so much to repute a vile bishop: but this was the rudeness of the world then, for lack of better knowledge. The emperor, seeing the chief princes ready to forsake him, promiseth them with an oath, that if the pope would repair to Aosta, in Lombardy, he would there ask forgiveness of him.

    Upon this the bishop of Treves was sent up in commission to Rome, to entreat the pope to come to Aosta. The pope, at the instance of the legate and the princes, was content. He entered into Lombardy, f241 thinking to come to Aosta. After he was come to Vercelli, the bishop of that city (being the chancellor of Italy, and desirous to disturb peace for the old grudge he had to the emperor) falsely persuaded the pope, that he was certain the emperor was coming with a mighty great army against him, counseling him ‘therefore to provide betimes for his own safeguard in some stronger place; whereby the pope’s mind being altered, he retired back to Canusium, or Canossa, a city being subject to Matilda, a countess of Italy, where he should not need to fear the emperor.

    Henry, understanding the false fear of the pope, and of his retiring to Canusium, incontinent (coming out of Spires with his wife and his young son, in the deep and sharp winter) resorteth to Canusium. All his peers and nobles had left him for fear of the pope’s curse, neither did any accompany him. Wherefore the emperor, being not a little troubled, and laying apart his regal ornaments, came bare footed with his wife and child to the gate of Canusium, where he from morning to night (all the day fasting) most humbly desireth absolution, craving to be let in, to the speech of the bishop: but no ingress might be given him once within the gates. Thus, he continuing three days together in his petition and suit, at length answer came, that the pope’s majesty had yet no leisure to talk with him. The emperor, nothing moved therewith, that he was not let into the city, patient and with an humble mind, abideth without the walls, with no little grievance and painful labor; for it was a sharp winter, and all frozen with cold. Notwithstanding, yet through his importunate suit, at length it was granted, through the entreating of Matilda, the pope’s paramour, and of Adelaide, countess of Savoy, a158 and of the abbot of Clugny, that he should be admitted to the pope’s speech. On the fourth day being let in, for a token of his true repentance, he yieldeth to the pope’s hands his crown, with all other ornaments imperial, and confessed himself unworthy of the empire, if ever he do against the pope hereafter, as he hath done before, desiring for that time to be absolved and forgiven.

    The pope answereth, he will neither forgive him, nor release the bond of his excommunication, but upon conditions. First, to promise that he shall be content to stand to his arbitrement in the council, and to take such penance as he shall enjoin him; also that he shall be prest and ready to appear, in what place or time the pope shall appoint him. Moreover, that he, being content to take the pope as judge of his cause, shall answer in the said council to all objections and accusations laid against him, and that he shall never seek any revengement herein. Item, that he, though he be quit and cleared therein, shall stand to the pope’s mind and pleasure, whether to have his kingdom restored, or to lose it. Finally, that before the trim of his cause, he shall use neither his kingly ornaments, scepters, nor crown, nor usurp the authority to govern, nor exact any oath of allegiance upon his subjects, etc. These things being promised to the bishop by an oath, and put in writing, the emperor is only released of excommunication.

    THE FORM AND TENOR OF THE OATH, WHICH HENRY MADE TO THE POPE.

    I Henry, king, after peace and agreement made to the mind and sentence of our lord Gregory the Seventh, promise to keep all covenants and bonds betwixt us, and to provide that the pope go safely wheresoever he will, without any danger either to him, ca’ to his retinue; especially in all such places as he subject to our empire.

    And that I shall not at any time stay or hinder him, but that he may do what belongeth to his function, where and whensoever his plea sure shall be. And these things I bind myself with an oath to keep.” f244 Thus, the matter being decided between them after the pope’s own prescribement, the emperor taketh his journey to Pavia. The pope, with his cardinals, did vaunt and triumph with no little pride, that they had so quailed the emperor, and brought him on his knees to ask them forgiveness.

    Yet, notwithstanding, mistrusting them selves, and misdoubting time, what might befall them hereafter if fortune should turn, and God give the emperor to enjoy a more quiet kingdom; therefore, to prevent such dangers betimes, they study and consult privily with themselves how to displace Henry clean from his kingdom, and how that device might safely be conveyed. They conclude and determine to divert the empire unto Rodolph, a man of great nobility amongst the chiefest states of Germany; and also to incite and stir up all other princes and subjects, being yet free and discharged from their oaths, against Henry, and so, by force of arms, to expel the emperor out of his kingdom. To bring this purpose the better to pass, legates were sent down from the pope, Sigehard patriarch of Aquileia, and Altman bishop of Passau, a159 who should persuade through all France, that Henry the emperor was rightfully excommunicated, and that they should give to the bishop of Rome their consents in choosing Rodolph to be emperor. This being done, a160 there was sent to the said Rodolph, duke of Suabia, a crown from the pope with this verse: “Petra dedit Petro, Petrus diadema Rodulpho.” “The Rock gave the crown to Peter, Peter giveth it to Rodolph.” Here, by the way of digression, to make a little gloss upon this barbarous verse, two notable lies are to be noted. One, where he lieth about Christ, the other, where he lieth about St. Peter. First, that Christ gave any temporal diadem to Peter, it is a most manifest lie, and against the Scriptures, whereas he would not take it, being given to himself, saying, “My kingdom is not of this world.” Again, where he saith that Peter giveth it to Rodolph, here he playeth the poet; for neither had Peter any such thing to give; and if he had, yet he would not have given it to Rodolph from the right heir; neither is it true that Peter did give it, because Hildebrand gave it. For it is no good argument—Hildebrand did give it, ergo, Peter did give it; except ye will say — Hildebrand stirred up great wars and bloodshed in Germany, ergo, Peter stirred up great wars in Germany. So Peter neither could, nor would, nor did, give it to Rodolph, but only Hildebrand, the pope; who, after he had so done, gave commandment to the archbishops of Mentz and of Cologne to elect this Rodolph for emperor, and to anoint him king, and also to defend him with all the force and strength they might. f245 While this conspiracy was in hand, Henry the emperor was absent, and the pope’s ambassadors with him also. In the mean space Rodolph was elected emperor, unknown to Henry. Upon this cometh the bishop of Strasburg to the emperor, certifying him what was done. He, suspecting and seeing the stomach and doings of the Saxons so bent against him, mustereth his men with expedition, and marcheth forward to defend his right; but first sendeth to Rome, trusting to the league betwixt him and his pope, and requireth the bishop to proceed with his sentence against Rodolph for the rebellious invasion .of his empire. But the bishop, minding nothing less, sendeth word again, that it was not right to condemn any person, his cause being not heard; thus, under pretense of the law, coloring his unlawful treachery. Henry, thus disappointed, and forsaken on every side, with his men about him, attempteth battle against Rodolph; in which battle there was a marvelous great slaughter on both sides, but the victory on neither part was certain, so that both the captains still challenged the empire. After the battle, and great murder on both sides, they both sent to Rome to know of the pope’s determination, to whether of them two he judged the right title of the empire to appertain. The bishop commanded them both to break up their armies, and depart the field, promising that he shortly would call a council, where this matter should be disputed: in the mean time they should cease from war. But before the messengers returned, their armies being refreshed, they had another conflict a161 together, but no victory got on either part. Thus both the captains being wearied in wars, the Romish beast, the bishop, who was the cause thereof, perceiving whither these cruel wars would tend, to the great calamity not only of the Germans, but also of other nations, and trusting to find another way to help Rodolph and his adherents, sendeth down a commission by Udo, archbishop of Treves, Bernard a deacon, and Bernard, abbot of Marseilles, to whom he gave in charge that they should call together a council or sitting in Almany, and that there it should be defined to which party the empire should pertain, by most right and public consideration; promising that what they should therein determine, he (looking upon the matter through the authority of God omnipotent, and of St. Peter and St.

    Paul) would ratify the same. Moreover, for that no let nor impeachment should happen to the legates by the way, he giveth them letters to the princes and nations of Germany, whereof the contents be declared briefly in Platina, if any list to read them.

    But the emperor would not permit the legates to have any council within Germany, except they would first deprive Rodolph of his kingdom. The legates, considering that to be against the drift and intention of the pope, returned again from whence they came. The pope hearing this, and seeing his purpose was thus disappoirited by the emperor, [the emperor moreover being worsted in a third battle with his adversary,] draweth out another excommunication against him, and again bereaveth him of his kingdom; sending about his letters excommunicatory throughout all places, thinking thereby to further the part of Rodolph the better. Platina hath in his book the whole effect of the writing, which tendeth after this sort.

    THE COPY OF THE SECOND EXCOMMUNICATION OF HILDEBRAND AGAINST THE EMPEROR.

    Blessed St. Peter, prince of the apostles, and thou St. Paul also, the teacher of the Genthes, give ear unto me, I beseech you, a little, and gently hear me, for you are the disciples and lovers of truth! The things that I shall say ax true. This matter I take in hand for truth’s sake, that my brethren, whose salvation I seek, may the more obsequiously obey me, and better under stand, how that I, trusting upon your defense, next to Christ, and his mother, the immaculate Virgin, resist the wicked, and am ready to help the faithful. I did not enter this seat of mine own accord, but much against my will and with tears, for that I accounted myself unworthy to occupy so high a throne. And this I say, not that I have chosen you, but you have chosen me, and have laid this great burden upon our shoulders. And now, whereas by this your assignment I have ascended up this hill, crying to the people, and showing them their faults, and to the children of the church their iniquities, the members of Satan have risen up against me, and have laid hands together to seek my blood. For the kings of the earth have risen up against me, and the princes of this world, with whom also have conspired certain of the clergy, subjects against the Lord, and against us his anointed, saying, “Let us break asunder their bands, and cast off from us their yoke.” This have they done against me, to bring me either to death or to banishment; in the number of whom is Henry, whom they call king, the son of Henry the emperor, who hath lift up so proudly his horns and heel against the church of God, making conspiracy with divers other bishops, both Italians, French, and Germans; against the pride of whom, hitherto, your authority hath resisted; who, rather being broken than amended, coming to me in Cisalpina, made humble suit to me for pardon and absolution. I, thinking nothing else but true repentance in him, received him again to favor, and did restore him to the communion only, from which he was excommunicate; but to his kingdom, from which in the synod of Rome he was worthily expelled, I did not restore him, nor to the rents and fruits thereof, that he might return to the faith again; that I granted not to him.

    And that I did, for this purpose, that if he should defer to fall to agreement with certain of his neighbors whom he hath always vexed, and to restore again the goods both of the church and otherwise, then he might be compelled by the censures of the church and force of arms thereunto: whereby divers and sundry bishops and princes of Germany (such as he had long troubled) being helped by this opportunity, elected Rodolph, their duke, to be king in the place of Henry, whom they for his transgressions had removed and despatched from his empire. But Rodolph, first in this matter using a princely modesty and integrity, sent up his messengers to me, declaring how he is constrained (wild he, nild he) to take that regal government upon him, albeit he was not so desirous thereof, but that he would rather show himself obedient to us, than to the other that offered him the kingdom; and, whatsoever our arbitrement should be therein, he would be under obedience both of God and of us. And, for more assurance of his obedience, he hath sent his own children hither for pledges. Upon this Henry began to snuff, and first entreated us to restrain and inhibit Rodolph, through the pain of our curse, from the usurpation of his kingdom. I answered again, I would see whether of them had more right and title thereunto, and so send our legates thither upon the same, to know the whole state of the matter; and thereupon I would decide betwixt them, whether of them had the truer part.

    But Henry would not suffer our legates to come to take up the matter, and slew divers, both secular men, and of the clergy, spoiling and profaning churches; and so by this means hath endangered himself in the bonds of excommunication. I, therefore, trusting in the judgment and mercy of God, and in the supportation of the blessed Virgin, also bold upon your authority do lay the sentence of curse upon the said Henry and all his adherents; and here again I take his regal government from him, charging and forbidding all christian men that have been sworn unto him, whom I discharge here of their oath, that hereafter they obey him in nothing, but that they take Rodolph to their king, who is elected by many princes of the province. For so right it is and convenient, that as Henry, for his pride and stubbornness, is deprived of his dignity and possession, so Rodolph, being grateful to all men, for his virtue and devotion be exalted to the imperial throne and dominion.

    Therefore, O you blessed princes of the apostles! grant to this, and confirm with your authority what I have said, so that all men may understand, if you have power to bind and loose in heaven, you have also power in earth to give and take away empires, kingdoms, principalities, and whatsoever here in earth belongeth to mortal men. For if you have power to judge in such matters as appertain to God, what then should we think you have, of these inferior and profane things? And if it be in your power to judge the angels, ruling over proud princes, what then shall it beseem you to do upon their servants? There fore let the kings understand by this example, and all other princes of the world, what you be able to do in heaven, and what you are with God; that thereby they may fear to contemn the commandment of holy church. And now do you exercise this judgment quickly upon Henry, whereby all men may see this son of iniquity to fall from his kingdom, not by any chance, but by your provision and only work. Notwithstanding, this I would crave of you, that he, being brought to repentance through your intercession, still in the day of judgment may find favor and grace with the Lord.—Actum Romae, nonis Martii, Indictione iii.

    Furthermore, Hildebrand, not yet content with this, interdicteth and deposeth also Guibert, archbishop of Ravenna, for taking the emperor’s part, commanding all priests to give no manner of obedience to him, and sendeth thither to Ravenna another archbishop with full authority.

    The emperor, on his part, a163 calleth together a council or assembly of divers bishops of Italy, Lombardy, and Germany, at Brixen, A.D. 1080, where he purged himself, and accused the bishop Hildebrand of divers crimes, to be an usurper, perjured, a necromancer and sorcerer, a sower of discord; complaining, moreover, of wrongs and injuries done by the bishop and church of Rome, in that the church of Rome preferred the bishop before him, when that his father, being emperor before him, had enthronized and set in divers and sundry pontiffs there by his assignment, without all others’ election. And now this pontiff, contrary to his oath and promise made, thrust in himself without the will and knowledge of him, being their king and magistrate. For, in the time of his father Henry II1., this Hildebrand, with others, bound themselves with a corporal oath, that so long as the emperor and his son, then king of the Romans, should live, they should neither themselves presume, nor suffer any other, to aspire to the papal seat, without the assent and approbation of the aforesaid emperors; which now this Hildebrand, contrary to his corpora] oath, had done. Wherefore the aforesaid council, with one agreement, condemned this Gregory, that he should be deposed; the tenor of which condemnation is thus expressed in the abbot Urspergensis.

    THE SENTENCE OF THE COUNCIL OF BRIXEN AGAINST HILDEBRAND F248 Because it is not unknown that this bishop was not elected of God, but intruded himself by fraud and money, and hath subverted all ecclesiastical order, and hath disturbed the government of the Christian empire, menacing tenth of body and soul against our catholic and peaceable king, and hath set up and maintained a perjured king, sowing discord where concord was, causing debate amongst friends, slanders and offenses amongst brethren, divorcements and separation amongst the married, and finally disquieting the peaceable state of all quiet life: Therefore we, here in the name and authority of God congregated together, with the letters and sign-manual of nineteen bishops assembled on the day of Pentecost at Mentz, do proceed in canonical judgment against Hildebrand, a man most wicked, preaching sacrilege and burning, maintaining perjury and murders, calling in question the catholic faith of the body and blood of the Lord, a follower of divination and dreams, a manifest necromancer, a sorcerer, and infected with a Pythonical spirit, and therefore departed from the true. faith; and we judge him to be deposed and expelled, and, unless he hearing this shall yield and depart the seat, to be perpetually condemned.

    Enacted 7, Calend. Julii, feria v., Indictione iii. [i. e. Thursday, June 25th, A.D. 1080.] This being enacted and sent to Rome, they elected Guibert, arch bishop of Ravenna, in the place of Hildebrand, to govern the church of Rome, named Clement III.

    After and upon this, a164 Henry and Rodolph, to try the matter by the sword, coped together in battle, not without bloodshed, where Henry, by the favor of God, against the judgment of Hildebrand, had the victory.

    Rodolph there greatly wounded in the conflict, was had out of the army, and carried to Merseburg, a165 where he commanded the bishops and chief doers of his conspiracy to be brought before him. When they came, he lifted up his right hand in which he had taken his deadly wound, and said, “This is the hand which gave the oath and sacrament unto Henry my prince, and which, through your instigation, so oft hath fought against him in vain: now go and perform your first, oath and allegiance to your king, for I must to my fathers;” and so died. Thus the pope gave battle, but God gave the victory.

    Henry, after his enemy had been thus subdued, and wars had ceased in Germany, forgat not the old injuries received of Hildebrand, by whom he was twice excommunicated, and expelled from his king dom, and to whom he was three days making humble suit, yea, and that in sharp winter, but could find no favor with him. Besides that, he incited moreover, and aided his enemy against him. Where fore when Hildebrand neither would give over his hold, nor give place to Clement, the emperor, gathering an army to send to Italy, came to Rome to depose Gregory, and to place Clement. But Hildebrand, sending to Matilda, the countess before mentioned, required her, in remission of all her sins, to withstand Henry the emperor; and so she did. Notwithstanding, Henry prevailing came to Rome on Whitsuneve, where he besieged the city two years, a166 and got it June 2d, A.D. 1083, the Romans being compelled to open the gates unto him; so he coming to the temple of St. Peter, there placeth Clement in his papacy.

    Hildebrand straight flieth into Adrian’s tower with his adherents, where he, being beset round about, at length sendeth for Robert Guiscard, his friend, a Norman. In the mean time, while Robert collecteth his power, the abbot of Clugny, conferring with Gregory, exhorteth him to crown Henry emperor in Lateran; which if he would do, the other promiseth to bring about, that Henry should depart with his army into Germany; whereunto the people of Rome also did likewise move him. To whom Gregory answered, “That he was content so to do, but upon condition that the emperor would submit himself to ask pardon, to amend his fault, and to promise obedience.” The emperor not agreeing to those conditions, went to Sienna, a168 taking Clement, the newly stalled pope, with him.

    After the return of the emperor, the aforesaid Robert Guiscard, approaching with his soldiers, burst in at one of the gates, and spoileth the city, and not long after delivereth Hildebrand out of his enemies’ hands, and carried him away to Campagna, a169 where he not long continuing, afterwards died in exile. f251 Antoninus writeth, that Hildebrand, as he did lie a dying, called to him one of his chief cardinals, bewailing to him his fault and misorder of his spiritual ministry, in stirring up discord, war, and dissension; whereupon he desired the cardinal to go to the emperor, and desire of him forgiveness, absolving from the danger of excommunication both him and all his partakers, both quick and dead.

    Thus hast thou, gentle reader, the full history of Pope Gregory VII, called Hildebrand, which I have laid out more at large, and desire thee to mark, because that from this pope, if thou mark well, springeth all the occasions of mischief, of pomp, pride, stoutness, presumption, and tyranny, which since that time have reigned in his successors hitherto, in the cathedral church of the Romish clergy. For here came first the subjection of the temporal regiment under the spiritual jurisdiction; and emperors, which before were their masters, now are made their underlings. Also here came in the suppression of priests’ marriage, as is sufficiently declared. Here came in, moreover, the authority of both the swords spiritual and secular into spiritual men’s hands; so that Christian magistrates could do nothing in election, in giving bishoprics or benefices, in calling councils, in hearing and correcting the excesses of the clergy, but only the pope must do all.

    Yea, moreover, no bishop or pastor in his own parish could excommunicate or exercise any discipline among his flock, but only the pope challenged that prerogative to himself. Finally, here came in the first example to persecute emperors and kings with rebellion and excommunication, as the clergy themselves hereafter do testify and witness in proceeding against Paschal. Thus, these notes being well observed, let us, by the grace of Christ, now repair again to our country history of England.

    About the death of Pope Hildebrand, or not long after, a170 followed the death of King William the Conqueror, A.D. 1087, after he had reigned in England the space of one and twenty years and ten months. The cause of his sickness and death is said to be this: for that Philip, the French king, upon a time jesting said, that “King William lay in childbed, and nourished his fat belly.” To this the aforesaid William, hearing thereof, answered again and said, “When he should be churched, he would offer a thousand candles to him in France, wherewithal the king should have little joy.”

    Whereupon King William, in the month of July, when the corn, fruit, and grapes, were most flourishing, entered into France, and set on fire many cities and towns in the west side of France. And lastly, coming to the city of Mantes, a171 where he, burning a woman being as a recluse in a wall enclosed (or as some say, two men anchorites enclosed) was so fervent and furious about the fire, that with the heat partly of the fire, partly of the time of year, he fed sick and died.

    By the life and acts of this king it may appear true, as stories of him report, that he was wise, but guileful; rich, but covetous; a fair speaker, but a great dissembler; glorious in victory, and strong in arms, but rigorous in oppressing those whom he overcame, and in levying of tasks passing all others; insomuch that he caused to be enrolled and numbered in his treasury every hide of land and owner thereof, what fruit and revenues surmounted of every lord ship, of every township, castle, village, field, river, and wood, within the realm of England. Moreover, how many parish churches, how many living cattle there were, what and how much every baron in the realm could dispend, what fees were belonging, what wages were taken, etc.: the tenor and contents of which taskment yet remaineth in rolls. After this tasking or numbering, which was in the year before his death, followed an exceeding murrain of cattle and barrenness of the ground, with much pestilence and hot fevers among the people, so that such as escaped the fever were con sumed with famine. Moreover, at the same season, among certain other cities, a great part of the city of London, with the church of St. Paul’s, was wasted with fire, A.D. 1085.

    In hunting and in parks the aforesaid king had such pleasure, that in the county of Southampton, for the space of thirty miles, he cast down churches and townships, and there made the New Forest; loving his deer so dearly, as though he had been to them a father, making sharp laws for the increasing thereof, under pain of losing both the eyes. So hard he was to Englishmen, and so favorable to his own country, that as there was no English bishop remaining, but only Wolstan of Worcester, he, being commanded of the king and Lan-franc to resign his staff, partly for inability, partly for lack of the French tongue, refused to resign it, except to him that gave it, and so went to the tomb of King Edward, where he thought to resign it, but was permitted to enjoy it still; so likewise in his days there was almost no Englishman that bare office of honor or rule in the land, insomuch that it was half a shame at that time to be called an Englishman. Notwithstanding he a good deal favored the city of London, and granted unto the citizens the first charter that ever they had, written in the Saxon, sealed with green wax, and contained in few lines.

    Among his other conditions, this in him is noted, that so given he was to peace and quiet, that any maiden being laden with gold or silver, might pass through the whole realm without harm or resistance. This William in his time built two monasteries, one in England, at Battle in Sussex, where he won the field against Harold, called the abbey of Battle; another beside, named the abbey of Caen, in his country of Normandy. a172 After the life and story of King William, thus briefly described, with the acts and order of battle between him and King Harold (although much more might have been written of that matter, if the book had come sooner to my hands, which afterwards I saw), now remaineth in the end of this story to describe the names of such barons and nob]es of Normandy, as entered with him into this land, as well of them who were embarked with him; and also the slain, as appeareth, in the battle; as also of those who were planted and advanced, by the said conqueror, in the lands and possessions of English lords, whom he either expelled, or else beheaded: the names of which Normans here follow underwritten. Out of the Annals of Normandy, in French, whereof one very ancient book in parchment remaineth in the custody of the writer The day after the battle, very early in the morning, Odo, bishop of Bayeux, sung mass for those that were departed. The duke, after that, desirous to know the state of his battle, and what people he had therein lost and were slain, he caused to come unto him a clerk who had written their names when they were embarked at St. Valeries, and commanded him to call them all by their names, who called them that had been at the battle, and had passed the seas with Duke William. And hereafter follow their names.

    THE NAMES OF THOSE THAT WERE AT THE CONQUEST OF ENGLAND Odo Auffroy et Mangier de Cartrait bishop of Bayeux Robert conte de Mortaign Baudwin de Buillon Roger conte de Beaumont Guillaume Malet Le sire de Monfort sur Rille Guillaume de Viexpont Neel de S. Sauveur le vi comte Le sire de Fougiers Henry seigneur de Feheres Le sire Daubemare Guillaume sire de Rommare Le sire de Lithehare Le sire de Touque Le sire de la Mare Le sire de Neauhou Le sire de Pirou Robert sire de Beaufou Le sire Danou Guill Le sire de Soteuille Le sire de Bereville Le sire de Margneville Le sire de Tancarville Eustace Dambleville Le sire de Marngneville Le sire de Grantmesnil Guillaume Crespin Le sire de S. Martin Guillaume de Moulins Le sire de Pros Le viconte de Touars sire de Mayenne Auffroy de Bohon Odo Guillaume de Garrennes Hue de Gournay sire de Bray Le conte Hue de Gournay Euguemont de l’aigle Geoffray Richard Dauverenehin Le sire de Biars Le sire de Solligny Le bouteiller Daubigny Le sire de Maire Le sire de Vitry Le sire de Lacy Le sire du val Dary Le sire de Tracy Hue sire de Montfort Le sire de Piquegny Hamon de Kayeu Le sire de Despinay Le sire de Port Le sire de Torcy Le sire de Jort Le sire de Breante Le sire de Riviers Gillaume Moyonne Raoul Tesson de Tingueleiz Roger Marmion Raoul de Guel Avenel des Byars Paennel du Monatier Hubert Robert Bertran le Tort Le sire de Seulle Le sire de Dorival Le sire de Breval Le sire de S. Jehan Le sire de Bris Le sire de Breante Le sire Destouteville Le sire du Homme Le sire de Sauchoy Le sire de Cailly Le sire de Semilly Le sire de Tilly Le sire de Romelli Marq. de Basqueville Le sire de Preaulx Le sire de Gonis Le sire de Sanceaulx Le sire de Moulloy Le sire de Monceaulx The Archers du val du Ruel Toustan du Bec Le sire de S. Saen i. de S. Sydonio Le sire de Clere Le sire de la Kiviere Le sire de Salnarville Le sire de Rony Eude de Beaugieu Le sire de Oblie Le sire de Sacie Le sire de Nassie Le sire de Clere Le Visquaius de Chaymes Le sire du Sap Le sire de Glos Le sire de Mine Le sire de Pavilly Le sire de Glanville Le sire de Breencon Le Vidam de Partay Raoul de Morimont Pierre de Bailleul sire de Fiscamp Le sire de Freanville Le sire de Beausault Le sire de Tillieres Le sire de Pacy Le sire Maugny Le seneschal de Torcy Le sire de Gacy Le sire de Doully Le sire de Sacy Le sire de Vacy Le sire de Tourneeur Le sire de Praeres Gull. de Coulombieres Hue sire de Bollebec Richard sire Dorbeck Le sire de Bonneboz Le sire de Tresgoz Le sire de Montfiquet Hue le Bigot de Maletot Le sire de la Haye Le sire de Mombray Le sire de Saye Le sire de la Ferte Boutevillain Troussebout conte de Hoymes et Darques Guillaume Patric de la Laund Le sire de Harecourt Le sire Danvillers Le sire Donnebaut Le sire de S. Cler Rob de filz Herneys duc d’Orleans Hue de Mortemer Le sire de Crevecoeur Le sire de Deyncourt Le sire de Brimetot Le sire Combray Le sire Daunay Le sire de Fontenay Le conte Deureux Le sire de Rebelchil Amaury de Touars Alain Fergant conte de Bretaigne Le sire de S. Vallery Le conte Deu Le conte Thomas Daubmalle conte de Longeville Gualtier Gifford Roger de Montgomery Le conte Deu Over and besides the great number of knights and esquires that were under them; in the same battle between the said William the Bastard, duke of Normandy, on the one part, and King Harold, on the other part, there were slain on King Harold’s side, of Englishmen, 66,654; and on Duke William’s side, there were slain 6,013 men, as is to be found in the Chronicle of St. Peter of Westminster, besides those that were drowned in the river Thames.

    When the abovenamed and many other great lords were so called, some of them appeared, and others did not, for some of them were slain there in the field, and others so wounded, that they could not come forth to show them selves. Then gave the duke commandment that the dead should be buried, and those that were sick comforted, and eased the best that might. Out of the ancient Chronicles of England, touching the names of other Normans who seemed to remain alive after the battle, and who were advanced to the seigniories of this land.

    NAMES John de Maundevile Adam Undevile Bernard de Frevile Richard de Rochvile Gilbard de Frankvile Hugo de Dovile Symond de Rotevile R. de Evyle B. de Knevuile Hugo de Morvile R. de Colevile A. de Warvile C. de Karvile R. de Rotevile S. de Stotevile H. Bonum J. Monum W. de Vignoum K. de Vispount W. Bailbeof S. de Baleyne H. de Marreys J. Aguleyne G. Agilon R. Chamburlayne N. de Vendres H. de Verdon H. de Verto C. de Vernon H. Hardul C. Cappan W. de Camvile I. de Cameyes R. de Rotes R. de Boys W. de Waren T. de Wardboys R. de Boys W. de Audeley K. Dynham R. de Vaures G. Vargenteyn I. de Hastings G. de Hastank L. de Burgee R. de Butuileyn H. de Malebranche S. de Malemain G. de Hautevile H. Hauteyn R. de Morteyn R. de Mortimere G. de Kanovile E. de Columb W. Paynel C. Panner H. Pontrel I. de Rivers T. Revile W. de Beauchamp R. de Beaupale E. de Ou F. Lovel S. de Troys I. de Artel John de Montebrugg H. de Mounteserel W. Trussebut W. Trussel H. Byset R. Basset R. Molet H. Malovile G. Bonet P. de Bonvile S. de Rovile N. de Norbec I. de Corneux P. de Corbet W. de Mountague S. de Mountfychet I. de Genevyle H. Gyffard I. de Say T. Gilbard R. de Chalons S. de Chauward S. de Chauward Hugo Pepard H. Feret J. de Harecourt H. de Haunsard J. de Lamare P. de Mautrever G. de Ferron R. de Ferrets I. de Desty W. de Werders H. de Bornevyle J. de Saintenys S. de Seueler R. de Gorges E. de Gemere W. de Feus S. de Filberd H. de Turberwyle R. Troblenuer R. de Angon T. de Morer T. de Rotelet H. de Spencer E. de Saintquinten G. de Custan I. de Saint Martin Saint Constantin Saint Leger et Saint Med. M. de Cronu et de St. Viger.

    S. de Crayel R. de Crenker N. Meyuell I. de Berners S. de Chumli E. de Charers J. de Grey W. de Grangers S. de Grangers S. Baubenyn H. Vamgers E. Bertram R. Bygot S. Treoly I. Trigos G. de Feues H. Filiot R. Taperyn S. Talbot It. Santsaver T. de Samford G. de Vandien C. de Vantort G. de Mountague Thomas de Chambernon S. de Montfort R. de Fernevaux W. de Valence T. Clarel S. de Clervaus P. de Aubemarle H. de Saint Arvant E. de Auganuteys S. de Gant G. de Malearbe H. Mandut W. Chesun L. de Chandut B. Filzurs B. vicount de Low G. de Cantemere T. de Cantlow R. Breaunce T. de Broxeboof S. de Bolebee B. Mol de Boef J. de Muelis R. de Bins S. de Brewes J. de Lylle T. de Bellyle I. de Watervile G. de Nevyle R. de Neuburgh H. de Burgoyne G. de Bourgh S. de Lymoges L. de Lyben W. de Helyun H. de Hildrebron R. de Loges S. de Seintlow I. de Maubank P. de Saint Malow R. de Leoferne J. de Lovotot G. de Dabbevyte H. de Appetot W. de Percy I. de Lacy C. de Quincy E. Tracy R. de la Souche S. de Somery I. de Saint John T. de Saint Gory P. de Boyly Richard de Saint Valery P. de Pinkeni S. de Pavely G. de Monthaut T. de Mountchesy R. de Lymozy G. de Lucy J. de Artoys N. de Arty P. de Grenvyle I. de Greys S. de Cresty F. de Courcy T. de Lamar H. de Lymastz J. de Monbray C. de Morley S. de Gorney R. de Courtenay P. de Gourney R. de Cony I. de la Huse R. de la Huse V. de Longevyle P. Longespye J. Pouchardon R. de la Pomercy J. de Pountz R. de Pontlarge R. Estraunge Thomas Savage A little above mention was made of the bishop’s see of Sherborne, translated from thence to Salisbury. The first bishop of Salisbury was Hirman, a Norman who first began the new church and minister of Salisbury. After him succeeded Osmund, who finished the work, and replenished the house with great living and much good singing. This Osmund first began the ordinary, which was called ‘Secundum usum Sarum.’ Anno. 1076, the occasion whereof was this as I find in an old story-book, entitled ‘ Eulogium.’ a173 A great contention chanced at Glastonbury between Thurstan the abbot, and his convent, in the days of William the Conqueror. This Thurstan the said William had brought out of Normandy from the abbey of Caen, and placed him abbot of Glastonbury.

    The cause of this contentious battle was, for that Thurstan, contemning their choir-service, then called ‘The use of St. Gregory,’ compelled his monks to ‘The use of William,’ a monk of Fescam, in Normandy.

    Whereupon came strife and contentions amongst them, first in words, then from words to blows, after blows then to armor. The abbot, with his guard of harnessed men, fell upon the monks, and drove them to the steps of the high altar, where two were slain, and eight were wounded with shafts, swords, and pikes. The monks, then driven to such a strait and narrow shift, were compelled to defend themselves with forms and candlesticks, wherewith they did wound certain of the soldiers. One monk there was, an aged man, who instead of his shield took an image of the crucifix in his arms for his defense, which image was wounded in the breast by one of the bowmen, whereby the monk was saved. My story addeth more, that the striker, incontinent upon the same, fell mad, which savoureth of some monkish addition besides the text. This matter being brought before the king, the abbot was sent again to Caen, and the monks, by the commandment of the king, were scattered in far countries. Thus, by the occasion hereof, Osmund, bishop of Salisbury, devised that ordinary, which is called, ‘The use of Sarum,’ and was afterward received in a manner through all England, Ireland, and Wales. And thus much for this matter, done in the time of this King William.

    This William, after his death, by his wife Matilda, or Maud, left three sons, Robert Courtsey, to whom he gave the duchy of Normandy; William Rufus, his second son, to whom he gave the kingdom of England; and Henry, the third son, to whom he left and gave treasure, and warned William to be to his people loving and liberal, Robert to be to his people stern and sturdy.

    In the history called ‘Jornalensis,’ it is reported of a certain great man, who about this time of King William was compassed about with mice and rats, and flying to the midst of a river, yet when that would not serve, came to the land again, and was of them devoured. The Germans say that this was a bishop, who dwelling between Cologne and Mentz, in time of famine and dearth, having store of corn and grain, would not help the poverty crying to him for relief, but rather wished his corn to be eaten up of mice and rats.

    Wherefore, being compassed with mice and rats, by the just judgment of God, to avoid the annoyance of them, he built a tower in the midst of the river Rhine, which yet to this day the Dutchmen call ‘Rat’s Tower;’ but all that would not help, for the rats and mice swam over to him in as great abundance as they did before, of whom at length he was devoured.

    WILLIAM RUFUS F254 WILLIAM RUFUS, the second son of William the Conqueror, began his reign A.D. 1087, and reigned thirteen years, being crowned at Westminster by Lanfranc; who, after his coronation, released out of prison, by the request of his father, divers English lords, who before had been in custody. It chanced that, at the death of William the Conqueror, Robert Courtsey, his eldest son, was absent in Almany, who, hearing of the death of his father, and how William, his younger brother, had taken upon him the kingdom, was therewith greatly moved; insomuch that he laid his dukedom to pledge unto his brother Henry, and with that good gathered unto him an army, and so landed at Hampton, to the intent to have expelled his brother from the kingdom. But William Rufus, hearing thereof, sent to him fair and gentle words, promising him dedition and subjection, as to the more worthy and cider brother; this thing only requiring, that seeing he was now in place and possession, he might enjoy it during his life, paying to him yearly three thousand marks, on condition that which of them overlived the other should enjoy the kingdom. The occasion of this variance between these brethren wrought a great dissension between the Norman lords and bishops, both in England and in Normandy, insomuch that all the Norman bishops within the realm almost rebelled against the king, taking part with Duke Robert, except only Lanfranc, and Wolstan, bishop of Worcester, above-mentioned, an Englishman; who, for his virtue and constancy, was so well liked and favored of his citizens, that emboldened with his presence and prayer, they stoutly maintained the city of Worcester against the siege of their enemies, and at last vanquished them with utter ruin. But Duke Robert, at length, by the advice of his council (hearing the words sent unto him, and wagging his head thereat, as one conceiving some matter of doubt or doubleness), was yet content to assent to all that was desired, and so returned shortly after into Normandy, leaving the bishops, and such others, in the briars, who were in England, taking his part against the king.

    This Rufus was so ill liked of the Normans, that between him and his lords was oft dissension; wherefore well near all the Normans took part against him, so that he was forced of necessity to draw to him the Englishmen.

    Again, so covetous he was, and so immeasurable in his tasks and takings, in selling benefices, abbies, and bishoprics, that he was hated of all Englishmen.

    In the third year of this king died Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, from whose commendation and worthiness, as I list not to detract anything (being so greatly magnified of Polydore, his countryman) so neither do I see any great cause why to add any thing thereunto. This I think, unless that man had brought with him less superstition, and more sincere science into Christ’s church, he might have kept him in his own country still, and have confuted Berengrius at home. After the decease of Lanfranc, the see of Canterbury stood empty four years.

    After the council of Lanfranc above mentioned, wherein was concluded for translating of bishops’ sees from villages into head cities, Remigius, bishop of Dorchester, who, as ye heard, accom panied Lanfranc to Rome, removed his bishop’s see from Dorchester to Lincoln, where he built the minster, situated upon a hill within the said city of Lincoln. The dedication of that church Robert, archbishop of York, did resist, saying, that it was built within the ground of his precinct; but afterwards it had his Romish dedication by Robert Bleuet, next bishop that followed. By the same Remigius, also, was founded the cloister or monastery of Stow, etc.

    In the fourth year of this king great tempests fell in sundry places in England, specially at Winchcombe, where the steeple was burned with lightning, the church wall burst through, the head and right leg of the crucifix, with the image of our Lady on the right side of the crucifix, thrown down, and such a stencil left in the church, that none might abide it. In London the force of the weather and tempest overturned six hundred houses. In the same tempest the roof of Bow church was hurled up in the wind, and by the vehe-mency thereof was pitched down a great deepness into the ground.

    King William, as ye have heard, an exceeding pillager, or ravener rather, of church goods, after he had given the bishopric of Lincoln to his chancellor, Robert Bleuet, above mentioned, began to cavil; a vouching the see of Lincoln to belong to the see of York, till the bishop of Lincoln had pleased him with a great sum of money, of five thousand marks, etc.

    As nothing could come in those days without money from the king, so Herbert Losinga, paying to the king a piece of money, was made bishop of Thetford, as he had paid a little before to be abbot of Ramsey; who, likewise, at the same time, removing his see from Thetford to the city of Norwich, there erected the cathedral church, with the cloister, in the said city of Norwich, where he furnished the monks with sufficient living and rents of his own charges, besides the bishop’s lands. Afterward, repenting of his open and manifest simony, he went to Rome, where he resigned into the pope’s hands his bishopric, but so that immediately he received it again. This Herbert was the son of an abbot called Robert, for whom he purchased of the king to be bishop of Winchester, whereof run these verses: “Filius est praesul, pater abba, Simon uterque:

    Quid non speremus si nummos possideamus?

    Omnia nummus habet, quod vult facit, addit et aufert.

    Res nimis injusta, nummis fit praesul et abba.” Ye heard a little before of the death of Pope Hildebrand, after the time of which Hildebrand the German emperors began to lose their authority and right in the pope’s election, and in giving of benefices. For next after this Hildebrand came Pope Victor III, by the setting up of Matilda and the duke of Normandy, with the faction and retinue of Hildebrand, who likewise showed himself stout against the emperor. But God gave the shrewd cow short horns, for Victor being poisoned, as some say, in his chalice, sat but one year and a half. Notwithstanding the same imitation and example of Hildebrand continued still in them that followed after. And, like as the kings of Israel followed for the most part the steps of Jeroboam, till the time of their desolation; so, for the greatest part, all popes followed the steps and proceedings of this Hildebrand, their spiritual Jeroboam, in maintaining false worship, and chiefly in upholding the dignity of the see, against all rightful authority, and the lawful king dom of Sion. In the time of this Victor began the order of the monks of Charterhouse, through the means of one Hugh, bishop of Grenoble, and of Bruno of Cologne, a174 canon of Rheims. f256 Next to Victor sat Urban II, by whom the acts of Hildebrand were confirmed, and also new decrees enacted against Henry the emperor. In this time were two popes at Rome, Urban and Clement III, a175 whom the emperor set up. Under Pope Urban came in the white monks of the Cistercian order, by one Stephen Harding, a monk of Sherborne, an Englishman, by whom this order had its beginning in the wilderness of Citeaux, within the province of Burgoin, as witnesseth Cestrensis. Others write that this Harding was the second abbot of that place, and that it was first founded by the means of one Robert, abbot of Molesme, in Citeaux, a forest in Burgundy, A.D. 1098, persuaded perchance by Harding; and afterwards, A.D. 1185, it was brought into England by a certain man called Espek, who built an abbey of the same order called Rievale. In this order the monks did live by the labor of their hands; they paid no tithes nor offerings; they wore no fur nor lining; they wore red shoes, their cowls white, and coats black; they were all shorn save a little circle; they ate no flesh but only on their journey. Of this order was Bernard. “This Urban held. divers councils; one at Rome, where he excommunicated all such lay persons as gave investure of any ecclesiastical benefice, also all such of the clergy as subjected themselves to be underlings or servants to lay persons for ecclesiastical benefices, etc.

    Another council he held. at Clermont in France, A.D. 1095, where among other things, the bishop made an oration to the lords there present, concerning the voyage and recovery of the Holy Land. from the Turks and Saracens. The cause of this voyage first arose through one Peter, a monk or hermit, who, being in Jerusalem, and seeing the great misery of the Christians under the pagans, made thereof ‘declaration to Pope Urban, and. was therein a great solicitor to all Christian princes. By reason of this, after the aforesaid oration of Pope Urban, thirty thousand men, taking on them the sign of the cross for their cognizance, made preparation for that voyage, whose captains were Godfrey duke of Lotrain, with his two brethren, Eustace and Baldwin, the bishop of le Puy, Bohemund duke of Apulia, and his nephew Tancred, Raymund earl of St. Gilles, Robert earl of Flanders, and Hugh le Grand, brother of Philip the French king, to whom also was joined Robert Courthoyse, duke of Normandy, with divers other noblemen, with the aforesaid Peter the Hermit, who was the chief cause of that voyage.

    At that time many of the said noblemen put their lands and lordships to mortgage, to provide for the aforenamed voyage; as Godfrey, duke of Lorrain, who sold the dukedom of Bouillon to the bishop of Liege a178 for a great sum of money. Also Robert Courthoyse, duke of Normandy, laid his dukedom to pledge to his brother William, king of England, for ten thousand pounds, etc.

    Thus, the Christians, who passed first over the Bosphorus, having for their captain Peter the Hermit, a man perchance more devout than expert to guide an army, being trapped of their enemies, were slain and murdered in great numbers among the Bulgarians, and near to the town called Civita. a179 When the nobles and the whole army met together at Constantinople, where Alexius was emperor, passing over by the Hellespont, going to Jerusalem, they took the cities of Nice, Heraclea, Tarsus, and subdued the country of Cilicia, appointing the possession thereof to certain of their captains.

    Antioch was besieged, and in the ninth month of the siege it was yielded to the Christians, by one Phirouz, a180 about which season were fought many strong battles, to the great slaughter and desolation of the Saracens, and not without loss of many Christian men. The governance of this city was committed to Bohemund, duke of Apulia, whose martial knighthood was often proved in time of the siege thereof. And not long after Kerboga, a181 master of the Persian chivalry, was vanquished and slain, with a hundred thousand infidels. In that discomfiture were taken fifteen thousand camels.

    Jerusalem, on the nine and thirtieth day of the siege, was conquered by the Christians, and Robert, duke of Normandy, was elect to be king thereof. Howbeit, he refused it, hearing of the death of King William Rufus of England; wherefore he never sped well in all his affairs after the same.

    Then Godfrey, captain of the Christian army, was proclaimed the first king of Jerusalem. At the taking of the city there was such a murder of men that blood was congealed in the streets the thickness of a foot. Then after Godfrey reigned Baldwin, his brother; after him Baldwin the second, his nephew. Then Gaufrid, duke of Gaunt; and after him Gaufrid, his son, by whom many great battles were fought there against the Saracens, and all the country thereabout subdued, save Ascalon, etc. And thus much hitherto touching the voyage to the Holy Land: now to our own land again.

    About this time, as Matthew Paris writeth, the king of England favored not much the see of Rome, because of the impudent and insatiable exactions which they required; neither would he suffer any of his subjects to go to Rome, alleging these words, “Because they follow not the steps of Peter, hunting for rewards; neither have they the power and authority of him, whose holiness they declare themselves not to follow.” f262 By the same Urban, the seven hours, which we call ‘septem horus canonicas,’ were first instituted in the church. Item, By this pope it was decreed, that no bishop should be made but under the name and title of some certain place. Item, That matins and hours of the day should every day be said. f263 Item, That every Saturday should be said the mass of our Lady, and that all the Jews’ Sabbath should be turned to the service of our Lady, as in the council of Tours, to the which service was appointed the anthem, “Ora pro populo, interveni pro clero, intercede pro devoto faemineo sexu.” f264 Item, That all such of the clergy as had wives should be deprived of their order, f265 Item, That it should be lawful for subjects to break their oath of allegiance, with all such as were by the pope excommunicated. Item. That it should not be lawful for husband and wife to stand sponsors in baptism to the same child a182 both together; with many more matters. f266 In the sixth year of this king’s reign, Malcolm king of Scots, who four times before had made great slaughter of old and young in the north parts, as is before showed, burst into Northumberland, with all the power he could make; and there, by the right judgment of God, was slain with his son Edward, and also Margaret his wife, sister to Edgar Etheling, above minded, a virtuous and devout lady, within three days after. the same year he gave the archbishopric of Canterbury, after that he had detained the same in his own hands four years, to Anselm, abbot of Bec, in Normandy.

    This Anselm was an Italian, born in the city of Aosta, a183 and brought up in the abbey of Bec, in Normandy; where he was so strict a follower of virtue, that, as the story recordeth, he wished rather to be without sin in hell, than in heaven with sin. Which saying and wish of his, if it were his, may seem to proceed out of a mind, neither speaking orderly according to the phrase and under standing of the Scripture, nor yet sufficiently acquainted with the justification of a Christian man. Further, they report him to be so far from singularity, that he should say, it was the vice which thrust the angels first out of heaven, and man out of paradise.

    Of this Anselm it is, moreover, reported, that he was so illwilling to take the archbishopric, that the king had much ado to thrust it upon him; and he was so desirous to have him take it, that the city of Canterbury, which before Lanfranc did hold but at the king’s good will and pleasure, he gave now to Anselm wholly, which was about A.D. 1093. But as desirous as the king was then to place the said Anselm, so much did he repent it afterward, seeking all manner means to defeat him if he might: such strife and contention arose between them two for certain matters, the ground and occasion whereof first was this.

    After that Anselm had been thus elected to the see of Canterbury, before he was fully consecrated, the king communed with him, assaying by all gentle manner of words to entreat him, that such lands and possessions of the church of Canterbury as the king had given and granted to his friends since the death of Lanfranc, they might still enjoy as their own lawful possessions through his grant and permission. But to this Anselm in no case would agree Whereupon the king, conceiving great displeasure against him, did stop his consecration a great season, till at length in long process of time the king, enforced by the daily complaints and desires of his people and subjects, for lack of an archbishop to moderate the church, was constrained to admit and authorize him unto them. Thus Anselm, with much ado, talking his consecration, and doing his homage to the king, went to his see of Canterbury; and not long after the king sailed over to Normandy.

    About this time there were two striving in Rome for the popedom, as is afore-noticed, Urban and Guibert, — divers realms diversely consenting, some to the one, some to the other. England, taking with their king, was rather inclined to Guibert, called Clemens III; but Anselm did fully go with Urban, making so his exception with the king on entering his bishopric.

    After the king was returned again from Normandy, the archbishop cometh to him, and asketh leave to go to Rome to fetch his pall of Pope Urban; which when he could not at first obtain, he maketh his appeal from the king to the pope. Whereat the king, being justly displeased, chargeth the archbishop with breach of his fealty, contrary to his promise made; that is, if he, without his license, should appeal either to Urban or to any other pope. Anselm answereth again, that it was to be referred a186 unto some greater council, where it should be disputed whether this be to break a man’s allegiance to a terrene prince, if he appeal to the vicar of St. Peter.

    And here much arguing and contending was on both sides. The king’s reason proceedeth thus: “The custom,” saith he, “from my father’s time hath been in England, that no person should appeal to the pope without the king’s license. He that breaketh the customs of the realm, violateth the power and crown of the kingdom. He that violateth and taketh away my crown, is a traitor and enemy against me,” etc. To this Anselm replieth again, “The Lord,” saith he, “easily discusseth this question, briefly teaching what fidelity and allegiance we ought to give unto the vicar of St.

    Peter, where he saith, ‘Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church,’ etc.: and, ‘To thee I will give the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind in earth, it shall be bound in heaven; and, whatsoever thou loosest in earth, shall be loosed in heaven,’ etc. Again, to them all in general he saith, ‘He that heareth you, heareth me; and whoso despiseth you, despiseth me.’ And in another place, ‘He that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of mine eye.’ On the other side, what duty we owe to the king, he showeth also: ‘Give,’ saith he, ‘to the emperor, what belongeth to the emperor, and to God, that which to God belongeth.’

    Wherefore, in such things as belong to God I will yield, and must yield by good right and duty, my obedience to the vicar of St. Peter, and in such things as belong again to terrene dignity of my prince, in those I will not deny to him my faithful help and counsel, so far as they can extend.”

    Thus have ye the grounded arguments of this prelate to stand so stiffly against his prince, whereunto peradventure was joined also some piece of a stubborn heart. But in this conclusion none of his fellow-bishops durst take his part, but were all against him; namely, William, bishop of Durham, to whom Anselm thus protesteth, saying, “Whosoever he were that would presume to prove it any breach of allegiance or fealty to his sovereign, if he appealed to the vicar of St. Peter, he was ready to answer at all times to the con trary.” The bishop of Durham answereth again, “That he who would not be ruled by reason, must with force be constrained,” etc. The king, having on his part the agreement of the bishops, thought both to deprive the archbishop of his pastoral see, and to expel him out of the realm. But he could not perform his purpose; for Anselm, as he was ready to depart the realm, said, wheresoever he went, he would take his office and authority with him, though he took nothing else; whereupon that matter was deferred till a longer time. In the mean season the king had sent privily’ two messengers to Pope Urban, to entreat him to send his pall to the king, for him to give it where he would: which messengers by this time were returned again, bringing with them from Rome Walter, bishop of Albano, the pope’s legate, with the pall to be given unto Anselm. This legate, first landing at Dover, from thence came privily (unknown to Anselm) to the king, declaring and promising, that if Urban was received pope in England, whatsoever the king required to be obtained, he, by his privilege from the apostolical see, would ratify and confirm the same, save only, that when the king required of the legate that Anselm might be removed, the legate thereunto would not agree, saying, “that it was impossible to be obtained, that such a man as he, being lawfully called, should be expelled without manifest cause.” In conclusion, so it followed, that although he could not obtain his request of the legate, yet the legate so wrought with the king, that Urban was proclaimed lawful pope throughout all the realm.

    Then were sent to Anselm certain bishops to move and prove his mind, declaring what charges and pains the king had been at in his behalf, to procure the pall for him from Rome, which otherwise would have stood him in a great expense, and that all this the king had done for his sake, wherefore it were good reason and convenient, that he, to gratify the king, should somewhat condescend to his request again. But with all this Anselm, the stout archbishop, would not be moved. Wherefore the king, seeing no other remedy, was compelled to grant unto him the full right of his archbishopric. And so on the day appointed, when the pall should be brought to Canterbury, it being carried with all solemnity in a tiling of silver, the archbishop, with a great concourse of people, cane forth barefoot with his priestly vestments, after a most goodly manner, to meet the same; and so being brought in, it was laid upon the altar, while Anselm, spreading over his shoulders his popish vestments, proceeded unto his popish mass.

    Thus agreement being made between the king and the bishop, so long as it would hold, it happened, in the year following, that the king with his army entered into Wales, to subdue such as there rebelled against him. After the victory gotten, the king returned home a187 again with triumph; to whom Anselm thought to have come to congratulate him on his prosperous success, put the king pre vented him by messengers, laying to the bishop’s charge both the small number and the evil service of his soldiers sent to him at his need. At the hearing hereof, all the hope of Anselm was dashed, who at the same present had thought to have obtained and done many great matters with the king touching the state of the church; but here all turned contrary to his expectation, insomuch that he was charged, against the next court of parliament, to make his answer, which he avoided by appealing to Rome; wherefore he made his suit and friends to the king for license to go to the pope. To that suit the king answered, that he should not go, neither was there any cause for him so to do; for that both he knew him to be of so sound a life, that he had done no such offense, whereof he needed to crave absolution at Rome, neither was there any such lack of science and knowledge, that he needed to borrow any counsel there: “insomuch,” saith the king, “that I dare say Pope Urban hath rather to give place to the wisdom of Anselm, than Amselm to have need of Urban.

    Wherefore, as he hath no cause to go, so I charge him to tarry. And if he continue in his stubbornness still, I will assuredly seize upon his possessions, and convert his archbishopric unto my coffers, for that he transgresseth and breaketh his fidelity and obeisance, having solemnly promised before to observe all the customs of my kingdom. Neither is it the fashion in this realm, that any of my nobles should go to Rome without my sending. And therefore let him swear unto me that he will never for any grievance appeal hereafter to the see of Rome, or else let him void my realm.”

    Against these words of the king, Anselm thinking not best to reply again by any message, but by word of mouth, coming himself personally to the king, placeth himself, after his order, on the right hand of the prince, where he made his reply unto the message sent to him by the king. “Whereas you say, I ought not to go to Rome, a188 either in regard of any trespass, or for any lack of counsel and knowledge in me, albeit I grant to neither of them as true, yet what the truth is therein, I refer it to the judgment of God. And whereas ye say that I promised to keep and observe your customs; that I grant, but with a condition, so far to keep them, and such of them to observe, as were consonant to the laws of God, and ruled with right and equity. Moreover, whereas ye charge me with breach of my fidelity and allegiance, for that contrary to your customs I appeal to the see apostolic, (my reverence and duty to your sovereignty reserved) if another would say it, that is untrue. For the fidelity and obeisance that I owe to thee, 0 king, I have it of the faith and fidelity of God, whose vicar St. Peter is, to whose seat I do appeal. Further, whereas, as ye require me to swear that I shall for no cause hereafter at any time appeal to Rome, I pronounce openly that a Christian prince requireth such an oath of his archbishop unjustly, for if. I should forswear St. Peter, I should deny Christ. And when I shall at any time deny Christ, then shall I be content and ready to stand to the satisfaction of my transgression to you, for asking license to go to Rome. And peradventure, when I am gone. God will so order, that the goods of the church shall not long serve your temporal desires and commodities as ye ween for.”

    At these words of the bishop, the king and his nobles were not a little incensed, they defending again, that in his promise of observing the king’s customs, there was neither condition nor any clause put in, either of God or right. “ There was not!” a189 said Anselm. “If so be that in your customs was neither mention made of God nor of right, of what was there mention then? For God forbid that any Christian should be bound to any customs which go contrary to God and to right.” Thus on both sides passed much altercation between them.

    At length the king, after many threatening words, told him he should carry nothing out of the realm with him. “Well,” said the bishop, “if I may neither have my horse nor garments with me, then will I walk on foot;” a190 and so addressed him toward his journey, all the other bishops forsaking him, whereof none would take his part; but if he came to them for counsel, they said he was wise enough, and needed not their counsel, as who for his prudence knew best what was to be done, as also for his holiness was willing and able to prosecute the same that he did know. As for them, they neither durst nor would stand against the king, their lord, whose favor they could not lack, for the peril that might happen both to themselves and their kindred; but for him, because he was both a stranger, and void of such worldly corruption in him, they willed him to go forward as he had begun; their secret consent he should have, but their open voice they would not give him. Thus Anselm, remaining at Dover fifteen days, tarrying for wind, at last sped him toward his passage; but his packing being secretly known in the court, the king’s officer, William Warlwast, a191 prevented his purpose, search ing, by the king’s commandment, all his trusses, coffers, satchels, sleeves, purse, napkin, and bosom, for letters and for money; and so let him pass. Anselm, sailing into France, first rested a while at Lyons, and from thence came a192 to Rome to complain to Pope Urban, according to the tenor and form of a certain epistle of his, wherein, among many other things in the same epistle contained, these words he writeth to Pope Paschal, the third year after his banishment, after the death of Urban, and a little before the death of the king.

    TO THE LORD AND REVEREND FATHER PASCHAL, HIGH BISHOP, Anselm, servant of the church of Canterbury, offereth due subjection from his heart, and prayers, if they can stand in any stead, etc. f271 I saw in England many evils, whose correction belongeth to me, and which I could neither amend, nor suffer without mine own fault.

    The king desired of me, that under the name of right, I should consent to his pleasures, which were against the law and will of God. For he would not have the pope received nor appealed unto in England without his commandment; neither that I should send a letter unto him, or receive any from him, or that I should obey his decrees. He suffered not a council to be kept in his realm now these thirteen years since he was king. In all these things, and such like, if I asked any counsel, all my suffragan bishops of his realm denied to give me any counsel, but according to the king’s pleasure. After that I saw these and such other things that are done against the will and law of God, I asked license of him to go to Rome, unto the see apostolical, that I might there take counsel for my soul, and the office committed unto me. The king said, that I offended against him for the only asking of license; and propounded to me, that either I should make him amends for the same as a trespass, (assuring kiln never to ask his license any more to appeal to the pope at any time hereafter,) or else that I should quickly depart out of his land. Wherefore, choosing rather to go out of the land than agree to so wicked a thing, I came to Rome, as you know, and declared the whole matter to the lord pope. The king, by and by, as soon as I went out of England, invaded the whole archbishopric, and turned it to his own use, giving the monks only bare meat, drink, and clothing. The king being warned and desired of the lord pope to amend this, contemned the same, and yet continueth in his purpose still. And now is the third year since I came thus out of England, and more. Some men, not understanding, demand why I do not excommunicate the king. But the wiser sort, and such as have understanding, counsel me that I do not this thing; because it belongeth not unto me both to complain and to punish. To conclude, I was forewarned by my friends that are under the king, that my excommunication (if it should be done) would be laughed to scorn and despised,” etc.

    By these here above prefixed, appeareth how Anselm the arch bishop, coming unto Rome, made his complaint to Pope Urban of the king; and how the pope writing unto the king in behalf of Anselm, his letters and commandments were despised. And now to our story. In the mean time, while the pope’s letters were sent to the king, Anselm was bid to wait about the pope to look for answer back, who perceiving, at length, how little the king reputed the pope’s letters, began to be weary of his office, desiring the pope that he might be discharged thereof; but the pope in no case would thereto consent, charging him upon his obedience, that wheresoever he went, he should bear with him the name and honor of the archbishop of Canterbury. Whereunto Anselm again said, his obedience he neither durst nor would refuse, as who for God’s cause was ready to suffer whatsoever should happen, yea, though it were death itself, as he thought no less would follow thereof. “But what should we think,” saith he, “is there to be done, where justice not only taketh no place, but is utterly oppressed? And whereas my suffragans do not only not help, for dread, the righteous cause, but also for favor do impugn the same?” “Well,” saith the pope, “as touching these matters, we shall sufficiently provide at the next council to be holden at Bari, a193 whereat I will you the same time and place to be present.”

    When the time of the council was come, Anselm, amongst others, was called for, who, first sitting on an outer side of the bishops, afterwards was placed at the right foot of the pope, with these words, “Inclu-damus hunc in orbe nostro, tanquam alterills orbis papam.” Where upon the same place after him was appointed to the successors of the see of Canterbury, in every general council, by the decree of Pope Urban, to sit at the right foot of the pope. In this said council great stir and much reasoning there was against the Grecians, con cerning the matter and order of proceeding of the Holy Ghost. Here is to be noted, that the Greek church hath of long time dissented from the Latin church in many and sundry points, to the number of twenty, or almost twenty-nine articles, as I have them collected out of the register of the church of Hereford; whereof, as occasion hereafter may serve (God willing) for a further and more ample tractation to be made; so here, by the way, partly I mean to touch some. The first is:

    ARTICLES AND OPINIONS WHEREIN THE GREEK CHURCH DIFFERETH FROM THE LATIN.

    The articles wherein the Greek church altereth from the Latin or Romish church, are these: f273 1. They are not under the obedience of the church of Rome, because the church of Constantinople is not subject, but equal, to the same. 2. They hold that the bishop of the apostolic see of Rome hath not greater power than the four patriarchs; and whatsoever the pope doth beside their knowledge, or without their approbation, it is of no validity. 3. Also, they say whatsoever hath been done or concluded, since the second general council, it is of no full authority; because from that time they recount the Latins to be in error, and to be excluded out of the holy church. 4. Item, “Dicunt eucharistiam consecratam per Romanam ecclesiam non esse verum corpus Christi.” That is, they hold the eucharist consecrated by the church of Rome not to be the very body of Christ.

    Also, where the Romish church doth consecrate in unleavened bread, they consecrate in bread leavened. 5. Further, they say that the Romish church doth err in the words of baptism, for saying, “I baptize thee;” when they should say, “Let this creature of God be baptized,” etc. 6. They hold moreover that there is no purgatory, and that the suffrages of the church do not avail the dead, either to lessen the pain of them that be destined to hell, or to increase the glory of them that be ordained to salvation. 7. Also, they hold that the souls out of the bodies departed (whether they have done good or evil) have not their perfect pain or glory, but are reserved in a certain place till the day of judgment. 8. Also, they condemn the church of Rome for mixing cold water in their sacrifice. 9. Also, they condemn the church of Rome, for that as well women as priests anoint children (when they baptize them) on both shoulders. 10. Item, “Dicunt panem nostrum panagiam.” That is, they call our bread panagia. 11. Further, they blame the church of Rome for celebrating their mass on other days beside Sundays and certain other feasts appointed. 12. Also, in this the Greek church varieth from the Latin; for they have neither cream nor oil, nor sacrament of confirmation. 13. Neither do they use extreme unction, or annoiling after the manner of the Roman church, expounding the place of St. James of the spiritual infirmity, and not corporal. 14. Also, they enjoin no satisfaction for penance, but only that they show themselves to the priests, anointing them with simple oil in token of remission of sins. 15. Also, only on Maunday Thursday they consecrate for the sick, keeping it for the whole year after, thinking it to be more holy upon that day consecrated than upon any other: neither do they fast any Saturday through the whole year, but only on Easter-even. 16. Also, they give but only five orders, as of clerks, subdeacons, deacons, priests, and bishops; whereas the Roman church giveth nine orders, after the nine orders of angels. 17. Moreover, the Grecians in their orders make no vow of chastity, alleging for them the fifth canon?” a194 Ego, presbyter vol diaconus, uxorem causa honestatis non rejiciam,” etc.; that is, “I, N. priest or deacon, will not forsake my wife for honesty’ sake.” 18. Also, every year the Grecians use, on certain days, to excommunicate the church of Rome, and all the Latins as heretics. 19. Also further, among the said Grecians they are excommunicated that beat or strike a priest; neither do their religious men live in such priestly chastity as the Roman priests do. 20. Also, their emperor amongst them doth ordain patriarchs, bishops, and others of the clergy, and deposeth the same at his pleasure; also, he giveth benefices to whom he listeth, and retaineth the fruits of the same benefices, as pleaseth him. 21. Item, they blame the Latin church because they eat no flesh, eggs, and cheese on Fridays, and do eat flesh on Saturdays. f275 22. Item, they hold against the Latin men for celebrating without the consecrated church, either in the house or in the field, and for fasting on the Sabbath-day; also for permitting menstruous women to enter into the church before their purifying; and for suffering dogs and other beasts to enter into the church. 23. The Grecians use not to kneel in all their devotions, not even to the body of Christ, (as the register termeth it,) but one day in the whole year; saying and affirming that the Latins be goats and beasts, for they are always prostrating themselves upon the ground in their prayers. 24. The Grecians, moreover, permit not the Latins to celebrate upon their altars. And if it chance that any Latin priest do celebrate upon their altar, by and by they wash their altar, in token of abomination and false sacrifice and diligently they observe, that, whensoever they do celebrate, they do but one liturgy or mass upon one altar or table that day. 25. Further, they dissent from the church of Rome touching the order and manner of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost.

    These articles, wherein is declared the difference between the east and west church, of the Grecians and Romans, as I found them articulated and collected in an ancient and authentic register of the church of Hereford, so I thought here to insert them, and leave them to the consideration of the reader. Other four articles more in the sane register be there expressed concerning simony and usury, not with them forbidden; and touching also their emperor; and how they teach their children to hurt or damnify, by any manner of way, the Latin priests, etc.; which articles, for that either they seem not truly collected out of their teachings, or else not greatly pertinent to the doctrine of religion, I overpass them. To the purpose now of our story again.

    When certain of these above prefixed were moved in the aforesaid council to be discussed, namely concerning the assertion of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost, and concerning leavened bread in the ministration of the Lord’s supper, Anselm, as is above said, was called for, who, in the tractation of the same articles, so bestirred him in that council, that he well liked the pope and them about him, as mine author recordeth. Whereupon, touching the matter of unleavened bread, how indifferently he seemed there to reason, and what he writeth to Waltram, or Valerame, bishop of Naumburg, thereof ye shall hear by a piece of his letter sent to the said bishop, the copy whereof here ensueth.

    ANSELM, SERVANT TO THE CHURCH OF CANTERBURY, TO WALTRAM, BISHOP OF NAUMBURG F276 As concerning the sacrifice in which the Grecians think not as we do, it seemeth to many reasonable Catholic men, that which they do not to be against the Christian faith; for both he that sacrificeth unleavened and leavened, sacrificeth bread. And where it is read of our Lord (when he made his body of bread) that he took bread and blessed, it is not added unleavened or leavened. Yet it is certain that he blessed unleavened bread, peradventure not because the thing that was done required that, but because the supper in which this was done did give that. And where in another place he calleth himself and his flesh bread, because that as man liveth temporally with this bread, so with that bread he liveth for ever—he saith not unleavened nor leavened, because both alike are bread; for unleavened and leavened differ not in substance, as some think: like as a new man before sin, and an old man rooted in the leaven of sin, differ not in substance. For this cause only, therefore, he might be thought to call himself and his flesh bread, and to have made his body of bread, because that this bread, unleavened or leavened, giveth a transitory life; and his body giveth everlasting life, not for that it is either leavened or unleavened. Although it be a commandment in the law to eat unleavened bread in the Passover, where all things are done in a figure, that it might be declared that Christ, whom they looked for, was pure and clean; and we that should eat his body were admo-nished to be likewise pure from all leaven of malice and wickedness: yet now after we are come from the old figure to the new truth, and eat the unleavened flesh of Christ, that old figure in bread, of which we make that flesh, is not necessary for us. But manifest it is, to be better sacrificed of unleavened than of leavened, etc.

    To this letter I have also adjoined another epistle of his to the said Waltram, appertaining to matters not much unlike; wherein the variety and divers usages of the sacraments in the church are treated of; whereby such as call and cry so much for uniformity in the church, may note, peradventure, in the same something for their better understanding.

    PART OF ANOTHER LETTER OF ANSELM TO THE SAID WALTRAM, BISHOP OF NAUMBURG F277 To the reverend father and his friend Waltram, by the grace of God, the worshipful bishop of Naumburg, Anselm, the servant of the church of Canterbury, greeting, etc.

    Your worship complaineth of the sacraments of the church, that they are not made every where alter one sort, but are handled in divers places after divers sorts. And truly if they were ministered after one sort, and agreeing through the whole church, it were good and laudable. Yet, notwithstanding, because there be many diversities which differ not in the sum of the sacrament, in the strength of it, or in the faith, or else can be gathered into one custom, I think that they are rather to be borne with in agreement of peace, than to be condemned with offense: for we have this from the holy fathers, that if the unity of charity be kept in the catholic faith, the diversity of customs hurteth nothing. But if it be demanded whereof this diversity of customs doth spring, I perceive no other cause thereof but the diversity of menwits, which, although they differ not in strength and truth of the thing, yet they agree not in the fitness and comeliness of the ministering: for that which one judgeth to be meeter, oftentimes another thinketh less meet; wherefore, not to agree in such diversities, I think it not to swerve from the truth of the thing, etc.

    Then in the story it followeth, after long debating and discussing of these matters in the council, when they had given forth their determination upon the same, and the pope had blasted out his thundering excommunications against the Grecians, and all that took their part, at length were brought in the complaints and accusations against the king of England, upon the hearing whereof, Pope Urban, with his adherents, was ready to proceed in excommunication against the king; but Anselm, kneeling before the pope, after he had first accused his king, then afterwards obtained for him longer time to be given upon further trial.

    Thus the council breaking up, the pope returned again to Rome, directing down his letters to the king, and commanding him that Anselm, with all his partakers, in speedy wise should be revested a196 again in his archbishopric, and all other possessions thereunto appertaining. To this the king sendeth answer again by messengers, who, coming to the pope, declared in the king’s behalf on this wise, That the king, their master, did not a little marvel what came into his mind to command Anselm to be revested and reseized again into his former archbishopric; seeing he told him before plainly, that if he went out of England without his leave, he would so do unto him. “Well,” saith the pope, “have ye no other matter against Anselm but only this?” “No,” quoth they. “And have ye taken all this travail,” saith the pope, “to come hither so far to tell me this, that the primate of your country is therefore disseized and dispossessed, because he hath appealed to the see and judgment apostolical? Therefore, if thou lovest thy lord, speed thee home and tell him, if he will not be excommunicated, that he quickly revest Anselm again in all that he had before. And lest I make thee to be hanged for thy labor, look to thy term, and see that thou bring me answer again from him into this city against the next council, a197 the third week after Easter.” The messenger, or speaker, being somewhat astonished at the hearing of this so tragical answer, thinking yet to work something for his king and master, came secretly to the pope, saying, that he would confer a certain mystery from his king privately with his holiness, between them two. What mystery that was, or what there passed from the king to the pope and the court of Rome, mine author does not show; but so cunningly that mystery was handled, that, with a full consent, both of the pope and all the court of Rome, a longer day was given, from Easter to Michaelmas; and the pope’s choleric heat so assuaged, that when the council came, which then was holden at St. Peter’s church in Rome, albeit great complaints were then denounced against the king, yet such favor was found, that he took no harm; only the sentence of excommunication was there pronounced against such lay persons as gave investiture of churches, and them that were so invested; also, against them that consecrated such, or which gave themselves in subjection to laymen for ecclesiastical livings, as is before touched.

    This council being finished, the archbishop, seeing the unstedfastness of the pope, which pleased him but little, took his journey to Lyons, where he continued his abode a long time, till the death, first of Pope Urban, and then of the king.

    Of this King William many things be diversely recorded, some to his commendation, and some to his discommendation; whereof this is one which some will ascribe to hardiness, but I rather to rashness in him. As this king upon a time was in his disport of hunting, suddenly word came to him that Le Mans, a city in Normandy, was besieged. The king, without longer tarrying or advisement, took the straight way toward the sea-side, sending to his lords that they should follow after. They, being come to his presence, advised him to stay till the time his people were assembled; but he would not be stayed, saying, that such as him loved, he knew, would follow him shortly; and so went to take ship. The shipmaster, seeing the weather so dark and cloudy, was afraid, and counseled the king to tarry till the wind did turn about, and the weather was more favorable. But the king, persisting in his journey, commanded him to make all the speed he might for his life; saying, that he never heard that any king yet was ever drowned; and so passed the sea in safety, and came to Normandy.

    The thirteenth year of his reign, the said King William, having the same time in his hand three bishoprics—Canterbury, Winchester, and Sarum, also twelve abbies in farm, as he was in his disport of hunting in the New Forest, by glancing of an arrow shot by a knight named Walter Tyrrell, was wounded to death, and so, speechless, was carried to Westminster, and there was buried. Here also is to be noted, that Richard, the cousingerman of King William, and son to Duke Robert his brother, was likewise slain in the aforesaid forest. See the just hand of God upon kings usurping wrongfully upon other men’s grounds, as did William the Conqueror, their father, in making this new forest, plucking down divers churches and townships for the compass of thirty miles about. Here therefore appeareth, that although men cannot revenge, yet God revengeth, either in them or in their posterity. This king, as he always used concubines, so left he no issue legitimate behind him. His life was such, that it is hard for a story that should tell the truth to say whether he was more to be commended or reproved. Among other vices in him, especially is to be rebuked in him immeasurable and unreasonable covetousness; insomuch that he coveted, if he might, to be every man’s heir. This one example of a liberal and princely nature I find in him, that upon a time when a certain abbot of a place was dead, there came to his court two monks of the same house, who before had gathered much money, and made their friends to the king, and offered large offers, both of them to be promoted to that dignity.

    There was also a third monk of the same place, who of meekness and humility followed the other two, to the intent that upon him whom the king had admitted for abbot, he should give attendance, and as his chaplain with him return. The king called before him the two monks severally, of whom the one outproffered the other. As the king east his eye aside, he espied the third monk standing by, supposing that his coming had been also for the like cause. Then the king, calling him, asked what he would do, whether he would give more than his brethren had offered to be abbot. He answered the king, and said, that he neither had, nor would (if he might) offer any penny for it by any such unlawful means. When the king had well pondered this third monk’s answer, he said that he was best worthy to be abbot, and to have the rule of so holy a charge: and so gave unto him that benefice without taking any penny.

    Urban, bishop of Rome, who, as is said, succeeded after Victor, ruled the church of Rome about the space of eleven years; and amongst his other acts he excommunicated the emperor, Henry IV., as a man not much devout to that see of Rome. But yet a worthy and victorious prince he was, in whom, albeit some vice perchance might be noted, yet none such wherefore any prelate or minister of Christ ought to excite his subjects to rebel against public authority of God appointed. This emperor Henry IV. was by four popes severally excommunicate—by Hildebrand, Victor, Urban, and Paschal; which excommunication wrought so in the ignorant and blind hearts of the people, that many, as well of the nobles as of the multitude, contrary to their sworn allegiance, rebelliously conspired against their king and emperor; in the number of whom among the rest was one certain earl, named Louis, to whom Waltram, bishop of the church of Naumburg a198 (a godly and faithful man, as appeareth) doth write letters of fatherly admonition, exhorting and instructing him in the office of obedience; unto the which letters he likewise doth answer again by cavilling sophistication, and by mere affection, rather disposed to discord, than seeking sincerity of truth. And forasmuch as in these two letters the argument of Christian obedience on both sides is so debated by proofs and reasons as may be profitable for the reader to peruse and understand, I thought therefore not to defraud the English reader of the same, whereof peradventure some utility might be taken. The tenor of the bishop’s letter to the earl here followeth.

    THE EPISTLE OF WALTRAM, BISHOP OF NAUMBURG, TO EARL LOUIS, LANDGRAVE OF THURINGIA, EXHORTING TO CONCORD AND OBEDIENCE F278 Waltram, by the grace of God being that he is, to the most serene prince, Louis, together with his earnest prayers offereth himself in all things his most devoted servant. To every realm concord is advantageous, and justice desirable, for this virtue is the mother of goodness and the preservation of all honesty. But whoever goeth about sowing civil dissension, and inciteth others to the shedding of men’s blood, he is, in fact, himself a bloody man, and a partaker with him who, thirsting for our blood, continually “walketh about seeking whom he may devour.” Do thou, therefore, most glorious prince, considering how that God is a God of peace and not of dissension, “as much as in you lieth, live peaceably with all men.” “God is love;” the devil is hatred. On love “hangeth all the law, and the prophets:” but he that hateth his brother is a murderer, and hath no part in the kingdom of Christ and of God.’: ‘These are the sayings, partly of the Truth himself and partly of him who was; the Truth’s disciple; who from the breast of his Lord having drunk deeply of Gospel truth, the more abundantly “gladdeneth the city of God with the streams of that river.” [Psalm 46:4.] But that” chosen vessel,” who, being” caught up to the third heaven, not by man, but by the revelation of Jesus Christ, learned his Gospel, he saith, “Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; for there is no power but of God. But he that resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God” [Romans 13:1,2] as some of our friends are doing, who dream and teach among seely women and the simple multitude, that we are not bound to be subject to kingly power, and that therefore it is false to assert, that “every soul ought to be subject to the higher power.” But can the Truth itself lie? or do we seek a proof of him who spake in the apostle, even Christ? Do we provoke the Lord to jealousy? Be we stronger than he? Yet what else doth he, but think himself stronger than the Lord, who resisteth his ordinance? for” there is no power but of God.” But what saith the, prophet? “Confounded be all that fight against thee, O Lord, and the men shall perish who strive with thee.” [Isaiah 41:11.] Rodolph, Hildebrand, Egbert, a199 with innumerable other princes, resisted the ordinance of God in the person of Henry the emperor; and lo! they are now perislied as though they had never been: and as their end was very evil, so their beginning could not have been good. Now, therefore, forsomueh as they who are opposed to us have hitherto only fenced with us at a distance with their reasonings, let us meet your judgment in close encounter, wherever (even in your own judgment) it may be proper, only let it not be “in their own hired lodging” [Acts 28:30], but let us use the testimony of Christ and the ancient fathers. And that it be not refused, let this be the law of our contest, either that I shall adopt the popular opinion, or by my victory gain you to our lord the emperor. Also let that saying be attended to, “If any man preach any other gospel than that which is preached unto you, let him be accursed.” [Galatians 1:8.] This curse doth not proceed from the “hired lodging” of profane novelty, but is thundered from the third heaven. But of them who, “being ignorant of God’s righteousness and going about to establish their own righteousness, have not submitted themselves unto the righteousness of God” [Romans 10:3], of such I may confidently say, “Let them curse, but bless thou; when they arise let them be ashamed; but let thy servant rejoice” [Psalm 109,28]: for (as thou sayest, O Lord) “Without me ye can do nothing” [John 15:5]: nor wilt thou condemn the just when he is judged; “Who then art thou that judgest another man’s servant? to his own master he standeth or falleth.” [Romans 14:4.] THE RAILING ANSWER OF EARL LOUIS a200 TO THE FORMER LETTER OF BISHOP WALTRAM The Earl Louis to the Lord Waltram, whatever is due to such a name. “As a good man out of the good treasure of his heart bringeth forth good, so doth an evil man out of the evil treasure bring forth evil. Whence hath such excessive arrogancy possessed you, to provoke my indignation with such injurious contumelies? For my lords and spiritual fathers, who strengthen me in the way of righteousness, you obliquely call bloody men, like unto Satan; and the wholesome lessons which they teach, you call dreams for seely women and the rude vulgar. Hath God any need of your judgment, that you should speak leasings for him? Iniquity hath taught your mouth, and you imitate the tongue of blasphemers; so that the prophet rightly saith of you, “He hath left off to be wise and to do good; he deviseth mischief upon his bed.” [Psalm 36:3,4.] Although, therefore, being forward thou didst speak forward things, yet we determined “to set a watch upon our mouth, while the ungodly was before us.” But the word of God exciteth us, saying, “Answer a fool according to his folly, lest he be wise in his own conceit.” [Proverbs 26:5.] Shall folly cry out, and wisdom hold her peace? Shall falsehood speak, and truth keep silence? Shall “darkness cover the earth, and the Lord not arise and shine?” Yea, rather, “the light shineth in darkness, but the darkness comprehendeth it not.” While I was considering hereof “my heart grew hot within me; and while I was musing the fire kindled.” [Psalm 39:3.] We therefore now speak, yea cry, and (as much as in us lieth) will drive away “the little foxes which are destroying the Lord’s vines” [Cant. 2:15]; fearing that threatening prophecy— “Ye have not withstood our adversaries, neither have ye made a bulwark for the defense of the house of Israel, to stand in the battle in the day of the Lord.” [Ezekiel 13:5.] Hear me, then—not thou “who hast ears and hearest not, eyes and sees, not; who hast made the very light that is in thee darkness;” but—such as are wise, and “have ears to hear” withal; let such, I say, hear how profoundly ignorant thou art, or pretendest to be, what ye say and whereof ye affirm; Thou invites, us to be subject to the Lord Henry, whom they call the emperor, and (as far as we can understand thee) thou wouldst lay a necessity upon us of being subject to him in all things, and that by an argument seemingly drawn from the apostle, saying, “Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers; for there is no power but of God; he therefore that resisteth, resisteth the ordinance of God.” Which sentence of the apostle, we assert that you do ill understand, and still worse interpret. For if every power be of God, as you understand it, what meaneth this that the Lord speaketh of certain by the prophet, “They reigned, but not by me; they were made princes, and I knew them not.” [Hosiah 8:4.] If every power be of God, as you understand it, what meaneth this that the Lord saith, “If thine eye offend thee, pluck it out and cast it from thee?” For what is a power, if the eye be not? Certainly Augustine, in his exposition of this passage of the apostle—“ Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers,” saith, “But if the power should command any thing which is contrary to God, there hold the power in contempt; yet continuing to fear the power in other respects.” f280 Is there iniquity with God? Is Christ the minister of sin? God forbid. What do we say, then? Doth the apostle preach contrary to the prophet? Augustine saith, “By no means. One breath filleth many pipes of divers tones.”. Therefore let us hear the apostle reconciling and expounding himself, and destroying the enemy and avenger. “there is no power,” he saith, “but of God.” What followeth? Thou sayest—“ He therefore that doth resist the power,” &e. No such thing-that doth not follow: but what doth follow? But the powers winch be, are ordained of God.” Truly, that is the very thing we want. O crafty tongue! O heart imagining mischief! O breath that goeth forth, but shall not return! Why hast thou lied to the Holy Ghost? Let thine own conscience accuse thee.

    Behold, the wicked fleeth when none pursueth! Why would you suppress the truth, on purpose to deceive? Why have you stolen away the marrow and soul of this passage? For if these last-cited words be out taken of the middle of the apostle’s sentence, it will lie incoherent and lifeless. The word of the Lord is herein fulfilled, “He that diggeth a pit for his neighbout, shall fall therein himself.” [Proverbs 26:27.] Verily, thou canst not avoid either the guilt or the punishment of theft. What, O unhappy man, what wilt thou answer the Judge when he cometh to take account of his servants whom he put in trust, seeing thou shalt then be arraigned and proved a peculator of thy Lord’s property? Why didst thou not fear the judgment and execution of a traitor, and lest like guilt should be followed by like punishment? The apostle, through the Holy Ghost, did foresee that you, and such heretics as you are, should arise in the church, who should call good evil and evil good, and put darkness for light and light for darkness, and should take occasion by sentences of truth to bring in error: and therefore, having premised” there is no power but of God,” on purpose to prevent an wrong-headed inference therefrom he addeth, “But the powers which’ be, are ordained of God. Give us then an ordained power, and we will not resist the same, nay, we will forthwith do homage. But I marvel, that, if there be but a single drop of blood in thee, thou dost not blush to call the Lord Henry king, or allow him to have order in his favor. Doth it seem to thee order, to give place to wickedness, and to con- found good and evil, God’s laws and man’s devices? Doth it. seem to thee order, for a man to sin against his own body, as for example, (O atrocious wickedness!) to make a harlot of his own wife ¾ a villany never before heard of since the world began? Doth it seem to thee order, when the Lord saith, “Defend the widow, then to go and prostitute widows to shameful defilement, even when appealing for equity of justice? Orestes, in his madness even, protesteth that he must be out of his senses who would assert such things to be orderly or well done. Until these most wretched times, nature hath always loved secrecy; but your king, given up to a reprobate mind, hath thrown aside the veil and exposed to public gaze that which natural shame would conceal. To say nothing of innumerable atrocities, such as burning of churches, spoiling, murders, burnings, mutilations, and the like, the number whereof he knoweth, not welet us point out those things chiefly wherein the church of God is aggrieved. Hear, then, things true and not coloured; hear what are serious matters, and no jest. Every one that selleth spiritual dignities is a heretic. But the Lord Henry, whom they call “king,” selleth both bishoprics and abbacies; for assuredly he sold for money the bishoprics of Constance, Bamberg, a202 Mentz, and many others; the bishoprics of Ratisbon, Augsburgh, and Strasburgh, he sold for a sword; the abbacy of Fulda, for adulterous intercourse; the bishopric of Munster (shocking both to tell and to hear!) for Sodomitic indulgence. Which things if you will impudently deny in the face of heaven and earth, even the poor silly idiots, taken from the smithy, will conclude, “The Lord Henry then is a heretic.” For the which atrocious crimes being excommunicated by the apostolic see, he cannot now govern his kingdom nor exercise any power over us who be catholics. And whereas thou chargest us with hatred of our brethren, understand, that we intend not to hate any from mere dislike, but from considerations of piety. God forbid, that we should allow Henry worthy to be accounted a Christian brother, who, by so often refusing to hear the reproofs of the church, is become to us as “a heathen man and a publican:” the hatred of whom we offer unto God as a great sacrifice, saying with the Psalmist, “Do not I hate them that hate thee, O Lord? and am not I grieved with thine enemies? I hate them with perfect hatred, I count them mine enemies.” [Psalm 89:21,22.,], The Truth himself, commending the worthiness of this hatred, doth say, If any man hate not father and mother, and brethren and sisters, yea, and his own life also, for my sake, he cannot be my disciple.” [Luke 14:26.] We are not, therefore, justly upbraided with hatred, seeing we are commanded to hate even our own life if we wander from God’s way, and to hate father and mother, and every natural affection, which hindereth us from walking in God’s way. Thence is it. that we use our study and endeavor to guard against the enemies of the church as our own enemies also, and hate them; yet, not as being our enemies, but as being God’s enemies. Further, whereas you urge us “to maintain peace with all men,” you should remember that the apostle premiseth, “If it be possible :” but it is impossible that we should maintain peace with those that are contrary to God.

    But who is ignorant, that the Lord our Savior not only commondeth peace, when he saith, “My peace I give unto you, peace I leave with you;” but also that he himself is that peace, as saith the apostle,” He is our peace, who hath made both one.”

    What then doth our Peace himself say, while speaking in commendation of peace? “Think not,” saith he, “that! came to send peace on the earth; I came not to send peace, but a sword.” What meaneth this? Why doth Peace threaten a sword? or why doth Peace proclaim war?—to destroy, forsooth, the peace of the devil; for the devil also hath his peace, whereof the Lord saith, “When a strong man, armed, keepeth his palace, his goods are in peace.” [Luke 11:21.] Oh how strongly doth the devil keep his palace at this moment by you his guards! who, protected by the shield of falsehood and the helmet of perfidy, so defend him, that you will not allow the arrows of truth or the darts of faith to pierce him. Nevertheless, our Lord being the “stronger man armed, coming upon your strong man, is able to overcome him and take from him all his armor, wherein he trusteth.” [ibid.] We are not, therefore, rightly blamed, if we protest against that peace, more cruel than any war, which the Truth himself condemneth, weeping over Jerusalem and saying, Truly in this day the things which belong to thy peace’ [Luke 19:42]; and which the Psalmist envied in the wicked, when he saw the peace of sinners. Whereas you condemn Pope Gregory, king Rodolph, and the Marquis Egbert, as men who have died wretched deaths, and count your lord blessed because he doth outlive them, it plainly appeareth that. you are void of all spiritual consideration.

    Is it not more blessed to die well, than to live ill? for “blessed are they who suffer persecution for righteousness’ sake.” You might as well esteem Nero, Herod, and Pontius Pilate blessed, for that they severally outlived Peter and Paul, and James the apostle, and the Lord Jesus Christ—an opinion, than which nothing can be more foolish and absurd. Wherefore refrain thy babbling tongue from this blasphemy; unless thou wouldst place thyself among the number of those, who, beholding the end of the righteous to be glorious, and themselves too late and in vain “repenting, and groaning for anguish of spirit, shall say, These be they whom we had sometimes in derision, and a proverb of reproach. We fools accounted their life madness, and their end to be without honor. How are they numbered among the children of God, and their lot is among the saints. Therefore have we erred from the way of truth, and the light of righteousness hath not shined unto us, and the Sun of righteousness rose not upon us. What hath pride profited us, or what good hath riches, with our vaunting, brought us? All those things are passed away like a shadow.” [Wisdom 5:3-9.] Which words we registering in imperishable remembrance, despise every imagination that shall exalt itself against the truth of God; and, glorying as we do in tribulations, we may be falsely accused, accursed, banished, yea, and finally slain, but we cannot yield or be conquered. Moreover (as thou thyself wouldst have felt once, when a beardless boy and a gay, youth, and not yet a tough-hearted old man) we do rejoice with great exultation in the memory of our fathers, who, despising the commandments of princes, merited everlasting rewards.

    There is a certain chronicle in old English meter, which, among other matters speaking of William Rufus, declareth him to be so sumptuous and excessive in pompous apparel, that he not being contented with a pair of hose at a low price, which was three shillings, caused a pair to be bought at a mark, whereupon his chamberlain, procuring a pair much worse than the other before, said, “That they costen’d a mark, and unneth he them so bought:

    Yea, Belamy (quoth the king) these are well bought! ” Whereby is to be noted what difference is to be seen between the hose of princes then, and the hose of serving-men now.

    APPENDIX HISTORIOE After the time of this King William, the name of King ceased in the country of Wales among the Britons, since King Ris, a203 in the reign of this king, A.D. 1093, was slain in Wales. f283 HENRY THE FIRST F284 HENRY I, the third son of William the Conqueror, succeeding his brothel Rufus, began his reign a204 in England A. D. 1100, who, for his knowledge and science in the Seven Liberal Arts, was surnamed Clerk, or Beauclerk. In this prince may well appear how knowledge and learning do greatly conduce to the government and administration of any realm or country. At the beginning he reformed the state and condition of the clergy, released the grievous payments, and reduced again King Edward’s laws, with emendation thereof; he reformed the old and untrue measures, and made a measure after the length of his arm; he greatly abhorred excess of meats and drinks; many things misused before his time he reformed, and used to vanquish more by counsel than by sword. Such persons as were nice and wanton he secluded from his court. This man, as appeareth, little favored the usurped power of the bishop of Rome. Soon after he was king, he married Matilda, or Maud, daughter of Malcolm, king of Scots, and of Margaret his wife, daughter of Edward the Outlaw, as is before specified, being a professed nun at Winchester, whom, notwithstanding, and without the pope’s dispensation, he married by the consent of Anselm, a205 by the which Maud he received two sons, William and Richard, and two daughters, Matilda and Mary, which Matilda afterwards was married to the emperor, Henry V. f285 In the second year of his reign, Robert, his elder brother, duke of Normandy, being occupied in the Christian wars against the Turks, and being elected, as you heard, king of Jerusalem, hearing of the death of Rufus, refused the kingdom thereof; for the which, as is thought, he never sped well after. Thus the said Robert, leaving off the Lord’s business, and returning into Normandy, a206 made there his preparations, and came over into England with a ,great host to challenge the crown; but, by mediation of the lords, it was agreed that Robert should have yearly, during his life, three thousand marks, as were likewise promised him before by King Rufus, his brother; and that whether of them outlived the other, should be the other’s heir. On this Robert departed again into Normandy, to the great discontent of his lords there; but, in a few years after, the aforenamed tribute of three thousand marks, through the means of Queen Matilda, was released to the king his brother. In process of time, variance happening between King Henry and the said Robert his brother, at length Robert in his wars was taken prisoner, and brought over into England, and was put into the castle of Cardiff in Wales, where he continued as a prisoner while he lived.

    In this time, as about the third year of this king, the hospital of St.

    Bartholomew in Smithfield was founded, by means of a minstrel belonging unto the king, named Rayer, and it was afterwards finished by Richard Whittington, alderman and mayor of London. This place of Smithfield was at that day a laystall of all ordure or filth, and the place where the felons and other transgressors of the king’s laws were put to execution.

    Divers strict laws a207 were by this king provided, especially— Against thieves and felons, That whoso should be taken in that fault, no money should save him from hanging. Item, That whoso should counterfeit false money, should have both his eyes put out, and the nether parts of his body cut off. Item, In the same council was decreed an order for priests to be sequestered from their wives, which before were not forbidden. f286 Item, It was then decreed that monks and priests should bear no rule over lay persons. Item, It was decreed concerning broidering of hair, and wearing of garments. Item, That a secret contract of marriage between a young lad and a young maid should not stand: with other things concerning the excommunication of those guilty of sodomy.

    In the story of William Rufus a208 before was declared how Anselm, the archbishop of Canterbury, departing out of the realm, went to the pope, who, after the death of King William, was sent for again by the aforesaid King Henry, and so returned again, a209 and was at the council of the king at Westminster; where the king, in the presence of the lords, as well temporal as spiritual, ordained and invested two bishops, Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Roger bishop of Hereford. During that parliament or council of the king, Anselm in his convocation deposed and displaced divers abbots and other prelates from their rooms and dignities, either for that they lawfully came not by them, or uprightly did not administer the same.

    After this council and the other before set forth by Anselm, Herbert, bishop of Norwich, had much ado with the priests of his diocese, for they would neither leave their wives, nor yet give over their benefices. On this he wrote to Anselm, the archbishop, for counsel what was to be done therein, who required him, as he did others at the same time by writing, to persuade the people of Norfolk and Suffolk, that as they professed Christianity, they should subdue them as rebels against the church, and utterly drive both them and their wives out of the country, placing monks in their room, as by the epistles of the said Anselm doth appear; f287 whereof certain parcels shall hereafter, by the grace of Christ, ensue, for the better evidence of this and his other acts above recited.

    The like business also had Gerard, the archbishop of York, in depriving the priests of his province of their wives; which thing, with all his excommunications and thunderings, he could hardly bring about. Upon this ruffling of Anselm with married priests, were rhyming verses made to help the matter withal, when reason could not serve, which verses, for the folly thereof, I thought here to annex. f288 About the end of the second year of this king, which was by computation A.D. 1102, a variance happened between King Henry and Anselm, the occasion whereof was this: a210 —Ye heard a little before how Henry, the aforesaid king, had, of his own authority, invested two bishops, one Roger, who was chancellor, bishop of Salisbury, and another, bishop of Hereford. Besides them divers also he invested, and divers other like things took he upon him in the ecclesiastical state, which he might lawfully do, God’s word allowing well the same; but because he was restrained by the bishop of Rome, and forbidden so to do, this Anselm swelled, fretted, and waxed so mad, that he would neither consent to it, nor yet confirm them, nor communicate nor talk friendly with those whom the king had instituted and invested; but opprobriously called them abortives, or children of destruction, disdainfully rebuking the gentle king as a defiler of religion, and polluter of their holy ceremonies; as withesseth Polydore. With this uncomely outrage the king was much displeased, as he might full well, and required Gerard, the archbishop of York, as he owed him allegiance, to consecrate them; who, without delay, did I so, well performing the same, saving that one William Gifford, to whom the king had given the bishopric of Winchester, refused to take his consecration by the hands of the archbishop of York, for which cause the king, worthily with him offended, deprived him both of bishopric and goods, and banished him the realm.

    Moreover, the king required of Anselm, the archbishop of Canterbury, to do unto him homage, after the manner of his ancestors, as withesseth Malinesbury. Also it was asked of the said Anselm, whether he would be with the king in giving investitures, as Lanfranc, his predecessor, was with his father. To whom Anselm said, that he promised not at any time that he would enter into this order to keep the law or custom of his father, as Lanfranc did. Moreover, as concerning homage to be done to the king, that he refused; alleging the censures of the pope’s excommunication, who, in his council of Rome a little before, a211 had given forth open sentence of excommunication upon all such lay persons, whatsoever they were, that should from henceforth confer or give any spiritual promotions, and also upon them that received them at their hands, either yet should consecrate any such receivers. Moreover, he accursed all them that for benefices or other ecclesiastical promotions should subject them selves under the homage or service of any great man, king, prince, duke, or earl of the laity. For it was unseemly, said the pope, and a thing very execrable, that the hands which were converted into so high a working as was granted to no angel (that is, to create him with their crosses, who created all, and to offer up the same before the sight of the Father for the salvation of the whole world), should be brought to such a slavery as to be subject to those filthy hands, which both day and night are polluted with shameful touchings, robberies, and bloodshed, etc. This decree of Pope Urban Anselm alleging for himself, denied to subject himself to the king’s homage, fearing, as he said, the pope’s excommunication. Upon this, messengers a212 were sent to Rome on both parts unto the pope, then Pope Paschal, who, stoutly standing to the steps and determinations of Urban, his predecessor, would in no case yield to the king’s investing. f292 In the mean time, while there was long disputation on both sides for investing, the nobles of the realm contended, that investings did belong to the king’s dignity: wherefore the king, calling for Anselm again, required him either to do homage to him, or else to void his kingdom. To whom Anselm replying again, required the pope’s letters to be brought forth, and, according to the tenor thereof, so the matter to be decided; for now the messengers were returned from Rome, with the pope’s answer, altogether siding with Anselm. Then said the king, “What have I to do with the pope’s letters? I will not forego the liberties of my kingdom for any pope.” Thus the contention continued between them. Anselm saith, he would not out of the realm, but depart home to his church, and there see who would offer him any violence: and so he did. Not long after, message came from the king to Anselm, requesting him, after a gentle sort, to repair to the king’s presence again, to put an end to the controversy, whereunto Anselm yielded and came. Then were new ambassadors sent again to the pope, that he would something qualify and moderate, or rather abolish, the strictness of the Roman decree beforementioned. On the part of Anselm went two monks, Baldwin of Bee and Alexander of Canterbury. a213 On the king’s behalf were sent two bishops, a214 Robert, bishop of Lichfield, and Herbert, bishop of Norwich, with the king’s letters written unto the pope, containing in form as followeth. f293 To the reverend father Paschal, the chief bishop, Henry, by the grace of God king of England, greeting. For this your promotion a215 unto the see of the holy church of Rome, as I am heartily glad, so my request is to you, that the friendship and amity, which hath been heretofore between my father and your predecessors in times past, may now also between us in like manner continue undiminished; and, that love and gentleness may first begin on my part, here I send to you that gift that St. Peter had in former time of my predecessors. And likewise the same honors and obedience which your predecessors have had in the realm of England before in the time of my father, I will you to have the same in my time also: after this form I mean and tenor, that the usage and manner of dignity, and such customs, as my father hath had in this realm of England, in the time of your ancestors, I in like ample manner also now, in your time, may fully enjoy the same in this the said realm of England. Thus, therefore, be it known to your holiness, that during this life of mine (God Almighty enabling me to the same) these abovenamed dignities, usages, and customs of this realm of England, shall in no part be lessened. Yea, and if that I (as God forbid I should) would so much deject myself unto such cowardliness, yet my nobles, yea, the whole people of England, in no case would suffer it. Wherefore, dear father, using with yourself a better deliberation in this matter, let your gentleness so moderate itself toward us, lest ye compel me, which I shall do against my will, to recede and depart utterly from your obedience.

    At the same time, also, he sent another letter or epistle to the said pope, craving of him the pall for Gerard, archbishop of York, the form whereof here also followeth: f294 To the reverend and well-beloved father universal, Pope Paschal, Henry, by the grace of God, king of England, greeting. The great love which I bear to you, and the no less gentleness in you, which not a little beautifieth your doings, ministereth to me boldness to write. And whereas I thought to have retained still this Gerard with me, and to have craved your pall for him by letters; yet, notwithstanding, when his desire could not otherwise be satisfied, but he would needs present himself before your presence, by his own heart to crave of you the same, I have sent him up unto you, desiring your benign fatherhood in this behalf, that he, obtaining the pall at your hands, may be sent home again to me. And thus, requiring the assistance of your prayers, I pray the Lord long to preserve your apostleship.

    This second letter of the king in sending for the pall was well taken of all the court of Rome, which (as mine author saith) procured such favor to Gerard, archbishop of York, and bringer thereof, that no complaint of his adversaries afterwards could hurt him with the pope. Notwithstanding, he was accused grievously for divers things, and specially for not standing to the consecration of Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury.

    Polvdore, in his eleventh book of his English history, affirmeth, that Anselm also went up to Rome with Gerard about the same cause. But both the premises and sequel of the story argue that to be untrue, for what need the two monks to be sent up on Anselm’s side, if he had gone up himself? Again, how could the pope write down by the said messengers to Anselm, if he had been present there himself? for so proceedeth the story by the narration of Malinesbury and others.

    After the ambassadors, thus on both sides sent up to Rome, had labored their cause with instant suit one against the other, the pope, glad to gratify the king, yet loath to grant his request, being against his own profit, and therefore more inclining to Anselm’s side, sendeth down his letters a216 to the said Anselm, signifying that he would not repeal the statutes of his holy fathers for one man’s pleasure; charging him, moreover, not only not to yield in the cause of investing, but constantly to adhere to the aforesaid decreement of Pope Urban, his predecessor, etc. Besides this letter to Anselm, he directed also another to the king himself, which, mine author saith, the king suppressed and did not show, a217 only declaring, by word of mouth, what the ambassadors had said unto him from the pope, which was, that he permitted unto him the license of investing, upon condition that in other things he would execute the office of a good prince, etc. To this, also, the testimony of the three bishops a218 above minded did accord, which made the matter more probable. But the two monks on the other side replied, bringing forth the letter of Anselm to the contrary, etc. To them it was answered, that more credit was to be given to the degree and testimony of the bishops, than to theirs; and that as for monks, they had no suffrage nor testimony in secular matters, and therefore they might hold their peace. “But this is no secular matter, said Baldwin, the monk of Bec. a219 Whereunto, again, the nobles of the king’s part answered, saying, that he was a good man, and of such demeanor, that they had nothing to say against him, neither so would, if they might; but that both human and divine reason taught them to yield more credit and confidence to the testimony of three bishops, than to that of two monks: whereby may well appear,, that Anselm at that time went not with them.

    Then Anselm, seeing a220 how the king and his peers were bent, and hearing also the testimony of the three bishops, against whom he saw he could not prevail, and also having the pope’s seal, which he saw to be so evident on the contrary side, made his answer again, that he would send to Rome for more certainty of truth: adding, moreover, that he neither would, nor durst give over his cause, though it should cost him his life, to do or proceed against the determination of the church of Rome, unless he had a perfect warrant of absolution from thence for his discharge. Then was it agreed a221 by the king and his nobles, that he should not send, but go himself to Rome, and much entreaty was made that he would take that journey himself, in his own person, to present himself to the pope for the peace of the church and of his country. And so, at length, by persuasion, he was content to go to Rome a222 and speak with the pope. In a short time after followeth also the king’s ambassador, William Waftwast, the newly elected bishop of Exeter, who there pleading on the king’s side for the ancient customs of the realm, and for the king’s right of investing, etc., first declared, how England, of a long. continuance, had ever been a province peculiar to the church of Rome, and how it payed duly its yearly tribute unto the same; inferring, moreover, how the king, as he was of nature very liberal, so also of courage he was a prince stout and valiant.

    Then what a shame would he think it to be to him, as it would indeed be, if he, who in might and dignity far exceeded all his progenitors, should not defend and maintain the liberties and customs by them procured.

    Wherefore he desired the pope to see to the matter, so that it might stand both with the king’s honor, and also with his own profit and advantage, who, otherwise, no doubt should lose a great piece of money out of the realm, unless he did remit something of the severity of his canons and laws decretal.

    With these and such other like persuasions to the same effect, the court of Rome was well contented, agreeing that the king’s request ought with all favor to be granted. But the pope and Anselm sat still marking their doings. The ambassador, supposing their silence to be half a yielding unto him, added moreover and said; that the king, no not for the crown of his realm, would lose the authority of investing or admitting his prelates within his dominion. Whereunto the proud pope answering again, burst out in these words: “Nor I,” said. he, “for the price of his head, as thou sayest, will lose the giving of spiritual promotions in England;” and, confirming it with an oath, “before God,” saith he, “I speak it; know it for a certainty,* for the whole price of his head, I will not permit it unto him, neither shall he have it.* Then it followeth in the story of Malmesbury, that with this word of the pope the minds of the rest were changed, saying, “Benedicta sit cordis tui constantia, benedicta oris tui loquela.” The king’s attorney also was therewith dashed, who, notwithstanding, brought it to pass, that certain of the king’s customs, used before of his father, were released unto him. At that time, in the same court, it was decreed,— the king only, who had invested them, being excepted,—that the others who were invested by the king should be excommunicated; the absolution and satisfaction of whom were left to Anselm, the archbishop.

    Thus Anselm, being dismissed from Rome, took his journey towards England: but the ambassador, pretending to go to St. Nicholas, remained behind, to see whether he could win the pope’s mind to the king’s purpose; but when he saw it would not be, he overtaketh Anselm by the way, at Placentia, a223 and openeth to him the king’s pleasure. “The king,” saith he, “giveth to you in charge and commandment, that if you will come to England, and there behave yourself to him, as your predecessors did to his father, you should be received and retained in the realm accordingly; if not, you are wise enough to know what I mean, and what will follow” f298 And so, with these words parting from him, he returned again to the king.

    Anselm remained at Lyons a year and a half, a224 writing divers letters to the king, after this effect, and in words as followeth:

    TO HIS REVEREND LORD, HENRY, KING OF ENGLAND, ANSELM, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, FAITHFUL SERVICE WITH PRAYERS: F299 Although ye understand by William Warlwast what we have done at Rome, yet I shall shortly show you that which belongeth to me. When I came to Rome, I declared the cause wherefore I came to the lord pope. He answered that he would not swerve from the statutes of his predecessors. Furthermore, he commanded me that I should have no fellowship with those who received investings of churches at your hands, after the knowledge of this prohibition, unless they would do penance, and forsake that which they had received, without hope of recovery; and that I should not communicate with the other bishops who had consecrated such men, except they would present themselves to the judgment of the apostolic see. The aforesaid William can be a witness of all these things if he will. This William, when we departed asunder, reckoning up in your behalf the love and liberality which you have had always towards me, warned me as your archbishop, that I should show myself such an one, that if I would come into England, I might be with you as my predecessor was with your father, and ye might treat me with the same honor and liberty that your father treated my predecessor. By which words I understand, that except I should show myself such an one, you would not have me come into England. For your love and liberality I thank you; but that I should be with you as my predecessor was with your father, I cannot do it, for I dare not do homage to you, nor do I dare communicate with those who take investings of churches at your hands, because of the aforesaid inhibition made, I myself hearing it.

    Wherefore, I desire you to send me your pleasure herein, if it please you, whether I may return into England, as I said, with your peace and the power of mine office. a225 In the mean while, great business there was, and much posting went to and fro between the king, the archbishop, and the pope, but nothing was done; for neither would the pope agree to the king, nor would the king condescend to the archbishop. At last the archbishop, seeing that by no means he could prevail against the king, thought to revenge himself by excommunication, and so went about the same. The king, having word thereof by the Countess Adela, his sister, desireth her to come to him into Normandy, and bring Anselm with her: whereupon, by the means of the countess, reconcilement a226 was made, and the archbishop was restored to his former possessions; only his return into England was deferred, because he would not communicate with those whom the king had invested. So the king took his passage over into England, and Anselm made his abode at the abbey of Bec.

    Then were ambassadors a227 again directed unto Rome, namely, William Warlwast, and Baldwin, above named, the monk of Bec; a228 who, at length, concluded the long controversy between the king and the pope upon this agreement: that the king should take homage of the bishops elect, but should not deal with investing them by staff and ring. While the ambassadors were thus in their suit at Rome, divers complaints were daily brought from England to Anselm against the priests and canons, who, in his absence, contrary to the late council holden at London, a229 received their wives into their houses again, and so were permitted by the king, paying him certain money for the same. Anselm, the sore enemy against lawful marriage, grieved therewith, addresseth his letters unto the king, requiring him to refrain from any more taking of such exactions, declaring, moreover, and affirming, that the offenses of all such ecclesiastical ministers must be corrected at the instance of bishops, and not of laymen. To this the king answereth gently again by letters, tempering himself, how he purposed shortly to come over into Normandy, and if he had done any thing amiss, either in these or other things, he would reform it by his obedience.

    It was not long after, a231 the messengers being now returned from Rome, a230 but the king, as he had promised, sped him into Normandy, where he, warring against his brother Robert, brought both him and the country of Normandy at last under his subjection. But first, meeting with Anselm at the abbey of Bec, he convented and agreed a232 with him in all such points as the archbishop required. As first, that all his churches, which before were made tributary unto King William, his brother, now should remain free from all tribute. Item, that lie should take none of the revenues of any of the churches, in the time of their being vacant. f301 Moreover, concerning such priests and ministers as had given money to the king for their company with their wives, it was agreed that they should surcease from all ecclesiastical function for the space of three years, and that the king should take no more after such manner. Item, that all such goods, fruits, and possessions, as had been taken away before from the archbishopric, should be restored at his coming again into England, etc.

    This Anselm, the stout champion of popery and superstition, after this victory gotten upon the king, for the which he so long fought, with joy and triumph saileth into England, a233 having all his popish requests obtained; where first he flieth like a lion upon the married priests, contrary to the word of God, divorcing and punishing that by man’s authority, which the eternal and almighty God had coupled. Next, he looketh to them who did hold any church by farm under the king. Against simony likewise, and against them that married within the seventh degree, he proceedeth with his full pontifical authority.

    Shortly after, as King Henry had finished his war in Normandy, and with victory had returned again into England, in the seventh year of his reign, a234 Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, by the permission of the king, assembled a great council at Westminster, in London, of the clergy and prelates of England, in the which, by the bishop of Rome’s authority, he so wrought with the king, that at length, albeit, as the story saith, not without great difficulty, it was newly confirmed and enacted, that no temporal man after that day should make investiture with cross or with ring, or with pastoral hook. In another council, a235 sundry and divers injunctions were given forth to priests and deacons, as divers other synodal acts also by the same Anselm had been concluded in other councils before. And because here falleth in mention of the acts synodal concluded in the time of this Anselm, I thought good to pack them all in one general heap together, as I find them in Malmesbury, and in other sundry authors scatteringly recited. f302 The first thing decreed by this Anselm in his synodal councils, was touching the fault of simony, for which divers, both bishops and abbots (as is aforesaid) were at the same time deposed. Laymen, also, were forbidden to confer any ecclesiastical promotion.

    Also, it was decreed, that bishops should not officiate (officium suscipiant) in secular pleas, and that such should not go apparelled as the laymen did, but should have their vestures decent, and meet for religious persons, and that in all places they should never go without some to bear witness of their conversation. f303 Item, That no archdeaconries should be let out to farm. Item, That no archdeacon should be under the degree of a deacon. Item, That no archdeacon, priest, deacon, or canon, should from thenceforth marry a wife, nor yet keep her, if he had been married to one before: Item, That every subdeacon, who is not a canon, after the profession of chastity marrying a wife, should be subject to the same rule.

    They ordained also, that a priest keeping company with a woman, should not be reputed priest, and that he should say no mass, and if he said mass, he should not be heard.

    They charged that none should be admitted to orders from that time forward, from the degree of a subdeacon and upwards, unless he did profess chastity.

    That priest’s sons should not claim by heritage the benefices of their fathers. Item, That no spiritual person should sit in any secular office; or be procurators or judges of blood. Item, That priests should not resort to taverns or banquets, nor sit drinking by the fire-side. f304 That the garments of priests should be of one color, and that their shoes should be decent (ordinata). Item, That monks, or any others of the clergy, if they forsook their order, either should come back again, or be excommunicated. Item, That the clergy should wear their crowns broad-shaved (patentes). Item, That no tithes should be given but to the churches. Item, That no churches or prebends should be bought.

    That no new chapels should be made without consent of the bishop.

    That no church should be hallowed, before the necessary provision were made for the priest and for the church to be maintained.

    That abbots should make no knights a238 (milites), and that they must both sleep and eat in the same house with their monks, unless some great necessity do let. Item, That monks do enjoin no penance to any man without the consent of the abbot; and that their abbots give no license therein, but only touching such persons toward whom they have a cure of souls.

    That no monks should be godfathers, or nuns godmothers.

    That monks should have no lordships to farm. Item, that monks should take no churches but by the bishop, neither should so spoil of their fruits the churches given unto them, that sufficient be not left for maintaining the churches and the officiating ministers of the same.

    That privy contracts of marriage between man and woman without witness should not stand, but be frustrated, if either party do go from the contract. Item, That such persons as did wear long hair a239 should be so rounded, that part of their ears appear, and that their eyes be not covered. Item, That there be no marriage between parties akin to the seventh generation, and that it do not continue if they be married, but that the marriage be broken. And that if any one privy to that incest do not detect the same, he to be held guilty of the same crime. Item, That no corpses be carried forth to burial out of their own parish, so that the priest thereof do lose that which to him is due. Item, That no man, upon any rash desire of novelty, do attribute any opinion of holiness or pay reverence to dead men’s bodies, to fountains, or to any other thing, as the use hath been in time past, without authority of the bishop. Item, That the infamous traffic of buying and selling of men like brute animals, be no longer used in England.

    Also, after the restraint of priests’ marriage, when unnatural crimes began to come in consequence thereof, they were forced to make another act, which was this, passed in this council. “With a grievous curse we condemn both those that. occupy unnatural, vice,. and those also that willingly assist them or be wicked doers with them in the same; till such time as they may deserve absolution by penance and confession.

    But whosoever shall be noised or proved to be of this wickedness, if he be of a religious order, he shall from thenceforth be promoted to no degree of honor, and he shall be deposed from any which he hath.

    If he be a lay person, he shall be deprived of his quality within the land, and be no better than a foreigner.

    And if he be a secular, let none but the bishop presume to absolve him.

    Be it also enacted, that the said curse be published on every Sunday, in every parish church of England.”

    But mark in this great matter what followed; for, as Ranulphus Cestrensis withesseth, this grievous general curse was soon called back again by the suit of certain who persuaded Anselm, that the publication, or opening of that vice, gave kindlings to the same in the hearts of lewd persons, ministering occasion of more boldness to them to do the like and so, to stop the occasion of this vice, the publication thereof was taken away; but the forbidding and restrainment of priests’ lawful marriage, which chiefly was the cause thereof, remained still. And thus, ever since, this horrible crime remained among the clergy, both for lack of marriage being more used, and for lack of publication less punished.

    Besides all these synodal acts above comprehended, and given out by Anselm in his councils before, at another council, held in London at Whitsuntide in the eighth year of this king [May 24th, A.D. 1208], a241 a242 he also directed other new injunctions to the priests.

    First, That the priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should live chastely, and retain no woman in their house, unless they were of their next kin. Item, That they who had retained their wives, or taken new ones, against the council of London, should never more meet them in one house, nor should their wives dwell in the church territory. Item, That such as had dissevered themselves from the society of their wives, and yet, for some honest cause, had to communicate with them, might do so if it were without door, and with at least two lawful witnesses. Item, If any one of them should be accused by two or three witnesses of breaking this statute, and could not purge himself again by six able men of his own order, if he be a priest, or if he be a deacon by four, or if he a subdeacon by two, then he should be judged a transgressor of the statute, deprived of his office and benefice, and not be admitted into the quire, but be treated as infamous. Item, He that rebelled, and in contempt of this new statute held still his wife, and presumed to say mass, upon the eighth day after, if he made not due satisfaction, should be solemnly excommunicated. Item, All archdeacons and deacons to be strictly sworn not to wink or dissemble at their meetings, or to bear with them for money. And if they would not be sworn to this, then to lose their offices without recovery. Item, Such priests, as forsaking their wives were willing to serve still, and remain in their holy order, first must cease forty days from their ministration, setting vicars for them in the mean time to serve, and taking such penance upon them, as by their bishop should be enjoined them.

    Thus have ye heard the tedious treatise of the life and doings of Anselm, how superstitious in his religion, how stubborn against his prince he was, what occasion of war and discord he would have ministered by his complaints, if they had been taken, what zeal without right knowledge, what fervency without cause he pretended, what pains without profit he took; who, if he had bestowed that time and travel in preaching Christ at home to his flock, which he took in gadding to Rome, to complain of his country, in my mind, he had been better occupied. Moreover, what violent and tyrannical injunctions he set forth of investing and other things, ye have heard; but especially against the lawful and godly marriage of priests.

    What a vehement adversary he was, in that respect, may appear by these minutes or extracts of letters, which we have here annexed; in form and effect as followeth:

    A LETTER OF ANSELM Anselm, archbishop, to his brethren and dearest sons, the lord prior and others at Canterbury f307 “As concerning priests, of whom the king commanded that they should have both their churches and their women as they had in the time of his father, and of Lanfranc, archbishop: both because the king hath revested and reseized the whole archbishopric, and because so cursed a marriage was forbidden in a council in the time of his father and of the said archbishop: boldly I command, by the authority which I have by my archbishopric, not only within my archbishopric, but also throughout England, that all priests, who keep wives, shall be deprived of their churches and ecclesiastical benefices.”

    A LETTER OF POPE PASCHAL TO ANSELM. “Pascal, bishop, servant of God’s servants, to his reverend brother Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, greeting and apostolical blessing. We believe your brotherhood is not ignorant what is decreed in the Romish church concerning priests’ children. But because there is so great a multitude of such within the realm of England, that almost the greater and better part of the clerks are reckoned to be on this side, therefore we commit this dispensation to your care; for we grant these to be promoted to holy offices by reason of the need at this time, and for the profit of the church (such as learning and life shall commend among you), so that, yet notwithstanding, the prejudice of the ecclesiastical decree be taken heed to hereafter, etc.”

    ANOTHER LETTER OF ANSELM FOR INVESTING. “To the Reverend Lord and loving Father Paschal, high bishop, Anselm, servant of Canterbury church, due subjection and continual prayers. After I returned to my bishopric in England I showed the apostolical decree, which I being present heard in the Romish council. 1. That no man should receive investing of churches at the king’s hand, or any lay person’s, or should become his man for it, and that no man should presume to consecrate him that did offend herein. When the king and his nobles, and the bishops themselves, and others of the lower degree, heard these things, they took them so grievously, that they said, they would in no case agree to the thing, and that they would drive me out of the kingdom, and forsake the Romish church, rather than keep this filing. Wherefore, reverend father, I desire your counsel by your letter, etc.”

    ANOTHER LETTER OF ANSELM.

    Anselm, archbishop, to the Reverend Gudulph, bishop, and to Arnulph, prior, and to William, archdeacon of Canterbury, and to all in his diocese, greeting, William, our archdeacon, hath written to me, that some priests that be under his custody (taking again their women that were forbidden) have fallen unto the uncleanness from the which they were drawn by wholesome counsel and commandment. When the archdeacon would amend this thing, they utterly despised, with wicked pride, his warning and worthy commandment to be received. Then he, calling together many religious men and obedient priests, excommunicated the proud and disobedient, who beastly despised the curse, and were not afraid to defile the holy ministry, as much as lay in them, etc.

    Unto these letters above prefixed, I have also adjoined another of the said Anselm, touching a great case of conscience, of a monk’s whipping himself. Wherein may appear both the blind and lamentable superstition of those religious men, and the judgment of this Anselm in the same matter.

    ANOTHER LETTER OF ANSELM.

    Anselm, archbishop, to Bernard, monk of the abbey of St.

    Warburg, greeting and prayer. f310 I heard it said of your lord abbot, that thou judgest it to be of greater merit, when a monk either beats himself, or desireth himself to be beaten of another than when he is beaten (not of his own will) in the chapter, by the commandment of the prelacy. But it is not as you think, for that judgment which any man commandeth to himself, is kingly; but that which he suffereth by obedience in the chapter, is monkish. The one is of his own will; the other is of obedience, and not of his own will. That which I call kingly, kings and rich proud men commanded to be done to themselves; but that which I call monkish, they take not commanding, but obeying. The kingly is so much easier, by how much it agreeth to the will of the sufferer; but the monkish is so much the more grievous, by how much it differeth from the will of the sufferer. In the kingly judgment, the sufferer is judged to be his own; in monkish he is proved not to be his own: for although the king, or rich man, when he is beaten, willingly showeth himself humbly to be a sinner; ye the would not submit himself to this humbleness at any other’s commandment, but would withstand the commander with all his strength. But when a monk submitteth himself to the whip humbly in the chapter at the will of the prelate, the truth judgeth him to be of so much greater merit, by how much he humbleth himself more and more, and more truly than the other. For he humbleth himself to God only, because he knoweth his sins, but this man humbleth himself to man for obedience. But he is more lowly that humbleth himself both to God and man for God’s cause, than he which humbleth himself to God only, and not to God’s commandment.

    Therefore, if he that humbleth himself shall be extolled, ergo, he that more humbleth himself, shall be more exalted. And where I said, that when a monk is whipped, it differeth from his will, you must not so understand it, as though he would not patiently bear it with an obedient will, but because by a natural appetite he would not suffer the sorrow. But if ye say, I do not so much fly the open beating for the pains (which I feel also secretly), as for the shame; know then that he is stronger that rejoiceth to bear this for obedience’ sake. Therefore be thou sure, that one whipping of a monk by obedience is of more merit than innumerable whippings taken by his own mind. But whereas he is such that he always ought to have his heart ready without murmuring obediently to be whipped, we ought to judge him then to be of a great merit, whether he be whipped privily or openly, etc.

    And thus much concerning Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, whose stout example gave no little courage to Thurstin and Becket, his successors, and others that followed after, to do the like against their kings and princes, as in process hereafter by the grace of Christ shall appear.

    About this time, two famous archbishops of Mentz, being right virtuous and well-disposed prelates, were cruelly and tyrannously dealt withal, and treated by the bishop of Rome. Their names were Henry and Christian. a243 This Henry, having intelligence that he was complained of to the pope, sent a learned man, a special friend of his, to excuse him, named Arnold; one for whom he had done much, and whom he had promoted to great livings and promotions. But this honest man Arnold, instead of an excuser, became an accuser, bribing the two chiefest cardinals with good gold; by which means he obtained of the pope, those two cardinals to be sent as inquisitors and only doers in that present case. They, coming to Germany, summoned the said Henry, and deposed him from his archbishopric in spite of all he could do either by law or justice, substituting in his place the aforesaid Arnold, in hope, truly, of the ecclesiastical gold. Whereupon that virtuous and honorable Henry, as the story telleth, spake unto those his perverse judges on this wise’ “If I should appeal unto the apostolic see for this your unjust protest had against me, perhaps the pope would attempt nothing more therein than ye have, neither should I win any thing by it, but only toil of body, loss of goods, affliction of mind, care of heart, and missing of his favor. Wherefore I do appeal unto the Lord Jesus Christ, as the most high and just judge, and cite you before his judgment, there to answer me before the high Judge; for neither justly nor godly, but by corruption as it pleaseth you, you have judged.” Whereunto they scoffingly answered: “Go you first, and we will follow.” Not long after, as the story goes, the said Henry died, whereof the said two cardinals having intelligence, said one to the other jestingly: “Behold, he is gone before, and we must follow according to ore’ promise.” And verily, they said truer than they were aware of; for within a while they died both in one day. For the one, sitting upon a jakes to ease himself, voided out all his entrails into the draught, and miserably ended his life; the other gnawing off the fingers of his hands, and spitting them out of his mouth, all deformed in devouring himself, died. And in like wise, not long after the end of these men, the aforesaid Arnold most horribly in a sedition was slain; and three days, lying stinking above the ground unburied, was open to the spoil of every rascal and harlot. The historiographer in declaring hereof crieth upon the cardinals in this manner: “O ye cardinals, ye are the beginning and authors hereof. Come hither, draw out now, and bear unto your master the devil, and together with that money which you have gulped down, offer him yourselves also.”

    About the same time and year in which King Henry began his reign, Pope Paschal entered his papacy, succeeding Urban, about A.D. 1100, nothing swerving from the steps of Hildebrand, his superior. This Paschal, being elected by the cardinals, after the people had cried thrice,” St. Peter hath chosen good Rainerus;” he then putting on a purple vesture, and a tiara upon his head, was brought upon a white palfrey into Lateran, where a scepter was given him, and a girdle put about him having seven keys, with seven seals hanging .thereupon for a recognizance or token of his sevenfold power, according to the sevenfold grace of the Holy Ghost, of binding, loosing, shutting, opening, sealing, resigning, and judging. After this Paschal was elected pope, Henry IV, the aforesaid emperor (of courage most valiant, if the time had served thereto,) thought to come up to Italy to salute the new pope; but, understanding the pope’s mind bent against him, he changed his purpose. In the mean time, Paschal, to show himself inferior to Hildebrand in no point, began first to depose all such abbots and bishops as the emperor had set up. Also he banished Albert, Theodoric, and Maginulph, striving at the same time for the papacy. I spake before of Guibert, whom Henry, the emperor, had made pope against Hildebrand.

    Paschal made out an army against this Guibert, who, being put to flight, not long after departed.

    About the same time, A.D. 1101, the bishop of Florence began to teach and to preach of antichrist then to be born and to be manifest, as Sabellicus testifieth; whereupon Paschal assembling a council at Florence a245 put to silence the said bishop, and condemned his books. In his council at Troyes, a246 priests that were married were condemned for Nicolaitans: Item, according to the decree of Hildebrand, all such of what degree or estate soever they were (being laymen) who gave any ecclesiastical dimities, were condemned of simony: Furthermore, the statute of priests’ tithes he there renewed, counting the selling away thereof as a sin against the Holy Ghost. Concerning the excommunication and other troubles, that Hildebrand wrought against Henry IV. the emperor, it is declared sufficiently before. a247 This excommunication Paschal, the pope, renewed afresh against the said Henry; and not only that, but also conventing the princes of Germany unto a general assembly, a248 he set up his own son against him, causing the bishops of Mentz, Cologne, and Worms, to deprive him of his imperial crown, and to place his son Henry V in his father’s kingdom; and so they did. Coming to the palace at Ingelheim, a249 first they required from him his diadem, his purple, his ring, and other ornaments pertaining to the crown. The emperor demanded the cause, being then excommunicated and void of friends. They pretended again, I cannot tell what, the selling of bishoprics, abbacies, and other ecclesiastical dignities for money; also alleging the pope’s pleasure and that of other princes. Then required he first of the bishop of Mentz, and likewise of the other two, whom he had preferred to their bishoprics before, asking them in order, if he had received of them any penny for his promoting them to their dignities. This when they could not deny to be so, “Well,” saith he, “and do you requite me again with this?” with divers other words of exhortation, admonishing them to remember their oath and allegiance to their prince. But the perjured prelates, neither reverencing his majesty, nor moved with his benefits, nor regarding their fidelity, ceased not for all this, but first plucked from him, sitting on his throne, his crown imperial, and then disvestured him, taking from him his purple and his scepter. The good emperor, being left desolate and in confusion, saith to them: “Videat Deus et judicet:” that is, “Let God see and judge.” Thus leaving him, they went to his son to confirm him in his kingdom, and caused him to drive his father out; who then being chased of his son, and having but nine persons about him, did flee by way of the dukedom of Limburgh, where the duke being then hunting, and perceiving and hearing of him, made after to follow him. The emperor fearing no other than present death, for he had displaced the same duke before out of his dukedom, submitted himself, craving of him pardon, and not revenge. The duke. full of compassion, and pitying his estate, not only remitted all his displeasure, but also received him to his castle. Moreover, collecting his soldiers and men of war, he brought him to Cologne, and there he was well received. His son hearing this, besieged that city. But the father, by night escaping, came to Liege, where resorted to him all such as were men of compassion and constant heart, insomuch that his power, being strong enough, he was now able to pitch a field against his enemies, and so he did, desiring his friends, that if he had the victory, they would spare his son. In fine, the battle joined, the father had the victory, the son being put to flight, and many slain on both sides. But shortly after, the battle being renewed again, the son prevailed, and the father was overcome and taken; who then, being utterly dispossessed of his kingdom, was brought to that exigency, that coming to Spires, he was feign to crave of the bishop there, whom he had done much for before, to have a prebend in the church: and for that he had some skill in his book, he desired to serve in our Lady’s quire; yet could he not obtain so much at his hand, who swore by our Lady, he should have nothing there. Thus the woeful emperor, most unkindly handled, and repulsed on every side, came to Liege, and there for sorrow died, a250 after he had reigned, forty years; whose body Paschal, after his funeral, caused to be taken up again, and to be brought to Spires, where it remained five years a251 unburied. f315 After the decease of this emperor Henry IV, his son Henry V reigned the space of twenty years. This prince coming to Rome to be crowned of the pope, could not obtain it, before he would fully assent to have this ratified, that no emperor should have any thing to do with the election of the Roman bishop, or with other bishoprics. Besides that, about the same time, such a stir was made in Rome by the said bishop, that if the emperor had not defended himself with his own hands, he had been slain. But as it happened, the emperor having victory, amongst many other Romans slain or taken in the same skirmish, taketh also the pope and leadeth him out of the city; where he intendeth with him a252 upon divers conditions, both of his coronation, and of recovering again his right and title in the election of the pope, and of other bishops: whereunto the pope assenting agreed to all. So the emperor, being crowned by Paschal, returned again with the pope of Rome.

    All the conditions between the emperor and the pope, so long as the emperor remained at Rome, stood firm and ratified; but. as soon as the emperor was returned again to Gemany, forthwith the pope, calling a synod, a253 not only revoked all that he had agreed to before, but also excommunicated Henry, the emperor, as he had done his father before, reproving the former ‘privilegium’ for ‘pravilegium.’ The emperor, returning from Rome to France, there married Matilda, daughter to King Henry; who then hearing what the pope had done, (grieved not a little,) with all expedition marched to Rome, and putteth the pope to flight, and finally placeth another in his stead. In the mean time the bishops of Germany, the pope’s good friends, slacked not their business, incensing the Saxons all that they might against their Caesar; insomuch that a great commotion was stirred up, and it grew at length to a pitched field, which was fought in the month of February, by the wood called Sylva Catularia.

    The emperor seeing no end of these conflicts, unless he would yield to the pope, was fain to give over, and forego his privilege, falling to a composition, not to meddle with matters pertaining to the pope’s election, nor with investing, nor such other things belonging to the church and churchmen; and thus was the peace between them concluded, and proclaimed to the no small rejoicing of both the armies, then lying by Worms, near the river Rhine.

    In the time of this Paschal lived Bernard, called Abbot of Clairvaux, A.D. 1108, of whom sprang the Bernardine monks.

    About this time the city of Worcester was almost consumed with fire.

    All this while Henry the emperor had no issue, having to wife Matilda, the daughter of Henry I, king of England, and that by the just judgment of God, as it may appear; for as he, having a father, persecuted him by the pope’s setting on, contrary to the part of a natural son; so God’s providence did not suffer him to be the father of any child, naturally to love him, or to succeed him.

    After the death of Paschal, A.D. 1118, succeeded Pope Gelasius, chosen by the cardinals, but without the consent of the emperor, whereupon rose no little variance in Rome; and at length another pope was set up by the emperor, called Gregory VIII, and Gelasius was driven away into France, and there died. After him came Calixtus II, chosen likewise by a few cardinals, without the voice of the emperor, who, coming up to Rome to enjoy his seat, first sent his legate into Germany to excommunicate the emperor Henry; who then, having divers conflicts with his fellow pope Gregory, at length, drave him out of Rome. At this time, by this occasion, great disputation and controversy arose between the emperor and the pope’s court, whether of them in dignity should excel the other; whereof reasons and arguments on both sides were alleged, which in the verses below are comprehended.

    ALLETHATIO IMPERATORIS CONTRA PAPAM. Caesar lex viva stat regibus imperativa, Legeque sub viva sunt omnia jura dativa:

    Lex ea castigat, solvit, et ipsa lithat.

    Conditor est legis, neque debet lege teneri, Sed sibi complacuit sub lege libenter haberi:

    Quicquid ei placuit, juris adinstar erat.

    Qui ligat ac solvit Deus ipsum protulit orbi, Divisit regnum divina potentia secum, Astra dedit superis, caetera cuncta sibi.

    RESPONSIO ROMANAE CURIAE CONTRA IMPERATOREM. Pars quoque papalis sic obviat imperiali.

    Sic regnare damus, quod Petro subjiciaris:

    Jus etenim nobis Christus utrumque parit.

    Spiritus et corpus mihi sunt subjecta potenter, Corpora terrena teneo, coelestia mente, Unde, tenendo polum, solvo ligoque solum.

    Aethera pandere, coelica tangere, papa videtum.

    Nam dare, tollere, nectere, solvere cuncta meretur, Cui dedit omne decus lex nova, lexque vetus:

    Annulus et baculus, quamvis terrena putentur, Sunt de jure poli: quae significare videntur, Respice jura Dei: mens tua cedat ei. etc.

    In conclusion, the emperor being overcome so much with the vain reasons of the pope’s side, and fearing the dangerous thunderbolt of his curse, (talking with princes, and persuaded with his friends,) was fain to condescend to the unreasonable conditions of the pope: first, to ratify his election, notwithstanding the other pope (whom the said emperor had set up) was yet alive; secondly, that he should resign his right and title in matters pertaining to the election of the pope, and investure of bishops.

    This being done and granted, and the writings thereof set up in the church of Lateran, for a triumph over the emperor thus subdued, the pope maketh out after Gregory, his fellow-pope, being then in a town called Sutrinm; which being besieged and taken, Gregory also was taken; whom, Calixtus the pope, setting him upon a camel, with his face to the camel’s tail, brought him thus through the streets of Rome, holding the tail in his hand instead of a bridle; and afterward, being shorn, he was thrust into a monastery.

    Amongst many acts done by this glorious pope, first he established the decrees of the papal see against this emperor. He brought in the four quarter fasts, called Ember days. f318 By the same Calixtus the order of monks, called Praemonstratenses, a254 was brought in.

    Further, by him it was decreed to be judged for adultery, if any person, during his lifetime, had put from him either bishopric or benefice; grounding upon this scripture of St. Paul to the Romans, “The wife is bound to the law of her husband, so long as the husband liveth; after he is dead she is loosed from the law of her husband,” etc. Item, the same Calixtus, holding a general council at Rheims, a255 decreed that priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should put away their concubines and wives; and that whosoever was found to keep his wife, should be deprived of benefice, and all other ecclesiastical livings: whereupon a certain English writer made these verses following: “O bone Calixte, nunc omnis clerus odit to:

    Quondam presbyteri poterant uxoribus uti, Hoc destruxisti, postquam tu papa fuisti,” etc.

    That is, word for word, “The hatred of the clergy hast thou, good Calixtus, For sometimes priests might use their wives right; But that thou hast rejected, since pope thou wast elected.” And thus much of the Roman matters. Now to our country story again.

    After the death of Anselm beforementioned, who deceased 1109, after he had been in the see fifteen years, the church of Canterbury stood void five years; and the goods of the church were spent to the king’s use. When he was prayed to help the church that was so long without a pastor, he in his answer pretended that as his father and brother had been accustomed there to set the best tried and approved men that might be found, so to the intent that he might do the same, in choosing those who either should equal the former examples of them before, or at least follow their footsteps as near as they could, he took therein the more time and leisure. And so with shift of answer he dallied out the time, while he had filled his coffers with the commodities of that benefice. The same year, a256 after the death of Anselm, the king converted the abbey of Ely to a bishopric, which before was under the bishopric of Lincoln; placing there Henry, bishop of Bangor, as the first bishop of that see. And, as of late years before this, divers wonders were seen, as stars falling from heaven so thick that they could not be numbered, at the setting forth of the Christians to the Holy Land; a blazing star over Constantinople; a spring boiling out blood, seen at Finchamstead, in Berkshire, three weeks together, A.D. 1090. After that, the firmament appeared so red, as if it had been all on fire; also two full moons appeared together, one in the east, the other in the west, on Maunday Thursday; with a blazing star, in the same year, appearing about the taking of Duke Robert, having a white circle enclosing it; A.D. 1106. Also with an eclipse of the sun darkened after that. So likewise about this present year, A.D. 1110, was seen the flood of Trent, about Nottingham, so dried up from morning to three of the dock at afternoon, that men might go over it dry shod. Also in Shrewsbury a great earthquake happened; and after that followed a sharp winter, great murrain of beasts and pestilence of men, as Gualter Gisburn recordeth. f323 Moreover the same author mentioneth, that about the same year the like vading of water also happened in the flood of Medway; and in the Thames, between the bridge and the Tower, and under the bridge, from midnight to the next evening, was so great an ebb, that an innumerable sort of people and children waded over, scarcely knee deep in the water, the sea withdrawing his tide ten miles from his accustomed course. In this year also, as the said authors and Jornalensis do testify, the city of Worcester by casualty was consumed with fire; also the city of Chester, A.D. 1114. f325 The same year (A.D. 1114) Rodolph, bishop of Rochester, an Englishman, was promoted to be archbishop of Canterbury; and Thurstin, the king’s chaplain, was elected archbishop of York; who, being content to receive his benediction or consecration of the see of Canterbury, yet, because he refused to make his profession of obedience to the same see, was by the king deprived of his dignity.

    Then Thurstin, by the instigation of certain of his clerks at York, took his journey to Rome; who, there making his complaint to Pope Paschal, brought with him a letter from the pope to the king, where, among other words was contained as followeth; We hear and understand, that the archbishop elect of the church of York, a discreet and industrious man, is sequestered from the church of York; which standeth against both divine justice and the institution of the holy fathers. Our purpose is, that neither the church of Canterbury should be impaired, nor again that the church of York should suffer any prejudice, but that the same constitution, which was by blessed Gregory, the apostle of the English nation, set and decreed between those two churches, should remain still in force and effect inviolate. Wherefore, as touching the aforesaid elect, let him be received again by any means, as right and meet it is, into his church. And if there be any question between the aforesaid churches, let it be handled and decided in your presence, both the two parties being there present.”

    Upon occasion of this letter there was a solemn assembly appointed at Salisbury, a257 about the hearing of this controversy. The variance between these two prelates still increased more and more. Rodulph, archbishop of Canterbury, in no case would yield or condescend to give imposition of hands unto him, unless he would make his profession of obedience. Thurstin again said, he would willingly receive and embrace his benediction; but as touching the profession of his subjection, that he would not agree to. Then the king, declaring his mind therein, signified unto Thurstin, that, without his subjection and obedience professed to the archbishop of Canterbury, he should not enjoy his consecration to be archbishop of York. Whereunto Thurstin, nothing replying again, renounced his archbishopric, promising, moreover, to make no more claim unto it, nor to molest those who should enjoy it.

    Shortly after this, it happened that Pope Paschal died; after whom, as is above-rehearsed, succeeded Pope Gelasius, who lived not a year, and died in France. Whereupon the cardinals, who then followed the said Pope Gelasius unto Clugny, created another pope of their own choosing, whom they called Calixtus II. The other cardinals who were at Rome did choose another pope, called Gregory, of whom mention before is made: about which two popes much stir there was in Christian realms. As this Calixtus was remaining in France, and there calling a general council at Rheims, as ye heard before, a258 Thurstin, the archbishop of York, desired license of the king to go to the council, purposing there to open the cause of his church; which eftsoons he obtained: first promising the king that he would there attempt nothing that should be prejudicial to the church of Canterbury. In the mean time the king had sent secret word unto the pope by Rodulph and other procurators, that in no case he would consecrate Thurstin. Yet, notwithstanding the faithful promise of the pope made to the king, so it fell out, that the said pope, through the suit of his cardinals, whom Thurstin had won to him, was inclined to consecrate him, and gave him the pall. For this deed the king was sorely discontented with Thurstin, and warned him the entry of this land.

    In this council at Rheims, abovementioned, where were gathered prelates, these five principal acts were concluded: 1. That no man should either buy or sell any bishopric, abbotship, deanery, archdeaconship, priesthood, prebendship, altar, or any ecclesiastical promotion or benefice, orders, consecration, churchhallowing, seat or stall within the quire, or any office ecclesiastical, under danger of excommunication if he did persist. 2. That no layperson should give investiture of any ecclesiastical possession; and that no spiritual man should receive any such at any layman’s hand, trader pain of deprivation. 3. That no man should invade, take away, or detain the goods or possessions of the church; but that they should remain firm and perpetual, under pain of perpetual curse. 4. That no bishop or priest should leave any ecclesiastical dignity benefice to any by way of inheritance. Adding, moreover, that for baptism, chrism, annoiling, or burial, no money should be exacted. 5. That all priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should be utterly debarred and sequestered from company of their wives and concubines, under pain of exclusion from all Christian communion.

    The acts thus determined were sent at once to Henry, the emperor, to see and try, before the breaking up of the council, whether he would agree to the canonical elections, free consecration, and investing of spiritual persons, and to other acts of the council. The emperor maketh answer again, that he would lose nothing of that ancient custom which his progenitors had given him. Notwithstanding, because of the authority of the general council, he was content to consent to the residue, save only the investing of ecclesiastical function to be taken from him, to which he would never agree. Upon this, at the next return of the pope to the council, the emperor was appointed to be excommunicated; which thing, when divers of the council did not well like, and therefore did separate themselves from the; rest, the pope applying against them the similitude of the seventy disciples who were offended at the Lord, when he taught them of eating of his flesh and blood, and therefore divided themselves from him, declaring, moreover, to them, how they who gathered not with him scattered, and they that were not with him were against him: by these,, and such like persuasions, reduced them again to his side; and so, by that council, Henry the emperor was excommunicated.

    It was not long after that the pope came to Gisors, where Henry, king of England, resorted to him, desiring, and also obtaining of him, that he would send henceforth no legate, nor permit any to be sent from Rome to England, unless the king himself should so require, by reason of some occasion of strife, which else could not be otherwise decided by his own bishops at home. The cause why the king required this of the pope was, for that certain Roman legates had been in England a little before; to wit, one Guido, and another Roman, named Anselm, and another also called Peter, who had spoiled the realm of great treasure, as the accustomed manner of the proud pope’s legates is wont to be. Also he required of the pope that he might use and retain all the customs used before by his forefathers in England and in Normandy.

    To these petitions the pope did easily consent, requiring again of the king that he would license Thurstin, the archbishop above-named, to return with favor into his realm. But that the king utterly denied, unless he would profess subjection to the church of Canterbury, as his predecessors had done before; and excused himself by his oath which he before had made.

    To this the pope answered again, that he, by his authority apostolical, both might, and would also, easily dispense with him for his promise or oath. Then the king said that he would talk with his council thereof, and so send him an answer of his mind; which answer was this, That for the love and request of the pope, he was content that Thurstin should re-enter his realm, and quietly enjoy his prelateship, upon this condition, that he would (as his predecessors did) profess his subjection to the church of Canterbury. Otherwise, said he, so long as he was king, he should never sit archbishop of the church of York. And thus ended that meeting between the king of England and the pope for that time.

    The year following, which was A.D. 1120, the aforesaid pope, Calixtus, directeth his letters for Thurstin to the king, and to Rodulph, archbishop of Canterbury; in which epistles, by his full power apostolical, he doth interdict both the church of Canterbury and the church of York, with all the parish churches within the same cities, from all divine service, from the burial also of the dead, except only the baptizing of children, and the absolution of those who lie dying; unless, within a month after the receipt of the same, Thurstin, without any exaction of subjection made, were received and admitted to the see of York, and that the king likewise should doubtless be excommunicated, except he would consent unto the same.

    Whereupon Thurstin, for fear of the pope’s curse, was immediately sent for and reconciled to the king, and was placed quietly in his archiepiscopal see of York.

    It followed not long after, within two years, that Rodulph, archbishop of Canterbury, departed; in whose see succeeded after him Gulielmus de Turbine. About this time, in the seven and twentieth year of the king’s reign, the Grey Friars, by the procuring of the king, came first into England, and had their house first at Canterbury. About the same season, or a little before, the king called a council at London, where the spirituality of England, not knowing to what purpose it was required, condescended to the king to have the punishment of married priests: by reason of which grant, whereof the spirituality afterwards much repented, the priests, paying a certain fine to the king, were suffered to retain their wives still, whereby the king gathered no small sum of money. At this time began the first foundation of the monastery called Gisburn, in Cleveland. a259 It was above touched, how Matilda, or Maud, daughter to King Henry, was married to Henry V the emperor; who, after the decease of the said emperor, her husband, returned about this time with the imperial crown to her father in Normandy, bringing with her the hand of St. James; for joy whereof the king built the abbey of Reading, where the said hand was reposed. This Matilda was received by the said council to be next heir to the king, her father, in possession of the English crown, for lack of issue male; and soon after she was sent over to Normandy, to marry Geoffrey Plantagenet,. earl of Anjou, of whom came Henry II, who, after Stephen, was king of England. About. this time also was founded the priory of Norton, in the province of Chester, by one William Fitz-Nigelle.

    In the stones of Polychronicon, Jornalensis, and Polydore, is declared, how King Henry was troubled greatly with three sundry t visions appearing unto him by night. The first was of a great multitude of husbandmen of the country, who appeared to fly upon him with their mattocks and instruments, requiring of him his debt which he did owe unto them. In the second, he saw a great number of soldiers and harnessed men coming fiercely upon him. In the third, he saw a company of prelates and churchmen, threatening him with their bishops’ staves, and fiercely approaching upon him; whereupon being dismayed, in all haste he ran and took his sword to defend himself, finding there none to strike. Who afterward asking counsel concerning these visions, was monished by one of his physicians named Grimbald, by repentance, alms, and amendment of life, to make some amends to God and to his country, whom he offended.

    Which three vows thus being made, the next year after he went to England; where he, being upon the seas in a great tempest with his daughter Matilda, remembered there his three vows; and so coming to the land, for performance of the same, first released unto the commons the Dane-gilt which his father and brother before had renewed. Secondly, he went to St.

    Edmundsbury, where he showed great benefits to the churchmen. Thirdly, he procured justice to be administered more rightly throughout his realm, etc. Also he ordained and erected a new bishopric at Carlisle.

    In the three and thirtieth year of this king’s reign (as withesseth a certain author) a great part of the city of London, with the church of St. Paul, was burned with fire in Whitsun week.

    After Calixtus (whose story and time is before discoursed) succeeded Pope Honorius II; notwithstanding that the cardinals had elected another, yet he, by the means of certain citizens, obtained the papacy, A.D. 1124. About the second year of his induction, a260 as is to be read in Matthew Paris, there was a certain legate of his, called John de Crema, sent down to England from the pope for the redress I cannot well tell whereof; but, indeed, the chief purpose of his coming, as of all others after him in those days, was to fill their pouches with English money, as may further appear by their proceedings. This legate coming then with the pope’s letters directed both into England and Scotland, after he had well refreshed himself in bishops’ houses, and amongst the abbots, at length resorted to London, where he assembled the whole clergy together, a261 inquiring of priests’ concubines, otherwise called their wives, and made thereupon a statute in the said synod of London, after this tenor: “To priests, deacons, subdeacons, and canons, we do utterly inhibit, by authority apostolical, all manner of society and conversation with all kinds of women, except, only their mother, sister, or aunt, or such whereof can rise no suspicion. And whosoever shall be found to violate this decree, being convict thereof, shall sustain thereby the loss of all that he hath by his order. Moreover, amongst kindred or such as be joined in affinity, we forbid matrimony unto the seventh generation.” But see how God worketh against such ungodly proceedings. the next night after, a262 it happened the same cardinal, ruffling, and reveling with his concubines, to be apprehended in the same vice whereof he had so straitly given out precepts the day before, to the no little slander and shame, as Matthew Paris doth write, of the whole clergy.

    Unto A.D. 1125, lived Henry V the emperor, after he had reigned twenty years, dying without issue, as is before mentioned. Next after Henry, the imperial crown came unto Lothaire, duke of Saxony.

    Certain historians, a263 as Hugo, Platina, Sabellicus, etc., make mention of one Arnulph, in the time of this Pope Honorius II. Some say he was archbishop of Lyons. Trithemius saith he was a priest, whose history, as it is set forth in Trithemius, I will briefly in English, express. About this time, saith he, in the days of Honorius II, one Arnulph, priest, a man zealous and of great devotion, and a worthy preacher, came to Rome, which Arnulph, in his preaching, rebuked the dissolute and lascivious looseness, incontinency, avarice, and immoderate pride of the clergy, provoking all to follow Christ and his apostles in their poverty rather, and in pureness of life. By reason whereof this man was well accepted, and highly liked of the nobility of Rome for a true disciple of Christ; but of the cardinals and the clergy he was no less hated than favored of the other, insomuch that privily, in the night season, they took him and destroyed him. This his martyrdom, saith he, was revealed to him before from God by an angel, he being in the desert, when he was sent forth to preach at Rome; a264 whereupon he said to them publicly with these words: “I know,” saith he, “ye seek my life, and know you will shortly make me away privily: but why? Because I preach to you the truth, and blame your pride, stoutness, avarice, incontinency, with your unmeasurable greediness in getting and heaping up riches, therefore be you displeased with me. I take here heaven and earth to witness, that I have preached to you that I was commanded of the Lord. But you contemn me and your Creator, who by his only-begotten Son hath redeemed you. And no marvel if you seek my death, being a sinful person, preaching unto you the truth, when as if St. Peter were here this day and rebuked your vices, which do so multiply above all measure, you would not spare him neither.” And having expressed a265 this with a loud voice, he said moreover: “For my part I am not afraid to suffer death for the truth’s sake; but this I say to you, that God will look upon your impurities, and will be revenged; for you, being full of all impurity, play the blind guides to the people committed to you, leading them the way to hell; but God is a God of vengeance.” Thus the hatred of the clergy being incensed against him for preaching truth, they conspired against him, and so laying privy wait for him, took him and drowned him. Sabellicus and Platina say they hanged him. a266 In the second tome of the General Councils, printed at Cologne, is mentioned a certain book called “Opusculum Tripartitum,” written, as the collector of the councils supposeth, above four hundred years ago, a267 either of this Arnulph, or just about the same time. In this book, the writer complaineth of many enormities and abuses in the church. First, of the number of holy days, declaring what occasions of vice grew thereby, according unto the common saying of naughty women, who say, a268 they vantage more in one holy day than in fifty other days besides. Item, he complaineth of the curious singing in cathedral churches, whereby many be occasioned to bestow much good time, yea, many years, about the same, which otherwise they might give to the learning of better sciences. a269 Likewise he complaineth of the rabble and the multitude of begging friars, and religious men and professed women, showing what great occasion of idle and uncomely life cometh hereof.

    Also of the inconsiderate promotion of evil prelates, and of their great negligence in correcting and reforming the evil demeanor of the people. Item, of the great wantonness and lasciviousness in their servants and families, concerning their excessive wearing of apparel. Item, he complaineth also of the outrageous and excessive gains that prelates and others under them take for their seal, especially of officials, scribes, and such like; who give out the seal they care not how, nor wherefore, so they may gain money.

    He complaineth in like manner, that prelates be so slack and negligent; in looking to the residents in their benefices.

    Further, he lamenteth the rash giving of benefices to parsons, vicars, and curates, not for any godliness or learning in them, but for favor or friendship, or intercession, or else for hope of some gain, whereof springeth this great ignorance in the church.

    After this, he noteth in prelates, how they waste and expend the goods of the church in superfluities; or upon their kinsfolks, or other worse ways, which should rather be spent on the poor.

    Next, in the tenth chapter he complaineth, that through the negligence of men of the church, especially of the church of Rome, the books and monuments of the old councils, and also of the new, are not to be found, which should be reserved and kept in all cathedral churches. Item, that many prelates be so cold in doing their duties. Also he reproacheth the unchaste and voluptuous demeanor of ecclesiastical persons by the example of storks, whose nature is, saith he, that if any of their company, leaving his own mate, joineth with any other, all the rest fly upon him, whether it be he or she, beat him, and pluck his feathers off: “What then,” saith he, “ought good prelates to do to such a person of their company, whose filthiness and corrupt life both defile so many, and stinketh in the whole church?”

    Again, forasmuch as we read in the first book of Esdras (chap. 9.), that he, purging Israel of strange women, began first with the priests; so now likewise in the purging and correcting of all sorts of men, first the purgation ought to begin with these, according as it is written by the prophet Ezekiel, “Begin first with my sanctuary.”

    Moreover, seeing that in the time of Philip, king of France, the whole realm was interdicted, for that the king had a woman for his wife, a270 who could not be his wife by law; and again, seeing in these: our days the king of Portugal hath been sequestered from his dominion by the authority of the church, being thought not sufficient to govern; -what then ought to be said to the prelate who abuseth other men’s wives, and virgins and nuns, who also is found unable and insufficient to take upon him the charge of souls?

    About A.D. 1128, the order of the knights of the Rhodes, called Johannites, also the order of Templars, rose up.

    After Honorius, next in the same usurpation succeeded Pope Innocent II, A.D. 1180. But as it was with his predecessors before him, that at every mutation of new popes, came new perturbations, and commonly never a pope was elected but some other was set up against him, sometimes two, sometimes three popes together, so likewise it happened with this Innocent; for after he was chosen, the Romans elected another pope, named Anacletus. Betwixt these two popes there was much ado, and great conflicts, through the partaking of Roger, duke of Sicily, taking Anacletus’s part against Innocent until Lothaire the emperor came; who, rescuing Innocent, drove Roger out of Italy. Our stories record, that King Henry was one of the great helps in setting up and maintaining this Pope Innocent against Anacletus. f333 Amongst many other things, this pope decreed that whosoever did strike a priest or clerk, being shaven, he should be excommunicated, and not be absolved but only by the pope himself.

    About the time of doing these things, A.D. 1135, King Henry, being in Normandy, as some say, by taking there a fall from his horse, or, as others say, by taking a surfeit in eating lampreys, fell sick and died, after he had reigned over the realm of England five and thirty years and odd months, leaving for his heirs Matilda, the empress, his daughter, with her young son Henry to succeed him, to whom all the prelates and nobility of the realm were sworn. But, contrary to their oath made to Matilda, in the presence of her father before, William, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the nobles of the realm, crowned Stephen, earl of Boulogne, and sister’s son to King Henry, upon St. Stephen’s day, a271 in Christmas week; which archbishop the next year after died, being, as it was thought, justly punished for his perjury. And many other lords, who did accordingly, went not quit without punishment. In the like justice of punishment is numbered also Roger, bishop of Salisbury; who, contrary unto his oath, being a great doer in the coronation of Stephen, was apprehended of the same king, and miserably, but justly, extermined.

    A certain written English story I have, which addeth more, and saith, that King Stephen, having many foes in divers quarters keeping their holds and castles against him, went to Oxford, and took the bishop of Salisbury, and put a rope about his neck, and so led him to the castle of Vies, a272 that was his, and commanded them to render up the castle, or he would slay and hang their bishop. Which castle being given up, the king took the spoil thereof. The like also he did unto the bishop of Lincoln, named Alexander; whom in like manner he led in a rope to a castle of that bishop’s, that was upon Trent, and bade them deliver up the castle, or else he would hang their lord before their gate. Long it was before the castle was given up; yet at length the king obtaining it, there entered and took all the treasure of the bishop, etc. Roger Hoveden and Fabian alleging a certain old author, whom I cannot find, refer a great cause of this perjury unto one Hugh Bigot, sometime steward with King Henry; who, immediately after the death of the said Henry, came into England, and before the said archbishop, and other lords of the and, took wilfully an oath, and swore, that he was present a little before the king’s death, when King Henry admitted for his heir, to be king after him, Stephen his nephew, forasmuch as Matilda his daughter had discontented him.

    Whereunto the archbishop, with the other lords, gave too hasty credence.

    But this Hugh, saith he escaped not unpunished, for he died miserably in a short time after. Albeit all this may be supposed rather to be wrought not without the practice of Henry, bishop of Winchester, and other prelates by his setting on, which Henry was brother to King Stephen.

    STEPHEN F337 Thus, when King Stephen, contrary unto his oath made before to Matilda, the empress, had taken upon him the crown, as is above said, he swore before the lords at Oxford, that he would not hold the benefices that were voided, and that he would remit the Dane-gilt, with many other things, which afterwards he little performed. Moreover, because he dreaded the coming of the empress, he gave license to his lords, every one to build upon his own ground strong castles or fortresses, as they liked. All the time of his reign he was vexed with wars, but especially with David, king of the Scots, with whom he was at length accorded: but yet the Scottish king did him no homage, because he was sworn to Matilda, the empress.

    Notwithstanding this, Henry, the eldest son to King David, did homage to King Stephen. But he, after repenting thereof, entered into Northumberland with a great host, and burnt and slew the people in most cruel wise, neither sparing man, woman, nor child. Such as were with child they ripped up; the children they tossed upon their spears’ points; and laying the priests upon the altars, they mangled and cut them all to pieces, after a most terrible manner. But by the manhood of the English lords and soldiers, and through the means of Thurstin, archbishop of York, they were met withal, and a great number of them slain, David their king being constrained to give up Henry, his son, as hostage for surety of peace. In the mean time, King Stephen was occupied in the south countries, besieging divers castles of divers bishops and other lords, and took them by force, and fortified them with his knights and servants, with intent to withstand the empress, whose coming he ever feared.

    About the sixth year of his reign, Matilda, the empress, came into England out of Normandy, and by the aid of Robert, earl of Gloucester, and Ranulph, of Chester, made strong war upon King Stephen. In the end the king’s party was chased, and himself taken prisoner, and sent to Bristol, there to be kept in sure hold. The same day when King Stephen should join his battle, it is said in a certain old chronicle before mentioned, that he being at the mass /which then the bishop of Lincoln said before the king), as he went to offer up his taper, it brake in two; and when the mass was done, (at what time the king should have been houseled) the rope whereby the pix did hang did break, and the pix fell down upon the altar.

    After this battle, the queen, King Stephen’s wife, lying then in Kent, made great labor to the empress and her council, to have the king delivered and put into some house of religion, but could not obtain it. Also the Londoners made great suit to the said empress, to have and to use again St.

    Edward’s laws, and not the laws of her father, which were more strict and strange unto them than the others. When they could not obtain this of her and her council, the citizens of London, being therewith discontented, would have taken the empress; but she having knowledge thereof, fled privily from London to Oxford. But the Kentish-men and Londoners, taking the king’s part, joined battle against the empress; when the aforesaid Robert, earl of Gloucester, and base brother to the empress, was taken, and so, by exchange, both the king and earl Robert were delivered out of prison. Then Stephen, without delay gathering to him a strong army, straitly pursued the aforesaid Matilda, or Maud, with her friends, besieging them in the castle of Oxford, in the siege whereof fell a great snow and frost, so hard, that a man well laden might pass over the water; upon which occasion, the empress bethinking herself, appointed with her friends and retinue, clothed in white sheets, and issuing out by a postern gate, went upon the ice over Thames, and so escaped to Wallingford, After this, the king (the castle being gotten), when he found not the empress, was much displeased, and molested the country round about divers ways. In conclusion, he pursued the empress and her company so hard, that he caused them to fly the realm, which was in the sixth year of his reign.

    The second year after this, which was the eighth year of his reign, there was a parliament held in London, to which all the bishops of the realm resorted, and there denounced the king accursed, and all those with him, who did any hurt to the church, or to any minister thereof. Whereupon the king began somewhat to amend his conditions for a certain space, but afterward, as my story saith, was as ill as he was before; but what the causes were, my author maketh no mention.

    To return again to the story: the empress, compelled, as is said, to fly the realm, returned again into Normandy, to Geoffery Plantagenet her husband, who, after he had valiantly won and defended the duchy of Normandy, against the puissance of King Stephen a long time, ended his life, leaving Henry, his son, to succeed him in that dukedom. In the mean while, Robert, earl of Gloucester, and the earl of Chester, who were strong of people, had divers conflicts with the king, insomuch that at a battle at Wilton, between them, the king was well nigh taken, but yet escaped with much difficulty.

    It was not long before Eustace, son to King Stephen, who had married the French king’s sister, made war on Duke Henry of Normandy, but prevailed not. Soon after, the said Henry, duke of Normandy, in the quarrel of his mother Matilda, with a great puissance entered England, and at the first won the castle of Malmesbury, then the Tower of London, and afterward the town of Nottingham, with other holds and castles, as of Wallingford, and other places. Thus, between him and the king were fought many battles, to the great annoyance of the realm. During that time, Eustace, the king’s son, departed; upon which occasion the king caused Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, who succeeded next after William, above mentioned, to make overtures to the duke for peace, which was concluded between them upon this condition,—that Stephen, during, his lifetime, should hold the kingdom, and Henry, in the mean time, be proclaimed heir apparent, in the chief cities throughout the realm. These things done, Duke Henry taketh his journey into Normandy, King Stephen and his son William bringing him on his way, where William, the king’s son, taking up his horse before his father, had a fall, and brake his leg, and so was had to Canterbury. The same year, about October, King Stephen, as some say for sorrow, ended his life, after he had reigned nineteen years perjuredly.

    As Theobald succeeded William, archbishop of Canterbury, so in York, after Thurstin, succeeded William, who was called St. William of York, and was poisoned in his chalice by his chaplains.

    In the time of this king, in the sixteenth year of his reign, Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, and legate to the pope, did hold a council in London. In this council first began new-found appellations from councils to the pope, found out by Henry, bishop of Winchester; for, as the words of mine author do record, “In Anglia namque appellationes in usu non erant, donec eas Henricus Wintoniensis episcopus, dum lethatus esset, malo suo crudeliter intrusit. In eodem namque concilio ad Romani pontificis audientiam ter appellaturn est,” etc. That is, “for appellations before were not in use in England, till Henry, bishop of Winchester, being then the pope’s legate, brought them cruelly in, to his own hurt. For in that council appeal was thrice made to the bishop of Rome.” A.D. 1151.

    In the time of King Stephen died Gratian, a273 a monk of Bologna, who compiled a book of papal decrees, called ‘ Decreturn;’ also his brother, Peter Lombard, bishop of Paris, who is called ‘the Master of Sentences,’ compiled his four books of the ‘Sentences.’ These two brethren were the greatest doers in finding out and establishing this blind opinion of the sacrament, that only the similitude of bread and wine remained, but not the substance of them; and this they call the spiritual understanding of the mystery, and therefore no marvel if the sun in those days were seen black and dim.

    Some, also affirm, that Petrus Comestor, writer of the Scholastieal History, was the third brother to these above-named.

    At the same time, and in the reign of the said King Stephen, was also Hugo, surnamed “De Sancto Victore;” about the which time, as Polychronieon reciteth, lived and died Bernard of Clairvaux.

    The author of the history called ‘Jornalensis,’ maketh also mention of Hildegard, the nun and prophetess, in Almain, as having lived in the same age; concerning whose prophecy against the friars, hereafter (by the grace of Christ) more shall be said, when we come to recite the order and number of friars and religious men crept into the church of Christ.

    We read, moreover, of one named Johannes de Temporibus, who, by the affirmance of most of our old histories, lived three hundred and sixty-one years, servant a274 once to Charlemagne, and in the reign of Stephen king of England died. f340 In the days also of this king, and by him, was built the abbey of Feversham, where his son and he were buried. He built the monastery of Furness, and that of Fountains; a275 a276 also the castle of Wallingford, with a number of other castles more.

    During the time of the said King Stephen, A.D. 1144, the miserable Jews crucified a child in the city of Norwich. a277 f341 Much about the same time came up the order of the Gilbertines, by one Gilbert, son to Jacoline de Sempringham, a knight of Lincolnshire.

    Mention hath been made before of certain English councils holden in the time of this king, where, in one of them, under Theobald the archbishop of Canterbury, it was decreed that bishops should live more discreetly; should teach their flock more diligently; that reading of Scriptures should be more usual in abbeys; that priests should not be rulers of worldly matters; and that they should learn and teach the Lord’s Prayer and Creed in English. f342 Matthew Paris writeth, how Stephen, king of England, in these days reserved to himself the right and authority of bestowing spiritual livings, and investing prelates. At that time, also, Lothdire, the emperor, began to do the like, in recovering again the right and privilege taken away from Henry, his predecessor, had not Bernard given him contrary counsel, A.D. 1188.

    Here came into the church the manner of cursing with book, bell, and candle, devised in the council of London, holden by William, bishop of Winchester, under Pope Celestine, who succeeded after Innocent, A.D. 1144.

    Also to Lothaire, succeeded in the imperial crown, Conrad III, the nephew of Henry V beforementioned, who alone, of many emperors, is not found to receive the crown at the pope’s hand, A.D. 1188.

    In the days of this emperor, who reigned fifteen years, were divers popes, as Celestine II., Lucius II, Eugene III, at which time the Romans went about to recover their former old manner of choosing their consuls and senators. But the popes, then being in their ruff, in no case would abide it; whereupon arose many commotions, with much civil war amongst them, insomuch that Pope Lucius, sending for aid to the emperor, who otherwise hindered at that time could not come, armed his soldiers, thinking to invade them, or else to destroy them in their senate-house. But this coming to their knowledge beforehand, the people were all in array, and much ado was among them; Pope Lucius being also among them in the fight, and well pelted with stones and blows, lived not long after. Likewise Pope Eugene after him, pursuing the Romans for the same matter, first did curse them with excommunication; and afterwards, when he saw that would not serve, he came with his host, and so compelled them at length to seek peace, and to take his conditions, which were these:

    That they should abolish their consuls, and take such senators as he, by his papal authority, should assign them.

    Then followed Anastasius IV, and after him Adrian IV, an Englishman, by name called Breakspear, belonging once to St. Alban’s This Adrian kept great stir, in like manner, with the citizens of Rome, for abolishing their consuls and senate, cursing, excommunicating, and warring against them with all the power he could make, till in time he removed the consuls out of their office, and brought them all under his subjection. The like business and rage he also stirred up against Apulia, and especially against the empire, blustering and thundering against Frederic, the emperor, as (the Lord granting) you shall hear anon, after we have prosecuted such matter as necessarily appertaineth first to the continuation of our English story.

    HENRY THE SECOND F345 HENRY II, the son of Geoffery Plantagenet, and of Matilda, the empress, and daughter of King Henry I, began his reign after King Stephen, and continued five and thirty years. The first year of his reign he subdued Ireland; a278 a279 and not long after, Thomas Becket was made by him lord chancellor of England. This king cast down divers castles erected in the time of King Stephen. He went into the north parts, where he subdued William, king of Scotland, who at that time held a great part of Northumberland, as far as Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and joined Scotland to his own kingdom, from the south ocean to the north isles of Orcades. Also he put under his dominion the kingdom of Wales, and there felled many great woods, and made the ways plain, so that by his great manhood and policy the seigniory of England was much augmented with the addition of Scotland, Ireland, the Orcades isles, Britanny, Poitou, and Guienne. Also he had in his nile Normandy, Gascony, Anjou, and Chinon; also Auvergne and the city of Tholouse he won, and were to him subject. Over and besides, by the title of his wife Eleanor, daughter to the earl of Poictou, he obtained the mount Pyrenee in Spain; so that we read of none of his progenitors who had so many countries under his dominion.

    In England were seen in the firmament two suns, or (as it is in Chronica Chronicorum) in Italy appeared three suns by the space of three hours, in the west; the year following, A.D. 1158, appeared three moons, whereof the middle moon had a red cross athwart the face, whereby was betokened, in the judgment of some, the great schism which afterwards happened among the cardinals, for the election of the bishop of Rome; or else rather the business between Frederic, the emperor, and the popes, whereof partly now incidently occasion giveth us to discourse after that I have first written of Gerhardus and Dulcinus of Novara; against whom it was alleged chiefly, a280 that they did earnestly labor and preach against the church of Rome, defending and maintaining that prayer was not more holy in one place than in another; that the pope was Antichrist; that the clergy and prelates of Rome were reject, and the very whore of Babylon prefigured in the Apocalypse. Peradventure these had received some light of knowledge of the Waldenses, who, at length, with a great number of their followers, were oppressed and slain by the pope. And although some inconvenient points of doctrine and dishonesty in their assemblies be against them alleged by some, yet these times of ours do teach us sufficiently what credit is to be given to such popish slanders, forged rather through hatred of true religion, than upon any judgment of truth.

    Illyricus, in his book “De testibus,” referreth the time of these two to A.D. 1280; but, as I find in the story of Robert Gisburne, these two, about A.D. 1158, brought thirty with them into England, who by the king and the prelates were all burnt in the forehead, and so driven out of the realm, and afterwards, as Illyricus writeth, were slain by the pope.

    And now, according to my promise a281 premised, the time requireth to proceed to the history of Frederic I., called Barbarossa, successor to Conrad in the empire, who marched up to Italy, to subdue there certain rebels. The pope, hearing that, came with his clergy to meet him by the way, in a town called Sutrium, thinking by him to find aid against his enemies. The emperor, seeing the bishop, lighteth from his horse to receive him, holding the stirrup to the prelate on the left side, when he should have held it on the right, whereat the pope showed himself somewhat aggrieved.

    The emperor, smiling, excused himself, by saying, that he was never accustomed to hold stirrups; and seeing it was done only of good will, and of no design, it was the less matter what side of the horse he held. The next day, to make amends to the bishop, the emperor sending for him, received him, holding the right stirrup to the prelate, and so all the matter was made whole, and he the pope’s own white son again.

    After this, as they were come in a282 and sat together, Adrian, the pope, beginneth to declare to him how his ancestors before him, such as sought to the see of Rome for the crown, were wont always to leave behind them some special token or monument of their benevolence for the obtaining thereof, as Charlemagne, in subduing the Lombards; Otho, the Berengarians; Lothaire, the Normans, etc.; wherefore he required some benefit to proceed likewise from him to the church of Rome, in restoring again the country of Apulia a283 to the church of Rome. Which thing if he would do, he, for his part, again would do that which appertained unto him to do; meaning in giving him the crown, for at that time the popes had brought the emperors to fetch their crown at their hands, A. D. 1155.

    Frederic, with his princes, perceiving that unless he would of his own proper costs and charges get back Apulia out of Duke William’s hands, he could not speed of the crown, was fain to promise all that the pope required, and so the next day after a284 he was crowned. This done, the emperor returneth into Germany, to refresh his army and his other furnitures, for the subduing of Apulia. In the mean while Adrian, not thinking to be idle, first giveth forth censures of excommunication against William, duke of Apulia; and, not content with this, he sendeth also to Emmanuel, a285 emperor of Constantinople, incensing him to war against the aforesaid William. The duke perceiving this, sendeth to the pope for peace, promising to restore to him whatsoever he would. But the pope, through the malignant counsel of his cardinals, would grant no peace, thinking to get more by war. The duke seeing nothing but war, prepareth himself with all expedition to the same. To be brief, collecting an army out of all Sicily, a286 he arriveth at Apulia, and there putteth the emperor Emmanuel to flight. This done, he proceedeth to the city of Benevento, where the pope and his cardinals were looking for victory. He planting there his siege, so straitly pressed the city, that the pope and his cardinals were glad to entreat for peace, which they refused before. The duke granted to their peace upon certain conditions, that is, that neither he should invade such possessions as belonged to Rome, and that the pope should make him king of both Sicilies. So the matter was concluded, and they departed. The bishop, coming to Rome, was no less troubled there about their consuls and senators, insomuch that when his curses and excommunications could not prevail nor serve, he was fain to leave Rome, and removed to Ariminum. a287 The emperor all this while sitting quietly at home, began to consider with himself, how the pope had given Apulia, which of right belonged to the empire, to duke William, a288 and had extorted from the emperors, his predecessors, the investing and endowing of prelates; how he had pilled and polled all nations by his legates, and also had been the sower of seditions through all his empery: he began therefore to require of all the bishops of Germany homage, and oath of their allegiance; commanding also the pope’s legates, if they came into Germany without his sending for, not to be received; charging, moreover, all his subjects that none of them should appeal to Rome. Besides this, in his letters he set and prefixed his name before the pope’s name; whereupon the pope being not a little offended, directed his letters to the aforesaid Frederic the emperor, after this tenor and form as following.

    COPIES OF THE LETTERS BETWEEN ADRIAN, THE POPE, AND FREDERIC, THE EMPEROR. F347 Adrian, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to Frederic, Roman emperor, health and apostolical benediction. The law of God, as it promiseth to them that honor father and mother long life, so it threateneth the sentence of death to them that curse father and mother. We are taught by the word of truth, that every one that exalteth himself shall be brought low. Wherefore, my well-beloved son in the Lord, we marvel not a little at your wisdom, in that you seem not to show that reverence to blessed St. Peter, and to the holy church of Rome, which you ought to show. For why? In your letters sent to us, you prefer your own name before ours, wherein you incur the note of insolency, yea rather, to speak it, of arrogancy. What! should I here recite unto you the oath of your fidelity, which you swear to blessed St. Peter, and to us, and. how you observe and keep the same? Seeing you so require homage and allegiance of them that be gods, and all the sons of the High God, and presume to join their holy hands with yours, working contrary to us; seeing also you exclude, not only out of your churches, but also out of your cities, our cardinals, whom we direct as legates from our side; what shall I say then unto you? Amend therefore, I advise you, amend; for while you go about to obtain of us your consecration and crown, and to get those things you have not, I fear much your honor will lose the things you have. Thus fare ye well.

    THE ANSWER OF FREDERIC THE EMPEROR TO THE POPE F348 Frederic, by the grace of God, Roman emperor, ever Augustus, unto Adrian, bishop of the catholic church, wisheth that he may be found to cleave unto those things which Jesus began to do and to teach. The law of justice giveth to every person that which is his.

    Accordingly we do not derogate from our parents, of whom, according as we have received this our dignity of the imperial crown and governance, so in the same kingdom of ours we do render their due and true honor to them again. And forasmuch as the like duty is to be required in all sorts of men, let us see first in the time of Constantine, what patrimony or regality Silvester, then bishop of Rome, had of his own, due to him, that he might claim.

    Did not Constantine, of his liberal benignity, give liberty, and restore peace unto the church? and whatsoever regality or patrimony the see of your papacy hath, was it not by the donation of princes given unto them? When we write to the Roman pontiff, therefore, we prefix our name, and allow him to do the same in writing to us. Revolve and turn over the ancient chronicles; if either you have not read, or neglected, that we do affirm, there it is to be found` Of those who be gods by adoption, and hold lordships of us, why may we not justly require their homage, and their sworn allegiance? when as He who is both your Master and ours, who holds nothing of any superior lord, but giveth all good things to all men, paid toll and tribute for himself and Peter unto Caesar; giving you therein an example to do the like: who saith to you and all men, “Learn of me, for I am meek and humble of heart.” Wherefore either render again your lordships and patrimonies which ye hold of us, or else if ye find them so sweet unto you, then give that which is due to God, unto God; and that which is due to Caesar, unto Caesar. As for your cardinals, we shut them out both of churches and cities, for that we see them not preachers, but prowlers; not repairers of peace, but rakers for money; not pillars and upholders of the church, but pollers insatiable of the world, and moylers of money and gold. What time we shall see them to be other men, such as the church requireth them to be, makers of peace, shining forth like lights to the people, assisting poor and weak men’s causes in the way of equity, then shall they find us prest and ready to relieve them with stipends, and all things necessary. And whereas you put such questions as these, little conducing to religion, before secular men, you incur thereby no little blemish of your humility, which is keeper of all virtues, and of your mansuetude. Therefore let your fatherhood beware and take heed, lest in moving such matters as seem to us unseemly for you, ye lay a stumbling-block before such as depend on your word, giving ear to your mouth, as it were to an evening shower; for we cannot but reply to that we hear, seeing how the detestable beast of pride doth creep into the seat of Peter. Fare ye well, so long as ye provide as much as in you lieth for the peace of the church.

    Upon this Adrian the pope directeth out a bull against Frederic, excommunicating him with public and solemn ceremonies. Moreover conspiring with William, duke of Apulia, he sought all manner of ways to infest the emperor, and to set all men against him, especially the clergy.

    Amongst many others writing to Hillinus, bishop of Treves, to Arnulph , bishop of Mentz, a290 and to Frederic, bishop of Cologne, he seeketh first to make them of his side. His epistle to them soundeth to this effect.

    The empire of Rome was transferred from the Greeks to the Almains, so that the king of Almains could not be called emperor, before he were crowned of the bishop apostolical. Before his consecration he is a king, afterwards emperor. Whence hath he his empire then, but of us? By the election of his princes he hath the name of a king; by our consecration he hath the name of the emperor, of Augustus, or of Caesar; ergo, by us he reigneth as emperor. Search ancient authorities. Pope Zacharias promoted Charlemagne and made him a great name, that he was made and called emperor; and after that, the king of Almains was ever named emperor, and advocate to the see apostolical, so that Apulia, conquered by him, was subdued to the bishop of Rome; which Apulia, with the city of Rome, is ours, and not the emperor’s. Our seat is at Rome; the seat of the emperor is at Aix la Chapelle, in Ardenne, which is a forest in France. The emperor, whatsoever he bath, he hath it of us: as Zacharias did translate the empire from the Greeks to the Almains, so we may translate it again from the Almains to the Greeks. Behold it lieth in our power to give it to whom we will, being therefore set up of God above Gentiles and nations, to destroy and pluck up, to build and to plant, etc. f349 And yet further to understand the ambitious presumption of this proud see of Rome, it so chanced, that this emperor Frederic, at his first; coming up to Rome, did behold there, in the palace of Lateran, a certain picture brought forth unto him, how Lothaire II, the emperor, was crowned of the pope, with the inscription of certain verses in Latin, declaring how the aforesaid emperor, coining to Rome, first did swear to the city, after was made the pope’s man, and so of him received the crown. Frederic, offended with this picture, desired the pope it might be abolished, that it should be no cause of any dissension hereafter. The pope understanding the intent of the emperor, how loth he was to come under subjection to his see, devised by all crafty ways to bring it to pass; and first taking his occasion a291 by the archbishop of Lunden’s being then detained in custody (I cannot tell by whom) sent divers and sharp letters a292 unto him, and yet not so sharp, as proud and disdainful; wherein the first salutation by his legates was this: “Our most blessed father, the pope, greeteth you, and the universal company of the cardinals; he, as your father; they, as your brethren.” Meaning thereby that he should understand himself to be subject and underling to the pope, no less than the cardinals were.

    Moreover, in his letters, objecting divers things against him, he reciteth how many and great benefits he had received of the church of Rome, by the which church he had obtained the fullness of his honor and dignity, etc.

    The emperor, with his princes, perceiving whereunto the pope by his legates did shoot, being a prince of courage, could not abide such intolerable presumption of a proud message, whereupon much contention fell between the legates and the princes. “And of whom then,” say the legates, “receiveth Caesar the empire, if he take it not of the pope?” With that word the German princes were so much offended, that, had not the emperor stayed them with much ado, they would have used violence against the legates. But the emperor, not permitting that, commanded the legates away, straightly charging them to make no turn by the way to any person or persons, but Straight to depart home. And he, to certify the whole state of the empire, of the truth of the matter, directeth forth these letters that follow.

    THE TENOR OF THE EMPEROR’S LETTER SENT THROUGH ALL HIS EMPIRE. F351 Forasmuch as the Providence of God, whereon dependeth all power both in heaven and earth, hath committed to us, his anointed, this our regiment and empire to be governed, and the peace of his churches by our imperial arms to be protected; we cannot but lament and complain to you, with great sorrow of heart, seeing such causes of dissension, the root and fountain of evils, and the infection of pestiferous corruption thus to arise from the holy church, imprinted with the seal of peace and love of Christ.

    By reason whereof (except God turn it away), we fear the whole body of the church is like to be polluted, the unity thereof to be broken, and schism and division to be betwixt the spiritual and temporal regiment. For we being alate at Besancon, and there treating busily of matters pertaining as well to the honor of our empire, as to the wealth of the churches, there came ambassadors of the see apostolical, declaring that they brought a legacy to our majesty of great importance, redounding to the no small commodity of our honor and empire.

    Who then, the first day of their coming, being brought to our presence, and received of us (as the manner is) with honor accordingly, audience was given them to hear what they had to say.

    They forthwith bursting out of the mammon of iniquity, haughty pride, stoutness, and arrogancy, out of the execrable presumption of their swelling heart, did their message with letters apostolical, whereof the tenor was this: That we should always have before our eyes, how that our sovereign lord, the pope, gave us the imperial crown, and that it doth not repent him, if so be we have received greater benefits at his hand. And this was the effect of that so sweet and fatherly lethation, which should nourish peace both of the church and of the empire, to unite them fast together in the band of love.

    At the hearing of this so false, untrue, and most vain-glorious presumption of so proud a message, not only the emperor’s majesty conceived indignation, but also all the princes there present were moved with such anger and rage thereat, that if our presence and request had not stayed them, they would not have held their hands from these wicked priests, or else would have proceeded with sentence of death against them.

    Furthermore, because a great number of other letters (partly written already, partly with seals ready signed, for letters to be written according, as they should think good, to the churches of Germany) were found about them, whereby to work their conceived intent of iniquity here in our churches, to spoil the altars, to .carry away the jewels of the church, and to flay off the limbs and plates of golden crosses, etc.: to the intent their avaricious meaning should have no further power to reign, we gave them commandment to depart the same way they came. And now, seeing our reign and empire standeth upon the election of princes, from God alone, who in the passion of his Son, subdued the world to be governed with two swords necessary; and, again, seeing Peter, the apostle, hath so informed the world with this doctrine, “Deum timete, regem honorificate:” that is, “Fear God, honor your king:” therefore, who so saith that we have and possess our imperial kingdom by the benefit of the lord pope, is contrary both to the ordinance of God, and to the doctrine of Peter, and also shall be reproved for a liar.

    Therefore as our endeavor hath been heretofore to help and to deliver the servile captivity of churches out of the hand, and from the yoke, of the Egyptians, and to maintain the right of their liberties and dignities, we desire you all with your compassion to lament with us this slanderous ignominy inferred to us and our kingdom, trusting that your faithful good-will, which hath been ever trusty to the honor of this empire (never yet blemished from the first beginning of this city, and of religion,) will provide, that it shall have no hurt through the strange novelty and presumptuous pride of such. Which thing rather than it should come to pass, know you this for certain, I had rather incur the danger of death, than suffer such confusion to happen in our days.

    This letter of Caesar fretted the pope not a little, who wrote again to the bishops of Germany, accusing the emperor, and willing them to work against him what they could. They answer again with all obedience to the pope, submitting themselves, and yet excusing the emperor, and blaming him rather, and exhorted him henceforth to temper his letters and legacies with more gentleness and modesty; which counsel he also followed, perceiving otherwise that he could not prevail.

    Much trouble had good Frederic with this pope, but much more with the other that followed. For this pope continued not very long, the space only of four years and odd months. About his time rose up the order of the hermits, by one William, once duke of Aquitaine, and afterwards a friar.

    This Adrian, walking with his cardinals abroad, to a place called Anagnia, or Arignanum, as Volateran calleth it, chanced to be choked with a fly getting into his throat, and so was strangled; who, in the latter time of his papacy, was wont to say, that there is no more miserable kind of life in the earth than to be pope, and to come to the papacy by blood; that is, said he, not to succeed Peter, but rather Romulus, who, to reign alone, did slay his brother.

    Although this Adrian was bad enough, yet came the next much worse, one Alexander III, who yet was not elected alone; for beside him the emperor, with nine cardinals, (albeit Sabellicus saith but with three), did set up another pope, named Victor IV. Between these two popes arose a foul schism and great discord, and long continued, insomuch that the emperor being required to take up the matter, sent for them both to appear before him, that in hearing them both he might judge their cause the better. Victor came, but Alexander, disdaining that his matter should come in controversy, refused to appear. Hereupon the emperor, with a full consent of his bishops and clergy about him, assigned and ratified the election of Victor to stand, and so brought him into the city, there to be received and placed. Alexander flying into France, accurst them both, sending his letters to all Christendom against them, as men to be avoided and cast out of all Christian company. Also, to get him friends at Rome, by flattery and money he got on his side the greatest part of the city, both to the favoring of him, and to the setting up of such consuls as were for his purpose.

    After this, Alexander, coming from France to Sicily, and from thence to Rome, was there received with much favor, through the help of Philip the French king.

    The emperor, hearing this rebellion and conspiracy in Rome, removed with great power into Italy, where he had destroyed divers great cities. Coming at length to Rome, he required the citizens that the cause betwixt the two popes might be decided, and that he who had the best right might be taken.

    If they would so do, he would restore again that which he took from them before. Alexander, mistrusting his part, and doubting the wills of the citizens, and having ships ready prepared for him, from William, duke of Apulia, fetched a course about to Venice.

    To declare here the difference in histories, between Blondus, Sabellicus, and the Venetian chroniclers, with other writers, concerning the order of this matter, I will overpass. In this most do agree, that the pope being at Venice, and required to be sent by the Venetians to the emperor, they would not send him. Whereupon Frederic the emperor sent thither his son Otho, with men and ships well appointed, charging him not to attempt any thing before his coming. The young man more hard than circumspect, joining with the Venetians, was overcome, and so taken, was brought into the city. Hereby the pope took no small occasion to work his feats.

    The father, to help the captivity and misery of his son, was compelled to submit himself to the pope, and to entreat for peace: so the emperor coming to Venice, (at St. Mark’s church, where the bishop was, there to take his absolution,) was bid to kneel down at the pope’s feet.

    The proud pope, setting his foot a294 upon the emperor’s neck, said the verse of the psalm, “Super aspidem et basiliscum ambulabis, et conculcabis leonem et draconem:” that is, “Thou shalt walk upon the adder and on the basilisk, and shalt tread down the lion and the dragon.” To whom the emperor answering again, said, “Non tibi sed Petro:” that is, “Not to thee, but to Peter.” The pope again, “Et mihi et Petro;” “Both to me and to Peter.” The emperor, fearing to give any occasion of further quarreling, held his peace, and so was absolved, and peace made between them. The conditions whereof were these. First, that he should receive Alexander for the true pope. Secondly, that he should restore again to the church of Rome all that he had taken away before. And thus the emperor, obtaining again his son, departed.

    Here as I note in divers writers a great diversity and variety touching the order of this matter, of whom some say that the emperor encamped in Palestine, before he came to Venice, some say, after; so I marvel to see in Volateran, so great a favorer of the pope, such a contradiction, who in his two and twentieth book saith, that Otho, the emperor’s son, was taken in this conflict, which was the cause of the peace between his father and the pope. And in his three and twentieth book again saith, that the emperor himself was taken prisoner in the same battle: and so afterwards, peace concluded, took his journey to Asia and Palestine. This pope, in the time of his papacy, which continued two and twenty years, a295 kept sundry councils both at Tours and at Lateran, a296 where he confirmed the wicked proceedings of Hildebrand and others his predecessors, as to bind all orders of the clergy to the vow of chastity; which were not greatly to be reprehended, if they would define chastity aright. “For whoso liveth not a chaste life,” saith he, “is not fit to be a minister.” But herein lieth an error full of much blindness, and also peril, to think that matrimony immaculate, as St. Paul calleth it, is not chastity, but only a single life, that they esteem to be a chaste life.

    Now forasmuch as our English pope-holy martyr, called Thomas Becket, happened also in the same time of this Pope Alexander, let us somewhat also story of him, so far as the matter shall seem worthy of knowledge, and to stand with truth: to the end that the truth thereof being sifted from all flattery and lies of such popish writers as paint out his story, men may the better judge of him, both what he was, and also of his cause.

    THE HISTORY OF THOMAS BECKET IF the cause make a martyr, as is said, I see not why we should esteem Thomas Becket to die a martyr, more than any others whom the prince’s sword doth here temporally punish for their temporal deserts. To die for the church I grant is a glorious matter. But the church, as it is a spiritual and not a temporal church, so it standeth upon causes spiritual, and upon a heavenly foundation, as upon faith, religion, true doctrine, sincere discipline, obedience to God’s commandments; and not upon things pertaining to this world, as possessions, liberties, exemptions, privileges, dignities, patrimonies, and superiorities. If these be given to the church, I pray God churchmen may use them well; but if they be not given, the church cannot claim them; or if they be taken away, that standeth in the prince’s power. To contend with princes for the same, it is no matter in my mind, material to make a martyr, but rather is it a rebellion against those to whom we owe subjection. Therefore, as I. suppose Thomas Becket to be far from the cause and title of a martyr, neither can he be excused from the charge of being a plain rebel against his prince; yet would I have wished again the law rather publicly to have found out his fault, than the swords of men, not bidden nor sent, to have smitten him, having no special commandment either of the prince, or of the law so to do. For though the indignation of the prince, as the wise prince saith, is death, yet it is not for every private person straightways to revenge the secret indignation of his prince, except he be publicly authorized thereunto; and this had been, as I suppose, the better way, namely, for the laws first to have executed their justice upon him. Certes, it had been the safest way for the king, as it proved after, who had just matter enough, if he had prosecuted his cause against him; and also thereby his death had been without all suspicion of martyrdom, neither had there followed that shrining and sainting of him as there did. Albeit the secret providence of God, which governeth all things, did see this way, percase, to be best and most necessary for those days. And doubtless, to say here what I think, and yet to speak nothing against charity, if the emperors had done the like to the popes contending against them, what time they had taken them prisoners; that is, if they had used the law of the sword against them, and chopped off the heads of one or two, according to their traitorous rebellion, they had broken the neck of much disturbance, which long time after did trouble the church. But for lack of that, because emperors having the sword, and the truth on their side, would not use their sword; but standing in awe of the pope’s vain curse, and reverencing his scat for St.

    Peter’s sake, durst not lay hand upon him, though he were never so abominable and traitorous a malefactor: the popes, perceiving that, took upon them, not as much as the Scripture would give, but as much as the superstitious fear of emperors and kings would suffer them to take; which was so much, that it past all order, rule, and measure: and all, because the superior powers either would not, or durst not, practice the authority given unto them of the Lord, upon those inferiors, but suffered them to be their masters.

    But, as touching Thomas Becket, whatsoever is to be thought of them that did the act, the example thereof yet bringeth this profit with it, to teach all Romish prelates not to be so stubborn, in, such matters not pertaining unto them, against their prince, unto whom God hath subjected them.

    Now to the story, which if it be true that is set forth in Quadrilogo, a297 by those four, who tool; upon them to express the life and process of Thomas Becket, it appeareth by all conjectures, that he was a man of a stout nature, severe, and inflexible. What persuasion or opinion he had once conceived, from that he would in nowise be removed, or very hardly.

    Threatening and flattery were to him both one; in this point singular, following no man’s counsel so much his own. Great helps of nature there were in him, if he could have used them well, rather than of learning; albeit somewhat skillful he was of the civil law, which he studied at Bologna; in memory excellent good, and also well broken in courtly and worldly matters. Besides this, he was of a chaste and strait life, if the histories be true; although in the first part of his life, being yet archdeacon of Canterbury, and afterwards lord chancellor, he was very civil, courtly, and pleasant, given much both to hunting and hawking, according to the guise of the court; and highly favored he was of his prince, who not only had thus promoted him, but also had committed his son and heir to his institution and governance. But in this his first beginning he was not so well-beloved, but afterwards he was again as much hated, and deservedly, both of the king, and also of the most part of his subjects, save ,rely of certain monks and priests, and such others as were persuaded by them, who magnified him not a little for upholding the liberties of the church; that is, the licentious life and excess of churchmen. Amongst all others, these vices he had most notable, and to be rebuked; he was full of devotion, but without any true religion: zealous, but clean without knowledge. And, therefore, as he was stiff and stubborn of nature, so (a blind conscience being joined withal) it turned to plain rebellion. So superstitious he was to the obedience of the pope, that he forgot his obedience to his natural and most beneficent king: and in maintaining, so contentiously, the vain constitutions am, decrees of men, he neglected the commandments of God. But herein was he most of all to be reprehended, that not only, contrary to the king’s knowledge, he sought to convey himself out of the realm, being in that place and calling, but also, being out of the realm, he set matter of discord between the pope and his king, and also between the French king and him, contrary to all honesty, good order, natural subjection, and true Christianity. Whereupon followed no little disquietness after to the king, and damage to the realm, as here, in process and order following, by the grace of Christ, we will declare; first beginning with the first rising up of him, and so consequently prosecuting in order his story, as followeth:

    And first, to omit here the progeny a298 of him and of his mother, named Rose, whom Polydore Virgil falsely nameth to be a Saracen, when indeed she came out of the parts bordering near to Normandy; to omit also the fabulous vision of his mother, mentioned in Robert of Cricklade, of a burning torch issuing out of her body, and reaching up to heaven; his first preferment was to the church of Branfield, a299 which he had by the gift of St. Alban’s. After that, he entered into the service of the archbishop of Canterbury, by whom he was then preferred to be his archdeacon; and afterwards, by the said Theobald, he was put, as a man meet for his purpose, to King Henry, to bridle the young king, that he should not be fierce against the clergy; whom in process of time the king made lord chancellor, and then he left playing the archdeacon, and began to play the chancellor. a300 He fashioned his conditions like to the king’s both in weighty matters and trifles; he would hunt with him, and watch the time when the king dined and slept. Furthermore, he began to love the merry jestings of the court, to delight himself with the great laud of men, and praise of the people. And, that I may pass over his household stuff, he had his bridle of silver, and the bosses of his bridle were worth a great treasure.

    At his table, and in other expenses, he passed any earl: so that, on the one side, men judged him little to consider the office of an archdeacon; and, on the other side, they judged him to use wicked doings. He played also the good soldier under the king in Gascony, and both won and kept towns.

    When the king sent Thomas, then being chancellor, home into England as ambassador with other nobles, after the death of the archbishop, he willed Richard Lucy, one of the chiefest, a301 to commend in his name this Thomas to the covent of Canterbury, that they might choose him archbishop; which thing he did diligently. The monks said, it was not meet a302 to choose a courtier and a soldier to be head of so holy a company, for he would spend, said they, all that they had; others had this surmise also, because he was in such great favor with the prince, the king’s son, and was so suddenly discharged of the chancellorship which he had borne five years. In the four and fortieth year of his age, a303 on Saturday in Whitsun-week, he was made priest, and the next day consecrated bishop, A.D. 1162.

    As touching the priesthood of this man, I find the histories vary: for, if he were beneficed, and chaplain to Theobald, and afterwards archdeacon, as some say, it is not unlikely but that he was priest before; and not, as most of our English stories say, made priest one day, and archbishop the next.

    But however this matter passeth, here is, in the mean time, to be seen, what great benefits the king had done for him, and what great love had been between them both. Now, after Becket was thus promoted, what variance and discord happened between them, remaineth to be shown: the causes of which variance were divers and sundry.

    As first, when, according to the custom, a304 the king’s officers thathered of every one hide-money through the realm, for the defense of their own country, the king would have taken it to his coffers. But the bishop said, that which every man gave willingly, he should not count as his proper rent.

    Another cause was, that where a priest was accused of murder, and the king’s officers and the friends of the dead accused the priest earnestly before the bishop of Salisbury, his diocesan, to whom he was sent, desiring justice to be done on him, the priest was put to his purthation. But when he was not able to defend himself, the bishop sent to the archbishop to ask what he should do. The archbishop commanded he should be deprived of all ecclesiastical benefices, and shut up in an abbey to do perpetual penance. After the same sort were divers clerks a305 handled for like causes, but none put to death, nor lost joint, nor were they burned in the hand, or put to the like pain.

    The third cause was, that, where one Bruis, canon of Bedford, a306 did revile the king’s justices, the king was offended with the whole clergy. For these and such like the archbishop, to pacify the kings anger, commanded the canon to be whipped and deprived of his benefices for certain years.

    But the king was not content with this gentle punishment, because it rather increased their boldness, and therefore he called the archbishop, bishops, and all the clergy, to assemble at Westminster. When they were assembled together, the king earnestly commanded that such wicked clerks should have no privilege of their clergy, but be delivered to the gaolers, because they passed so little of the spiritual correction; a307 and this he said also their own canons and laws had decreed. The archbishop, counseling with his bishops and learned men, answered probably: and in the end he desired heartily the king’s gentleness, for the quietness of himself and his realm, that under Christ our new king, and under the new law of Christ, he would bring no new kind of punishment into his realm upon the new chosen people of the Lord, against the old decrees of the holy fathers; and oft he said, that he neither ought nor could suffer it. the king moved therewith (and not without cause) allegeth again and exacteth the old laws and customs of his grandfather, observed and agreed upon by archbishops, bishops, prelates, and other privileged persons; inquiring likewise of him whether he would agree to the same, or else now in his reign would condemn that which in the reign of his grandfather was well allowed. f355 To which the archbishop, consulting together with his brethren, giveth answer again, that he was contented the king’s ordinances should be observed; adding this withal, Salvo ordine suo, that is, Saving his order.

    And so in like manner all the other bishops after, being demanded in order, answered with the same addition, Salvo ordine suo. Only Hilary, bishop of Chichester, perceiving the king to be exasperated with that addition, instead of Salvo ordine, agreed to observe them Bona fide. The king hearing them not simply to agree unto him, but with an exception, was mightily offended; who then turning to the archbishop and the prelates said, that he was not well contented with that clause of theirs, Salvo suo ordine, which he said was captious and deceitful, having some manner of venom lurking under; and therefore required an absolute grant of them without any exception to agree to the king’s ordinances. To this the archbishop answered again, that they had sworn unto him their fidelity, both life, body, and earthly honor, Salvo ordine suo; and that in the same earthly honor also those ordinances were comprehended, and to the observing of them they would bind themselves after no other form, but as they had sworn before. the king with this was moved, and all his nobility, not a little. As for the other bishops, there was no doubt but they would easily have relented, had not the stoutness of the archbishop made them more constant than otherwise they would have been. The day being well spent, the king, when he could get no other answer of them, departed in great anger, giving no word of salutation to the bishops; and likewise the bishops every one to his own house departed. The bishop of Chichester, amongst the rest, was greatly rebuked of the archbishop a308 for changing the exception, contrary to the voice of all the others. The next day following, the king took from the archbishop all such honors and lordships as he had given him before, in the time that he was chancellor; and in the dead of the night, unknown to the bishops, removed from London; a310 whereby appeared the great displeasure of the king against Becket and the clergy. Not long after this, the bishop of Lisieux, called Arnulph, sailing over from Normandy, resorted to the king and (haply, to recover again his favor which he had lost) gave him counsel withal to join some of the bishops on his side, lest, if all were against him, peradventure he might be overthrown. And thus the greatest number of the bishops were by this means reconciled again to the king; only the archbishop, with a few others, remained in their stoutness still. The king, thinking to try all manner of ways, when he saw no fear nor threats could turn him, did assay him with gentleness; it would not serve. Many of the nobles labored betwixt them both, exhorting him to relent to the king; it would not be.

    Likewise the archbishop of York, with divers other bishops and abbots, especially the bishop of Chichester, a311 did the same. Besides this, his own household daily called upon him, but no man could persuade him. At length, understanding partly by them that came to him what danger might happen, not only to himself, but to all the other clergy, upon the king’s displeasure, and partly considering the old love and kindness of the king towards him in time past, he was content to give over to the king’s request, and came to Oxford to him, reconciling himself about the addition, which displeased the king so much. Whereupon the king, being somewhat initiated, receiveth him with a more cheerful countenance, but yet not all so familiarly as before, saying, “that he would have his ordinances and proceedings after the form confirmed in the public audience and open sight of his bishops and all his nobles.” After this the king, being at Clarendon, there called all his peers and prelates before him, requiring to have that performed which they had promised, in consenting to the observing of his grandfather’s ordinances and proceedings. The archbishop, suspecting I cannot tell what in the king’s promise, drew backward, and now would not that lie would before; at last, with much ado, he was enforced to give assent. First came to him the bishops of Salisbury and Norwich, who, for old matters endangered to the king long before, came weeping and lamenting to the archbishop, desiring him to have some compassion of them, and to remit this pertinacy to the king, lest it he so continued through; is stoutness to exasperate the king’s displeasure, haply it might redound to no small danger, not only of them who were in jeopardy already, but also of himself to be imprisoned, and the whole clergy to be endangered. Besides these two bishops, there went to him other two noble peers a312 of the realm, laboring with him to relent and condescend to the king’s desire; if not, they should be enforced to use violence as would not stand with the king’s fame, and much less with his quietness: but yet the stout stomach of the man would not give over. After this came to him two knights, called Templars; one, Richard de Hastings, the grand master of the Temple, the other, Tostes de St. Omer, lamenting and bewailing the great peril, which they declared unto him to hang over his head: yet neither with their tears, nor with their kneelings, would he be removed. At length came these last messengers again from the king, a316 signifying unto him with express words, and also with tears, what he should trust to, if he would not give over to the king’s request.

    By reason of which message he either terrified or else persuaded was content to submit himself; whereupon the king incontinent assembling the states together, the archbishop first, before all others, beginneth to promise to the king obedience and submission unto his customs, and that cum Bona fide, leaving out his former addition Salvo ordine, mentioned before: instead whereof he promised in Verbo veritatis to observe and keep the king’s customs, and swore to the same. After him the other bishops likewise gave the like oath; whereupon the king commanded incontinent certain instruments oblithatory to be drawn, of which the king should have one, the archbishop of Canterbury another, and the archbishop of York the third, requiring also the said archbishop to set to his hand and seal. To this the archbishop, though not denying but that he was ready so to do, yet desired respite in the matter, while that he, being but newly come to his bishopric, might better peruse with himself the aforesaid customs and ordinances of the king. This request, as it seemed but reasonable, so it was readily granted; so the day being well spent, they departed for that season and brake up.

    Alarms, one of the four writers of the life of this Thomas Becket, recordeth, that the archbishop, in his journey towards Winchester, began greatly to repent what he had done before, partly through the instithation of certain about him, but chiefly of his cross-bearer, who, going before the archbishop, sharply and earnestly expostulated with him for giving over to the king’s request, against the privilege and. liberties of the church, polluting not only his fame and conscience, but also giving a pernicious example to those who should come after, with many like words. To make the matter short, the archbishop was touched upon the same with such repentance, that keeping himself from all company, lamenting with tears and fasting, and with much penance macerating and afflicting himself, he did suspend himself from all divine service, and would not receive comfort, before that (word being sent to his holy grandfather the pope) he should be assoiled of him; who, tendering the tears of his dear chicken, directed to him letters again, by the same messenger that Thomas had sent up to him before, in which not only he assoiled him from his trespass, but also with words of great consolation did encourage him to be stout in the quarrel he took in hand. The copy of which letters consolatory, sent from the pope to Bishop Becket, here followeth underwritten.

    Alexander, bishop, etc.—Your brotherhood is not ignorant that it hath been advertised us, how that upon the occasion of a certain transgression or excess of yours, you have determined to cease henceforth from saying of mass, and to abstain from the consecration of the body and blood of the Lord; which thing to do, how dangerous it is, especially in such a personage, and also what inconvenience may rise thereof, I will you advisedly to consider, and. discreetly also to ponder. Your wisdom ought not to forget, what difference there is between those who advisedly and willingly do offend, and those who through ignorance and for necessity’ sake do offend. For, as you read, so much the greater is willful sin, as the same not being voluntary is a lesser sin. Therefore, if you remember yourself to have done any thing that your own conscience doth accuse you of, whatsoever it he, we counsel you, as a prudent and wise, prelate, to acknowledge the same. Which thing done, the merciful and pitiful God, Who hath more respect to the heart of the doer than to the thing done, will remit and forgive you the same according to his accustomed great mercy. And we, trusting in the merits of the blessed apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, do absolve you from the offense committed, and by the authority apostolical we release you unto your fraternity, counseling you and commanding you, that henceforth you abstain not, for this cause, from the celebration of the mass.

    This letter, with others of the like sort, the pope then wrote to him, animating and comforting him in this quarrel so nearly pertaining to the pope’s profit: by the occasion whereof, Becket took no small heart and consolation; insomuch that therefrom seemeth to me to proceed all the occasion that made him so stout and malapert against his prince, as hereafter followeth to be seen by his doings. What the other letters were that the pope wrote unto him, shortly, when we come to the appellations made to the pope, shall appear, God willing. In the mean season, as he sat thus mourning at home, the king hearing of him, and how he denied to set his seal to those sanctions, which he condescended to before, took no little displeasure against him; insomuch that he, threatening him and his with banishment and death, began to call him to reckonings, and to burden him with payments, that all men might understand that the king’s mind was sore: set against him. The archbishop hereupon (whether more for the love of the pope, or dread of his prince) thought to make his escape out of the realm, and so went about in the night, with two or three with him, stealing out of his house to take the sea privily. Now amongst the king’s ordinances and sanctions, this was one; that none of the prelacy or nobility, without the king’s license, or that of his justices, should depart out of the realm. So Becket twice attempted the sea, to flee to the see of Rome, but the weather not serving, he was driven home again, and his device for that time frustrated. After his departure began to be known and noised abroad, the king’s officers came to Canterbury to seize upon his goods in the king’s behalf; but as it chanced, the night before their coming, Becket being returned and found at home, they did not proceed in their purpose.

    Upon this the archbishop, understanding the king sore bent against him, and the seas not to serve him, made haste to the court, lying then at Woodstock, where the king received him, after a certain manner, but nothing so familiarly as he was wont; taunting him jestingly and merrily, as though one realm was not able to hold them both. Becket, although he was permitted to go and come at his pleasure to the court, yet could not obtain the favor that he would, perceiving both in himself, and confessing no less to others, how the matter would fall out, so that either he should be constrained to give over with shame, or stoutly stand to that which he had so boldly taken in hand. The bishop of Evreux a317 in the mean time, going betwixt the king and the archbishop, labored to make a peace and love betwixt them; but the king in no case would be reconciled, unless the other would subscribe to his laws. So in the mean while, as neither the king would otherwise agree, nor yet the archbishop in any wise would subscribe, there was a foul discord; where the fault was, let the reader here judge between them both. The king, for his regal authority, thought it much that any subject of his should stand against him. The archbishop again, bearing himself bold upon the authority, and especially upon the letters, of the pope, lately written to him, though himself strong enough against the king and all his realm. Again, such was his quarrel for the maintenance of the liberties and glory of the church, that he could lack no setters on and favorers in that behalf, in so sweet a cause amongst the clergy. Wherefore the archbishop, trusting to these things, would give no place; but, by virtue of his apostolical authority, gave censure upon these laws and constitutions of the king, condemning some, and approving others for good and catholic, as is after declared. Besides this, there came also to the king Rotrou, archbishop of Rouen, sent from the pope to make peace between the king and Canterbury; whereunto the king was well content, so that the pope would agree to ratify his ordinances; but when that could in nowise be obtained at the pope’s hands, then the king, being stopped and frustrate of his purpose by reason of Becket’s apostolic legacy a318 (being lethatus a latere), thought good to send up to the pope, and so did, to obtain of him, that the same authority of the apostolic legacy might be conferred on another after his appointment, who was the archbishop of York; but the pope denied. Notwithstanding, at the request of the king’s clergy, the pope was content that the king should be legate himself; a319 whereat the king took great indignation, as Hoveden writeth, so that he sent the pope his letters again. Here the pope was perplexed on both sides.

    If he should have denied the king, that was too hot for him; for the pope useth always to hold in with kings, howsoever the world speedeth. Again, if he should have forsaken such a churchly chaplain, the cause being so sweet and so gainful, that would have been against himself. What did he then? Here now cometh in the old practice of popish prelacy, to play with both hands; privily he conspireth with the one, and openly dissembleth with the other. First, he granted to the king’s ambassadors their request, to have the legate removed, and to place in that office the archbishop of York, after his own contentation; and yet, notwithstanding, to tender the cause of Thomas Becket, he addeth this promise withal, that the said Becket should receive no harm or damage thereby. Thus the pope craftily conveying the matter between them both, gladly to further the archbishop for his own advantage, and yet loath to deny the king for displeasure, writeth to the king openly, and also secretly directeth another letter to Becket; the contents whereof here follow.

    ALEXANDER THE POPE, TO THOMAS, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY F362 Although we, condescending to the king’s request, have granted the gift of our legacy after his mind from you, yet let not your mind thereby be discomforted, nor brought into sighs of despair. For before that we had granted that, or given our consent thereunto, the king’s ambassadors firmly promised on the word of truth, offering also to be sworn to the same, if I should so require, that our letters which they had obtained should never be delivered to the archbishop of York without our knowledge and consent. This is certain, and so persuade yourself boldly without any scruple, doubt, or mistrust, that it was never my mind or purpose, nor ever shall be, God willing, to subdue you or your church under the obedience of any person, to be subject to any, save only to the bishop of Rome. And, therefore, we warn you and charge you, that if you shall perceive the king to deliver these aforesaid letters, which we trust he will not attempt without our knowledge to do, forthwith by some trusty messenger and by your letters you give us knowledge thereof; so that we may provide upon the same both for your person, your church, and also the city committed to you, to be clearly exempt by our authority apostolical from all power and jurisdiction of any legacy.

    Upon these letters and such others, as is said before, Becket seemed to take all his boldness to be so stout and sturdy against his prince, as he was. The pope, beside these, sent secretly a chaplain of his, and directed another letter also unto the king, granting and permitting at his request, to make the archbishop of York legate apostolical.

    The king, after he had received his letters sent from the pope, began to put more strength to his purposed proceedings against the archbishop, first beginning with the inferiors of the clergy, such as were offenders against his laws: as felons, robbers, quarrelers, breakers of the peace, and especially such as had committed homicide and murders, whereof more than an hundred at that time were proved upon the clergy; urging and constraining them to be arraigned after the order of the law temporal, and justice to be ministered to them according to their deserts; as first, to be deprived, and so to be committed to the secular hands. This seemed to Becket to derogate from the liberties of holy church, that the secular power should pass in causes criminal, or sit in judgment against any ecclesiastical person. This law the roisters then of the clergy had picked and forged out of Anacletus and Euaristus, a321 by whose falsely alleged and pretended authority they have deduced this their constitution from the apostles, which giveth immunity to all ecclesiastical persons to be free from secular jurisdiction. Becket therefore, like a valiant; champion, fighting for his liberties, and having the pope on his side, would not permit his clerks defamed, otherwise to be convented, than before ecclesiastical judges, there to be examined and deprived, for their excess, and no secular judge to proceed against them: so that, after their deprivation, if they should incur the like offense again, then the temporal judge to take hold upon them; otherwise not. This obstinate and stubborn rebellion of the archbishop stirred up much anger and vexation in the king, and not only in him, but also in the nobles and all the bishops, for the greater part, so that he was almost alone, a wonderment to all the realm.

    The king’s wrath daily increased more and more against him (as no marvel it was), and caused him to be cited up to appear by a certain day at the town of Northampton, a322 there to make answer to such, things as should be laid to his charge. Hoveden writeth, a323 that the king being come thither greatly vexed the archbishop by placing some of his horses and horsemen in the archbishop’s lodging (which was a house there of canons a324 ), wherewith he being offended sent word to the king, that he would not appear unless his lodging were voided of the king’s horses and horsemen. So, when the morrow was come, all the peers and nobles, with the prelates of the realm, upon the king’s proclamation being assembled in the castle of Northampton, great fault was found with the archbishop, for that he, having been cited to appear on a certain occasion in the king’s court personally, came not himself but sent another for him. Whereupon, by the public sentence as well of all the nobles as of the bishops, all his moveables were adjudged to be confiscate for the king, unless the king’s clemency would remit the penalty. The stubborn archbishop again, for his part, quarreling against the order and form of the judgment, complaineth, alleging for himself (seeing he is the primate and spiritual father, not only of all others in the realm, but also of the king himself) that it was not convenient that the father should be so judged of his children, or the pastor of his flock so condemned; saying moreover, that the ages to come should know what judgment was done, etc. But especially he complaineth of his fellow-bishops, who, when they should rather have taken his part, did sit in judgment against their metropolitan; and this was the first day’s action. a325 The next day the king laid an action a326 against him in behalf of one that was his marshal, called John, for certain injuries done to him; and required of the said archbishop the repaying again of certain money, which he, as is said, had lent unto him being chancellor, the sum whereof came to five hundred marks. This money the archbishop denied not but he had received of the king, howbeit, by the way and title of gift as he took it, though he could bring no probation thereof. Whereupon the king required him to put in assurance for the payment thereof; whereat the archbishop making delays (not well contented at the matter), was so called upon, that either he should be accountable to the king for the money, or else he should incur present danger, the king being so bent against him. The archbishop, being brought to such a strait, and destitute of his own suffragans, could here by no means have escaped, had not five persons, of their own accord, stepped in, being bound for him, every man for one hundred marks a piece; and this was upon the second day concluded.

    The morrow after, which was the third day of the council, it was propounded unto him in the behalf of the king, that he had had divers bishoprics and abbacies in his hand which were vacant, with the fruits and revenues thereof due unto the king for certain years, whereof he had rendered as yet no account to the king; wherefore it was demanded of him to bring in a full and clear reckoning of the same. This, with other such like, declared to all in the council great displeasure to be in the king and no less danger toward the archbishop. Becket, astonished at this demand, begged leave to consult with his brother bishops apart, before he made his answer; which was granted. And so ended that day’s action.

    On the morrow, the archbishop was sitting apart in a certain conclave with his fellow-bishops about him, consulting together, the doors fast locked to them, as the king had willed and commanded. Thus while the bishops and prelates were in council, advising and deliberating what was to be done, at length it came to voices, every man to say his mind, and to give sentence what were the best way for their archbishop to take. First began Henry, bishop of Winchester, who then took part with Becket so much as he durst for fear of the king, who said, he remembered that the said archbishop, first being archdeacon, and then lord chancellor, at what time he was promoted to the church of Canterbury, was discharged from all bonds and reckonings of the temporal court, as all the other bishops could not but bear record to the same.

    Next spake Gilbert, bishop of London, exhorting and motionlug the archbishop, that he should call to mind with himself, from whence the king took him, and set him up; what, and how great things he had done for him; also that he should consider with himself the dangers and perils of the time, and what ruin he might bring upon the whole church, and upon them all there present, if he resisted the king’s mind in the things he required.

    And if it were to render up his archbishopric, although it were ten times better than it is, yet he should not stick with the king in the matter. In so doing it might happen, that the king, seeing that submission and humility in him, would release him peradventure from all the rest. To this the archbishop answering, “Well, well,” saith he, “I perceive well enough, my lord, whither you tend, and whereabout you go.” Then spake Winchester, inferring upon the same, “This form of counsel,” saith he, “seemeth to me very pernicious to the catholic church, tending to our subversion, and to the confusion of us all. For, if our archbishop and primate of all England do lean to this example, that every bishop should give over his authority and the charge of the flock committed to him, at commandment and threatening of the prince, to what state shall the church then be brought, but that all should be confounded at his pleasure and arbitrement, and nothing stand certain by any order of law; and so as the priest is, so shall the people be?”

    Hilary the bishop of Chichester, replieth again to this, saying,” If it were not that the instance and the great perturbation of the time did otherwise require and force us, I would think this counsel here given were good to be followed. But now, seeing the authority of our canon faileth and cannot serve us, I judge it not best to go so strictly to work, but so to moderate our proceedings, that dispensation with sufferance may win that which severe correction may destroy. Wherefore my counsel and reason is, to give place to the king’s purpose for a time, lest by over hasty proceeding, we exceed so far, that both it may redound to our shame, and also we cannot rid ourselves out again when we would.”

    Much to the same end spake Robert, the bishop of Lincoln, after this manner: “Seeing,” saith he, “it is manifest that the life and blood of this man is sought, one of these two must needs be chosen; that either he must part with his archbishopric, or else with his life. Now what profit he shall take in this matter of his bishopric, his life being lost, I do not greatly see.”

    Next followed Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter, with his advice, who, inclining his counsel to the state of the time, confirmed their sayings before, affirming how the days were evil and perilous; and that if they might so escape the violence of that raging tempest under the cover of bearing and relenting, it were not to be refused; but that, he said, could not be, except strict severity should give place to tactablility; and that the instance and condition of the time then present required no less, especially seeing that persecution was not general, but personal and particular; and he thought it more holy and convenient for one head to run into some part of danger, than that the whole church of England should be subject and exposed to inconvenience inevitable.

    The answer of Roger, bishop of Worcester, was devised in a double suspense, neither affirming the one, nor denying the other; whose saying was this,—that he would give no answer on either part; “for if I,” saith he, “should say that the pastoral function and cure of souls ought to be relinquished at the king’s will or threatening, then my mouth would speak against my conscience, to the condemnation of mine own head. And if I should give, again, contrary counsel, to resist the king’s sentence, here be they that would hear it, and report it to his Grace, and so I should be in danger to be thrust out of the synagogue, and for my part to be accounted amongst the public rebels, with them to be condemned; wherefore neither do I say this, nor counsel that.”

    And this was the consultation of the bishops in that place, assembled together by the kings commandment. Against these voices and censures of the bishops, Becket, the archbishop, replieth again, expostulating and checking them with rebukeful words:—“ I perceive,” saith he, “and understand ye go about to maintain and cherish but your own cowardliness, under the colorable shadow of sufferance; and, under pretense of dissembling softness, to choke the liberty of Christ’s church.

    Who hath thus a329 bewitched you, O insensate bishops? What mean ye?

    Why do ye so under the prudent term “dispensation” cloak your manifest iniquity? Why call ye that dispensation which is in fact a disperusing altogether with the church of Christ? Let terms serve the matter; and let not terms as well as the matter itself be perverted from that which is right.

    For that ye say we must bear with the iniquity of the time, I grant with you; but yet we must not heap sin to sin. Is not God able to help the state and condition of his church, but with the sinful dissimulation of the teachers of the church? Certes God is disposed to tempt you. And tell me, I pray you, whether should the governors of the church put themselves to dangers for the church, in time of tranquillity, or in time of distress? Ye will be ashamed to deny the contrary, but in distress. And now then, the church lying in so great distress and vexation, why should not the good pastor put himself into peril there-for? For neither do I think it a greater act or merit for the ancient bishops of the old time to lay the foundation of the then church with their blood, than now for us to shed our blood for the liberties of the same. And to tell you plain, I think it not safe for you to swerve from an example which you have received from your holy elders.”

    After these things were spoken, they sat all in silence for a certain space, being locked in together. At length, to find a shift to cause the door to be opened, “I will,” saith the archbishop, “speak with two carls who are about the king,” and named them who they were. They, being called, opened the door and came in with haste, thinking to hear something which should appease the king’s mind. To whom the archbishop spake in this manner:—“ As touching and concerning the matters between the king and us, we have here conferred together. And forasmuch as we have them not present with us now, who know more in the matter than we do, (whose advice we would be glad to follow,) therefore we crave so much respite as to the next day following, and then to give our answer to the king.” With this message two bishops were sent to the king, who were the bishop of London and the bishop of Rochester. London, to help the matter, and to set quietness, as I take it, adding something more to the message, said to the king, that the archbishop craved a little time to prepare such writings and instruments, wherein he should set forth and declare his mind in accomplishing, the kings desire, etc. Wherefore two barons were sent to him from the king, to grant him that respite or stay; so that he would ratify that which the messengers had signified to the king. To whom the archbishop answereth, that he sent no such message as was intimated in his name; but only that the next day he would come and give answer to the king, in that which he had to say. And so the convocation of the bishops was dissolved, and they were dismissed home; so that the most part of them that came with the archbishop, and accompanied him before, now, for fear of the king’s displeasure, severed themselves from him. the archbishop, thus forsaken and destitute, as his story saith, sent about for the poor, the lame, and the halt, to come in and furnish his house, saying, that by them he might sooner obtain his victory, than by the others who had so slipped from him. The next day following, because it was Sunday, nothing was done. a330 So the day after, which was the second fery, f368 the archbishop was cited to appear. But the night before, being taken with a disease called passio iliaca, the cholic, all that day he kept his bed, and was not able, as he said, to rise. Every man supposing this to be but a reigned sickness, as it seemed no less, certain of the chief nobles were sent to try the matter, and to cite him to the court; namely, Robert, earl of Leicester, and Reginald, earl of Devonshire, to whom the archbishop answered, that that day he was so diseased that he could not come, yea, though he were brought in an horse-litter. So that day passed over. On the morrow, certain that were about him, fearing no less but that some danger would happen to him, gave him counsel in the morning to have a mass in honor of the holy martyr St. Stephen, to keep him from the hands of his enemies that day. When the morrow was come, being Tuesday, there came to him the bishops and prelates, counseling and persuading him covertly by insinuation, for apertly they durst not, that he would submit himself, with all his goods, as also his archbishopric, to the will of the king, if peradventure his indignation by that means might assuage. Adding, moreover, that unless he would so do, perjury would be laid against him; for that he being under the oath of fidelity to keep the king’s laws and ordinances, now would not observe them. To this Becket, the archbishop, answereth again,—“ Brethren, ye see and perceive well how the world is set against me, and how the enemy riseth and seeketh my confusion. And although these things be dolorous and lamentable, yet the thing that grieveth me most of all is this,—the sons of mine own mother be pricks and thorns against me. And albeit I do hold my peace, yet the posterity to come will know and report how cowardly you have turned your backs, and have left your archbishop and metropolitan alone in this conflict, and how you have sitten in judgment against me, although unguilty of crime, now two days together; and not only in the civil and spiritual court, but also in the temporal court, are ready to do the same. But in general, this I charge and command, by the virtue of pure obedience, and in peril of your order, that ye be present personally in judgment against me. And that ye shall not fail so to do, I here appeal to our mother, the refuge of all such as be oppressed, the church of Rome; and if any secular men shall lay hands upon me, as it is rumored they will, I straitly enjoin and charge you, in the same virtue of obedience, that you exercise your censure ecclesiastical upon them, as it becometh you to do for a father and an archbishop. And this I do you to understand, that though the world rage, and the enemy be fierce, and the body trembleth, for the flesh is weak, yet, God so favoring me, I will neither cowardly shrink, nor yet vilely forsake my flock committed to my charge,” etc.

    But the bishop of London, contrary to this commandment of the archbishop, did incontinent appeal from him; and thus the bishops departed from him to the court, save only two, Henry of Winchester, and Joceline of Salisbury, who returned with him secretly to his chamber, and comforted him. This done, the archbishop, who yesterday was so sore sick that he could not stir out of his bed, now addresseth himself to his mass of St. Stephen with all solemnity, as though it had been a high festival-day, with his metropolitan pall, which was not used, but upon holidays, to be worn. The office of the mass began,—“ Sederunt principes et adversum me loquebantur;” that is, Princes sat and spake against me,” etc.—the king’s servants being also there, and beholding the matter. For this mass, Gilbert, bishop of London, accused Becket afterwards, both for that it was done, “Per artem magicam, et in contemptum regis,” as the words of Hoveden purport, that is, “both by art magic, and in contempt of the king.”

    The mass being ended, the archbishop, putting off his pall and his mitre, in his other robes proceedeth to the king’s court; a331 but yet not trusting, peradventure, so greatly to the strength of his mass, to make the matter more sure, he taketh also the sacrament privily about him, thinking himself thereby sufficiently defended against all bugs. In going to the king’s chamber, there to attend the king’s coming, as he entered the door, he taketh from Alexander his cromer, the cross with the cross staff, in the sight of all that stood by, and carrieth it in himself, the other bishops following him, and saying, “He did otherwise than became him.” Amongst others, Robert, bishop of Hereford, offered himself to bear his cross, rather than he should so do, for that it was not comely; but the archbishop would not suffer him. Then said the bishop of London unto him,—“ If the king shall see you come armed into his chamber, perchance he will draw out hid sword against you, which is stronger than yours, and then what shall this your armor profit you?” The archbishop answereth again “If the king’s sword do cut carnally, yet my sword cutteth spiritually, and striketh down to hell. But you, my lord, as you have played the fool in this matter, so you will not yet leave off your folly for any thing I can see;” and so he came into the chamber. The king hearing of his coming, and of the manner thereof, tarried not long, but came where Becket was set in a place by himself, with his other bishops about him. First, the crier called the prelates and all the lords of the temporality together. That being done, and every one placed in his seat according to his degree, the king beginneth with a great complaint against the archbishop for his manner of entering into court, not as, saith he, a subject into a king’s court, but as a traitor, showing himself in such sort as hath not been seen before in any Christian king’s court, professing Christian faith. To this all there present gave witness with the king, affirming Becket always to have been a vain and proud man, and that the shame of his deed did not only redound against the prince himself, but also against his whole realm. Moreover, they said, that this had so happened to the king, for that he had done so much for such a beast, advancing him so highly to snell a place and room next under himself. And so altogether with one cry, they called him traitor, on every side, as one that refused to give terrene honor to the king, in keeping, as he had sworn, his laws and ordinances, at whose hands also he had received such honor and great preferments; and therefore he was well worthy, said they, to be handled like a perjured traitor and rebel. Upon this, great doubt and fear was, what should befall him. The archbishop of York, coming down to his chaplains, a332 said, he could not abide to see what the archbishop of Canterbury was like to suffer. Likewise, the tipstaves and other ministers of the assembly coming down with an outcry against him, all who were in the house crossed themselves to see his haughty stubbornness and the business there was about him. Certain there were of his disciples sitting at his feet, comforting him softly, and bidding him to lay his curse upon them; others, contrary, bidding him not to curse, but to pray and to forgive them, and if he lost his life in the quarrel of the church and the liberty thereof, he should be happy. Afterwards, one of them, named William Fitz-Stephen, a333 desired to speak something in his ear, but could not be suffered by the king’s marshal, who forbad that no man should have any talk with him. Then he, because he could not otherwise speak to him, wrought by signs, making a cross, and looking up with his eyes, and wagging his lips, meaning that he should pray and manfully stand to the cross. In the mean time cometh to him Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter, desiring him to have regard and compassion of himself, and also of them, or else they were all like to perish for the hatred of him; “for there cometh out,” saith he, “a precept from the king that he shall be taken, and suffer for an open rebel, who hereafter taketh your part.” It was said, moreover, that Joceline, bishop of Salisbury, and William, bishop of Norwich, were to suffer mutilation for their resisting, who consequently for their own sakes implored the archbishop of Canterbury. a334 The archbishop, notwithstanding, looking upon the said bishop of Exeter, “Avoid hence from me,” saith he, “thou understandest not neither dost savor those things that be of God.”

    The bishops and prelates then going aside by themselves from the other nobles, the king so permitting them to do, took counsel together what was to be done. Here the matter stood in a doubtful perplexity, for either must they incur the dangerous indignation of the king, or else, with the robles, they must proceed in condemnation against the archbishop, for resisting the king’s sanctions; which thing they themselves neither did favor. In this strict necessity, they, devising what way to take, at length agreed upon this: that they with a common assent should cite the archbishop to the see of Rome on perjury; and that t. hey should oblige and bind themselves to the king with a sure promise to work their diligence in deposing the archbishop; upon this condition, that the king should promise their safety, and discharge them from the peril of that judgment which was directed towards them. So all the bishops, obliging themselves thus to the king, went forth to the archbishop; of whom one speaking for the rest, who was Hilary, bishop of Chichester, had these words: “ Once you have been our archbishop, and so long we were bound to your obedience; but now, forasmuch as you, once swearing your fidelity to the king, do resist him, neglecting his injunctions and ordinances, concerning and appertaining to his terrene honor and dignity, we here pronounce you perjured; neither be we bound to give obedience to an archbishop thus being perjured; but, putting ourselves and all ours under the pope’s protection, we do cite you up to his presence.” And upon the same, they assigned him his day and time to appear. The archbishop answering again, said he heard him well enough; and upon this sendeth in all haste to the pope in France, a335 signifying to him by letters the whole matter, how, and wherefore, and by whom, he was cited; to whom the pope directed again his letters of comfort, as he had done divers before, the copy whereof here ensueth.

    POPE ALEXANDER TO THOMAS, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY F370 Your brotherly letters, which you directed to us, and such other matters which your messenger by word of mouth hath signified unto us, we have diligently heard the reading thereof, and thereby fully understand the grievous vexations and dolorous griefs wherewith your mind is daily encumbered: by reason whereof, we, hearing and understanding, are not a little disquieted in our spirit for your sake, in whose prosperities we do both gladly rejoice, and no less do sorrow in your adversities, as for our most dear brother.

    You, therefore, as a constant and wise man, remember with yourself that which is written: “The apostles departed away, rejoicing, from the face of the council,” etc. With like patience do you also sustain that man’s molestations, and let not your spirit be troubled therein more than needeth, but receive in yourself consolation; that we also, together with you, may be comforted in the Lord, who hath preserved you to the corroboration of his catholic and Christian verity, in this distress of necessity; and from whom also it hath pleased him to wipe away the blot of those things which have been unorderly of you committed, and here to punish the same through sundry afflictions: whereby, in the strict judgment of God, they might not be called to account hereafter.

    But, henceforth, let not this much grieve you, neither let your heart be so deject or timorous in the matter, for that you are cited up to the apostolic see; which to us is both grateful and accepted. And this we will you, that if they who have cited you shall chance to come, draw not you back, but follow the appeal, if you please, and spare not; all doubt and delay set apart: for the authority of the church, tendering this your constancy, may not do that which may put you in fear or doubt. But our diligence shall be, with all labor and study, to conserve the right and pre-eminence (God willing) of that church committed to you, so much as in us lieth, (saving our justice and equity), as to one whom, in working for the church, we find to be both a constant and a valiant champion. Further, this I brotherly require you, to repair unto the church of Canterbury; and, retaining but a few clerks about you, such only as serve your necessity, make excursions out as little as you can, in that country.

    But in this especially I thought to premonish you: that in no case, neither for fear nor any adversity, whatsoever may happen, you be brought to renounce and give up the right and dignity of your church.

    Written at Sens, the seventh before the Kalends of November. [October 26th.] As the archbishop was thus cited before the pope, sitting with his cross waiting in the court, neither giving place to the king’s request, nor abashed with the clamor of the whole court against him, calling him traitor on every side, neither following the advertisement of his fellow-bishops, at length the king, by certain earls and barons, sent commandment to him (Robert, earl of Leicester, doing the message), that he should without delay come and render a full account of all things that he had received, as the profits and revenues of the realm, in the time he was chancellor, and especially for the thirty thousand marks, for the which he was accountable to the king. To whom the archbishop answereth again, the king knew how oft he had made his reckoning of those thing which now were required of him.

    Further and besides, Henry, his son and heir of his realm, with all his barons, and also Richard Lucy, chief justice of England, told him, that he was free and quit to God and to holy church, front all receipts and computations, and from all secular exactions on the king’s behalf. And so he, taking thus his discharge at their hands, entered into his office; and therefore other account besides this he would make none. When this word was brought to the king, he required his barons to do the law upon him; who, so doing, judged him to be apprehended and laid in prison. This done, the king sendeth to him Reginald, earl of Cornwall and Devonshire, and Robert, earl of Leicester, to declare to him what was his judgment. To whom the archbishop answereth,—“Hear, my son, and good earl, what I say unto you: how much more precious the soul is than the body, so much more ought you to obey me in the Lord, rather than your terrene king; neither doth any law or reason permit the children to judge or condemn their father. Wherefore, to avoid both the judgment of the king, of you, and of all others, I put myself only to the arbitrement of the pope, under God alone to be judged of him, and of no other; to whose presence, here before you all, I do append, committing the ordering of the church of Canterbury, my dignity, with all other things appertaining to the same, under the protection of God and him. And as for you, my brethren and fellowbishops, who rather obey man than God, you also I call and cite to the audience and judgment of the pope, and so by the authority of the catholic church and of the apostolic see I depart hence.” a336 f372 While the barons returned with this answer to the king, the archbishop, passing through the throng, taketh unto him his palfrey, holding his cross in one hand, and his bridle in the other, the courtiers following after, and crying, “Traitor! traitor! tarry and hear thy judgment.” But he passed on till he came to the uttermost gate of the court, which being fast locked, there he had been staid, had not one of his servants, called Peter, surnamed Demunctorio, finding there a bunch of keys hanging by, first proved one key, then another, till at last, finding the true key, he had opened the gate, and let him out. The archbishop went straight to the house of canons, where he did lie, a337 calling unto him the poor where they could be found. When supper was done, making as though he would go to bed, which he caused to be made between two altars, privily, while the king was at supper, he prepareth his journey secretly to escape; and changing his garment and his name, being called Derman, first went to Lincoln, a338 and from thence to Sandwich, where he took ship, and sailed into Flanders, and from thence journeyed into France, as Hoveden saith. Albeit Alanus, differing something in the order of his flight, saith, “That he departed not that night; but at supper-time came to him the bishops of London and Chichester, declaring to him, that if he would surrender up to the king his two manors of Otford and Wingcham, there were hope to recover the king’s favor, and to have all remitted.” But when the archbishop would not agree thereunto, forasmuch as those manors were belonging to the church of Canterbury, the king hearing thereof, great displeasure was taken, insomuch that the next day Becket was fain to send to the king two bishops and his chaplain for leave to depart the realm. To this message the king answered, that he would take pause thereof till the next day, and then he should have an answer. But Becket, not tarrying his answer, the same day conveyed himself away secretly, as is aforesaid, to Louis, the French king; but before he carne to the king, Gilbert, the bishop of London, and William, the earl of Arundel, sent from the king of England to France, prevented him; requiring the said French king, in the behalf of the king of England, that he would not receive, nor retain in his dominion, the archbishop of Canterbury: moreover, that at his instance he would be a means to the pope, not to show any familiarity unto him. But the king of England, in this point, seemed to have more confidence in the French king, than knowledge of his disposition; for thinking that the French king would have been a good neighbor to him, in trusting him too much, he was deceived. Neither considered he with himself enough the manner and nature of the Frenchmen at that time against the realm of England; who then were glad to seek and take all manner of occasion to do some act against England.

    And therefore Louis, the French king, understanding the matter, and thinking, perchance, thereby to have some vantage against the king and realm of England, by the occasion hereof, contrary to the king’s letters and request, not only harboureth and cherisheth this Derman, but also, writing to the pope by his almoner and brother, entreateth him, upon all loves, as ever he would have his favor, to tender the cause of the Archbishop Becket. Thus the king’s ambassadors, repulsed of the French king, returned; at which time he sent another ambassage, upon the like cause, to Alexander, the pope, then being at Sens, in France. The ambassadors sent on this message were Roger, archbishop of York; Gilbert, bishop of London; Henry, bishop of Winchester; Hilary, bishop of Chichester; Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter; with other doctors and clerks: also William, earl of Arundel, with certain more lords and barons, who, coming to the pope’s court, were friendly accepted of certain of the cardinals; amongst the which cardinals rose also dissension about the same cause, some judging that the bishop of Canterbury, in the defense of the liberties of the church, (as in a good cause,) was to be maintained; some thinking again, that he, being a perturber: of peace and unity, was rather to be bridled for his presumption, than to be fostered and encouraged therein.

    But the pope, partly bearing with his cause, which only tended to his exaltation and magnificence, partly again incensed with the letters of the French king, did wholly incline to Becket, as no marvel was. Wherefore the day following, the pope sitting in consistory with his cardinals, the ambassadors were called for, to the hearing of Becket’s matter; and first beginneth the bishop of London; next, the archbishop of York; then Exeter; and then the other bishops, every one in his order, began to speak: whose orations being not well accepted of the pope, and some of them also disdained, the earl of Arundel, perceiving that, and somewhat to qualify and temper the matter to the pope’s ears, began after this manner:

    THE ORATION OF THE EARL OF ARUNDEL TO THE POPE Although to me it is unknown, (saith he) who am both unlettered and ignorant, what it is that these bishops here have said, neither am I, in that tongue, so able to express my mind as they have done: yet being sent and charged thereunto of my prince, neither can nor ought I but to declare, as well as I may, what the cause is of our sending hither: not, truly, to contend or strive with any person, nor to offer any injury or harm unto any man, especially in this place, and in the presence here of such an one, unto whose beck and authority, all the world doth stoop and yield. But for this time is our legacy hither directed: to present here before you, and in the presence of the whole church of Rome, the devotion and love of our king and master, which ever he hath had, and yet hath still, toward you. And, that the same might the better appear to your excellency, he hath assigned and appointed to the furniture of this legacy, not the least, but the greatest; not the worst, but the best and chiefest of all his subjects; both archbishops, bishops, earls, barons, with other potentates more, of such worthiness and parentage, that if he could have found greater in all his realm, he would have sent them, both for the reverence of your person, and of the holy church of Rome. Over and besides this, I might add more, which your sanctitude hath sufficiently tried and proved already, namely, the true and hearty fidelity of this our king and sovereign toward you, who, in his first entrance to his kingdom, wholly submitted himself, with all that is his besides, to your will and pleasure. And truly, to testify of his majesty how he is disposed to the unity of the catholic faith, we believe there is none more faithful in Christ than he, nor more devout to God, nor yet more moderate in keeping the unity of peace whereunto he is called. And as I may be hold this to protest for our king and master, so neither do I affirm the archbishop of Canterbury to be a man destitute or unfurnished with gifts and ornaments in his kind of calling, but to be a man both sage and discreet in such things as to him appertain, save only that he seemeth to some, more quick and sharp than needeth. This blot alone if it were not, and if the breach between our king and him had not so happened, both the regiments together (of the temporality and spirituality) might quietly have flourished one with the other in much peace and concord, both under a prince so worthy, and a pastor so virtuous.

    Wherefore, the case so standing as it doth, our message hither, and our supplication to your vigilant prudence is, that through your favor and wisdom, the neck of this dissension may be broken, and that reformation of unity and love, by some good means, may be sought.

    This oration of his, although it was liked of them for the softness and moderation thereof, yet it could not persuade the Romish bishop to condescend to their suit and request; which suit was, to have two legates or arbiters to be sent from his popish side into England, to examine and take up the controversy between the king and the archbishop. But the pope, incensed, as is said before, would not grant their petition: forasmuch as it should be (saith he) prejudicial, and tending to the oppression of the archbishop, to grant it, he being not present; and therefore he willed them to tarry his coming up; otherwise he being absent, he would not, he said, in any case proceed against him. But they alleging the time to be expired appointed to them of the king, having besides other lets and causes as they alleged, said that they could not there wait for the coming of Becket, but must return back, their cause frustrated, without the pope’s blessing to the king. Within four days after, Becket cometh to the pope’s court, where he, prostrating himself at his feet, brought out of his bosom a scroll containing the customs and ordinances of the king, before mentioned. The pope, receiving the aforesaid scroll, and reading it in the open hearing of his cardinals, condemned and accursed the most part of the said decrees of the king, which he called” consuetudines avitas, ‘ that is, ‘ his grandfather’s ordinances.’ Besides this, the pope moreover blameth Becket, for that he so much yielded to them at the beginning, as he did: yet notwithstanding, because he was repentant for his unadvised fact, he was content to absolve him for the same, and the rather, because of his great troubles, which he for the liberties of holy church did sustain; and so with great favor for that day dismissed him.

    The next day, Alexander the pope assembling his cardinals together in his secret chamber, appeareth before them archbishop. Becket, having this oration to the pope and his popelings, which here I thought to set out in our vulgar English tongue (translated out of Latin), to the intent that the posterity hereafter may understand either the vain superstition or vile slavery of the churchmen in those days, who, being not content with their own natural prince and king given them of God, must seek further to the pope; thinking no ecclesiastical living to be given, which is not taken at his hands. The words of his oration be storied rightly thus.

    THE ORATION OF BECKET ON RESIGNING HIS BISHOPRIC TO THE POPE F374 Fathers and lords, I ought not to lie in any place, much less before God, and in your presence here. Wherefore, with much sighing and sorrow of heart, I grant and confess, that these perturbations of the church of England be raised through my miserable fault. For I entered into the fold of Christ, a343 but not by the door of Christ; for that not the canonical election did call me lawfully thereunto, but terror of public power drove me in. And albeit I against my will took this burden upon me, yet not the will of God but man’s pleasure induced me hereunto; and therefore no marvel though all things have gone contrary and backward with me. But as for the resigning up again, at the threats of the king, the privilege of my bishoply authority which I had granted to me (so as my fellowbishops did instantly call upon me to do), had I so done (agreeably also to the wishes of the nobles), then had I left a pernicious and dangerous example to the whole catholic church; by reason whereof I thought to defer that unto your presence. And now, recognizing with myself my ingress not to have been canonical, and therefore fearing it to have the worse end; and again pondering my strength and ability not to be sufficient for such a charge; lest I should be found to sustain that room to the ruin of the flock, to which I was appointed (however improperly) a pastor, I here render up into your hand the archbishopric of Canterbury.

    And so putting off his ring from his finger, and offering it to the pope, he desired a bishop for the church of Canterbury to be provided, seeing he thought not himself meet to fulfill the same, and so (with tears, as the story saith) ended his oration.

    This done, the archbishop was bid to stand apart. The pope conferring upon this with his cardinals about the resignation of Becket, what was best to be done, some thought it best to take the occasion offered, thinking thereby the king’s wrath might easily be assuaged, if the church of Canterbury were assigned to some other person; and yet the said Becket otherwise to be provided for, notwithstanding. Contrary, other again thought otherwise, whose reason was, if he, who for the liberties of the church had ventured not only his goods, dignity, and authority, but also his life, should now at the king’s pleasure be deprived, like as it might be a precedent hereafter to others in resisting their king in like sort, if his cause were maintained, so contrariwise, if it quailed, it should be an example to all other hereafter not to resist his prince in the like case; and so might it redound, not only to the weakening of the state of the catholic church, but also to the derogation of the pope’s authority. Briefly, this sentence at length prevailed: and so Becket receiveth his pastoral office at the pope’s hand again, with commendation and much favor. But forsmuch as he could not be well placed in England, in the mean while the pope sendeth him with a monk’s habit into the abbey of Pontigny in France, where he remained two years; from thence he removed to Sens , where he abode four years. So the time of his exile continued six years in all. a344 Upon this, the king being certified by his ambassadors of the pope’s answer, how his favor inclined more to Becket than to him, was moved (and worthily) with wrathful displeasure; who upon the same sailing from England into Normandy, directed over certain injunctions against the pope and the archbishop of Canterbury, the contents whereof are recited underneath. f375 Of these and such other injunctions Becket specifieth partly in a certain letter, writing to a friend of his in this manner: f376 Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to his well-beloved friend, etc.

    Be it known to your brotherly goodness, that we, with all ours here, by God’s grace are safe and in good health. Having a good hope and trust in your faithful amity, I charge you and require you, that either by the bringer hereof, or by some other whom ye know faithful and trusty to our church of Canterbury and to us, you write with all speed what is done. As touching the king’s decrees here set out, these they be: That all havens and ports should be diligently kept, that no letters of interdict be brought in thereat; and if a religious man bring them in, he shall have his feet cut off; if he be a priest or clerk, he shall lose his eyes, etc.; if he be a layman, let him he hanged; if he he a leper, let him be burned. And if any bishop for fear of the pope’s inter-diet will depart the realm, besides his staff only in his hand let him have nothing else. Also the king’s will is, that all scholars and students beyond the seas shall repair home, or else lose their benefices. And if they yet shall remain, they shall lose the liberty of ever returning. Further, if any such priests shall be found, that for the pope’s suspense or interdict will refuse to sing, they shall be shamefully mutilated. f378 In fine, all such priests as show themselves rebels to the king, let them be deprived of their benefices,” etc.

    Besides these and such like injunctions, it was also set forth by the king’s proclamation, A.D. 1166, that all manner of persons, both men and women, whosoever were found of the kindred of Thomas Becket, should be exiled, without taking any part of their goods with them, and sent to him where he was; which was no little vexation to Becket to behold them.

    Moreover, forasmuch as he then was lying with Gwarine, abbot of Pontigny, to whom the pope, as is aforesaid, had commended him; therefore the king, writing to the same abbot, required him not to retain the archbishop of Canterbury in his house, for if he did, he would drive out of his realm all the monks of his order. Whereupon Becket was enforced to remove from thence, and went to Louis, the French king, by whom he was placed at Sens, and there was found of him the space of four years, a346 as is above mentioned.

    In the mean time, a345 messengers went daily with letters between the king and the pope, between the pope again and him, and also between the archbishop and others, whereof, if the reader, peradventure, shall be desirous to see the copies, I have thought here to express certain of them, to satisfy his desire; first beginning with the epistle of Becket, complaining of his prince to the pope, in manner and form as followeth.

    THE COPY OF AN EPISTLE SENT BY THOMAS BECKET TO POPE ALEXANDER F380 To your presence and audience I flee, most holy father, that you, who have bought the liberty of the church with your so great danger, might the rather attend to the same, either being the only or chief cause of my persecution, using and following therein your example. It grieveth me that the state of the church should fall to any decay, and that the liberties thereof should be infringed through the avarice of princes. For the which cause I thought to resist betimes that inconvenience beginning so to grow; and the more I thought myself obliged to the same, my prince, unto whom next under God I am most chiefly bound, the more boldness I took to me, to withstand his unrightful attempts, till such as were on the contrary part, my adversaries, prevailed, working my disquietness, and incensing him against me. Whereupon, as the manner is amongsty Princes, they raised up against me citations and slanders, to the occasion of my persecution; but I had rather be proscribed than subscribe. Besides this, I was also called to judgment, and cited before the king to make answer there as a lay person, to secular accounts, and while they whom I most trusted did most forsake me; for I saw my fellow-brethren, the bishops, through the instigation of some, ready to my condemnation. Whereupon, all being set against me, and I thus oppressed on every side, I took my refuge to appeal to your goodness, which casteth off none in their extremities, being ready to make my declaration before you, that I ought neither to be judged there in that place, nor yet of them. For what were that, father, but to usurp to themselves your right, and to bring the spirituality under the temporality. Which thing, once begun, may breed an example to many. And therefore so much the more stout I thought to be in withstanding this matter, how much more prone and inclined I saw the way to hurt, if they might once see us to be faint and. weak in the same. But they will say to me here again: “Give to Caesar that which belongs to Caesar,” etc. But, to answer again thereunto: albeit we are bound to obey our king in most things, yet not in such manner of things, whereby he is made to be no king; neither were they then things belonging to Caesar, but to a tyrant; concerning the which points these bishops should not for me only, but for themselves, have resisted the king. For if the extreme judgment be reserved to him who is able to judge both body and soul, is it: not then extreme pride for men there to judge, who judge but by themselves. If the cause of the bishops and of the clergy, which I maintain, be right, why be they set against me? why do they reprehend me? For if I appealed to him, before whom either it was not lawful, or else not expedient for me so to do, what seem they by this, but either to blame me causeless, or else to distrust your equity? For me to be convicted before your holiness, it had been a double confusion. Or wherein have I deserved to be persecuted of them, for whose cause I have set myself to stand in their behalf? And if they had willed, I had prevailed; but it is ill with the head, when it is left of its members and forsaken; as if the eyes should take the tongue to speak against the head. If they had had eyes to have foreseen the matter, they might understand themselves to speak their own destruction, and that the princes did use their help but to their own servitude. And what so great cause of hatred had they against me, to procure their own undoing in undoing of me? So while they neglected spiritual things for temporal, they have lost them both. What should I speak more of this, that I repugning them, and appealing to your audience, they yet durst presume to stand in judgment and condemnation against me, as children against their father. Yea, and not against me only, but against the universal church of God, conspiring together with the prince being with me offended. And this suspicion might also as well pertain to you, holy father. But to this they will say, that they owe their duty and service unto the king, as their lord, to whom they are bound upon their allegiance.

    To whom I answer, that to him they stand bound bodily, to me spiritually. But to whom ought they rather to stand bound, than to themselves? And were it not better to sustain the loss of corporal than of spiritual things? But here they will say again; at this time the prince was not to be provoked. How subtilly do these men dispute for their own bondages. Yea, they themselves provoke him by their own excess, ministering wings unto him to fight against them; for he would have rested if they had resisted. And when is constancy more to be required, than in persecution? Be not a man’s chief friends most tried in persecution? If they give over still, how shall they obtain the victory? Sometimes they must needs resist.

    Condescend, therefore, holy father, to my exile and persecution, and remember that I also once was a great man in the time when it was; and now for your sake thus injuriously I am treated. Use your rigour, and restrain them by whose instigation the name of this persecution began, and let none of these things be imputed to the king, who rather is to be accounted the repairer than the author of this business.

    Besides this epistle sent to the pope, he writeth also another, sent to the king, in Latin, the tenor whereof he that is disposed to read may peruse in our former edition, with notes adjoined withal.

    Besides which epistle to the King in Latin, he sent also one or two more to the said King Henry II, much after the like rate and sort: one thus beginning, “Loqui de Deo, liberae mentis est et valde quietae. Inde est quod loquar ad Dominum meum, et utinam ad amnes pacificum,” etc. Which epistle, for that I would not overcharge the volume of these histories with too much matter superfluous, I thought here to omit. The other he sent afterwards, whereof the words be these:

    ANOTHER LETTER OF BECKET, SENT TO KING HENRY II F382 To his lord and friend Henry, by the grace of God, king of England, duke of Normandy and Aquitain, earl of Anjou: Thomas, by the same grace, humble minister of the church of Canterbury, (sometime his temporally, but now more his in the, Lord), health and true repentance with amendment. I have long looked for that the Lord would look upon you, and that you would convert and repent, departing from your perverse way; and cut off’ from you your wicked and perverse counselors, by whose instigation, as it is thought, you are fallen into that deep, whereof the Psalm speaketh, “A sinner, when he cometh to the depth of mischiefs, is without all care or fear.” And albeit we have hitherto quietly suffered and borne, considering and earnestly looking if there would any messenger come that would say: “Your sovereign lord, the king, who now a long time hath erred and been deceived, and led even to the destruction of the church, through God’s mercy, with abundant humility, doth now again make speed for the deliverance of the church, and to make satisfaction and amendment;” yet notwithstanding we cease not, day by day, continually to call upon Almighty God with most humble devotion, that that which we have long desired for you, and by you, we may speedily obtain with abundant effect. And this is one point, that the care of the church of Canterbury, whereunto God hath presently appointed us albeit unworthy, you being king, doth specially constrain me, in that as yet we are detained in exile, to write unto your majesty letters commonitory, exhortatory, and of correction. But I would to God they were fully able to correct, lest that I be too great a cloaker of your outrages, if there be any, as indeed there are; for the which we are not a little sorry. I mean especially of them which are done by you in every place, about the; church of God and the ecclesiastical persons, without any reverence either of dignity or person; and lest also that I appear negligent to the great danger of my soul; for without doubt he beareth the offense of him which doth commit any offense, who neglecteth to correct that which another ought to amend; for it is written, “Not only they which do commit evil, but also they that consent thereunto, are counted partakers of the same.” For they verily do consent, who, when they both might and ought, do not resist, or at the least reprove; for the error which is not resisted is allowed, and the truth, when it is not defended, is oppressed; neither doth it lack a privy note of society in him, who ceaseth to withstand a manifest mischief. f383 For like as, most noble prince, a small city doth not diminish the prerogative of so mighty a kingdom as yours, so your royal power ought not to oppress or change the measure of the religious dispensation; for it is provided always by the laws, that all judgments against priests should proceed by the determination of priests; for whatsoever bishops they are, albeit that they do err as other men do, not exceeding in any point contrary to the religion of faith they ought not, nor can in any ease be judged of the secular power, Truly it is the part of a good and religious prince to repair the ruinous churches, to build new, to honor the priests, and with great reverence to defend them, after the example of the godly prince of most happy memory, Constantine, who said, when a complaint of the clergy was brought to him, “You,” said he, “can be judged by no secular judge, who are reserved to the only judgment of God.” And forsomuch as we do read that the holy apostles and their successors, appointed by the testimony of God, commanded that no persecution nor troubles ought to be made, nor to envy those which labor in the field of the Lord, and that the stewards of the Eternal King should not be expelled and put out of their seats; who then doubteth, but that the priests of Christ ought to be called the fathers and masters of all other faithful princes? Is it not a miserable madness, then, if the son should go about to bring the father under obedience, or the scholar his master, and by wicked bonds to bring him in subjection, by whom he ought to believe that he may be bound and loosed, not only in earth, but also in heaven? If you be a good and a catholic king, and one as we hope, or rather desire you should be (be it spoken under your license), you are the child of the church, and not the ruler of the church. You ought to learn of the priests, and not to teach them; you ought to follow the priests in ecclesiastical matters, and not to go before them, having the privilege of your power given you of God to make public laws, that, by his benefits, you should not be unthankful against the dispensation of the heavenly order, and that you should usurp nothing, but use them with a wholesome disposition. Wherefore, in those things which, contrary unto that, you have, through. your malicious counsel, rather than by your own mind wickedly usurped; with all humility and satisfaction speedily give place, that the hand of the Most Highest be not stretched out against you, as an arrow against the mark. For the Most Highest hath bended his bow openly to shoot against him that will not confess his offenses. Be not ashamed, whatsoever wicked men say to you, or that traitors do whisper in your ear, to humble yourself under the mighty hand of God; for it is he who exalteth the humble, and throweth down the proud; who also revengeth himself upon princes; he is terrible, and who shall resist him? You ought not to have let slip out of your memory, in what state God did find you; how he hath preferred, honored, and exalted you; blessed you with children, enlarged your kingdom, and established the same in despite of your enemies; insomuch that hitherto, in a manner, all men have said with great admiration, that this is he whom God hath chosen. And how will you reward, or can you reward him for all these things which he hath done unto you? Will you, at the provocation and instance of those who are about you, that Persecute the church, and the ecclesiastical ministers, and always have according, to their, power persecuted them, rendering evil for good, bringing oppressions, tribulations, injuries, and afflictions upon the church and churchmen, do the like? Are not these they of whom the Lord speaketh: “He that heareth you, heareth me; he that despiseth you, despiseth me; and he that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of mine eye.”

    Verily, forsaking all that thou hast, take up thy cross, that thou mayest follow thy God, our Lord Jesus Christ. Yet will it scarcely be, or not at all, that thou shalt appear a thankful recompenser of the benefits received at his hand. Search the Scriptures with such as are learned, and you shall understand that Saul, albeit he was the elect of the Lord, perished with his whole house, because he departed from the ways of the Lord. Uzziah also, king of Judah, whose name is spoken of and spread over all, through the manifold victories given him of God, his heart was so puffed up to his destruction, because the Lord did help and strengthen him in every place, that he, contemning the fear and reverence of the Lord, would usurp unto himself that which was not his office, that is to say, the priesthood, and offer incense upon the altar of the Lord, for the which he was stricken with a leprosy, and cast out of the house of the Lord. Many other kings and holy men of great substance, because they have walked above their estate in the marvels of the world, presuming to rebel against God in his ministries, have perished, and, at the last, have found nothing of their substance in their power. Also King Ahaz, because he did usurp the office of priesthood, was likewise stricken with a leprosy by God.

    Oza also, albeit he was not king, yet forasmuch as he touched the ark and held it, when it would have fallen by the unruliness of the oxen, which thing pertained not unto him, but unto the ministers of the church, was stricken by the wrath of God, and fell down dead by the ark. O ‘king! it is a famous proverb, “That a man, forewarned by another man’s misfortune, will take the better heed unto himself.” For every man hath his own business in hand when his neighbor’s house is on fire.

    Dearly beloved king, God would have the disposing of those things which pertain unto the church, to belong only unto priests, and not unto the secular power. Do not challenge unto thyself therefore another man’s right, neither strive against him by whom all things are ordained, lest thou seem to strive against his benefits from whom thou hast received thy power. For not by the common laws and by the secular power, but by the bishops and priests, Almighty God would have the clergy of the Christian religion to be ordered and ruled. And Christian kings ought to submit all their doings unto ecclesiastical rulers, and not to prefer themselves; for it is written, that none ought to judge the bishops but only the church, neither doth it pertain unto man’s law to give sentence upon any such. Christian princes are accustomed to be obedient unto the statutes and ordinances of the church, and not to prefer their own power. A prince ought to submit himself unto the bishops, and not to judge the bishops; for there are two things wherewith the world is chiefly governed, that is to say, the sacred authority of bishops, and royal power in the which the bishops’ charge is so much the more weighty, in that they shall at the latter judgment render account even of the kings themselves.

    Trimly you ought to understand, that you depend upon their judgment, and cannot reduce them unto your own will; for many bishops have excommunicated both kings and emperors. And if you require an especial example thereof, Innocent, the pope, did excommunicate Arcadius, the emperor, because he did consent that John Chrysostome should be expulsed from his seat; and St.

    Ambrose also did excommunicate Theodosius, the great emperor, for a fault which seemed not so weighty unto other priests, and shut him out of the church, who. afterwards, by condign satisfaction was absolved.

    There are many other like examples. For David, when he had committed adultery and murder, the prophet Nathan was sent unto him by God to reprove him, and he was soon corrected: and the king (laying aside his scepter and diadem, and setting apart all princely majesty) was not ashamed to humble himself before the face of the prophet, to confess his fault, and to require forgiveness for his offense. What will you more? He, being stricken with repentance, asked mercy, and obtained forgiveness. So likewise you, most beloved king and reverend lord! after the example of this good king David, of whom it is said, “I have found a man after mine own heart, ‘with a contrite and humble heart turn to the Lord your God, and take hold of repentance for your transgressions. For you have fallen and erred in many things, which yet I keep in store still, if (peradventure) God shall inspire you to say with the prophet, “Have mercy on me, O God, according to thy great mercy, for I have sinned much against thee, and done evil in thy sight.” Thus much I have thought good to write to you, my dear lord, at this present, passing other things in silence, till I may see whether my words take place in you, and bring forth fruits worthy of repentance; and that I may hear and rejoice with them that shall bring me word and say, “O king! thy son was dead, and is alive again; was lost, and is found again.’” But if you will not hear me, look where I was wont before the majesty of the body of Christ to pray for you in abundance of tears and sighs; there in the same place I will cry against you, and say, Rise up, Lord, and judge my cause; forget not the rebukes and injuries which the king of England doth to thee and thine; forget not the ignominy of thy church, which thou hast builded in thy blood. Revenge the blood of thy saints which is sprit; revenge, O Lord, the afflictions of thy servants, of which there is an infinite number. For the pride of them which hate and persecute thee is gone up so high, that we are not able to bear them any longer. Whatsoever your servants shall do, all those things shall be required at your hands: for he seemeth to have done the harm, who hath given the cause thereof.

    Doubtless, the Son of the Most Highest, except you amend and cease from the oppressing of the church and clergy, and keep your hand from troubling of them, will come in the rod of his fury, at the voices of such as cry to him, and at the sighs of them that be in bands; when the time shall come for him to judge the unrighteousness of men in equity and severity of the Holy Ghost.

    For he knoweth how to take away the breath of princes, and is terrible among kings of the earth. Your dear and loving grace, I wish well to fare. Thus fare ye well again and ever.

    Besides these letters of the archbishop sent to the king, the pope also, in the same cause, writeth to the king: the whole tenor of whose letter I would here express, but for protracting of the time and for straitness of room, having so many things else in this story (by the grace of Christ) to be comprehended. But the letter tendeth to this effect: to exhort and charge the king to show favor to Thomas Becket; where, in the process of the epistle, it followeth to this effect: “Therefore we do desire, admonish, and exhort your honor, by these our apostolical writings, and also enjoin you upon the remission of your sins, in the behalf of Almighty God, and of St.

    Peter, prince of the apostles, by our authority, that you receive again the aforesaid archbishop into your favor and grace, for the honor of God, his church, and of your own realm,” etc. Thus have you heard the pope’s entreating letter. Now here is another letter sent unto the aforesaid king, wherein he doth menace him, as in the tenor thereof here followeth.

    BISHOP ALEXANDER, SERVANT OF THE SERVANTS OF GOD, TO HENRY, KING OF ENGLAND, HEALTH AND BLESSING APOSTOLICAL F396 How fatherly and gently we have ofttimes entreated and exhorted, both by legates and letters, your princely honor to be reconciled again with our reverend brother, Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, so that he and his may be restored again to their churches and other possessions to them appertaining, your wisdom is not ignorant, seeing it is notified and spread almost throughout all Christendom. Forsomuch therefore as hitherto we have not been able to prevail with you, nor mollify your mind by fair and gentle words, it grieveth us not a little, so to be frustrated and deceived of the hope and expectation winch we had conceived of you: especially seeing we love you so dearly, as our own dearly beloved son in the Lord, and understand such great jeopardy to hang over you.

    But forsomuch as it is written, “Cry out, and cease not; lift up thy voice like a trumpet, and declare to my people their wickedness, and their sins to the house of Jacob;” also forsomuch as it is by Solomon commanded, that the sluggish person should be stoned with the dung of oxen; therefore we have thought good not to forbear or support your stubbornness any longer against justice and our own salvation, neither that the mouth of the aforesaid archbishop should be stopped from henceforth any more, but that he may freely prosecute the charge of his office and duty, and revenge with the sword of ecclesiastical discipline the injuries done both to himself and to the church committed to his charge.

    And here I have sent unto you two legates, the prior of Montdieu, and Bernardus de Corilo, a348 to admonish you of the same. But if ye will neither by us be advised, nor give ear unto them in obeying, it is to be feared, doubtless, lest such things as they shall declare to you from us in our behalf may happen and fall upon you.—Given at Benevento, the ninth day before the kalends of June.

    To answer these letters again, there was a certain other writing drawn out and directed to the pope, made by some of the clergy, as it seemeth, but not without consent of the king, as by the title may appear, inveighing and disproving the misbehaviour of the archbishop. The tenor thereof here followeth, and beginneth thus:

    AN ANSWER TO THE POPE F397 Time now requireth more to seek help than to make complaints.

    For so it is now, that the holy mother church (our sins deserving the same) lieth in a dangerous case of great decay, which is like to ensue, except the compassion of the Lord speedily support her.

    Such is the wickedness now of schismatics, that the father of fathers, Pope Alexander, for the defense of his faith and for the love of righteousness is banished out of his country, and is denied the liberty of returning to his own proper see, by reason of the obdurate heart of that Pharaoh, Frederic.

    Further and besides, the church also of Canterbury is miserably impaired and blemished, as well in the spiritual as in the temporal estate: much like a ship in the sea, destitute of her guide, tossed in the floods, and wrestling with the winds. The pastor, being absent from his country, is prevented returning thither through the power of the king, and being over wise (to the jeopardy of himself, his church, and us also) hath brought and entangled us with himself in the same partaking of his punishments and labors, not considering how we ought gently to entreat and not; to resist superior powers.

    And also he showeth himself to us ungrateful, who with all our affections sympathize with him in his afflictions, not ceasing yet to persecute us who stand in the same condemnation with him. For, betwixt him and our sovereign prince, the king of England, arose a certain matter of contention, whereupon they were both agreed, that a day should be appointed to have the controversy determined according to equity and justice.

    The king commanded all the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of the church, to be called against the day aforesaid to a great and solemn frequency: so that the greater and more general this council was, the more manifest might be the detection of any fraud and wickedness.

    At the day therefore above mentioned, this troubler of the realm and of the church presenteth himself in the sight of our catholic king; and, not trusting the quality and condition of his cause, armeth himself with the standard of the cross, as though he were about coming into the presence of a tyrant. By reason whereof the king’s majesty being somewhat aggrieved, yet, because he would be delivered from all suspicion, committeth the matter to the hearing of the bishops. This done, it rested with the bishops to decide and cease this contention, and to set agreement between them, removing all occasion of dissension. Which thing they going about, this aforesaid archbishop cometh in, forbidding and commanding, that no sentence whatever should be passed upon him before the king.

    This being signified in the king’s hearing, his mind was grievously provoked thereby to anger: whose anger yet notwithstanding had been easily assuaged, if the other would have submitted himself and acknowledged his default. But he adding stubbornness to his trespass, such is the amount of his excess that he alone, as the guilty author, ought to bear the brunt of the vengeance of the civil power, ashamed as he is to crave pardon for his desert at the king’s hand; whose anger he feared not to stir up in such a troublesome time of the persecution of the church, greatly against the profit of the same; augmenting and increasing thereby the persecution which now the church lieth under. Much better it had been for him to have tempered himself with the bridle of moderation, in the high estate of his dignity; lest in exceeding too far in straining ambitiously to attain the summit of affairs, peradventure (as his presumption deserveth) he should fall the lower. And if the detriment of the church would not move him, yet the great preferments of riches and honors bestowed upon him ought to persuade him not to be so stubborn against the king. But here our adversary objecteth, that his standing to the king’s judgment in this behalf were prejudicial against the authority of the see apostolical.

    As though he did not or might not understand, that although the dignity of the church should suffer a little detriment in that judgment, yet he might and ought to have dissembled for the time, for the sake of restoring peace. He objecteth again, assuming the name of father, that it soundeth like a point of arrogancy for children to proceed in judgment of the father, and that such a thing ought not to be. But he must understand again, that it was necessary that the obedience and humility of the children should temper the pride of the father; lest, afterward, the hatred of the father might redound upon the children. Wherefore, by these premises your fatherhood may understand, that our adversary ought to drop his action as void and of none effect, who only upon the affection of malice hath proceeded thus against us, having no just cause or reason to ground his attack upon.

    And, forsomuch as the care and charge of all the churches (as ye know) lieth upon us, it standeth upon us to provide, by our diligence and circumspection, concerning the state of the church of Canterbury, that the said church of Canterbury be not brought to shipwreck through the excess of its pastor.

    By this epistle it may appear to the reader thereof, that Becket, being absent from England, went about to work some trouble against certain of the clergy and the laity, belike in excommunicating a349 such as he took to be his evil willers.

    Now to understand further what his working was, or who they were whom he did excommunicate, this letter, sent to William, bishop of Norwich, shall better declare the matter.

    A LETTER OF BECKET, TO WILLIAM, BISHOP OF NORWICH, WHEREIN ARE CONTAINED THE NAMES OF THOSE WHOM HE DID EXCOMMUNICATE F398 He is clearly liable to the punishment of a criminal, who receiving power and authority of God useth and exerciseth not the same with due severity in punishing vice, but winking and dissembling doth minister boldness to wicked doers, maintaining them in their sin.

    For the blood of the wicked is required at the hand of the priest, who is negligent or dissembleth. And, as the Scripture saith, “Thorns and brambles grow in the hands of the idle drunkard.”

    Wherefore, lest through our too much sufferance and dissembling, we should become involved in the guilt of manifest evildoers, and be convicted of procuring the injury of the church through our guilty silence; we, therefore, following the authority of the pope’s commandment, have laid our sentence of curse and excommunication upon the Earl Hugh; a350 commanding you throughout all your diocese publicly to denounce the said earl as accursed; so that, according to the discipline of the church, he be sequestered from the fellowship of all faithful people. Also, it is not unknown to your brotherhood, how long we have borne with the transgressions of the bishop of London; who, amongst his other acts, would to God were not a great doer, and fautour of this schism, and subverter of the rights and liberties of holy church.

    Wherefore we, being supported with the authority of the apostolic see, have also excommunicated him; besides also the bishop of Salisbury, because of his disobedience and contempt, and others likewise, upon divers and sundry causes, whose names here follow subscribed: Thomas Fitz-Bernard; Rodulph of Brock; Robert of Brock, a clerk; Hugh of St. Clair, and Letard, clerk of Northfleet; a351 Nigel of Sackville, and Richard, a clerk, brother to William of Hastings, who possesseth my church of Monkton. We therefore charge and command you, by the authority apostolical and ours, and by the virtue of obedience, and by the peril of salvation and of your order, that ye cause these openly to be proclaimed excommunicate throughout all your diocese, and command all the faithful to avoid their company. Fare ye well in the Lord. Let not your heart be troubled, nor fear; for we stand sure through the assistance of the apostolic see, God being our defense against the pretensed shifts of the malignant sort, and against all their appellations. Furthermore, all such as have been solemnly cited of us shall sustain the like sentence of excommunication, if God will, on Ascension-day, unless meanwhile they satisfy for their offenses; to wit, Geoffrey, archdeacon of Canterbury, and Robert his vicar; Richard of Ilchester, a352 Richard of Lucy, William Giffard, Adam of Cherings, with such others more, who either at the commandment of the king, or upon their proper temerity, have invaded the goods and possessions either appertaining to us, or to our clerks about us. With these also we do excommunicate all such as be known, either with their aid or counsel to have incensed or set forward the proceeding of our king against the liberties of the church in the exiling and spoiling of the innocent, and such also as be known to impeach or hinder, by any manner of way, the messengers sent either by the lord pope or by us, from prosecuting the necessities of the church. Fare you well again, and ever.

    Hitherto hast thou seen, gentle reader, divers and sundry letters of Thomas Becket, whereby thou mayest collect a sufficient history of his doings and demeanor, though nothing else were said further of him, concerning his lusty and haughty stomach, above that beseemed either his degree or cause which he took in hand. And here peradventure I may seem in the story of this one man to tarry too long, having to write of so many others better than it: yet for the weaker sort, who have counted him, and yet do count him, for a saint, having in themselves little understanding to judge or discern in the causes of men, I thought to add this letter more, wherein he complaineth of his king to a foreign power, doing what in him did lie to stir for his own cause mortal war to the destruction of many. For suppose wrong had been offered him of his prince, was it not enough for him to fly?

    What cause had he, for his own private revenge to set potentates in public discord? Now having no just cause, but rather offering injury in a false quarrel, so to complain of his prince, what is to be said of this, let every man judge who seeth this letter.

    AN EPISTLE OF THOMAS, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, TO POPE ALEXANDER F399 To our most loving father and lord, Alexander, by the grace of God supreme pontiff, Thomas, the humble minister of the church of Canterbury, due and devoted obedience. Long enough and too long, most loving father, have I forborne, still looking after amendment of the king of England, but no fruit have I reaped of this my long patience: nay rather, whilst that unwisely I do thus forbear, I augment the detriment and ruin of mine authority, as also of the liberty of the church of God: for oftentimes have I by religious and suitable messengers invited him to make condign satisfaction; as also by my letters, the copies whereof I have sent you, I have intimated the divine severity and vengeance against him, unless he repented. But he, that notwithstanding, proceedeth from evil to worse, oppressing and ravaging the church and sanctuary of God; persecuting both me and those who take part with me, and doing all his endeavor by threatening words to terrify such as, for God’s cause and mine own, seek any way to relieve and help me. He wrote also letters unto the abbot of the Cistercian order, that, as he favored the abbies of that his order which were in his [the king’s] power, he should not accept me into the fellowship thereof, nor do any thing else for me. Why should I use many words? So much hath the rigor and severity, as well of the king as of his officers, under our patience and sufferance, showed itself, that if a great number of men, yea, and that of the most religious sort, should show unto you the matter as it is indeed, and that upon their oath taken, I partly doubt whether your holiness would give credit to them or not. With anxiety of mind, therefore, I considering these things, and beholding as well the peril of the king as of ourself, have publicly condemned those pernicious—“customs” they are not to be called, so much as—perversities and pravities, whereby the church of England is disturbed and brought into confusion, as also the writing whereby they were confirmed; excommunicating generally, as well the observers thereof, as also the exactors and patrons of the same, with all their favorers, counselors, and coadjutors whatsoever they be, whether of the clergy or laity; absolving also our bishops from their oath, whereby they were so strictly enjoined to the observation of the same. These are the articles which in that writing I have principally condemned: That it is inhibited to appeal unto the see apostolical for any cause, but by the king’s license: That a bishop may not punish any man for perjury, or for breaking of his troth: That a bishop may not excommunicate any man that holdeth of the king in capite , or else interdict either their lands or offices without the king’s license:

    That clerks and religious men may be taken from us to secular judgment: That the king or any other judge may hear and decide the causes of the church and tithes: That it shall not be lawful for any archbishop or bishop to go out of the realm, and to come at the pope’s call without the king’s license: and divers others such as these. But I have by name excommunicated John of Oxford, a353 who hath communicated with the schismatic and excommunicate person, Reginald of Cologne, who also, contrary to the commandment of the lord pope and ours, hath usurped the deanery of the church of Salisbury, and hath, to renew his schism, taken an oath in the emperor’s court. Likewise I have denounced and excommunicated Richard of Ilchester, because he is fallen into the same damnable heresy, and has communicated with that infamous schismatic of Cologne; a354 devising and forging all mischief possible with the schismatics and Germans, to the destruction of the church of God and especially of the church of Rome, by composition made between the king of England and them: also Richard de Lucy and Jocelin de Baliol, who have been favorers of the king’s tyranny and fabricators of those heretical pravities. Also Ranulph de Broc, and Hugo de Sancto Claro, and Thomas Fitz- Bernard, who have usurped the possessions and goods of the church of Canterbury without our license and consent. We have also excommunicated all those who, contrary to our will, do stretch out their hands to the possessions and goods of the church of Canterbury. The king himself we have not yet excommunicated personally, a355 still waiting for his amendment: whom, notwithstanding, we will not defer to excommunicate, unless he quickly amend, and be warned by that he hath done. And therefore, that the authority of the see apostolic and the liberty of the church of God, which in these parts are almost utterly lost, may by some means be restored, it is meet and very necessary that what we have herein done, the same be of your holiness ratified, and by your letters confirmed. Thus I wish your holiness long to prosper and flourish.

    By this epistle, he that listeth to understand of the doings and quarrels of Becket, may partly judge what is to be thought thereof: which his doings, although in some part they may be imputed either to ignorance of mind, or blindness of zeal, or human frailty, yet, in this point, so vilely to complain of his natural prince, for the zeal of the pope, he can in no wise be defended. But such was the blindness of the prelates in those days, who measured and esteemed the dignity and liberty of Christ’s church by no other thing, than only by goods and possessions flowing unto and abounding among the clergy; and who thought no greater point of religion to be in the church, than to maintain the same. For this cause they did most abominably abuse Christian discipline and excommunication of the church at that time; as by this aforesaid epistle may appear. And what marvel if the acts and doings of this archbishop seem now to us in these days both fond and strange, seeing the suffragans of his own church and clergy, writing to him, could not but reprehend him, as in this their epistle, translated out of Latin into English, may be seen.

    AN EFFECTUAL AND PITHY LETTER, a356 FULL OF REASON AND PERSUASION, Sent from all the suffragans of the church of Canterbury to Thomas Becket, their archbishop. f400 Such troubles and perturbations as happened through the strangeness of your departure out of the realm, we hoped by our humility and prudence should haw; been reduced again (God’s grace working withal) rate a peaceable tranquillity. And it was no little joy to us, to hear so of you in those parts where you are conversant, how humbly you there behaved yourself, nothing vaunting yourself against your prince and king, and that you attempt no risings or wrestlings against his kingdom, but that you bore with much patience the burden of poverty, and gave yourself to reading and. prayer, and to redeem the loss of your time spent, with fasting, watchings, and tears; and so, being occupied with spiritual studies, to tend and rise up to the perfection of virtue, etc.

    But now, through the secret relation of certain, we hear (that we are sorry of) that you have sent unto him a threatening letter, wherein there is no salvation premised; a357 in the which also ye pretend no entreating nor prayers for the obtaining of favor, neither do use any friendly manner in declaring what you write, but, menacing with much austerity, threaten to interdict him, and to cut him from the society of the church. Which thing if you shall accomplish with like severity as in words ye threaten to do, you shall not only put us out of all hope of any peace, but also put us in fear of hatred and discord without measure, and without all redress amongst us. But wisdom will consider before the end of things, laboring and endeavoring to finish that which she wisely beginneth. Therefore your discretion shall do well diligently to forecast and consider whereto ye tend; what end may ensue thereof, and whereabout ye go. Certes, we, for our parts, hearing what we do hear, are discouraged from that we hoped for, who, having before some good comfort of tranquillity to come, are east from hope to despair, so that while one is drawn thus against another, almost there is no hope or place left to make entreaty or supplication. Wherefore, writing to your fatherhood, we exhort and counsel you by way of charity, that you add not trouble to trouble, and heap injury upon injury; but that you so behave yourself, that, all menaces set aside, ye rather give yourself to patience and humility, and yield your cause to the clemency of God, and to the mercy of your prince; and in so doing you shall heap coals of charity upon the heads of many. Thus charity shall be kindled, and that which menacings cannot do, by God’s help and good men’s counsel, pity, peradventure, and godliness shall obtain. Better it were to sustain poverty with praise, than in great promotions to be a common note to all men. It is right well known unto all men, how beneficial the king hath been unto you; from what baseness to what dignity he hath advanced you; and also into his own familiarity hath so much preferred you, that from the North Ocean to the Mount Pyrinee he hath subdued all things to your authority: insomuch that they were amongst all others accounted for men right fortunate, whosoever could find any favor with you.

    And furthermore, a358 lest that your estimation should be over matched by any nobility, he (against the mind of his mother, and of his realm) hath placed and ratified you substantially in ecclesiastical dignity, and advanced you to this honor wherein ye stand; trusting, through your help and counsel, to reign more safely and prosperously. Now, if he shall find disquietness, wherein he trusted to have quietness, what shall all men say or think of you?

    What recompense or retribution shall this be thought to be for so many and great benefits taken? Therefore, if it shall please you, ye shall do well to favor-and spare your fame and estimation, and to overcome your lord and sovereign with humility and charity; whereunto if our advertisement cannot move you, yet the love and fidelity you bear to the bishop and holy church of Rome ought to incline you thereunto, and not to attempt any such thing, whereby the troubles of the church, our mother, may increase, or whereby her dolour may be augmented in the loss of those, whose disobedience now she doth bewail: for what if it so happen through provocation, that the king, whom all his subjects and kingdoms obey, should relinquish the pope, which God forbid, and should deny all obedience to him, as he denieth to the king help or aid against you, what inconvenience would grow thereof? And think you he hath not great instigations, supplications, gifts, and many fear promises so to do? Yet he, notwithstanding, abideth firm hitherto in the rock, despising, with a valiant mind, all that the world can offer. This one thing feareth us, lest his mind whom no worldly offers can assail, no glory, riches, nor treasure can overturn, only through indignation of unkindness, be subverted; which thing if it chance to happen through you, then may you sit down and sing the song of the Lamentation of Jeremy, and weep your bellyful.

    Consider therefore, if it please you, and foresee well with yourself, this purpose of yours, if it proceed, how hurtful and perilous it will be, not only to the pope, and to the holy church of Rome, but also to yourself most especially. But some, peradventure, about you, of haughty and high-minded stoutness, more stout perchance than wise, will not suffer you to take this way, but will give you contrary counsel, to prove rather and declare what ye are able to do against your lord and prince, and to practice against him and all his the uttermost of your power and authority; which power and authority of yours, to him that offendeth, is fearful, and to him that will not amend, terrible. Such counsel as this, some, peradventure, will whisper in your ear. But to these again this we say and answer for our king, whom notwithstanding to be without fault we do not affirm, but yet, that he is always ready to amend and make satisfaction, that we speak confidently and protest in his behalf.

    The king, appointed for the Lord’s anointed, provideth for the peace of his subjects all that he is able: and therefore, to the intent he may conserve this peace in his churches and amongst his subjects committed to him, he willeth and requireth such ordinances as are due to kings, and have been exhibited to them beforetime, also to be exhibited to him; wherein if there hath any contradiction sprung up betwixt him and us, he being thereupon convented, and admonished from the pope by the reverend bishops of London and Hereford, burst not out into any defiance, but meekly and humbly answered, That where insoever the church or any ecclesiastical person can show himself grieved, he would therein stand to the judgment of the church of his kingdom. This also he is ready no less to perform indeed, thinking nothing more sweet unto him than to be admonished of his fault, if he have offended the Lord, and to reform the same; and not only to reform and amend his fault, but also to satisfy it to the uttermost, if the law shall so require him. Wherefore, seeing he is so willing to recompense and satisfy the judgment of the church in all things appertaining to the church; refusing no order that shall be taken, but in all things submitting his neck to the yoke of Christ; with what right, by what canon, or reason, can you interdict him, or use excommunication against him? It is a thing laudable, and a virtue of great commendation in wise men, wisely to go with judgment and reason, and not to be carried with puffs of hasty violence.

    Whereupon, this is the only and common petition of us all, that your fatherly care will diligently provide for your flock and sheep committed to you, so that they miscarry not, or run to any ruin through any inconsiderate or too much heady counsel in you; but rather, through your softness and sufferance, they may obtain life, peace, and security. It doth move us all, what we hear of late to be done by you against the bishop of Salisbury, and the dean of the same church, prosperously, as some men suppose; against whom you have given out the sentence of excommunication and condemnation, before any question of their crime was; following therein, as seemeth, more the heat of hastiness than the path of righteousness. This is a new order of judgment, unheard of yet to this day in our laws and canons, first to condemn a man, and after to inquire of the fact committed. Which order lest you should hereafter attempt to exercise in like manner against our sovereign and king, or against us, and our churches and parishes committed to us, to the detriment of the pope, and the holy church of Rome, and to the no little confusion of us all; therefore, we lay here against you, for ourselves, the remedy of appellation. And as before, openly in the public face of the church, with lively voice, we appealed to the pope for fear of certain perils that might have happened, so now again, in writing, we appeal to the same, a360 assigning as the term of our appellation the day of the Lord’s ascension: most humbly and reverently beseeching your goodness, that you, taking a better way with you in this matter, will let your cause fall, sparing herein both the labors and charges, as well of yourself as ours also. And thus we wish you right well to fare, reverend in the Lord.

    THE RESCRIPT OR ANSWER OF THOMAS BECKET TO ALL HIS SUFFRAGANS, NOT OBEYING, BUT CONFUTING, THE COUNSEL SENT F401 Your brotherly letters sent, albeit not by the whole assent of your wisdoms written, as I suppose, I received of late upon a sudden, the contents whereof seem to contain more sharpness than solace; and would to God they proceeded more of sincere zeal of godliness, or affection of charity, than of disobedience or forward wilfulness! for charity seeketh not the things that be her own, but which appertain to Jesus Christ. It had been your duty, if there be truth in the gospel, as most undoubtedly there is, and if you would faithfully have accomplished his business whose person you represent, rather to have feared Him, who can cast both body and soul to hell, than him whose power extendeth no furhter than to the body; rather to have obeyed God than man; rather your Father than your master or lord, after the example of bain who was to his Father obedient unto the death; who died for us, leaving us an example to follow his steps. Let us die therefore with him, and lay down our lives for the deliverance of his church out of the yoke of bondage, and tribulation of the oppressor, which church he hath founded, and whose liberty he hath procured with his own proper blood; lest, if we shall do otherwise, it may haply fall upon us which is written in the gospel, “Whoso loveth his own life more than me, is not worthy of me.” This ye ought to know, that if it be right which your Captain commandeth, your duty requireth to obey his will; if not, ye ought then rather to obey God than men.

    One thing I will say, if I may be so bold to tell it unto you; I have now suffered and abstained a long space, waiting if the Lord had given you to take a better heart unto you, who have turned cowardly your backs in the day of battle; or if any of you would have returned again to stand like a wall for the house of Israel, or at least if he had but showed himself in the field, making but the countenance of a warrior against those who cease not daily to infest the Lamb of God. I waited, and none came; I suffered, and none rose up; I held my peace, and none would speak; I dissembled, and none would stand with me in like semblance; wherefore, seeing I see no better fowardness in you, this remaineth only, to enter action of complaint against you, and to cry against mine enemies; “Rise up, O Lord! and judge my cause; revenge the blood of the church, which is wasted and oppressed. The pride of them which hate his liberty riseth up ever, neither is there any that doth good, no, not one.” Would to God, brethren beloved! there were in you any mind or affection to defend the liberty of the church; for she is builded upon a sure rock, so that although she be shaken, yet she cannot be overthrown. And why then seek ye to confound me? nay, rather yourselves in me, than me in you, a man who hath taken upon me all the peril, have sustained all the rebukes, have sustained all the injuries, have suffered also for you all, to very banishment.

    And so it was expedient, that one should suffer for that church, that thereby it might be released out of servitude. These things discuss you simply with yourselves, and weigh the matter. Attend, I say, diligently in your minds, for your parts, that God, for his part, removing from your eyes all majesty of rule and empery, as he is no acceptor of persons, may take from your hearts the veil, that ye may understand and see what ye have done, what ye intend to do, and what ye ought to do. Tell me which of you all can say, I have taken from him, since the time of my promotion, either ox or ass. If I have defrauded him of any penny, if I have misjudged the cause of any man wrongfully, or if, by the detriment of any person, I have sought mine own gain, let him complain, and I will restore him fourfold. And, if I have not offended you, what then is the cause that ye thus leave and forsake me in the cause of God? Why bend ye so yourselves against me in such a cause, that there is none more special belonging to the church?

    Brethren, seek not to confound yourselves and the church of God (so much as in you is), but turn to me, and you shall be safe; for the Lord saith, “I will not the death of a sinner, but rather he should convert and live.” Stand with me manfully in the war; take your armor and your shield to defend me. Take the sword of the word of the mighty God, that we altogether may withstand more valiantly the malignant enemies, such as go about to take away the soul of the church, which is her liberty; without which liberty she hath no power against them that seek to encroach to their inheritance, the possession of God’s sanctuary. If ye will hear and follow me, know ye that the Lord will be with you, and with us all in the defense of the liberty of his church. Otherwise, if ye will not, the Lord judge betwixt me and you, and require the confusion of his church at your hands; which church, whether the world will or no, standeth firmly in the word of the Lord, whereupon she is builded, and ever shall, till the hour come that she shall pass from this world to the Father; for the Lord ever doth support her with his hand.

    Wherefore, to return to the matter: Brethren, remember well with yourselves (which thing ye ought not to forget)what danger I was brought unto, and the church of God also, while I was in England, at my departing out of England, and after my departure from thence; also in what danger it standeth at this present day; but especially at that time, when, at Northampton, Christ was judged again in my person, before the judgment seat of the high president.

    Who ever heard the archbishop of Canterbury, being troubled for injuries done to him and to his church, and appealing to the pope of Rome, to be judged, condemned, appealed, and put to his sureties, and that of his own suffragans? Where is this law seen, or the authority, nay rather perversity, of this canon heard of? And why yet shame ye not at this your enormity? Why are ye not confounded? Or why doth not this confusion work in you repentance, and repentance drive you to due satisfaction before God and men? For these and such other injuries done to God and to his church, and to me for God’s cause (which with a good conscience I ought to suffer, because that without danger of soul I ought not to dissemble them), I choose rather to absent myself for a season, and to dwell quietly in the house of my Lord, than in the tabernacle of sinners, until the time that (their iniquity being complete) the hearts of the wicked, and the cogitations of the same, shall be opened; and these injuries were the cause both of my appeal from the king, and of my departure from thence, which ye term to be sudden. But if ye will speak the truth which ye know, it ought to be no less than sudden, lest, being foreknown, it might have been prevented and stopped; and, as God turned the matter, it happened for the best, both for the honor of the king, and better safety of those who, seeking my harm, should have brought slander on the king. If such troubles followed upon my departing as ye say, let them be imputed to him who gave cause; the fault is in the worker, not in the departer; in him that pursueth, not in him that avoideth injuries. What would ye more? I presented myself to the court, declaring both the causes of my coming and of my appeal, declaring also the wrongs and injuries done to me and to my church, and yet could have no answer, neither was there any that laid any thing against me, before we came to the king. Thus, while we stood waiting in the court, whether any would come against me or no, they sent to my officials; charging them not to obey me in my temporalities, nor to owe any service to me or to any of mine.

    After my appellation made in the court, my church was spoiled; we and they about us deprived of our goods, outlawed both of the clergy and of the laity, men, women, and infants; the goods of the church, that is, the patrimony of the crucifix, confiscated, and part of the money turned to the king’s use, part to your own coffers.

    Brother bishop of London, if this he true that we hear of you, and that to the use of your own church ye convert this money, we charge you and require you forthwith, by virtue of obedience, that within forty days after the sight of these letters, all delay and excuse set aside, ye restore again within the time aforesaid, all such goods and parcels as you have taken away: for it is unmeet and contrary to all law for one church to be enriched with the spoil of another church. If ye stand upon the authority that set you to work, you must understand, that in matters concerning the church goods, he can give no lawful authority, who committeth violent injury, etc.

    What authority and what Scripture giveth tins prerogative to princes upon church goods, which you would attribute to them?

    What? will they lay for them the remedy of appeal? God forbid! It were evil with the church of God, if, when the sacrilegious extortioner hath violently invaded other men’s goods, especially the goods of the church, he should after defend him with the title of appeal, etc.

    Do not, brethren, so confound altogether the right of the church and of the temporal regiment, for these two are very different, one borrowing its authority from the other. Read the Scriptures, and you shall find what and how many kings have perished for taking upon them the priestly office. Therefore let your discretion provide, lest for this your doing, God’s punishment light upon you; which if it come, it will be hard for you very easily to escape.

    Provide also and see to your king, whose favor ye prefer before the wealth and profit of the church; lest it happen, which God forbid, that he doth perish with all his house, after the example of those who for the like crime were plagued. And if ye cease not off from that ye begin, with what conscience can I dissemble or forbear, but must needs punish you? Let him dissemble with you who lists, having authority so to do; truly I will not; there shall be no dissimulation found in me. And where you write in your letters concerning my promotion, a361 that it was against the voice of the whole realm, and that the church did exclaim against it, what should I say to you, but that, which ye know right well, “The lie, which the mouth doth willingly speak, killeth the soul?” but especially the words of a priest’s mouth ought ever to go with verity. As touching this matter, I appeal to your 6wn conscience whether the form of my election stood not fully with the consent of them all to whom the election belonged, having also the assent of the prince by his son, and of those who were sent thereto. And if there were some that repugned the same, he that was troubled and is guilty, let him speak.

    Ye say, moreover, that I was exalted and promoted from a base and low degree to this dignity by him. I grant that I came of no royal or kingly blood; yet, notwithstanding, I would rather be in the number of those whom virtue of the mind, rather than birth, maketh noble.

    Peradventure I was born in a poor cottage, of poor parentage. .; and yet, through God’s clemency, who knoweth how to work mercy with his servants, and who cherisheth the humble and low things, to confound the high and mighty, in this my poor and low estate, before I came to the king’s service, I had abundantly and wealthily to live withal, as ye know, amongst my neighbors and friends. And David, even from the sheepfold, was taken up and made a king; Peter, of a fisher, was made a prince of the church, who, for his blood being shed for the name of Christ, deserved to have in heaven a crown, and in earth name and renown; would to God we could do the like! We be the successors of Peter, and not of kings and emperors.

    And where ye seem to charge me, by insinuation, with the blot of ingratitude, thus I answer: There is no offense capital or infamous, unless it proceed from the heart and intention. As, if a man commit a murder unwillingly, although he be called a murderer, yet he is not thereby punishable: and so, although I owe my duty and service with reverence to my king, yet, if I have him as my lord, if I have warned him, and talked with him fatherly and gently as with a son, and in talking with him could not be heard: if therefore, I say, being enforced thereunto, and against my will, I do exercise upon him the censure of due severity, in so doing I suppose. I make rather with him than against him, and rather deserve at his hand thanks for my correction, than note or suspicion of unkindness or punishment for the fact. Sometimes a man, against his will, receiveth a benefit, as, when necessity causeth a man to be restrained from doing that which he ought not to do: he that doth so restrain him, though he stop him, doth not hurt him, but rather profiteth him for his soul’s health. Another thing that defendeth us from ingratitude, is, our Father and Patron Christ, who, in that he is our Father, to whom we as children owe obedience, then are we bound, as children, by necessity, to obey his commandment, in warning the evildoer, in correcting the disobedient, and in bridling the obstinate: which, if we do not, we run into danger to have his blood required at our hands. Ye set forth likewise and show, what loss we thereby may sustain of our temporalities, but ye speak no word of the loss of our souls. Moreover, as concerning the departure of the king from the homage of the church of Rome, which in your letters ye teem to pretend, or rather threaten: God forbid, I say, that the devotion or faith of our king should ever swerve away from the obedience and reverence of the church of Rome, for any temporal commodity or incommodity, which thing to do is very damnable in any private subject, much more in the prince who draweth many others with him; therefore, God forbid that ever any faithful man should once think so heinous a deed. And you, according to your discretion, take heed lest the words of your mouth infect any person or persons therein, occasioning to them by your words such dangers and damnable matter, like to the golden cup which is called the cup of Babylon, which for the outward gold no man will refuse to drink of, but after they have drunk thereof, they are poisoned. And where ye lay to my charge for the suspending of the reverend father, the bishop of Salisbury, and for excommunicating of John, dean of the same church, for a schismatic, by knowledge and process had of the matter, to this I answer, that both these are justly and condignly excommunicate; and if ye understand perfectly the condition of the matter, and the right order of judgments, ye will say no less. For this standeth with good authority, as ye know, that in manifest and notorious crimes, this knowledge and order of proceeding is not requisite. Perpend with yourselves diligently, what the bishop of Salisbury did concerning the deanery, after that he was prohibited of the pope and of us, under pain of excommunication; and then shall ye better understand, that upon such manifest disobedience, suspension did rightly follow, as ye read in the decree of St. Clement, saying, “If they do not obey their prelates, all manner of persons, of what order soever they be, whether they shall be princes of high or low degree, and all other people, shall not only be infamed, but also banished from the kingdom of God and the fellowship of the faithful.” As concerning John of Oxford, this we say, that excommunication cometh divers ways; some are excommunicate by the law denouncing them excommunicate; some by the sentence of the prelate; some by communicating with those who are excommunicate. Now he that hath fallen into this damnable heresy, of participating with schismatics whom the pope hath excommunicated, he draweth to himself the spot and leprosy of like excommunication. Wherefore, seeing he, contrary to the pope’s express commandment and ours, being charged under pain of excommunication to the contrary, took upon him the deanery of Salisbury, we have denounced him, and hold him excommunicate, and all his doings we disannul by the authority of the eighth synod, saying, “If any man, either privily or apertly, shall speak, or communicate with him that is excommunicate, he draweth unto himself the punishment of like excommunication.” And now, forasmuch as you, brother, bishop of London, who ought to know that saying of Gregory VII. “If any bishop shall consent to the fornication of priests, deacons, etc. within his precinct, for reward, favor, or petition, or doth not by authority of his office correct the vice, let him be suspended from his office.” And again, that saying of Pope Leo which is this: “If any bishop shall institute or consecrate such a priest as shall be unmeet and unconvenient, if he escape with the loss of his own proper dignity, yet he shall lose the power of instituting any more,” etc. Therefore forasmuch, I say, as you, knowing this, have double-wise offended against the sentence of these canons, we command you, and in the virtue of obedience enjoin you, that if it be so, within three months after the receipt hereof, you will submit and offer yourself to due correction and satisfaction to the council of our fellow-bishops, for these your so great excesses, lest others, through your example, run into the like offense, and we be constrained to proceed against you with severer sentence.

    Finally, in the close of your letter, where ye bring in for your appellation against me, a safeguard for you, which rather indeed is an hindrance to you, that we should not proceed against the invaders of the church goods, nor against the king, in like censure as we have done against the bishop of Salisbury, as ye say, and his dean; to this I answer, God forbid that we have, or else should hereafter proceed or do any thing against the king or his land, or against you or your churches, inordinately or otherwise than is convenient. But what if you shall exceed in the same or like transgression, as the bishop of Salisbury hath done? Think ye then your appellation shall help you from the discipline of our severity, that ye shall not be suspended? Mark ye diligently whether this be a lawful appeal, and what is the form thereof. We know that every one that appealeth, either doth it in his own name, or in the name of another; if in his own, either it is for some grievance inferred already, or else for that he feareth after to be inferred against him.

    Now, concerning the first, I am sure there is no grievance that you can complain of as yet, God be thanked, that you have received at my hand, for the which you should appeal from me; neither have you, I trust, any cause special against me so to do. If ye do it for fear of what is to come, lest I should trouble you and your churches, consider whether this be the fear that ought to happen in constant men, or whether this be the appeal which ought to suspend or stay our power and authority that we have upon you and your churches. It is thought, therefore, by wise men, and we also judge no less, that your appeal is of no force. First, for that it hath not the right form of a perfect appellation, and also because it is not consonant to reason, and lacketh order and help of the law.

    Furthermore, if your appellation be in another man’s name, either it is for the king (as most like it is) or for some other. If it be for the king, then you ought first to understand that appellations are wont to be made to repel, and not to infer injury; or, to release such as be oppressed, that they should not be oppressed any more.

    Wherefore if any man shall enter any appellation, not trusting to the surety of his cause, but to delay the time, that sentence be not given upon him, that appellation is not to be received. For what state will there be of the church, if the liberty thereof being taken away, the goods of the church spoiled, and the bishops driven from their places, or at least not received with full restitution of their goods, the invaders and spoilers thereof may defend themselves by appealing, thereby to save themselves from the penalty of their desert?

    What a ruin of the church will this be? See what ye have done, and what ye say. Are you not the vicars of Christ, representing him on earth? Is it not your office to correct and bridle ill-doers, whereby they may cease to persecute the church? and is it not enough for them to be fierce and to rage against the church, but that you should take their part, setting yourselves against us, to the destruction of the church? Who ever heard of such monstrous doings? Thus, it shall be heard and said of all nations and countries, that the suffragans of the church of Canterbury, who ought to stand with their metropolitan unto death in defense of the church, now go about by the king’s command, so much as in them doth lie, to suspend his authority, lest he should exercise his discipline of correction upon them that rebel against the church. This one thing I know, that you cannot sustain two sorts of persons at once, both to be the appeal makers, and to be appealed to yourselves. You be they who have made the appellation; you be they against whom the appellation is made. Are there any more churches than one, and the body of the same? And how meet were it then, that you, being the members of the church, should hold together with the head thereof? I am afraid, brethren, lest it may be said of us, these be the priests who have said, “Where is the Lord?” and having the law, do not know the law. Furthermore, this I suppose, you, being discreet men, are not ignorant of, that such as enter any appellation there, are not wont to be heard, unless the matter of their appellation either belongeth to themselves, or except special commandment force them thereunto, or else unless they take another man’s cause upon them. First, that it belongeth nothing unto you, it is plain, forasmuch as the contrary rather pertaineth to your duty; that is, to punish and to correct all such as rebel against the church. And, secondly, if he who subverteth the liberty of the church, and invadeth the goods thereof, converting them to his own use, be not heard appealing for his own defense, much less is another to be heard appealing for him. Wherefore, as in this case neither he can appeal for himself, nor yet command you so to do; so neither may you receive the commandment to appeal for him. Thirdly, as touching the taking of another man’s cause or business upon you: to this I say and affirm, that ye ought in no manner of wise so to do, especially seeing the matter pertaineth to the oppression of the church, and whereupon ensueth great damage to the same.

    Wherefore, seeing it neither appertaineth to you, neither ought ye to receive any such commandment, nor yet to take upon you any such cause as that is, your appeal is neither to be heard, nor standeth with any law. Is this the devotion and consolation of brotherly love which you exhibit to your metropolitan, being for you in exile? God forgive you this clemency! And how now? will ye look for your letters and messengers to be gently received here of us? Neither do I speak this, as though there were any thing in hand betwixt your part and ours, or that we have done any thing inordinately against the person of the king, or against his land, or against the persons of the church, or intend, by God’s mercy, so to do. And therefore, we say briefly, and affirm constantly, that our lord the king cannot complain of any wrong or injury to be done unto him, if he (being often called upon by letters and messengers to acknowledge his fault, neither will confess his trespass, nor yet come to any satisfaction for the same) have the censure of severity by the pope and us laid upon him: for no man can say that he is unjustly treated, whom the law doth justly, punish. And, briefly to conclude, know you this for certain, that. extortioners, invaders, detainers of the church goods, and subverters of the liberties thereof, neither have any authority of the law to maintain them, nor doth their appealing defend them.

    A BRIEF CENSURE UPON THE FORMER RESCRIPT OF BECKET TO HIS SUFFRAGANS, WITH A GENERAL RESOLUTION OF THE REASONS THEREIN CONTAINED F404 If the king of England had been an idolater, covetous, and adulterer, an incestuous person, a murderer, with such like; then the zeal of this archbishop, threatening the king and such as took his part, had deserved praise in this epistle, and the Scripture would have borne him out therein. For these and such causes should bishops prosecute the authority of the gospel against all persons. But, the matter standing only upon church goods, liberty (or rather dicentiousness) of priests, making of deans, titles of churches, superiority of crowning the king, with such other matters: to stand so stiff in these, is not to defend the church, but to rebel against the king. Again, if the principles, which he here groundeth upon, were true—to wit, that the pope were to be obeyed before princes, that the liberty of the church standeth upon the immunity of priests exempted from princes’ laws, or upon ample possessions of the church; or that the pope’s law ought, to prevail in all foreign countries, and to bind all princes in their own dominions; or that the sentence of the pope and his popelings (how or by what affection soever it is pronounced) may stand by the undoubted sentence of God: then all the arguments of this epistle do proceed and conclude well. But, if they stand not ratified by God’s word, but tottering upon man’s traditions, then, whatsoever he inferreth or concludeth thereupon, his assumption being false, cannot be true, according to the school saying: “One inconveniency being granted in the beginning, innumerable follow thereupon.” So in this epistle it happeneth, as is above noted, that the major of this man is true, but the minor is clean false, and to be denied.

    THE LETTER OF MATILDA, THE EMPRESS, AND MOTHER OF THE KING, TO THOMAS BECKET F405 My lord the pope hath commanded me, and upon the forgiveness of my sins enjoined me, that I should be a mediator and means of restoring peace and concord between my royal son and you, by reconciling of yourself to him, whereunto, as you know, you requested me. Wherefore with the more affection, as well for the divine honor as for holy church, I have taken the enterprise upon me. But this by the way I assure you, that the king, with his barons and council, feel a great difficulty how far you, whom he entirely loved and honored, and made chiefest in all his realm, and raised to the highest dignity in all his dominions, ought to be trusted for the future, seeing that you (as they assert) stirred up his people against him; yea, and further, that, as much as in you lay, you went about to disinherit him, and deprive him of his crown.

    Wherefore, I send unto you our trusty and familiar servant, Archdeacon Lawrence, by whom I pray you that I may understand your mind herein, and what your disposition is toward my son, and how you mean to behave yourself, if haply he should be disposed to grant my prayer and petition to his grace in your behalf. But this one thing I assure you of, that without great humility and moderation most evidently in you appearing, you cannot recover the king’s favor. Herein what you mean to do, I pray you send me word, by your own letters and messenger.

    But to proceed further in the order of the history. After these letters sent to and fro A.D. 1166 (which was the twelfth year of the reign of King Henry II.), the king misdoubting and fearing with himself, that the archbishop would proceed, or exceed rather, in his excommunication against his own person, to prevent the mischief, made his appeal to the presence of the pope, requiring to have certain legates sent down from Rome from the pope’s side, to take up the matter between the archbishop and him; requiring, moreover, that they might also be absolved who were interdicted. Whereupon two cardinals, being sent from Alexander, the pope, with letters to the king, came to Normandy, where they appointed the archbishop to meet them before the king upon St. Martin’s day. But the archbishop, neither agreeing with the day nor the place, delayed his coming till the eighth day after, neither would go any further than to Gisors, where the two cardinals and the archbishop, with other bishops, conventing together, had a certain entreaty of peace and reconciliation: but it came to no conclusion. The contents of this entreaty or action, because it is sufficiently contained in the cardinals’ letter, who were called Gulielmus and Otho, written to the pope, it shall require no further labor, but to show out the words thereof, where the sum of the whole may appear: the words of the letter be these.

    THE COPY OF THE EPISTLE WRITTEN AND SENT BY TWO CARDINALS TO THE POPE, CONCERNING THE MATTER OF THE ARCHBISHOP BECKET F406 William and Otho, cardinals the church of Rome, to Alexander, the pope, etc. On reaching the territories of the king of England, we found the controversy betwixt him and the archbishop of Canterbury more vehemently aggravated than we would; for the king, and the greater part of those about him, asserted that the archbishop had stirred up the French king grievously against him; and also that he had made the earl of Flanders, his kinsman, who bare no displeasure to him before, his open adversary, ready to war against him, as he thought by divers evidences most certain.

    Proceeding to Caen, therefore, the first time we were admitted to the king’s speech we duly delivered the letters of your fatherhood into his hands: which after he had read through and considered before the council, finding them less full, nay somewhat at variance with others which he had before received from you on the same matter, he was moved and stirred with no little indignation, and said he had not the least doubt that the archbishop, after our departure from you, had received of you other letters, by the virtue whereof he was exempted from our judgment, so that he should not be compelled to answer before us. Moreover, the said king affirmed, the bishops there present testifying the same, that what had been intimated to you concerning the ancient customs of England was for the most part untrue; offering further to us, that if any customs had been added in his time, which seemed prejudical to the statutes of the church, he would willingly revoke and annul the same. Whereupon we, with the archbishops, bishops, and abbots of his realm, labored by all the means we might, unwilling to lose all prospect of peace, and in hope of inclining the king toward it, to effect an interview with the archbishop and obtain his consent to undergo judgment. By reason whereof we directed our own chaplains unto him, with letters, appointing him a place where safely he might meet us on the feast of St. Martin. Nevertheless he, pretending certain excuses, made his dilatories, driving off the time from the day of St. Martin to the octaves following, which thing the king took more deeply to heart than we should have expected.

    Still, though we offered to the archbishop a safe conduct, yet he refused to meet us within the border of the king of England’s territory; so we, to satisfy his mind, condescended to meet him within the territory of the French king, in a place where he himself appointed, that there should be no let in us, whereby to stop his profit. After we had entered upon communication, we began to exhort him all that we could, to submit and humble himself to his sovereign and king, who had heaped upon him such benefits and dignities; whereby matter might be given us for the attempt at reconciling them together. He being thus moved and exhorted by us, departed aside to consult with his followers upon the matter. At length, after counsel taken, he proposed, that he should humble himself before the king, “saving the honor of God, and the liberty of the church; saving also the dignity of his person, and the possessions of his churches; and moreover, saving the justice of his own cause and of his followers.” After which enumeration we pressed on him the necessity of descending to particulars. When as yet he brought nothing in, which was definite or particular, we then demanded of him whether he would, on all the counts contained and comprehended in your letters, submit himself to our judgment, as the king and the bishops had before promised they would do. To the which he answered promptly, that he had received from you no commandment on that point, but that if first of all he and his were restored fully to all their possessions, then he would so proceed in the matter, according as he should receive commandment from the see apostolical.

    Thus we, breaking off communication, seeing that he neither would stand to judgment, nor incline to concord, and that he was determined on no account to enter into the cause, resolved to report thereof to the king, and so did; declaring that which he had expressed to us, yet suppressing a great part, and modifying the rest. Having finished our speech, the king with his nobles affirmed that he was absolved from the time the archbishop refused judgment. After much agitation of the king, the archbishops, bishops, and abbots of the realm of England, and not a few of the clergy, required of us, whether we had power, by special mandate or by virtue of our legatine commission, to compel him to submit; and finding that our authority would not serve thereunto, and fearing lest the aforesaid archbishop, in defiance of judicial order, would work again disquietness to some noble personages of the realm, and seeing our authority could not extend so far as to help them against him, they came to a unanimous resolution to make their appeal to your hearing, prefixing the festival of St. Martin in the winter for the term of their appeal.

    And this is the epistle of these two cardinals sent to the pope, wherein may sufficiently appear all the discourse and manner of that assembly, although particularly every thing be not expressed, concerning the talk betwixt the cardinals and the archbishop. When William, who of the two cardinals was the more eloquent, amongst other communication, had reasoned long with him as concerning the peace of the church, which Becket said he preferred above all things. “Well then,” saith the cardinal, “seeing all this contention between the king and you riseth upon certain laws and customs to be abrogated, and that you regard the peace of the church so much, what say you? Will you renounce your bishopric, and the king shall renounce his customs? The peace of the church now lieth in your hands, either to retain or to let go; then what say you?” To whom he answereth again, that the proportion was not like. “For I,” saith he, “saving the honor of my church and my person, cannot renounce my bishopric. On the contrary, it standeth upon the king, for his sours health and honor, to renounce these his ordinances and customs.” Which thing he thus proved; because the pope had condemned those customs, and he, likewise, with the church of Rome had done the same.

    THE TALK BETWEEN a363 THE FRENCH KING, THE KING OF ENGLAND, AND BECKET After the cardinals were returned, the French king, seeing the king of England disquieted, and solicitous to have peace, or at least pretending to set an agreement between them, brought the matter to a communication among them, in which communication the French king made himself as umpire between them. The King of England, hearing that the archbishop would commit himself to his arbitrement, was the more willing to admit his presence. Whereupon, many being there present, the archbishop, prostrating himself at the king’s feet, declared unto him, kneeling upon his knees, that he would commit the whole cause, whereof the dissension arose between them, unto his own arbitrement; adding thereunto, as he did before, “salvo honore Dei;” that is, “saving the honor of God,” the king, as is said before, being greatly offended at this word, hearing and seeing the stiffness of the man sticking so much to this word, “salvo honore Dei,” was highly therewith displeased, rebuking him with many grievous words, as a man proud and stubborn, and also charging him with sundry and great benefits bestowed upon him, as a person unkind, and forgetting what he had so gently done and bestowed upon him.

    And speaking to the French king there present, “See, sir, if it please you,” saith the king of England, “whatsoever displeaseth this man, that he saith to be contrary to the honor of God; and so by this means he will vindicate and challenge to himself both what is his and mine also. And yet, notwithstanding, because I will not seem to do any thing contrary or prejudicial to God’s honor, this I offer him: There have been kings in England before, both of greater and less puissance than I am; likewise there have been bishops of Canterbury many, both great and holy men. What the greatest and most holy of all his predecessors, before him, hath done to the least of my progenitors and predecessors, before me, let him do the same to me, and I am content.” They that stood by, hearing these words of the king, cried all with one voice, “The king hath debased himself enough to the bishop.” The archbishop staying a little at this in silence; “What!” saith the French king to him, “my lord archbishop, will you be better than those holy men? Will ye be greater than Peter? What stand you doubting?

    Here now have you peace and quietness put in your own hands, if ye will take it.” To this the archbishop answered again: “Truth it is,” saith he, “that my predecessors before me were both much better and greater than I, and of them every one for his time, although he did not extirpate and cut off all, yet something he did pluck up and correct, which seemed adverse and repugnant against God’s honor. For if they had taken all together away, no such occasion then had been left for any man to raise up this fire of temptation now against us, as is here raised to prove us withal, that we, being so proved with them, might also be crowned with them, being likewise partakers of praise and reward, as we are of their labor and travail.

    And though some of them have been slack, or exceeded their duty, in that we are not bound to follow their example. Peter, when he denied Christ, we rebuke; but when he resisted the rage of Nero, therein we commend him. And therefore, because he could not find in his conscience to consent unto that he ought in no wise to dissemble, neither did he; by reason whereof he lost his life. By such like oppressions the church hath always grown. Our forefathers and predecessors, because they would not dissemble the name and honor of Christ, therefore they suffered. And shall I, to have the favor of one man, suffer the honor of Christ to be suppressed?” The nobles standing by, and hearing him thus speak, were greatly grieved with him, noting in him both arrogancy and willfulness, in perturbing and refusing such an honest oilier of agreement. But especially one among the rest was most grieved, who there openly protested, that seeing the archbishop so refused the counsel and request of both the kingdoms, he was not worthy to have the help of either of them, but as the kingdom of England had rejected him, so the realm of France should not receive him. f408 Alanus, Herbert, and certain other of his chaplains, who committed to story the doings of Becket, do record, whether truly or not I cannot say, that the French king, sending for him, as one much sorrowing and lamenting the words that he had spoken, at the coming of Becket did prostrate himself at his feet, confessing his fault in giving counsel to him in such a cause (pertaining to the honor of God) to relent therein, and to yield to the pleasure of man; wherefore, declaring his repentance, he desired to be absolved thereof. Thus, after this, the French king and Becket were great friends together, insomuch that King Henry, sending to the king to entreat and desire him that he would not support or maintain his enemy within his realm, the French king utterly denied the king’s request, taking part rather with the archbishop than with him.

    Besides these quarrels and grudges betwixt the king and the archbishop above mentioned, there followed yet another, which was this. Shortly after this communication recited between the king and Becket, the king of England returning again from Normandy into England, A.D. 1170, in the sixteenth year of his reign, about Midsummer, kept his court of parliament at Westminster, in the which parliament he, with the consent both of the clergy and the lords temporal, caused his son Henry to be crowned king.

    This coronation was done by the hands of Roger, archbishop of York. a364 with the assistance of other bishops ministering to the same, as Gilbert of London, Jocelin of Salisbury, Hugh of Durham, and Walter of Rochester. By reason of this, Becket of Canterbury, being there neither mentioned nor called for, took no little displeasure; and so did Louis, the French king, hearing that Margaret, his daughter, was not also crowned with her husband; whereupon he, gathering a great army, forthwith marched into Normandy. But the matter was soon composed by the king of England, who, sending his son unto him in Normandy, entreated there and concluded peace with him, promising that his son should be crowned again, and then his daughter should be crowned also. But the archbishop not ceasing his displeasure and emulation, sent unto the pope, complaining of these four bishops, especially of the archbishop of York, who durst be so bold in his absence, and without his knowledge, or his license, to intermeddle to crown the king, being a matter proper and peculiar to his jurisdiction; at the instance of whom, the pope sent down the sentence of excommunication against the bishop of London. The other three bishops, with the archbishop of York, he suspended, whose sentence and letters thereof, for avoiding prolixity, I here omit.

    Besides these aforesaid bishops excommunicated, divers other clerks also of the court he cited to appear before him, by virtue of his large commission which he got from the pope, whom they were bound to obey, by reason of their benefices; and some he commanded in virtue of obedience to appear, on pain of forfeiting their order and benefices; of whom when neither sort would appear, he cursed them openly. And also some laymen of the court and the king’s familiars, as intruders and violent withholders of church goods, he accursed; as Richard Lucy, and Jocelin Balliol, and Ralph Brock, who took the bells and goods that belonged to the church of Canterbury; and Hugh Sentclair, and Thomas Fitz-Bernard, and all that should hereafter take any church goods without his consent; so that almost all the court were accursed either by name, or as partakers.

    This being done, the archbishop of York, with the aforesaid bishops, resorted to the king with a grievous complaint, declaring how miserably their case stood, and what they had sustained for fulfilling his commandment. The king, hearing this, was highly moved, as no marvel was. But what remedy? the time of the ruin of the pope was not yet come, and what prince then might withstand the injurious violence of that Romish potestate?

    In the mean season the French king, for his part, his clergy and courtiers likewise, slacked no occasion to incite and solicit Alexander the pope against the king of England, to excommunicate him also, seeking thereby and thinking to have some vantage against the realm Neither was the king ignorant of this, which made him more ready to apply for some agreement of reconciliation. At length came down from the pope two legates, the archbishop of Rouen and the bishop of Nevers, with direction and full commission either to drive the king to be reconciled, or to be interdicted by the pope’s censures out of the church. The king, understanding himself to be in greater straits than he could avoid, at length, through the mediation of the French king, and of other prelates and great princes, was content to yield to peace and reconciliation with the archbishop, whom he both received to his favor, and also permitted and granted him free return to his church again. Concerning his possessions and lands of the church of Canterbury, although Becket made great labor therefor, yet the king, being then in Normandy, would not grant him them, before he should repair to England, to see how he would there agree with his subjects.

    Thus peace after a sort concluded between the king and him, the archbishop, after six years of his banishment, returned to England, where he was right joyfully received of the church of Canterbury; albeit of Henry, the young king, he was not so greatly welcomed, insomuch that coming up to London to the king, he was returned back to Canterbury, and there bid to keep his house. Roger Hoveden maketh mention in his Chronicle, that the archbishop, upon Christmas-day, did excommunicate Robert de Brooke for cutting off the tail of a certain horse of his the day before. In the mean time the four bishops before mentioned, whom the archbishop had excommunicated, sent to him, humbly desiring to be released of their censure; to whom when the archbishop would not grant clearly and simply, without reservations and exceptions, they went over to the king, declaring unto him and complaining of their miserable state and uncourteous handling of the archbishop. Whereupon the king conceived great sorrow in his mind, and displeasure toward the party, insomuch that he lamented oft and sundry times to those about him, that, amongst so many that he had done for, there was none that would revenge him of his enemy. By occasion of which words certain that were about the king, a365 to the number of four, who hearing him thus complain and lament, addressed themselves in great heat of haste to satisfy the grieved mind and quarrel of their prince, who within four days after the said Christmas-day, sailing over into England, and having a forward and prosperous wind in their journey, being in the deep of winter, came to Canterbury, where Becket was commanded to keep. After certain advisements and consultations had among themselves, they pressed at length into the palace where the archbishop was sitting with his company about him; first, to assay him with words, to see whether he would relent to the king’s mind, and come to some conformity. They brought to him, said they, commandment from the king, which, whether he had rather Openly there in presence, or secretly, to be declared to him, they bade him choose. Then the company being bid to retire, as he sat alone, they said, “You are commanded from the king beyond the sea, to repair to the king’s son here, and to do your duty to him, swearing to him your fidelity for your baronage and other things, and to amend those things wherein you have trespassed against him.” Whereupon the archbishop refusing to swear, and perceiving their intent, called in his company again, and in multiplying of words to and fro, at length they came to the bishops who were excommunicated for the coronation of the king, whom they commanded in the king’s name he should absolve and set free again. The archbishop answered, that he neither suspended nor excommunicated them, but the pope; wherefore, if that were the matter that grieved them, they should resort to the pope; he had nothing to do with the matter.

    Then said Reginald, one of the four, “Although you in your own person did not excommunicate them, yet through your instigation it was done.”

    To whom the archbishop said again, “And if the pope,” said he, “tendering the injuries done unto me and my church, wrought this revenge for me, I confess it offendeth me nothing.” “Thus then,” said they, “it appeareth well by your own words, that it pleaseth you right well, in contempt and contumely of the king’s majesty, to sequester his bishops from their ministry, who, at the commandment of the king, did service in the coronation of his son. And seeing you have so presumed thus to stand against the exaltation of this our sovereign, our new king, it seemeth likely that you aspired to take his crown from him, and to be exalted king yourself.” “I aspire not,” said he, “to the crown and name of the king, but rather if I had four crowns to give him more, I would set them all upon him; such good-will I do bear him, that, only his father, the king, excepted, there is none whose honor I more tender and love. And as concerning the sequestering of those bishops, this I give you to understand, that nothing was done in that behalf without the knowledge and assent of the king himself; to whom when I had made my complaint at the feast of Mary Magdalene, of the wrong and injury done to me and my church therein, he gave me his good leave to obtain at the pope’s hand such remedy as I could, promising, moreover, his help to me in the same.” “What is this,” quoth they, “that thou sayest? Makest thou the king a traitor, and a betrayer of the king’s own son, that when he had commanded the bishops to crown his son, he would give thee leave afterward to suspend them for so doing? Certes, it had been better for you not to have accused so the king of this prodition.” The archbishop said to Reginald, that he was there present at that time, and heard it himself. But that Reginald denied, and swore it was not so. “And think you,” said they, “that we, the king’s subjects, will or ought to suffer this?” And so approaching nearer him, they said he had spoken enough against his own head, whereupon followed great exclamation and many threatening words. Then said the archbishop, “I have, since my coming over, sustained many injuries and rebukes, concerning both myself, my men, my cattle, my wines, and all other goods; notwithstanding the king, writing over to his son, required him that I should live in safety and peace; and now, beside all others, you come hither to threaten me.” To this Reginald answering again, said, “If there be any that worketh you any injury otherwise than right is, the law is open, why do you not complain?” “To whom,” said Becket, “should I complain?” “To the young king,” said they. Then said Becket, “I have complained enough, if that would help, and have sought for remedy at the king’s hands, so long as I could be suffered to come to his speech; but now, seeing that I am stopped from that, neither can find redress of so great vexations and injurics as I have and do daily sustain, nor can have the benefits of the law or reason; such right and law as an archbishop may have, that will I exercise, and let for no man.” At these words one of them, bursting out in exclamation, cried, “He threateneth, he threateneth! What? will he interdict the whole realm and us altogether?” “Nay, that he shall not,” saith another, “he hath interdicted too many already.” And drawing more near to him, they protested and denounced him to have spoken words to the jeopardy of his own head. And so departing in great fury, and with many high words, they rushed out of the doors; who, by the way returning to the monks, charged them in the king’s name to keep him forthcoming, that he should not escape away. “What,” quoth the archbishop, “think ye I will flee away? Nay, neither for the king, nor any man alive, will I stir one foot from you.” “No,” say they, “thou shalt not escape though thou wouldst.” And so they departing with many words, the archbishop followeth them out of the chamber door, crying after them, “Here, here, here shall you find me,” laying his hand upon his crown.

    The names of the four soldiers a366 above mentioned were these: the first, Reginald Bereson; the second, Hugh Mortevil; the third, William Thracy; and the fourth, Richard Brito; who, going to harness themselves, returned the same day again, but finding the hall-door of the palace of Canterbury shut against them, they went to an inward back-door leading into the orchard; there brake they up a window, and opened the door, and so issued into the place. the monks, it being about even-song time, had got the archbishop into the church; who, being persuaded by them, caused his cross to be borne before him, and so through the cloister, by a door which was broken up for him, he proceeded into the choir. The harnessed men following after, at length came to the church-door, which door the monks would have shut against them; but, as the story saith, the archbishop would not suffer them. So they approaching into the church, and the archbishop meeting them upon the stairs, there he was slain; every one of the four soldiers striking him with his sword into the head; who afterward flying into the north, and at length with much ado obtaining their pardon of the pope (by the king’s procurement, as some stories record), went on pilgrimage a367 to Jerusalem. f410 Thus you have heard the life and death of this Thomas Becket, of whom what is to be judged, let his own acts and facts declare. And, albeit the Scripture ought to be the only rule for us to judge all things by, yet, if any shall require further testimony, partly to satisfy their minds therein, ye shall hear the judgments of certain men, in years and times almost as ancient as himself, what they write and affirm of him.

    And first, to begin with the testimony of one of his own religion, and also not far, as it appeareth, from his own time, who, writing of his martyrdom and miracles, thus testifieth of the judgment and sentence of divers concerning his promotion and behavior. The chronicle being written in Latin, and having the name of the author cut out, thus beginneth: “Quoniam vero multi,” etc. And in the first book and eighth chapter it followeth in this manner: f411 “Divers notwithstanding there be, who, as touching his promotion, suppose the same not to be canonical, for that it was wrought rather by the instance of the king (thinking him to be a man ready and inclinable to his utility) than by the assent either of the clergy, or of the people. Further, it is noted in him for a point of presumption and lack of discretion, for that he, being scarce worthy to take the our in hand and play the boatswain, would take upon him to sit at helm, and guide the ship; namely, in that church, where the covent, being in gesture and vesture religious, be wont to have their prelate taken out of the same profession. Whereas he, scant bearing the habit of a clerk, and going in his changes and soft apparel, is more conversant among the delicate rufflers in the court, savoring rather of worldly things; not refusing, moreover, without any dread, to climb up to the high preferment of such a holy dignity, but rather willingly, of his own accord, to aspire to it.

    Moses we read did otherwise, who, being the friend of God, and sent of him to conduct his people Israel out of Egypt, trembled at the message, and said, ‘Who am I, Lord, that I should go to Pharaoh, and bring thy people Israel out of Egypt?’ And again, ‘I pray thee,’ saith he, ‘O Lord,’ I am nothing eloquent, send him whom thou wilt send.’ Likewise Jeremias also, being sent of the Lord to prophesy against Jerusalem, was abashed to take the office upon him, answering again with much dread of heart, ‘A, a, a, Lord, I cannot utter my mind, for I am a child.’” After like manner we read of the saints of the New Testament, whereof many were preferred oftentimes to their bishoprics, and functions of the church, by mere force and compulsion of others rather than by their own wills. So was blessed Gregory, after his flight and going away, brought back again, and placed in the see and chair of Rome. Likewise St. Ambrose, sore against his mind; who also, of purpose accusing and confessing his own defects, because he would be repealed, yet by the commandment of Valentinian, the emperor, was enforced to take the burden upon him, which he could by no wise shake off. St. Martin, in like sort, not knowing of any such matter, was circumvented by a certain godly train and wile of the citizens, before he could be brought to his consecration; which he did not so much take, as he was thrust into it with much pensiveness and sorrow of heart. By these and such other examples this chancellor likewise should have rather excused himself as unworthy and unmeet for that room, showing himself more willing to refuse than to take it: to the which this archbishop is judged to do clean contrary. f412 And, although scarcely any testimony is to be taken of that age, being all blinded and corrupted with superstition, yet let us hear what Neuburgensis, an ancient historiographer, saith; who in the days of the son of this King Henry II, prosecuting his history unto King Richard I., hath these words, writing of Thomas Becket. f414 “Whereas many be wont, in them whom they love and praise, judging them more by affection than prudence, to allow and approve whatsoever they do; yet for me to judge upon this reverend man, verily I think not his doings and acts to be praiseworthy, forsomuch as thereof carne no utility, but only the stirring up of the king’s anger, whence, afterward, sprung so great mischiefs, although that which he did proceeded of a certain laudable zeal; like as in the blessed prince of the apostles I approve not that he taught the Gentiles by his example to play the Jews; wherein Paul, the doctor of the Gentiles, did declare him to be rebukable; albeit, it cannot be denied, but that he did it of a good affection.”

    And in the same author, in another place, it followeth to the like effect f415 These letters which were sent before into England for the suspending of the bishops, he followed in person, burning with zeal for righteousness; but whether according to knowledge, God knoweth. It is not for my rude and slender wit to judge of the doings of such a person. But yet this I suppose, that the most blessed Pope Gregory would have acted more gently, considering that the concord with the king as yet was but soft and tender; and would have thought that so far as could be forborne without danger to the Christian faith he should suppress his feelings for consideration of the time and for the sake of peace, according to the saying of the prophet (Amos 5:13), ‘The prudent shall keep silence in that time, for it is an evil time.’ Wherefore, as the doings of that reverend prelate I judge in that behalf not to be commended, so neither do I presume to discommend them. But this I say, that if that holy man, through immoderate violence of zeal, did exceed in a part therein, the same was exacted again, and purged by the fire of his suffering, which afterward ensued. And so far holy men are to be loved or praised of us, who know ourselves much inferior to their virtues; that in such things wherein they have been men, and also known to be men, therein we neither hold with them, nor commend them; but only in such things wherein without all danger or scruple we ought to imitate them. For who is able to say, that they are to be imitated in all that they do? And therefore are they not to be esteemed and praised in all things generally, whatsoever they do, but considerately and with advisement, wherein they deserve praise, so that the only prerogative in this behalf be reserved to God, in whose praise no man can exceed, how fervent soever he be in his praising,” etc.

    And hear yet more, what the said author writeth in the same cause of the king’s wrath and Becket’s faults. f417 “More than a hundred murders are said to have been committed by the clergy under King Henry II., in punishing of whom the king was somewhat too vehement. But the fault,” saith he, “of this immoderate dealing of the king resteth most in the bishops of our time, forasmuch as the cause thereof proceeded of them. For whereas it is decreed and commanded by the canon w, concerning the spiritual men of the clergy, that not only such as be notorious for heinous crimes, but such as be spotted with lighter crimes, should be degraded, whereof we have now so many thousands in the Church of England, as innumerable chaff among the little good grain; yet how few do we see, these many years in England, deprived of their office! For why? the bishops, while they labor more to maintain the liberties and dignities of churchmen, than to correct their vices, think they do God and the church great service if they rescue and defend the enormities of the churchmen against public discipline, whom they either will not or care not to punish by the virtue of the censure ecclesiastical. Whereupon the churchmen, such as be sorted peculiarly to the Lord, and who ought like stars to shine in the earth by word and example, taking license and liberty to do what they lust, neither reverence God, whose judgment seemeth to tarry, nor men set in authority; when both the bishops are slack in their charge doing, and also the prerogative of their order exempteth them from the secular jurisdiction.”

    And thus much out of Neuburgensis.

    To this matter also pertain the words of Caesarius, the monk, in his eighth book of Dialogues, and sixty-ninth chapter, written about fifty years after the death of Thomas Becket, A.D. 1220: whose words, in stun, come to this effect: f419 “There was a question moved among the masters of Paris, whether Thomas Becket were saved or damned? To this question answereth Roger, a Norman, that he was worthy death and damnation, for that he was so obstinate against God’s minister, his king.— Contrary, Peter Cantor, a Parisian, disputed, saying and affirming, that his miracles were great signs and tokens of salvation, and also of great holiness in that man; affirming, moreover, that the cause of the church did allow and confirm his martyrdom, for the which church he died.”

    And thus have ye the judgment and censure of the school of Paris touching this question, for the sainting of Thomas Becket; in which judgment, forsomuch as the greatest argument resteth in the miracles wrought by him after his death, let us therefore pause a little upon the same, to try and examine these his miracles. In the trial whereof we shall find one of these two to be true; either that if they were true, they were not wrought by God, but by a contrary spirit, of whom Christ our Lord giveth us warning in his gospel, saying, “Whose coming shall be with lying signs and wonders, to deceive, if it were possible, the elect” (Matthew 24.), or else we shall find that no such were ever wrought at all, but feigned and forged of idle monks and religious bellies, for the exaltation of their churches, and the profit of their pouches; which thing indeed seemeth rather to be true, and no less may appear by the miracles themselves, set forth by one of his own monks, and of his own time; who, in five solemn books, hath comprehended all the revelations, virtues, and miracles of the archbishop; the which books (as yet remaining in the hands of William Stephenson, citizen of London) I have seen and perused; wherein is contained the whole sum of all his miracles, to the number of two hundred and seventy, being so far off from all truth and reason, some ridiculous, some monstrous, vain, absurd, some also blasphemous, and some so impudent, that not only they deserve no credit (as altogether savoring of mere forgery), but also for very shame will abash an honest pen to write of them. First, if miracles serve for necessity and for infidels, what cause or necessity was there, in a Christian realm having the word of God, for God to work such miracles after his death, who never wrought any in all his life? Then, to consider the end of these miracles: whither do they tend, but only to bring men to Canterbury, with their vows and offerings to enrich the covent?

    Besides the number of these miracles—which are said to be so many, that they lose their own credit—what disease is there belonging to man or woman in the curing whereof some miracle hath not been wrought by this qaumatou~rgov, as fevers, fistula, the gout, toothache, palsy, consumption, falling-sickness, leprosy, head-ache, broken arms, maimed legs, swelled throats, the raising up of the dead who have been two days departed; with infinite others. And, as all these have been healed, for the most part, by one kind of salve, as a certain panacea, which was with the water only of Canterbury, like as a cunning smith who should open with one key all manner of locks; so again in reading of the story of these miracles ye shall find the matter so conveyed, that the power of this dead saint was never twice showed upon any one disease, but that every diverse disease had a diverse miracle.

    To recite in order all these prodigious revelations and fantastical miracles, falsely imagined and ascribed to this archbishop, were nothing else but to write a legend of lies, and to occupy the people with trifles: which because it pertaineth rather to the idle profession of such dreaming monks and cloisterers, that have nothing else to maintain that religion withal, I will not take their profession out of their hands. Wherefore, to omit all such vain and lying apparitions and miracles, as how this angry saint, three days after his death, appeared by vision at the altar in his pontificalibus, commanding the choir not to sing, but to say this office of his mass, “Exurge, quare obdormis Domine,” etc., which vision the author himself of the book doth say he did see. To omit also the blasphemous lie, how in another vision the said archbishop should say, that his blood did cry out of the earth to God, more than the blood of just Abel. Item, in another vision it was showed to a monk of Lewes, how St. Thomas had his place in heaven appointed with the apostles, above Stephen, Laurence, Vincent, and all other martyrs; whereof this cause is rendered, for that St. Stephen, Laurence, and such others, suffered only for their own cause; but this Thomas suffered for the universal church. Item, how it was showed to a certain young man, Ormus by name, twelve years before the death of this Becket, that among the apostles and martyrs in heaven there was a vacant place left for a certain priest, as he said, of England, who was credibly supposed to be this Thomas Becket. Item, how a certain knight’s son, being two days dead, was revived again as soon as he had the water of Canterbury put into his mouth, and had by his parents four pieces of silver bended, to be offered in Canterbury in the child’s behalf. All these, I say, with such others omitted, the number whereof cometh to an infinite variety, only this one story, or another that followeth, shall suffice to express the vanity and impudent forgery of all the rest.

    In the fourth book of this fabulous author, and in the third chapter, a miracle is there contained of a certain countryman of Bedfordshire, in King’s Weston, whose name was Eilward, which Eilward, in his drunkenness, bursting into another man’s house who was his debtor, took out of his house a great whetstone and a pair of hedging-gloves. The other party, seeing this value not sufficient for his condemnation, by the counsel of the town clerk, entered an action of felony against him for other things besides, as for stealing his wimble, ‘his axe, his net, and his clothes. f421 Whereupon Eilward, being had to the gaol of Bedford, and afterward condemned for the same, was judged to have both his eyes put out, and otherwise to be disgracefully mutilated. This punishment, by the malice of his adversary, being executed upon him, he, lying in great danger of death by bleeding, was counselled to make his prayer to this Thomas of Canterbury. Which done, (saith the miracle,) there appeared one to him by night, in white apparel, bidding him to watch and pray, and put; his trust in God and our Lady, and holy St. Thomas. In conclusion, the miracle thus fell out: the next day at evening, the man rubbing his eye-lids, began to feel his eyes to be restored again; first, in a little; after, in a greater measure; so that one was of a grey color, the other was black: and here was one miracle rung. After this followed another miracle also upon the same person; for, going but the space of four miles, when his eyes were restored, he chanted in like manner to rub the parts where he had been mutilated, which immediately on the same (to use the words of my story) were to him by degrees restored, and this he permitted every one to ascertain, and shamed not to deny; insomuch that he, first coming up to St. Thomas, at London, was received with joy of the bishop of Durham; who, then sending to the burghers of Bedford for the truth of the matter, received from them again letters testimonial, wherein the citizens there (saith this fabulous festival) confirmed, first to the bishop, then to the covent of Canterbury, the relation of this to be as hath been told. This one miracle, gentle reader! so shameless and impudent, I thought here to express, that by this one thou mightest judge of all the residue of his miracles; and by, the residue thereof mightest judge, moreover, of the filthy wickedness of all these lying monks and cloisterers, who count it a light sport so impudently to deceive the simple souls of Christ’s church with trifling lies and dreaming fables.

    Wherefore, as I said, if the holy sainting of Thomas Becket standeth upon no other thing but upon his miracles, what credit is to be given thereto? and upon what a weak ground his shrine so long hath stood, by this may easily be seen. Furthermore, another fable as notable as this, and no less worthy of the whetstone, we read in the story of Gervasius; namely, that Thomas Becket appearing to a certain priest, named Thomas, declared to him, that he had so brought to pass, that all the names of the monks of the church of Canterbury, with the names of the priests and clerks, and with the families belonging to that city and church of Canterbury, were written in the Book of Life. f422 But whatsoever is to be thought of his miracles, or howsoever the testimony of the school of Paris, or of these ancient times, went with him or against him; certain it is, that this anthem or collect, lately collected and primered in his praise, is blasphemous, and derogateth from the praise of Him, to whom only all praise and honor are due, where it is said: f423 “For the blood of Thomas, Which he for thee did spend, Grant us, Christ, to climb Where Thomas did ascend:” wherein is a double lie contained; first, that he died for Christ; secondly, that if he had so done, yet that his blood could purchase heaven; which thing neither Paul nor any of the apostles durst ever challenge to themselves, for if any man’s blood could bring us to heaven, then the blood of Christ was shed in vain.

    And thus much touching the testimony or censure of certain ancient times concerning the cause of Thomas Becket, in the explication of whose history I have now stood the longer (exceeding peradventure in over-much prolixity), to the intent that his cause being fully opened to the world, and duly weighed on every part, men’s minds thereby, long deceived by ignorance, might come unto the more perfect certainty of the truth thereof, and thereby judge more surely what is to be received, and what to be refused. Where, by the way, is to be noted out of the testimony of Rob.

    Crickeladensis, that which in him I find; namely, that the peers and nobles of this land, near about the king, gave out in straight charge, upon pain of death, and confiscating of all their goods, that no man should be so hardy as to name Thomas Becket to be a martyr, or to preach of his miracles.

    After the death of Thomas Becket, the king fearing the pope’s wrath and curse to be laid upon him (whereunto Louis, the French king, also helped what he could to set the matter forward), sent to Rome the archbishop of Rouen, with certain other bishops and archdeacons, unto the pope with his excuse, which the pope would in no wise hear. And afterwards, other messengers being sent, whom some of the cardinals received, it was showed to them that on Good Friday (being then near at hand) the pope of custom was used to assoil, or to curse, and that it was noised, how the king of England with his bishops should be cursed, and his land interdicted, and that they should be put in prison. After this, certain of the cardinals showed the pope, that the messengers had power to swear to the pope, that the king should obey his punishment and penance, which was taken both of the king and the archbishop of York; so that in the same day the pope cursed the deed-doers, with such as were of their consent, who either aided or harbored them. Concerning these deed-doers, it is touched briefly before, how they fled unto Yorkshire, lying in Knaresborough; a368 who after having in penance to go in linsey-wolsey a369 barefoot (with fasting and prayer) to Jerusalem, by reason of this hard penance are said to have died a few years after. a370 The king’s ambassadors lying, as is said, in Rome, could find no grace nor favor for a long time at the pope’s hands. At length, with much ado, it was agreed that two cardinals should be sent down to inquire out the matter concerning those who were consenting to Becket’s death. The king, perceiving what was preparing at Rome, neither being yet certain whereto the intent of the pope and coming down of the cardinals would tend, in the mean time addressed himself with a great power to enter into Ireland, giving in charge and commandment, as Hoveden writeth, that no bringer of any brief or letter should come over into England, or pass out of the realm (of what degree or condition soever he were), without special license and assurance that he would bring nothing that should be prejudicial to the realm.

    This order being set and ordained, the king, with four hundred great ships, taketh his journey to Ireland, where he subdued in short time the whole land unto him, which at that time was governed under divers kings to the number of five, of whom four submitted themselves unto the said King Henry; the fifth, who was the king of Connaught, denied to be subdued, keeping himself in woods and marshes.

    In the mean season, while the king was thus occupied in Ireland, the two cardinals who were sent from the pope, namely, Theodine and. Albert, were come to Normandy. Unto them the king the next year following resorted about the month of October, A.D. 1172. But before this (during the time of the king’s being in Ireland), the bishop of London, and Joceline, bishop of Salisbury, had sent to Rome, and procured their absolution from the pope. The king returning out of Ireland, by Wales, into England, and from thence to Normandy, there made his purgation before the pope’s legates, as touching the death of the aforesaid Becket; to the which he swore he was neither aiding nor consenting, but only that he spake rigorous words against him, for that his knights would not avenge him against the said Thomas; for the which cause this penance a371 was enjoined him under his oath:

    First , That he should send so much into the Holy Land as would find two hundred knights or soldiers for the defense of that land. Item, That from Christmas-day next following, he should set forth in his own person to fight for the Holy Land, the space of three years together, unless he should be otherwise dispensed withal by the pope. Item, That if he would make his journey into Spain (as his present necessity did require), there he should fight against the Saracens, and as long as he should there abide, so long space might he take in prolonging his journey toward Jerusalem. Item. That he should not hinder, nor cause to be hindered, any appellations made to the pope of Rome. Item, That neither he nor his son should depart or dissever from Pope Alexander, or from his catholic successors, so long as they should account him or his son for kings catholic. Item, That the goods and possessions taken from the church of Canterbury should be restored again, fully and amply, as they stood the year before Thomas Becket departed the realm; and that free liberty should be granted, to all such as were outlawed for Becket’s cause, to return again. Item, That the aforesaid customs and decrees, by him established against the church, should be extinct and repealed, (such only excepted as concerned his own person, etc.) besides other secret fastings and alms enjoined him.

    All these former conditions the king with his son did both agree unto, debasing himself in such sort of submission before the two cardinals, by the occasion whereof the cardinals took no little glory, using this verse of the Psalm: “Which looketh upon the earth, and maketh it to tremble; which toucheth the hills and they smoke. Moreover, it is mentioned in histories of the said king, that a little after William, king of Scots, a372 with his army had made a rode into the realm, he, returning out of Normandy into England, came first to Canterbury; who, by the way, as soon as he came to the sight of Becket’s church, lighting off his horse, and putting off his shoes, went barefoot to his tomb, whose steps were found bloody through the roughness of the stones. And not only that, but also he received further penance, a373 by every monk of the cloister a certain discipline of a rod. By which so great dejection of the king (if it were true), thou mayest see the blind and lamentable superstition and ignorance of those days. If it were pretensed (as might so be in time of war, to get the hearts of the people), yet mayest thou, learned reader, see what slavery kings and princes were brought into at that time under the pope’s clergy. The same year (as Hoveden writeth), which was A.D. 1174, the whole city of Canterbury was almost all consumed with fire, and the said minster-church clean burnt. The next year ensuing, which was A.D. 1175, a convocation of bishops was holden at Westminster, by Richard, archbishop of Canterbury. In that conventicle all the bishops and abbots of the province of Canterbury and of York being present, determined, as had been done a little before in the days of King Henry I. A.D. 1113, about the obedience that York should do to Canterbury; that is, whether the archbishop of York might bear his cross in the diocese of Canterbury or not? whereof something was touched before in the former process of this history. Also about the bishopric of Lincoln, of Coventry a374 of Worcester, and of Hereford, whether these churches were under the jurisdiction of the see of York or not? etc. Upon these and other like matters rose such controversy between these two sees, that the one appealed the other to the presence of the bishop of Rome. In these and such like causes, how much better had it been if the supremacy had remained more near in the king’s hands at home, whereby not only much labor and travail had been saved, but also the great and wasteful expenses bestowed.at Rome might, with much more fruit and thank, have been converted to their cures and flocks committed unto them, and also, perchance, their cause, not less indifferently heard, at least more speedily might have been decided. But to the purpose again. In this controversy divers of the archbishop of York’s clergy, such as were of Gloucester, belonging to the church of St. Oswald, were excommunicated by the archbishop of Canterbury, because they, being summoned, refused to appear before him, etc. At length the same year, which was A.D. 1175, there was a cardinal sent down from Rome by the king’s procurement, who studied to settle a peace between the two archbishops. Whereupon, this way of agreement was taken, by means of the king, at Winchester, that, as touching the church of St. Oswald, at Gloucester, the archbishop of Canterbury should cease his claim thereon, molesting the see of York no more therein; also, that he should absolve again the clerks thereof. whom he had excommunicated before. And, as concerning the bearing of the cross and all other matters, it was referred to the archbishop of Rouen, and to other bishops in France, so that for five years a league or truce was taken betwixt them, till they should have a full determination of their cause.

    The next year following, the aforesaid King Henry II, dividing the realm of England into six parts, ordained upon every part three justices of assize.

    The circuit of limitation of these justices was thus disposed-The first upon Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Essex, Hertfordshire: The second upon Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire, Stamfordshire, Warwickshire, Northamptonshire, Leicestershire: The third upon Kent, Surrey, Southamptonshire, Sussex, Berkshire, Oxfordshire: The fourth upon Herefordshire, Gloucestershire, Worcestershire, Salopshire: The fifth upon Wiltshire, Dorsetshire, Somersetshire, Devonshire, Cornwall: The sixth upon Everikeshire; Richmondshire, Lancaster, Copland, Westmoreland, Northumberland, Cumberland.

    In the same year Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, made three archdeacons in his diocese, whereas before there was but one. About this time also it was granted by the king to the pope’s legate, that a clerk should not be called before a temporal judge, except for offense in the forest, or for his lay fee that he holdeth. Item, that no archbishopric, bishopric, or abbey, should remain in the king’s hands over one year without great cause. It chanced the same year that this was done, that there was at Canterbury one elected to be abbot in the house of St. Austin, named Albert, who made great, labor and suit unto the archbishop that he would come to his church, and there consecrate him abbot of St. Austin; to whom the archbishop sent word again, that he was not bound to come to him, but rather that the other should repair to the metropolitan church of Canterbury, there to receive his consecration.

    Whereupon, controversy arising between them, the aforesaid newly elect appealed to the audience of the pope, and so labored up himself to Rome; where he so handled the matter, (by what means I cannot tell, unless with his golden bottle, wherewith he quenched the pope’s thirsty soul, for abbots never travel lightly without fat purses to Rome,) that with short dispatch he procured letters from Alexander the pope, to Roger, bishop of Worcester; signifying to him, that he had given in charge and commandment to the archbishop of Canterbury, in the behalf of his dear son Albert, that he should consecrate him within his own monastery, which monastery properly and solely, without mediation, belonged to the jurisdiction of Rome; and so likewise should do to his successors after him, without any exaction of obedience of them. Which thing, further he said, if the archbishop would refuse to do within the term appointed, that then he the aforesaid bishop of Worcester should, by the authority committed unto him, execute the same, all manner of appellation or other decree, whatsoever should come, notwithstanding. This letter being obtained, the abbot that would be, returneth home, supposing with himself all things to be sure. The archbishop understanding the case, and seeing himself to be so straitly charged, and yet loth to yield and stoop to the abbot, took to him policy where authority would not serve; and both to save himself, and yet to disappoint the abbot, he watched a time when the abbot was about the business of his house, and coming the same time to the monastery, as he was commanded to do, with all things appointed that to such a business appertained, he called for the abbot, pretending no less than to give him his consecration. The abbot, being called for, was not at home; the archbishop, feigning himself not a little grieved at his labor and good will so lost, departed, as one in whom no ready diligence was lacking, if in case that the abbot had been at home. Whereupon the abbot being thus disappointed, was fain to fill his silver flagons afresh, and make a new course to Rome to his father, the pope, from whom he received his consecration, and so came home again, with as much wit as he went forth, but not with so much money, peradventure, as he went withal.

    We have declared a little before, touching the acts and doings of this Pope Alexander III., how he had brought the emperor’s head under his foot in St.

    Mark’s church at Venice, at which time and place peace was concluded, and a composition made between the pope and the said Frederic the emperor; which pacification Roger Hoveden and Walter Gisburn refer to this time, A.D. 1177, bringing in two several letters sent from the said Pope, to Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, to Roger, archbishop of York, and Hugh, bishop of Durham. Out of the said letters, so much as serveth our purpose, I have taken and here inserted.

    THE LETTER OF POPE ALEXANDER, SENT TO ROGER, ARCHBISHOP OF YORK, AND TO THE BISHOP OF DURHAM. F430 “Alexander, servant of the servants of God, to his reverend brethren, Roger, archbishop of York, and Hugh, bishop of Durham, greeting and apostolical blessing. The obsequy and service of your kind devotion, which hitherto you are known to have given both devoutly and laudably to us and to the church, requireth that we should describe to you, as to our special friends, the prosperous success of the church, and let you know, as spiritual children of the church, what hath happened to the same. For meet it is, convenient, and also honest, that you, whom we have had so firm and sure in our devotion, should now be cherished and made joyous in the prosperity of us, and of the church.”

    And about the end of the epistle it followeth thus: “The next day following, which was the feast of St. James, (the said emperor so requesting), we came to the aforesaid church of St.

    Mark, there to celebrate our solemn mass; where, as we were coming in the way, the said emperor met us without the church, and placing us again on his right hand, brought us so into the church. After the mass was done, placing us again on his right hand, he brought us to the church door. And moreover, when we should take our palfrey, he held our stirrup, exhibiting to us such honor and reverence, as his progenitors were wont to exhibit to our predecessors. Wherefore these shall be to incite your diligence and study towards us, that you rejoice with us and the church in these our prosperous successes, and also that you shall open the same effect of peace to other devout children of the church; that such as be touched with the zeal of the house of the Lord, may congratulate and rejoice also in the Lord for the great working of peace which he hath given.—Given at Venice, at the Rialto, the 26th of July.”

    This year the contention revived again, a375 spoken of a little before, between the two archbishops of York and Canterbury, the occasion whereof was this; the manner and practice of the pope is, when he beginneth to lack money, he sendeth some limiting cardinal abroad to fetch his harvest in. So there came this year into England, as lightly few years were without them, a certain cardinal from Rome, called Hugo, or, as Hoveden nameth him, Hugezim, who would needs keep a council at Westminster. a376 To this council resorted a great confluence, about the middle of Lent, of bishops, abbots, priors, doctors, and such others of the clergy. As every one was there placed in his order, and after his degree, first cometh the archbishop of York, named Roger, who, thinking to prevent the other archbishop, came something sooner, and straightway placed himself’ on the right; hand of the cardinal. Richard, the archbishop of Canterbury, following shortly after, and seeing the first place taken up, refuseth to take the second, complaining of the archbishop of York, as one prejudicial to his see. So, while the one would not rise, and the other not sit down, there rose no small contention between the two. The archbishop of Canterbury claimed the upper seat by the pre-eminence of his church; contrary, the archbishop of York alleged for him the old decree of Gregory, a377 whereof mention is made before, by which this order was taken between the two metropolitans of Canterbury and York, that whichever of them two should be first in election, he should have the preeminence in dignity to go before the other. Thus they, contending to and fro, waxed so warm in words, that at last they turned to hot blows. How strong the archbishop of York was in reason and argument, I cannot tell, but the archbishop of Canterbury was stronger at the arm’s end; whose servants being more in number, like valiant men, not suffering their master to take such a foil, so prevailed against York (sitting on the right hand of the cardinal), that they plucked him down from the hand to the foot of the cardinal upon the ground, treading and trampling upon him with their feet, that marvel it was he escaped with life. His casule, chimer, and rochet, f432 were all rent and torn from his back. Here no reason would take place, no debating would serve, no praying could be heard, such clamor and tumult were there in the house among them, much like to the tumult which Virgil describeth: “Ac veulti in magno populo, cum saepe coorta est Seditio, saevitque animis ignobile vulgus, Jamque faces et saxa volant, furor anna ministrat.” f433 Now, as the first part of this description doth well agree, so some peradventure will look again, that, according to the latter part also of the same, my lord cardinal, with sageness and gravity (after the manner of the old Romans standing up), should have ceased and allayed the disturbance, according to that which followeth in the poet: “Tum pietate gravem meritis si forte virum quem Conspexere, silent, arrectisque auribus astant:

    Ille regit mentes dictis, et pectora mulcet.” f434 But what did the noble Roman cardinal? Like a pretty man of his hands, but a prettier man of his feet, standing up in the midst, and seeing the house in such a broil, committed himself to flight, and, as Hoveden writeth, “abscondit sea facie illorum.” The next day the archbishop of York bringeth to the cardinal his rochet, to bear witness what injury and violence he had sustained; appealing and citing up the archbishop of Canterbury, with certain of his men, to the bishop of Rome. And thus the holy council, the same day it was begun, brake up and was dissolved.

    Under the reign of this King Henry II, the dominion and crown of England extended so far as hath not been seen in this realm before him. Histories record that he possessed under his rule and jurisdiction, first, Scotland, to whom William, king of Scots, with all the lords temporal and spiritual, did homage both for them and for their successors (the seal whereof remaineth in the king’s treasury); as also Ireland, England, Normandy, Aquitaine, Guienne, etc. to the Pyrenean mountains, which be in the uttermost parts of the great ocean in the British Sea; being also protector of France, a379 to whom Philip the French king yielded both himself and his realm wholly to his governance, A.D. 1181. Moreover, he was offered also to be the king of Jerusalem, by the patriarch and master of the hospital there; who, being then distressed by the soldan, brought him the keys of their city, desiring his aid against the infidels; which offer a380 he then refused, alleging the great charge which he had at home, and the rebellion of his sons, which might happen in his absence.

    And here the old histories find a great fault with the king for his refusal; declaring that to be the cause of God’s plagues, which after ensued upon him by his children, as the patriarch, in his oration, being offended with the king, prophesied should so happen to him for the same cause; which story, if it be true, it may be a lesson to good princes, not to deny their necessary help to their distressed neighbors, especially the cause appertaining unto God. f435 The wisdom, a381 discretion, manhood, and riches of this prince were so spread and renowned through all quarters, that messages came from Emmanuel, emperor of Constantinople, Frederic, emperor of Rome, and William, archbishop of Treves in Almain, from the duke of Saxony, and from the earl of Flanders, and also from the French king, upon determination of great questions and strifes, to ask counsel and determination thereof of this King Henry, as of one most wise, and schoolmaster of all wisdom and justice, to have solution of their questions and doubts. Moreover, Alphonso, king of Castile, and Sancho, king of Navarre, being in strife for certain castles and other possessions, submitted them, of their free accord, and by their oath, to abide the award of this King Henry; who made award and pleased them both; whereby it is to be presupposed, that this king, to whom other princes did so resort, as to their arbiter and deciser, did not attend either to any sloth or vicious living.

    Wherefore it may seem that the acts of this prince were not so vicious as some monkish writers do describe.

    Among many other things in this king memorable, this one is to be noted (follow it who can), that he reigned five and thirty years, and having such wars with his enemies, yet never upon his subjects put any tribute or tax, nor yet upon the spiritualty first-fruits and appropriations of benefices.

    Belike they were not known, or else not used. And yet his treasure after his death, weighed by King Richard, his son, amounted to above nine hundred thousand pounds, besides jewels, precious stones, and household furniture. Of the which substance eleven thousand pounds came to him by the death of Roger, archbishop of York, who had procured a bull of the pope, that if any priest died within his province without testament, then he should have all his goods. And shortly after the archbishop died, and the king had all his goods, which extended, as is said, to eleven thousand pounds, besides plate, A.D. 1181.

    But as there is no felicity or wealth in this mortal world so perfect, which is not darkened with some cloud of encumbrance and adversity; so it happened to this king, that among his other princely successes, this incommodity followed him withal, that his sons rebelled and stood in armor against him, taking the part of the French king against their father.

    First, at the coronation of Henry, his son, whom the father joined with him as king, he being both father and king, took upon him (that notwithstanding) as but a steward, and set down the first dish as sewer unto his son, renouncing the name of a king. At what time the aforesaid archbishop of York, sitting on the right hand of the young king, said, “Sir, ye have great cause this day to joy, for there is no prince in the world that hath such an officer this day, etc. And the young king disdaining his words, said, “My father is not dishonored in this doing, for I am a king and a queen’s son, and so is not he.” And not only this, but afterwards he also persecuted his father; and so, in his youth, when he had reigned but a few years, died, teaching us what is the price and reward of breaking the just commandment of God. After him likewise Richard his son (who was called Richard Coeur de Lion) rebelled against his father; and also John, his youngest son, did not much degenerate from the steps of his brethren; insomuch that this aforesaid Richard, like an unkind child, persecuting and taking part against his father, brought him to such distress of body and mind, that for thought of heart he fell into an ague, and within four days departed, A.D. 1189, after he had reigned five and thirty years; whose corpse as it was carried to be buried, Richard his son coming by the way and meeting it, and beginning for compassion to weep, the blood brast incontinent out of the nose of the king at the coming of his son, giving thereby a certain demonstration how he was the only author of his death.

    After the reign and death of which king, his children after him, worthily rewarded for their unnaturalness against their father, lacking the success which their father had, lost all beyond the sea that their father had got before.

    And thus much concerning the reign of Henry II, and the death of Thomas Becket; whose death (as is aforesaid) happened in the days of Pope Alexander III; which pope, usurping the keys of ecclesiastical regiment one and twenty years, or, as Gisburn writeth, three and twenty years, governed the church with much tumult; striving and contending with Frederic the emperor; not shaming, like a most proud Lucifer, to tread with his foot upon the neck of the said emperor, as is above described.

    This pope, among many other acts, had certain councils, as is partly before touched, some in France, some at Rome, in Lateran; by whom it was decreed, that no archbishop should receive the pall, unless he should first swear obedience, A.D. 1179; concerning the solemnity of which pall, for the order and manner of giving and taking the same with obedience to the pope, as it is contained in their own words, I thought it good to set it forth unto thee, that thou mayest well consider and understand their doings therein.

    THE FORM AND MANNER, HOW AND BY WHAT WORDS, THE POPE IS WONT TO GIVE THE PALL UNTO THE ARCHBISHOP F436 To the honor of Almighty God, and of blessed Mary, the Virgin, and of blessed St. Peter and St. Paul, and of our lord Pope N. and of the holy church of Rome, and also of the church of N. committed to your charge, we give to you the pall taken from the body of St. Peter, as a fullness of the office pontifical, which you may wear within your own church, upon certain days, f440 which be expressed in the privileges of the said church, granted by the see apostolic.

    IN LIKE MANNER PROCEEDETH THE OATH OF EVERY BISHOP SWEARING OBEDIENCE TO THE POPE IN WORDS AS FOLLOWETH: F442 “I, bishop of N., from this hour henceforth, will be faithful and obedient to blessed St. Peter, and to the holy apostolic church of Rome, and to my Lord N., the pope. I shall be in no council, nor help either with my consent or deed, whereby either of them, or any member of them, may be impaired, or whereby they. may be.taken with any evil taking. The council which, they shall commit to me, either by themselves, or by messenger, or by their letters, wittingly or willingly I shall utter to none to their hindrance and damage. To the retaining and maintaining the papacy of Rome, and. the regalities of St. Peter, I shall be an alder (so mine order be saved) against all persons. The legate of the apostolic see, both in going and coming, I shall honorably treat and help in all necessities.

    Being called to a synod, I shall be ready to come, unless I be let by some lawful and canonical impeachment. The palace of the apostles every third year I shall visit either by myself or my messenger, except otherwise being licensed by the see apostolic. All such possessions as belong to the table and diet of my bishopric, I shall neither sell, nor give, nor lay to mortgage, nor lease out, nor remove away by any manner of means, without the consent and knowledge of the bishop of Rome: so God help me and the holy gospels of God.

    A NOTE UPON THE SAME Hereby thou hast by the way, gentle reader, to note and consider, among other things which here may be understood, that since the time the oath began to be laid and thrust upon bishops, all general councils began to lose their liberty. For, how could any freedom remain for men to speak their knowledge in redress of things, being by their oath so bound to the pope to speak nothing but on his side, to maintain the papacy and the church of Rome in all times and places? Conjecture by thyself, Christian reader, what more is hereby to be considered.

    Besides this, it was also decreed in the said council at Rome of three hundred and ten bishops, by Pope Alexander, “That no man should have any spiritual promotion, except he were of lawful age, and born in wedlock. That no parish church should be void above six months. That none in orders should meddle with temporal business. That priests should have but one benefice, and that the bishops should be charged to find the priest a living till he be promoted. That open usurers should not communicate at Easter, nor be buried within the churchyard. That nothing should be taken nor be buried within the churchyard. That nothing should be taken for ministering sacraments or burying. Also, that every cathedral church should have a master to teach children freely, without taking any thing for the same.”

    In this council the vow of chastity was obtruded and laid upon priests.

    Thomas Becket, also, and Bernard, were canonized for saints.

    During the reign and time of this King Henry II, the city of Norwich was destroyed and burnt by the men of Flanders. Also the towns of Leicester and Nottingham were wasted, and the burgesses slain by the earl of Ferrets. The town of Berwick was destroyed by the Scots. The king of Scots was taken in war by the Englishmen, A.D. 1174. The town of Huntingdon was taken and burned. The town of Canterbury, by casualty of fire, was burnt with all the churches, especially the Trinity church, where Becket was worshipped, in the same year. In A.D 1170, William, king of Scots, with David, his brother, and all the barons of the realm, did homage to the king of England. Ireland was made subject to England.

    Decreed in a council in Normandy, that no boys or children should possess any benefice. A council of Lateran was holden at Rome, where were three and thirty articles concluded, A.D. 1179. The French king came in pilgrimage to Thomas Becket, the king of England meeting him by the way, A.D. 1184. After the death of Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, who followed after Thomas Becket, succeeded Baldwin, who, of a Cistercian monk being made a bishop, a384 is said never to eat flesh in his life. A certain poor woman, bare and lean, meeting him in the street, desired to know of him whether it were true that was said of him, that he never did eat flesh: which tiling when he had affirmed to be true, “Nay,” saith she, “that is false, for you have eaten my flesh unto the bone, for I had but one cow wherewith I was sustained, and that have your deans taken from me.” “True, true,” said the bishop, “and thou shalt have another cow as good as that.” f444 Moreover, in the reign of King Henry, about A.D. 1178, I find in the story of Roger Hoveden and others, that in the city of Toulouse there was a great multitude of men and women whom the pope’s commissioners, to wit, Peter, cardinal of St. Chrysogon and the pope’s legate, with the archbishops of Narbonne and Bourges, Reginald, bishop of Bath, John, bishop of Poictiers, Henry, abbot of Clairvaux, etc., did persecute and condemn for heretics; of whom some were scourged naked, some chased away, some compelled to abjure: concerning whose articles and opinions I have no firm ground to make any certain relation, forasmuch as I see the papists, many times so false in their quarrelling accusations, untruly collected men’s sayings, not as they meant, and meaning not as they said, but wrest-ing and depraving simple men’s assertions after such a subtle sort as they list themselves to take them. But this I find, how one of the said commissioners or inquisitors, Henry the abbot, in a certain letter of his, wrote thus of them. After a new opinion he affirmed that the holy bread of eternal life, consecrated by the ministry of the priest, was not the body of the Lord,” etc.

    In the time of this Alexander sprang up the doctrine and name of those who were then called ‘pauperes de Lugduno,’ who, from one Waldus, a chief senator in Lyons, were named ‘Waldenses;’ also ‘Leonistae’ and ‘Insabbatati’ about A.D. 1160, or, as Laziardus writeth, 1170.

    Not long before this time, as is expressed above, rose up Gratian, master of the decrees, a385 and Peter the Lombard, master of the sentences, a386 both archpillars of all papistry; after whom followed also two as evil, or worse than they, Francis and Dominic, maintaining blind hypocrisy, no less than the other maintained proud prelacy. As these labored one way, by superstition and worldly advancement, to corrupt the sincerity of religion, so it pleased Christ, the contrary way, laboring against these, to raise up therefore the said Waldenses against the pride and hypocrisy of the others.

    Thus we never see any great corruption in the church, but that some sparkle of the true and clear light of the gospel yet by God’s providence doth remain; whatsoever the Doctors Augustinus, Reinerius, Sylvius, and Cranzius, with others in their popish histories, do write of them, defaming them through misreport, and accusing them to magistrates as disobedient to orders, rebels to the catholic church, and contemners of the Virgin Mary, yet they who carry judgment indifferent, rather trusting truth than wavering with the times, in weighing their articles, shall find it otherwise, and that they maintained nothing else but the same doctrine which is now defended in the church. And yet I suppose not contrary, but as the papists did with the articles of Wickliff and Huss, so they did in like manner with their articles also, in gathering and wresting them otherwise than they were meant.

    THE HISTORY OF THE WALDENSES CONCERNING THEIR ORIGINAL AND DOCTRINE, WITH THEIR PERSECUTIONS F448 The first original of these Waldenses, came of one Waldus, a man both of great substance, and no less calling in the city of Lyons, the occasion whereof is declared of divers writers thus to come. About A.D. 1160, it chanced that divers of the best and chiefest heads of the city of Lyons, talking and walking in a certain place after their old-accustomed manner, especially in the summer-time, conferred and consulted together upon matters, either to pass over time, or to debate things to be done; amongst whom it chanced one (the rest looking on) to fall clown by sudden death.

    In the number of whom this aforesaid Waldus, there being amongst them, was one; who, beholding the matter more earnestly than the others, and terrified with so heavy an example, being, as is said, a rich man, and God’s Holy Spirit working withal, was stricken with a deep and inward repentance, whereupon followed a new alteration, with a careful study to reform his former life; insomuch that he began, first, to minister large alms of his goods to such as needed, secondly, to instruct and admonish himself and his family, and all that resorted to him by any occasion, concerning repentance, and the sincere worship of God, and true piety. Whereby, partly through his large giving to the poor, partly through his diligent teaching and wholesome admonitions, more resort of people daily frequented about him; whom when he did see ready and diligent to learn, he began to give out to them certain rudiments of the Scripture, which he had translated himself into the French tongue; for as he was a man wealthy in riches, so he was also not unlearned.

    Although Laziardus, Volateranus, and others, note him utterly unlearned, and charge him with ignorance, as who should procure others to write and translate for him; by others, who have seen his doings yet remaining in old parchment monuments, it appeareth he was both able to declare and to translate the books of Scripture, and also did collect the doctors’ mind upon the same.

    But whatsoever he was, lettered or unlettered, the bishops and prelates seeing him so to intermeddle with the Scriptures, and to have such resort about him, albeit it was but in his own house, under private conference, could neither abide that the Scriptures should be translated and declared a387 by any other, nor would they take the pains to do it themselves. So, being moved with great malice against the man, they threatened to excommunicate him if he did not leave off so to do. Waldus, seeing his doing to be but godly, and their malice stirred up upon no just nor godly cause, neglecting the threatenings and frettings of the wicked, said, that “God must be obeyed more than man.” To be brief, the more diligent he was in setting forth the true doctrine of Christ against the errors of Antichrist, the more maliciously their fierceness increased; insomuch that when they did see their excommunication to be despised, and would not serve, they ceased not with prison, with banishment, with fire and with sword to persecute, till at length they had driven both Waldus, and all the favorers of his true preaching, out of the city.

    Whereupon came first their name, that they were called ‘Waldenses,’ or ‘Pauperes de Lugduno,’ not because they would have all things common amongst them, or that they, professing any wilful poverty, would imitate to live as the apostles did, as Sylvius did falsely belie them, but because they, being thrust out both of country and goods, were compelled to live poorly, whether they would or no. And thus much touching the first occasion and beginning of these men, and of the restoring and maintaining the true doctrine of Christ’s gospel, against the proud proceedings of popish errors. Now concerning their articles, which I find in order and in number to be these: f449 THE ARTICLES OF THE WALDENSES 1. Only the holy Scripture is to be believed in matters pertaining to salvation, and no man or man’s writing besides. 2. All things which are necessary to salvation are contained in holy Scripture; and therefore nothing is to be admitted in religion, but only what is commanded in the word of God. 3. There is one only Mediator; the saints are in no wise to be made mediators, or to be invocated. 4. There is no purgatory; but all men are either through Christ justified to life eternal, or, not believing in him, go away to everlasting destruction: and, besides these two, there is no third or fourth place. 5. There be but two sacraments, baptism and the communion. f450 6. All masses, namely, such as be sung for the dead, are wicked, and ought to be abrogate. 7. All human traditions ought to be rejected, at least not to be reputed as necessary to salvation; and therefore this singing and chanting in the chancel is to be left off: constrained, and prefixed fasts bound, todays and times, superfluous holidays, difference of meats, such variety of degrees and orders of priests, monks, and nuns, so many sundry benedictions and hallowing of creatures, vows, pilgrimages, and all the rabblement of rites and ceremonies brought in by man, ought to be abolished. 8. The asserted supremacy of the pope above all churches, and especially his usurped power above all governments, in other words the jurisdiction of both the swords, is to be utterly denied; neither are any degrees to be received in the church, but only the degrees of priests, deacons, and bishops. 9. The communion under both kinds is godly and necessary, being ordained and enjoined by Christ. 10. The church of Rome is the very Babylon spoken of in the Apocalypse; and the pope is the fountain of all errors, and the very antichrist. 11. The pope’s pardons and indulgences they reject. f451 12. The marriage of priests they hold to be godly, and also necessary in the church. 13. Such as hear the word of God, and have a right faith, they hold to be the right church of Christ; and that to this church the keys of the church are given to drive away wolves, and to institute true pastors of Christ, who should preach the word and minister the sacraments.

    These be the most principal articles of the Waldenses, albeit some there be that add more to them; some, again, divide the same into more parts: but these be the principal, to which the rest be reduced.

    The same Waldenses, at length exiled, were dispersed in divers and sundry places, of whom many remained long in Bohemia; who, writing to their king, Uladislaus, to purge themselves against the slanderous accusations of one Dr. Austin, gave up their confession with an apology of their Christian profession; defending, with strong and learned arguments, the same which now is received in most reformed churches, both concerning grace, faith, charity, hope, repentance, and works of mercy. f453 As for purgatory, they say that Thomas Aquinas is the author thereof. f454 Concerning the supper of the Lord, their faith was, that it was ordained to be eaten, not to be showed and worshipped; for a memorial, not for a sacrifice; to serve for the present ministration, and not for reservation; to be received at the table, not to be carried out of the doors; according to the ancient use of the primitive church, when they used to communicate sitting. And this they said a388 could be proved both by the old chronicles, as also by that most ancient Greek father, Origen, writing in these words upon the third book of Moses, proving that this sacramental bread ought not to be reserved: “Whosoever receiveth this bread of the supper of Christ upon the second or third day after, his soul shall not be blessed, but be polluted. Therefore the Gibeonites, because they brought old bread to the children of Israel, it was enjoined them to carry wood and water, etc.” f455 Dr. Austin, of whom mention is made before, disputing against them about this matter of the holy eucharist, urgeth them with this interrogation: f456 Whether it be the same Christ present in the sacrament who is present at the right hand of the Father? If it be not the same Christ, how is it true in the Scripture, ‘Nobis est non nisi unus Deus, nuns Dominus Jesus Christus,’ ‘One God, one Lord Jesus Christ?’ If it be the same Christ, then how is he not to be honored and worshipped here as well as there?”

    To this the Waldenses answer again, and grant that Christ is one and the same in the sacrament, which he is at the right hand of his Father, having in both cases a natural body, but not after the same mode of existence: for the existence of his body in heaven is personal and local, to be apprehended by the faith and spirit of men. In the sacrament the existence of his body is not personal or local, to be apprehended or received of our bodies after a personal or corporal manner, but after a sacramental manner; that is, where our bodies receive the sign, and our spirit the thing signified. Moreover, in heaven the existence of his body is dimensive and complete, with the full proportion and quantity of the same body wherewith he ascended. Here, the existence of his complete body, with the full proportion, measure, and stature thereof, doth not, neither can, stand in the sacrament. Briefly, the existence of his body in heaven is natural, not sacramental, that is, to be seen, and not remembered: here it is sacramental, not natural, that is, to be remembered, not to be seen.

    This answer being made to the captious proposition of Dr. Austin, the Waldenses, retorting the like interrogation to him again, demand of him to answer them in the like objection: Whether it be all one Christ substantially and naturally, who sitteth in heaven, and who is under the forms of bread and wine, and in the receivers of the sacrament?” If he grant it to be, then they bid him say, seeing Christ is as well in the sacrament as in heaven, and as well in the receiver as in the sacrament, and all one Christ in substance and nature; why then is not the same Christ as well in the breast of the receiver to be worshipped, as under the forms of bread and wine in the sacrament, seeing he is there after a more perfect manner in man, than in the sacrament? for in the sacrament he is but for a time, and not for the sacrament’s sake, but for the man’s cause: in man he is not for the sacrament’s cause, but for his own; and that not for a season, but for ever, as it is written, “Qui manducat hunt pan era rivet in aeternum;” that is, “He that eateth this bread shall live for ever,” etc.

    Moreover and besides, seeing transubstantiation is the going of one substance into another, they question again with him,” whether the forms of bread and wine remaining, the substance thereof be changed into the whole person of our Lord Christ Jesus, that is, both into his body, soul, and divinity; or not into the whole Christ?” If he grant the whole; then, say they, that is impossible, concerning the divinity, both to nature and to our faith, that any creature can be changed into the Creator. If he say, the bread is changed into the body and soul of Christ, not to his divinity, then he separateth the natures in Christ. If he say, into the body alone, and not the soul, then he separateth the natures of the true manhood, etc., and so it cannot be the same Christ that was betrayed for us; for that he had both body and soul. To conclude, to what part soever he would answer, this doctrine of transubstantiation cannot be defended without great inconvenience on all sides. Over and besides, AEneas Sylvius, writing of their doctrine and assertions (perchance as he found them, perchance making worse of them than they taught or meant), reporteth them after this manner, which I thought here to set out as it is in the Latin. f459 THE ENGLISH OF THE SAME That the bishop of Rome is equal with other bishops. That amongst priests there is no difference of degree. That no dignity of order, but only worthiness of life, can raise one priest above others.

    That the souls of men immediately on departing either enter into everlasting pain, or everlasting joy. That there is no purgatory of fire to be found. That to pray for the dead is a vain thing, and invented only for the lucre of priests.

    That the images of God (as of the Trinity), and of saints, are to he abolished. That the hallowing of water and palms is ridiculous.

    That the religion of begging friars was invented by the devil. That priests should not encroach riches in this world, but rather follow poverty, being content with men’s devotion. ‘That the preaching of the word of God is open to any one.

    That no deadly sin is to be tolerated, for the sake of avoiding another evil, how much greater soever. That he who is in deadly sin cannot hold any dignity he may possess, whether secular or ecclesiastical, and is not to be obeyed, That confirmation which bishops exercise with oil, and extreme unction, are not to be counted among the sacraments of the church. That auricular confession is but a toy; and that it suffices for every man to confess himself in his chamber to God. That baptism ought to be administered only with pure water, without any mixture of hallowed oil. That the use of churchyards is vain, invented only for lucre’s sake: it matters not what ground corpses are buried in. f462 That the temple of the great God is the wide world: and that it is like limiting his majesty to build churches, monasteries, and oratories, as though his grace were more to be found in one place than in another.

    That priest’s apparel, ornaments of the high altar, palls, corporas cloths, chalices, patimes, and other church plate, serve in no stead.

    That the priest may consecrate and minister the body of Christ a390 to those who do require, in any place whatever. f463 That it is sufficient only if he pronounce the sacramental Words.

    That the suffrages of saints, reigning with Christ in heaven, are craved in vain; they being not able to help us. That the time spent in saying or singing the canonical hours, is but lost. That a man ought to cease from his labor no day, except the Lord’s day, as it is now called.

    That the feasts and festivals of saints ought to be rejected. Item, that such fasts as be coacted and enjoined by the church have no merit in them.

    These assertions of the Waldenses being thus articled out by Aeneas Sylvius, I thought to give them abroad in English as they are in Latin, to the intent that as they are the less to be doubted, being set out of a pope’s pen, so we may both the better know them hereby, what they were, and also understand how this doctrine, now preached and taught in the church, is no new doctrine, which here we see both taught and persecuted almost four hundred years ago. And as I have spoken hitherto sufficiently concerning their doctrine, so now we will briefly somewhat touch of the order of their life and conversation, as we find it registered in a certain old written book of inquisition.

    MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE WALDENSES The whole process cometh to this effect in English. The manner of the Waldenses is this. They kneeling upon their knees, leaning to some bench or stay, do continue in their prayers with silence, so long as a man may say a391 thirty or forty times “Pater noster.” And this they do every day with great reverence, being amongst themselves and such as be of their own religion, and no strangers with them, both before dinner and after; likewise before supper and after; also what time they go to bed, and in the morning when they rise; and at certain other times also, as well in the day as in the night. Item, they use no other prayer but the prayer of the Lord, “Pater noster,” etc., and that without any “Ave Maria” and the Creed, which they affirm not to be put in for any prayer by Christ, but only by the church of Rome. Albeit, they have and use the “seven articles of faith concerning the divinity,” and “seven articles concerning the humanity,” and the “ten commandments,” and “seven works of mercy,” which they have compiled together in a compendious book, glorying much in the same, and thereby offer themselves ready to answer any man as to their faith. f465 Before they go to meat they ask a blessing by saying “Benedicite,” “Kyrie eleyson, Christe eleyson, Kyrie eleyson,” and the “Pater noster.” f466 Which being said, then the elder amongst them beginneth thus, in their own tongue: “God who blessed the five barley loaves and two fishes in the desert before his disciples, bless this table, and that is set upon it, or shall be set upon it, in the name (crossing themselves) of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen.” And likewise again, when they rise from meat, the senior giveth thanks, saying in their own tongue the words of the Apocalypse, “Blessing, and worship, and wisdom, and thanksgiving, honor, virtue, and strength, to God alone, for ever and ever.

    Amen.” And addeth, moreover, “God reward them into their bosoms, and be beneficial to all them, that be beneficial to us:” and, “the God who hath given us corporal feeding, grant us spiritual life:” and, “God be with us, and we always with him.” To which the rest answer again, “Amen.” And while thus saying grace, they usually put their hands together and lift them upward toward heaven. After their meat and grace thus said, they teach and exhort amongst themselves, conferring together upon their doctrine, etc.

    In their doctrine and teaching they were so diligent and painful, that Reinerius, a393 a writer about that time (an extreme enemy against them), in a long process, wherein he describeth their doctrine and teaching, testifieth that he heard of one who did know the party, “that a certain heretic,” saith he, “only to turn a certain person away from our faith, and to bring him to his, in the night, and in the winter time, swam over the river called Ibis, to come to him, and to teach him.” Moreover, so perfect they were then in the Scriptures, that the said Reinerius saith, he did hear and see a man of the country unlettered, who could recite over the whole book of Job word by word without book, with divers others, who had the whole New Testament perfectly by heart.

    And although some of them rather merrily than unskilfully expounded a394 the words of St. John, “Sui non receperunt eum”—“Swine did not receive him,” yet were they not so ignorant and void of learning, nor yet so few in number, but that they did mightily prevail; insomuch that Reinerius hath these words: “There was none durst stop them for the power and multitude of their favourers. I have often been at their inquisition and examination, and there were numbered forty churches infected with their heresy, and in one parish of Cammach were ten open schools of them.” f470 And the said Reinerius, when he hath said all he can in de-praying and impugning them, yet is driven to confess this of them, where he, doth distinguish their sect from other sects, and hath these words: This sect of Leonists hath a great show of holiness, in that they both live justly before men, and believe all things well of God, and hold all the articles contained in the Creed; only they blaspheme the Romish church, and hate it.” f471 Now to touch somewhat their persecutions: After they were driven out of Lyons, they were scattered into divers and sundry places, the providence of God so disposing, that the sound of their doctrine might be heard abroad in the world. Some, as I said, went to Bohemia; many did flee into the provinces of France; some into Lombardy; others into other places, etc. But as the cross commonly followeth the verity and sincere preaching of God’s word, so neither could these be suffered to live in rest.

    There are yet to be seen consultations of the lawyers of Avignon [A.D. 1235], likewise of the archbishops of Narbonne, Aries, and Aix [A.D. 1235], also an ordinance of the bishop of Albano [A.D. 1246] which yet remain in writing, a396 for the extirpating of these Waldenses, written above three hundred years tofore; whereby it appeareth that there was a great number of them in France.

    Besides, there was a council held in Toulouse about three hundred and fifty-five years ago [A.D.1229], and all against these Waldenses, who also were condemned in another council at Rome before that [A.D. 1215].

    What great persecutions were raised up against them, is apparent from a397 the before-mentioned consultation of the three French archbishops; whereof I will recite some of their words, which towards the end be these: “Who is such a stranger that knoweth not the condemnation of the Waldensian heretics, done and past so many years ago, so famous, so public, following upon so many and great labors, expenses, and travail of the faithful, and so boldly sealed with so many deaths of the infidels themselves, solemnly condemned and openly punished?” Whereby we may see persecution to be no new thing in the church of Christ, when Antichrist so long ago, even three hundred years past, began to rage against these Waldenses. In Bohemia, likewise, after that, the same, called by the name of Thaborites, as Sylvius recordeth, suffered no little trouble. But never persecution was stirred up against them or any other people, more terrible than was in these latter years in France by the French king, A.D. 1545, which lamentable story is described in Sleidan, and hereafter in the process of this work, as we come to the order of years, shall be set forth, by the grace of Christ, more at large; in the which persecution is declared, in one town, Cabriers, to be slain by the captain of Satan, Minerius, eight hundred persons at once, without respect of women or children of any age; of whom forty women, and most of them great with child, thrust into a barn, and the windows kept with pikes, and so fire set to them, were all consumed. Besides, in a cave not far from the town Mussium, to the number of five and twenty persons, with smoke and fire were at the same time destroyed. At Merindol the same tyrant, seeing all the rest were fled away, and finding one young man, caused him to be tied to an olive-tree, and to be destroyed with torments most cruelly; with much other persecution, as shall appear hereafter in the history translated out of Sleidan into English. a398 But to return again to higher times, from whence we digressed. Besides that, Reinerius (above mentioned), speaketh of one in the town of Cheron, a glover, who was brought at this time to examination, and suffered. There is also an old monument of processes, wherein appear four hundred and forty-three to be brought to examination in Pomerania, Marchia, and places thereabouts, about A.D. 1391. f479 And thus much touching the origin, doctrine, and lamentable persecutions of the Waldenses; who, as is declared, first began about the time of this King Henry II.

    OTHER INCIDENTS HAPPENING IN THE REIGN OF THIS HENRY II Concerning the first origin of the Waldenses, springing up in the days of this king, sufficient is already declared. Now remaineth in the like order of time to story also such other incidents as chanced under the reign of the said king, not unworthy to be observed, keeping the order of the time as near as we may, and as authors do give unto us.

    Mary, the daughter of King Stephen, being the abbess of Ramsey, was married in this king’s days to Matthew, earl of Boulogone; which marriage Thomas Becket did work against, and did dissolve, by reason whereof he procured himself great displeasure with the said earl, etc. A.D. 1161. f480 The same year a399 a certain child was crucified of the Jews in the town of Gloucester. After the same manner the wicked Jews had crucified another child before in the city of Norwich, in the days of King Stephen, A.D. 1145.

    A collection was gathered through all England and France, of two pence in every pound, for the succor of the East Christians against the Turks, A.D. 1167. f482 Babylon was taken and destroyed, and never since repaired, by Almaric, king of Jerusalem, A.D. 1170. f483 In the year 1178, almost all England was diseased with the cough. f484 About this year also William, king of Scots, was taken in battle and imprisoned in England.

    Great war happened in Palestine, wherein the city of Jerusalem, with the cross and king of the city, and others of the temple, was taken by the Saracens, and the most part of the Christians there were either slain or taken. Cruel murder and slaughter were used by the Turk, who caused all the chief of the Christians to be brought forth and beheaded before his face; insomuch that Pope Urban III a401 for sorrow died, and Gregory VIII, the next pope after him, lived not two months. Then, in the days of Pope Clement III, news and sorrow growing daily for the loss of Palestine, and the destruction of the Christians; King Henry of England, and Philip, the French king, the duke of Burgundy, the earl of Flanders, the earl of Champagne, with divers other Christian princes, with a general consent, upon St. George’s day, took the mark of the cross upon them, promising together to take their voyage into the Holy Land. At this time the stories say, the king of England first received the red cross, the French king took the white cross, the earl of Flanders took the green cross; and so likewise other princes diversly divers colors, thereby to be discerned every one by his proper cross. But King Henry, after the three years were expired, in which he promised to perform his voyage, sent to the pope for further delay of his promise, offering for the same to erect three monasteries; which thing he thus performed: in the church of Waltham he thrust out the secular priests, and set in monks instead of them. Secondly, lie repaired Amesbury, and brought in the nuns again, who before were excluded for their incontinent life. And thus performed lie his promise made before to the pope, A.D. 1173.

    The king of Scots did his homage and allegiance to the king of England and to his son, and to his chief lords; promising that all the earls and barons of Scotland should do the like with their posterity. Item, all the bishops and abbots of the church of Scotland promised subjection and submission to the archbishop of York, A.D. 1175. f486 The custom was in this realm, that if any had killed any clerk or priest, he was not to be punished with the temporal sword, but only excommunicated and sent to Rome for the pope’s grace and absolution; which custom, in the days of this king, began first to be altered by the procurement of Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, A.D. 1176. f487 London-bridge first began to be made of stone by one Peter, priest of Colechurch, A.D. 1176. f488 St. William of Paris a400 was slain by the Jews on Maundy-Thursday, for which the Jews were burned, and he counted a saint, A.D. 1177.

    Ireland subdued to the crown of England by this king, A.D. 1177. f489 About the five and twentieth year of the reign of the said King Henry, Louis the French king, by the vision of Thomas Becket appearing unto him in his dream, and promising to him the recovery of his son, if he would resort to him at Canterbury, made his journey into England to visit St.

    Thomas at Canterbury, with Philip, earl of Flanders; where he offered a rich cup of gold, with other precious jewels, and one hundred vessels of wine yearly to be given to the covent of the church of Canterbury: notwithstanding, the said Philip in his return from England, taking his journey to Paris to visit St. Dennis, in the same his pilgrimage was stricken with such cold, that he fell into a palsy, and was benumbed in the right side of his body, A.D. 1178. f490 Stephen, bishop of Rennes, was wont to make many rhymes and gaudish prose to delight the ears of the multitude; to whom a little before his death this verse was sounded in his ear, “Desine lundere ternere, nitere propere surgere de pulvere:” A.D. 1178. f491 The Albigenses of the city of Tolfouse, denied transubstantiation in the sacrament of Christ’s body and blood; also that matrimony was a sacrament, etc. A.D. 1178. f492 King Henry separated himself from his wife Elenor, and held her many years in prison, as some think, for the love of Rosamond; which seemeth to me to be the cause why God afterward stirred up all his sons to war against him, and to work him much sorrow; A.D. 1179; f493 notwithstanding, the said Elenor was shortly after reconciled to him.

    St. Frideswide was translated unto Oxford in the same year.

    In the year 1180, there came to the council of Pope Alexander, one Burgundio a403 of Pisa, a man very cunning both in Greek and Latin, who brought and presented to the council the homilies of Chrysostome upon the gospel of St.

    John, translated out of Greek into Latin, and said that he had translated likewise a great part of his Exposition upon Genesis; saying moreover, that the said Chrysostome had made expositions in Greek of the whole of the Old Testament, and also of the New.

    The monks of Charterhouse first entered into this land, A.D. 1180. In the year 1181, Richard Peck, a404 bishop of Coventry, before his death renounced his bishopric, and became a canon in the church of St. Thomas by Stafford. f494 About the latter time of this King Henry, one Hugo, a405 whom men were wont to call St. Hugh of Lincoln, born in Burgundy, and prior of the monks of Charterhouse, was preferred by the king to the bishopric of Lincoln, who after his death is said to have done great miracles, and therefore was counted a saint. A. D. 1186. f495 Baldwin, a406 archbishop of Canterbury, began the building of his new house and church of Lambeth; but by the letters of Pope Clement III., he was forbidden to proceed in the building thereof. A.D. 1187. f496 I find likewise in the aforesaid old written chronicle remaining in the hands of one William Cary, citizen of London, that King Henry II. gave to the court and church of Rome for the death of Thomas Becket, forty thousand marks of silver, and five thousand marks of gold. A.D. 1187.

    Mention was made a little above of Almaric, king of Jerusalem, who destroyed Babylon, so that it was never after to this day restored, but lieth waste and desolate; wherein was fulfilled that which by the prophets, in so many places, was threatened to Babylon before. This Almaric had a son named Baldwin, and a daughter called Sibylla. Baldwin, from the beginning of his reign, was a leper, and had the falling-sickness, being not able, for feebleness of body, although valiant in heart and stomach, to satisfy that function.

    Sibylla, his sister, was first married to one William, marquis of Mount Ferrat, by whom she had a son, called also Baldwin. After him she was married to another husband, named Guido de Lusignan, earl of Joppa and of Ascalon. Upon this it befel that the aforesaid Baldwin the leper, son of Almaric, being thus feeble and infirm, as is said, called his nobles together, with his mother and the patriarch, declaring to them his inability, and by their consents committed the under-government of the city unto Guido, the husband of Sibylla, his sister. But he being found insufficient, or else not lucky in the government thereof, the office was translated to another, named Raimund, earl of Tripolis. In the mean while, the soldan with his Saracens mightily prevailed against the Christians, and overran the country of Palestine, during which time Baldwin the king deputed; whereby the kingdom fell next to Baldwin (the son of Sibylla, by her first husband, William), who, being but five years old, was put to the custody of the above Raimund. This Baldwin also died in his minority, before he came to his crown, whereby the next succession by descent fell to Sibylla, the wife of Guido above mentioned. The peers and nobles, joining together in council, offered unto the said Sibylla, as to the lawful heir to the crown, that she should be their queen, with this condition, that she should sequester from her, by solemn divorcement, the aforesaid Guido, her husband; but she refused the kingdom offered to her on that condition, till at last the magistrates, with the nobles in general, granted unto her, and by their oaths confirmed the same, that whomsoever she would choose to be her husband, all they would take and obey as their king. Also Guido, her husband, with like petition among the rest, humbly requested her that the kingdom, for his sake, or for his private loss, might not be destitute of government. At length, she, with tears consenting to their entreaty, was contented, and solemnly was crowned their queen, who, after the custom, again received their fidelity by their oath; whereupon Guido, without any hope either of wife or kingdom, departed home quietly to his own. This done, the queen, assembling her states and prelates together, entered talk with them about the choosing of the king, according to that which they had promised, and sworn unto her, namely, to obey him as their king, whom she would name to be her husband. Thus, while they were all in great expectation, waiting every man whom she would nominate, the queen, with a loud voice, said to Guido, that stood amongst them: “Guido, my lord, I choose thee for my husband, and yielding myself and my kingdom unto you, openly I protest you to be the king.” At these words all the assembly being amazed, wondered that one simple woman so wisely had beguiled so many wise men; and worthy was she, no doubt, to be commended and extolled for her singular virtue, both of faithful chastity and high prudence; so tempering the matter, that she both obtained to her husband the kingdom, and retained to herself again her husband, whom she so faithfully loved. A.D. 1186. f497 As I have hitherto described the public acts of King Henry, so now I mean to touch something of his private conditions. He was of mean stature, eloquent and learned, manly and bold in chivalry, fearful of the mutability and chance of war, more lamenting the death of his soldiers dead, than loving them alive; none more courteous and liberal for the obtaining of his purpose; in peace and tranquillity none more rough; stubborn against the stubborn; sometimes merciful to those whom he had vanquished; straight to his household servants, but liberal to strangers; publicly, of public things, liberal, sparing of his own; whom once he took a displeasure against, hardly, or never, would he receive again to favor; somewhat lavish of his tongue; a willing breaker of his promise; a lover of his own ease, but an oppressor of his nobility; a severe avenger and furtherer of justice; variable of word, and crafty in his talk; an open adulterer; a nourisher of discord amongst his children; moreover. the papists, bearing him for Thomas Becket’s quarrel and such like, as may be gathered, no good will, term him an adversary of the faith, the mall and beetle of the church.

    Also in the chronicle entitled ‘Scala Mundi’ I find of him, that he followed the steps, manners, and conditions of Henry I, his grandfather, in every point. He preserved firm peace, and executed strict justice, through all his dominions. He loved marvelous well his forests; and again, those who were transgressors either to his crown or person, he most severely punished.

    Moreover, in a certain history entitled ‘De Regibus Angliae,’ I find, that this king was sundry times admonished to reform and amend his life, and first by one who was an old man, in the castle of Cardif in Wales, on the Sunday which is called ‘Dominica in albis,’ the eighth, day after Easter; where also, after that he heard mass, and was going to take his horse, there stood a certain man by him, somewhat yellowish, his hair being rounded, lean, and ill-favored, having on a white coat, and being barefoot, who looked upon the king, and spake in German on this wise—“Good old king;” that done, thus he proceedeth-” Christ and his blessed mother, John Baptist and Peter, salute you, and straitly charge you, that upon the Sundays, throughout all your dominions, there be no buying and selling, or other servile business (those only excepted which appertain to the preparation of meat and drink); which thing if thou shalt observe, whatsoever thou takest in hand, thou shalt happily finish and bring to pass.” Then spake the king, in French, unto the knight that held his .horse by the bridle: “Ask of this churl whether he dreamed this or not?” And in the mean while that the knight should have interpreted the king’s words in English, he spake in German as before, and said, “Whether this be a dream or not, mark well what day this is; for unless thou do these things and amend thy life, such news shalt thou hear within these twelve months, as will make thee lament and mourn till thy dying day.” And when these words were spoken, the man vanished out of his sight; and within one year after, Henry, Geffrey, and Richard, his sons, forsook him, their father, and took part with the French king. The king of Scots, and the earls of Chester and Leicester, made an insurrection against the king. Many other premonitions were given also to the king, but all these did he little esteem.

    The second who did admonish him, was a certain Irishman, giving him certain secret signs. And thirdly, a certain knight of Lindesey, f499 named Philip de Easterby, sailing with him over into France, declared unto the king, in Normandy, seven articles which he should amend; which thing if he would do, he should reign seven years most honorably, and should take the holy cross from his enemies; or else he, in the fourth year, should die in great ignominy. The three first things were these, which he at his coronation swore to observe, that is, to defend the church, to enact good laws, and to condemn no man to death without judgment; the fourth was, for the restoring of inheritance wrongfully taken; the fifth was, in doing justice without reward; the sixth was, of the due payment of men’s wages and stipends; the seventh was, of expelling the Jews, leaving them some money to depart withal. But the king not amending his life, there rose up against him three strong enemies; that is to say, his three sons, along with the French king. But, after the king, forsooth, had gone a pilgrimage to the martyr’s tomb, barefoot, William, king of Scots, and the earls of Chester and Leicester, were taken at Alnwick. f500 In the five and thirtieth year of his reign, being in the castle of Chinon in Normandy, he died; at whose death those who were present were so greedy of the spoil, that they left the body of the king naked, and not so much could be found as a cloth to cover it, till that a page coming in and seeing the king so ignominiously to lie, threw his cloak upon his nether parts; wherein, saith the author, was verified the surname which from his youth he bare, being called Henry Court Mantil.

    RICHARD THE FIRST F501 In the year above recited, which was A.D. 1189, King Richard, the eldest son of Henry II, succeeding his father, entered his crown; at which time Pope Clement sat at Rome, succeeding after Gregory, who died a little before with sorrow for the loss of the holy cross. f503 During the time of his coronation, it befel, that notwithstanding the king, the day before his coronation, by public edict commanded both the Jews, and their wives, not to presume to enter either the church or his palace, during the solemnization of his coronation, amongst his nobles and barons; yet, while the king was at dinner, the chief men of the Jews, with divers others of the Jewish affinity and superstitious sect, against the king’s prohibition, together with other press, entered the court gates. Whereat a Christian man being offended, struck one of them with his hand or fist, and bade him stand further from the court gate, as the king had given commandment; whose example others also following, being displeased with the Jews, offered them the like contumely. Others also, supposing that the king had so commanded indeed, as using the authority of the king, fell upon all the Jews that stood by without the court gate. And first they beat them with their fists, but afterwards they took up stones and such other things as they could get, and threw at them, and beat them therewith.

    And thus driving them from the court gates, some of them they wounded, some they slew, and some they left for dead.

    There was amongst this number of the Jews one called ‘Benedict,’ a Jew of York, who was so sorely wounded and beaten with the rest, that, for fear of his life, he said he would become a Christian, and was indeed of William, the prior of the church of St. Mary of York, baptized; whereby he escaped the great peril of death he was in, and the persecutors’ hands. In the mean while there was a great rum our spread throughout all the city of London, that the king had commanded to destroy all the Jews. Whereupon, as well the citizens, as innumerable people more, being assembled to see the king’s coronation, armed themselves and came together. The Jews thus being for the most part slain, the rest fled into their houses, where for a time, through the strong and sure building of them, they were defended. But at length their houses were set on fire, and they destroyed therein.

    These things being declared to the king, whilst he with his nobles and barons were at dinner, he sendeth immediately Ranulfe de Glanvile, the lord high steward of England, with divers other noblemen to accompany him, that they might stay and restrain these so bold enterprises of the Londoners: but all was in vain, for in this so great a tumult none there was that either regarded what the nobility said, or else any whit reverenced their personages, but rather with stern looks and threatening words advised them, and that quickly, to depart. Whereupon they, with good deliberation, thinking it the best so to do, departed; the tumult and insurrection continuing till the next day. At which time also the king, sending certain of his officers into the city, gave them in commandment to apprehend and present some, such as were the chief of the malefactors: of whom three were condemned to be hanged, and so were; the one, for that he had robbed a Christian’s house in this tumult; and the other two, for that they fired the houses, to the great danger of the city. After this, the king sent for him who from a Jew was converted to Christianity, and in the presence of those who saw when he was baptized, the king asked him whether he was become a Christian or not? He answering the king, said, No, but to the intent that he might escape death, he permitred the Christians to do with him what they listed, Then the king asked the archbishop of Canterbury, other archbishops and bishops being present, what were best to be done with him? Who unadvisedly answering, said, “If he will not be a man of God, let him be a man of the devil:” and so revolted he again to Judaism.

    Then the king sent his writs to the sheriffs of every county, to inquire for the authors and stirrers of this outrage; of whom three were hanged, divers were imprisoned. So great was then the hatred of Englishmen against the Jews, that as soon as they began to be repulsed in the court, the Londoners taking example thereof fell upon them, set their houses on fire, and spoiled their goods. The country again, following the example of the Londoners, semblably did the like. And thus the year, which the Jews took to be their jubilee, was to them a year of confusion; insomuch that in the city of York, the Jews obtaining the occupying of a certain castle for their preservation, and afterwards not being willing to restore it to the Christians again, when they saw no other remedy, but by force to be vanquished, first they offered much money for their lives; when that would not be taken, by the counsel of an old Jew amongst \hem, every one, with a sharp razor, cut another’s throat, whereby a thousand and five hundred of them were at that time destroyed. Neither was this plague of theirs undeserved; for every year commonly their custom was, to get some Christian man’s child from the parents, and on Good Friday to crucify him, in despite of our religion. f508 King Richard, after the death of his father, coming unto remembrance of himself, and of his rebellion against his father, sought for absolution of his trespass; and. in part of satisfaction for the same, agreed with Philip, the French king, at a certain interview, to take his voyage with him for the recovery of Christ’s patrimony, which they called the Holy Land.

    Whereupon the said King Richard, immediately after his coronation, to prepare himself the better towards his journey, set to sale divers of his manors, whereof Godfrey Lucy, then bishop of Winchester, bought a couple for two thousand marks; to wit, Wergrave and Melenge. The abbot of Bury bought another for a thousand marks, called Middlesay, or Mildenhall. Hugh Puzas, bishop of Durham, a411 bought the lordship of Seggesfield or Sedberga, with the wapentake, and all the appurtenances thereto belonging: he bought also the earldom of Northumberland, whom when the king should solemnize after the manner of secular earls, merrily with a mocking jest, “Lo,” said he, “of an old bishop I have made a young earl.” And because the said bishop had professed before by a solemn vow to visit the Holy Land, to be released of his vow, he compounded with the pope for a great sum of money therefor; and moreover gave to the king a thousand marks to remain at home, as the chief justice of England. *At that time it appeareth that these taxes, tolls, exactions, and subsidies, either were not known, or not so much had in use; by reason whereof this king was driven to make other shifts, by selling offices, liberties, and privileges.* Over and besides, the king set out all that he had to sale, woods, castles, townships, lordships, earldoms, baronages,* and, as he said himself, he would have sold London also, if he could have found any able to buy it;* ordaining also divers new bishops, and not without some advantage, as appeared, to his purse; feigning moreover his old seal to be lost, that they which had lands to hold might be driven to renew their writings again by the new seal, whereby great substance of money was gained. Above all this, by the commandment of Pope Clement III, a tenth also was exacted of the whole realm, in such sort as that the Christians should make up for the king seventy thousand pounds, the Jews sixty thousand pounds, f511 Philip the French king, a412 in the time of his parliament at St. Denis, in the month of November, sent Rotrou, earl of Perche, with certain earls and barons, to King Richard, desiring him to remember his promise made for the recovery of Christ’s holy patrimony out of the Saracens’ hands; certifying him how he had bound himself by solemn oath, deposing upon the Evangelists, that he, the next year following, about the time of Easter, had certainly prefixed to address himself towards that journey: requiring him likewise not to fail, but to be ready at the term above limited, appointing also the place where both the kings should meet together. Unto whom he sent word again, solemnly swearing on the Evangelists, that he would be ready at the appointed time and place. Whereupon he applied himself diligently to prepare; but especially his care was to make unity and concord between parties that were at variance, and to set them together at one.

    After which the king, a413 in the month of December, sailed to France, where the French king and he conferring together, for the more continuance of their journey assured themselves by solemn oath, swearing fidelity one unto the other; the form of whose oath was this: That either of them should defend and maintain the honor of the other, and bear true fidelity unto him of life, members, and worldly honor; and that neither of them should fail one the other in their affairs; but that the French king should aid the king of England in defending his land and dominions, as he would himself defend his own city of Paris, if it were besieged; and that Richard, king of England, likewise should aid the French king in defending his land and dominions, no otherwise than he would defend his own city of Rouen, if it were besieged, etc. But how slenderly this oath did hold between these two kings, and by whose chief occasion first it fell asunder, the sequel of the story (the Lord willing) shall declare hereafter. But because they could not make ready by Easter, according to the former appointment, they concluded to take a longer day, proroguing their voyage till after Midsummer. In the mean time, the king occupying himself in redressing and establishing such things as further were to be ordered, there determined that Geffrey and John, his brethren, should not enter into England within three years after his departure; nevertheless he released that bond afterward to his brother John.

    The next year ensued, which was A.D.1190, in the beginning of which year, upon Twelfth-even, fell a foul northern brawl, which turned well near to a fray, between the archbishop newly elected of the church of York and his company, on the one side, and Henry, dean of the said church, with his catholic partakers, on the other side, upon occasion as followeth: Gaufrid, or Geffrey, son of King Henry II and brother to King Richard, whom the king had elected a little before to the archbishopric of York, upon the even of the Epiphany, which we call Twelfth-day, was disposed to hear evensong with all solemnity in the cathedral church, having with him Hamon the precentor, with divers canons of the church. The archbishop tarrying something long, belike in adorning and attiring himself, in the meanwhile Henry the dean, and Bucard the treasurer, disdaining to tarry his coming, with a bold courage lustily began their holy evensong, with singing their psalms, ruffling of descant, and merry piping of organs. Thus, this catholic evensong, with as much devotion begun, as to God’s high service proceeding, was now almost half complete, when as at length (they being in the midst of their mirth) cometh in the newly-elect with his train and gardeviance, a415 all full of wrath and indignation, for that they durst be so bold, not waiting for him, to begin God’s service, and so eftsoons commanded the quire to stay and hold their peace. The precentor likewise, whose name was Hamon, by virtue of his office, commandeth the same.

    But the dean and treasurer, on the other side, willed them to proceed; and so they sung on, and would not stint. Titus, the one half crying against the other, the whole quire was in a roar, their singing was turned to scolding, their chanting to, chiding; and if instead of the organs they had had a drum, I doubt they would have ‘sol-fa-ed’ by the ears together.

    At last, through the authority of the archbisbop, and of the praecentor, the quire began to surcease and give silence. Then the newly elect, not contented with what had been sung before, with certain of the quire, began the evensong over again. The treasurer, upon the same, * not thinking to take such a foil,* caused, by virtue of his office, all the tapers and* the candles to be put out, *and so their unhappy evensong was ceased again. For, like as without the light and beams of the sun there is nothing but darkness in all the world, even so you must understand the pope’s church can see to do nothing, * and that the popish evensong is blind without candlelight, yea, though the sun should shine in the quire never so dear and bright; by reason whereof they went away evensongless, and so left their God in the church, that night, unserved.* This being so, the archbishop, thus disappointed on every side of his purpose, made a grievous plaint, declaring to the clergy and to the people what the dean and treasurer had done; and so upon the same, suspended both them and the church from all divine service, till they should make to him due satisfaction for their trespass.

    Where note, by the way, good reader, that either the singing of the popish service doth little serve to God’s honor, or else how could this archbishop be so injurious to God, to stop him of his honor because they had dishonored him? But to the purpose again.* The next day, which was the day of Epiphany, when all the people of the city were assembled in the cathedral church, as their manner was (namely, in such feasts), devoutly to hear divine service, as they call it, of the church, there were also present the archbishop and the precentor, with the residue of the clergy, looking when the dean and treasurer would come and submit themselves, making satisfaction for their crime. But they, still continuing in their stoutness, refused so to do, exclaiming and uttering contemptuous words against the archbishop and his partakers. Which when the people heard, they in a great rage would have fallen upon them; but the archbishop would not suffer that. The dean then and his fellows, perceiving the stir of the people, for fear, like pretty men, were fain to flee, some to the tomb of St. William of York; some ran unto the dean’s house, and there shrouded themselves, whom the archbishop then accursed. And so, for that day, the people returned home without any service. f513 At which time the long contention began also to be appeased, which so many years had continued between Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury, and his monks of Christchurch; the discourse whereof, although it be somewhat tedious, to be set forth at large, being enough to make a whole tragedy, yet to the intent the age now present may see what great conflicts and disquietness, upon what little trifles, have been stirred up, what little peace and unity hath been not only in this church, but commonly in all other churches under the pope’s catholic regiment, I thought it not labor ill bestowed somewhat to intermeddle in opening to the eyes of the reader the consideration of this matter; wherein first is to be understood, that the archbishops of Canterbury, commonly being set up by the pope, especially since the time of the Conquest, have put the kings of this land to much sorrow and trouble, as appeared by William Rufus and Lanfranc, and also Anselm; by Henry I. and Anselm; King Stephen and Theobald; Henry II. and Becket, etc. For which the kings of this land have used the more care and circumspection, to have such archbishops placed in the see as either should stand with them, or at the least should not be against them. f515 Now to the purpose of our matter intended. First, after Lanfranc, who was archbishop twenty years, the see standing vacant five years, succeeded Anselm, and sat fifteen years; a416 after whom, the see standing vacant five years, succeeded Rodulph, and continued, eight years; then followed William, who sat thirteen years, and died A.D. 1187; after whom came Theobald, in the time of King Stephen. This Theobald, being no great favourer of the monkish generation, fell out with Jeremias, prior of the house of Canterbury, for certain causes between them; for which the archbishop, taking stomach against the prior, would lay the sentence of interdiction against him. The prior, seeing that, to save himself, made his appeal to Pope Innocent. The archbishop, provoked the more by that, deposed him from his priorship, and placed one Walter in his room.

    Jeremias, notwithstanding, making his complaint and appeal to Rome, obtained letters from the pope to Henry bishop of Winchester, being the pope’s legate, by virtue whereof, he, against the heart of the archbishop, was restored, and Walter displaced. Nevertheless, the said .Jeremy, not willing there to continue with displeasure of the archbishop, shortly after, of his own accord, renounced his priory, and Walter again was received in his stead. Not long after this followed the general council at Rheims, A.D. 1148. To that council, Theobald, contrary to the commandment of the king, would needs resort, to show his obedience to the pope; wherefore, at his returning home again, the king took such displeasure with him, that, within a while after, the archbishop was driven to void the realm, and fly into France, where he, by censure of interdiction, suspended divers churches and religious houses which refused to come to the council; and also, hearing how the king had seized upon all his goods, he interdicted likewise all the king’s land whatsoever, belonging to the crown: so that the king, in conclusion, was fain to compound with him, and fall to agreement, which was about A.D. 1148. f516 After this, A.D. 1151, after the death of Hugh, abbot of St. Austin’s in Canterbury, Silvester was elected by the covent to be their abbot in the reign of King Stephen. When this Silvester came unto Theobald the archbishop, to make his profession of subjection unto him, and to receive of him consecration, the archbishop was contented, if that the abbot would come to Christchurch in Canterbury, and there make his profession. But to this, Silvester in no case would yield to take his consecration there; but, in any other church, wheresoever the archbishop would, he was contented.

    To this, when the archbishop in nowise would agree, Silvester, making a great bag of money, went to Rome, where he obtained of the pope for money (for what cannot money do at Rome?) letters that the archbishop should consecrate the abbot in his own church of St. Austin, and also not exact of him any profession of canonical subjection. Hereupon the archbishop was compelled, against his will, to come to the abbot’s church, and there, at the pope’s commandment, to consecrate him simply, and without any further profession to be required.

    Then Walter, prior of Christchurch in Canterbury, seeing that, and perceiving how prejudicial and derogatory the example thereof would be to the honor and majesty of their church, through counsel of his brethren, went thither; and, notwithstanding the doors were straitly watched and kept, yet, by means, he at last got in; and as he saw the archbishop attired in his pontificalibus, ready to minister consecration to the abbot, he stepped straight to the archbishop, and at once appealeth him up to Rome, for the great injury wrought against the church of Canterbury, forbidding him in the name of him to whom he appealed, to proceed any further. And so this holy consecration was for the present time staid, for which Silvester, with a new purse of money, was fain to travel and trot again to Rome, where he, complaining of the archbishop, and accusing him of contempt of the pope, in not executing the commandment sent down, obtaineth again new letters with more effectual charge to the aforesaid archbishop, that he, without any profession, simply should give to Silvester his consecration in his own church, “omni occasione et appellatione remota,” “all manner of stay., or let, or appellation to the contrary notwithstanding.” And so, in conclusion, the abbot, contrary to whatsoever the archbishop and all the monks of Canterbury could do, was, in his own church, made abbot, and had the victory for that time.

    Notwithstanding, the archbishop left not the matter so, but within five years after obtained of Pope Adrian, that Silvester should make profession of his obedience to the archbishop, and so he did. f517 In a few years after this died King Stephen, A.D. 1154; and after him Theobald, the archbishop, A.D. 1161, after he had sat three and twenty years; after whom, through the instant procurement of King Henry II., was placed Thomas Becket, the king’s chancellor, A.D. 1162, of whose sturdy rebellion against the king because sufficient hath been said before, it shall not need to make a double labor now about the same.

    After the death of Becket, much ado there was between King Henry II and Odo, prior of Canterbury, about the election of a new archbishop. For the king seeing the realm so oftentimes encumbered by those popish archbishops, and fearing lest the monks of Canterbury should elect such another as would follow the steps of Thomas Becket, most humbly, with cap in hand, and courtesy of knee, desired Odo the prior, that at his request, and for contentation of his mind, such a one might be elected as he would appoint (appointing and naming a certain bishop, who was a good simple man after the king’s liking); but the prior dissemblingly answering the king again, that he neither could nor would, without the consent of his covent, give promise to any man; in fine, contrary to the king’s so humble request, he agreed to the election of another, who was the prior of Dover, called Richard, A.D. 1173, and who continued in that see eleven years.

    And here was renewed again the like variance between this archbishop, and Roger, abbot of the Austin monks in Canterbury, as was before mentioned between Theobald and Silvester; for, when the said Roger, after his election to be abbot, must needs take his: consecration at the archbishop’s hand, the archbishop would not grant it unto him, unless he made profession of obedience, according to the ancient custom of his predecessors. Then Roger, consulting with his monks, at first refused so to do; but at length was contented, so it might not be done in the archbishop’s church, but in any other church where he would, underwriting this clause withal, “salvis utriusque ecclesiae privilegiis;” that is, “saving the privileges of both churches.” To this the archbishop said again, first, that he should make his due and canonical profession, and that he should not come to him with writing or underwriting, but should say in his heart, “salve sancta parens,” or “salve festa dies,” not “salvis privi-legiis,” or any such like thing.

    Whereunto when the Austin monks in no case would consent, nor the archbishop otherwise would grant his benediction, Roger the abbot was fain to post to Rome, and there to bring the archbishop in hatred in the court of Rome, and made his abbey tributary to Pope Alexander. A.D. 1177.

    The pope, well contented with this, not only granteth the abbot his desire, but also, in contumely of the archbishop, dubbeth the abbot with all such ornaments as to a prelate appertain; and so, A.D. 1178, sent home the abbot triumphantly with his ring and mitre, and other ensigns of victory, with letters also to the archbishop, enjoining him, immediately upon the sight thereof, to consecrate the abbot in his own church, and without making any profession. Although with these letters the archbishop was shrewdly pressed, yet, notwithstanding, his stout heart would not stoop for this; but he laid his appeal against the same, and so the consecration for that time was suspended.

    Then Roger, for his more defense, getting the king’s letters, traveled up the second time to Rome, where grievously he complained to Pope Alexander of the archbishop. At the same time a general council was summoned to be kept at Lateran, where Richard the aforesaid archbishop was also looked for amongst other bishops to be present, who came as far as Paris, but, being there, durst approach no further, and so retired home again; whereupon the pope being offended with his contempt, without any more delay, exalted the abbot with his own consecration, and invested him with all pomp and glory; howbeit, providing before that the said consecration should redound to no prejudice against the liberties of the mother church of Canterbury, and so, upon the same, wrote to the archbishop his letters of certificate, with this addition annexed, “salvo jure et dignitate Cant ecclesiae:” that is to say, “saving the liberties and dignities of the church of Canterbury.”

    The council ended, Roger the abbot returneth home, although with an empty purse, yet full of victory and triumph. The archbishop, again thinking to work some grievance to the Austin monks, had procured, in the mean time, letters from Pope Alexander to the bishop of Durham and the abbot of St. Alban’s, that they should cause the said Roger, abbot of the Austin monks, to show unto the archbishop all the old privileges of his house; which indeed, being showed, seemed to be rased and new written, with bulls of lead not after the manner or style of that age, nor pretending any such antiquity as should seem to reach from the time of Austin, but rather newly counterfeit.

    All this notwithstanding, the abbot, bearing him bold upon the pope’s layout, ceased not still to disquiet and overcrow the archbishop by all ways he could, in exempting all his priests and laymen belonging to his jurisdiction from the archbishop’s obedience; forbidding also that any of his should come to his chapters or synods, or fear any sentence of his curse or excommunication. Whereupon the archbishop, about the month of November the same year, sailing over to Normandy, where the king was, thought to take his journey to the pope to complain of the abbot; but being stayed by the king, he was not suffered to pass any further, the king laboring what he could to bring them to agreement. Nevertheless the pope and his “Romans,” saith my story, “caring more for gold and silver, than for justice, still stirred coals of sedition and debate between them.” f518 In the year ensuing, which was A.D. 1184, died Richard, the archbishop aforesaid, in the eight and thirtieth year a417 of King Henry II, after whose decease much trouble happened about the election of a new archbishop, between the king and the monks of Canterbury. And now, to enter here into the story of Baldwin, above mentioned: first, the king sent to the monks, that they should consider with themselves about the election of their archbishop, and be ready against the time that he would send for them to the court. Upon this the covent, gladly assembling together, agreed in themselves upon one, whom they thought chiefly to prefer; yet naming four more, that if the king should refuse one, the other yet might stand.

    Now the practice of the monks was, first, to keep the election in their own hands only, as much as they could. And secondly, ever to give the election either to some prior or monk of their own house, or to some abbot or bishop who sometimes had been of their company; whereby, as much inconvenience and blind superstition was bred in the church of England, so the same disliked both the king and the bishops not a little.

    As this past on, King Henry II, when he saw his time, willed the monks of Canterbury to be cited or sent for, to understand what they had concluded in their election. Whereupon the monks sent up their prior, called Alanus, with certain other monks, to Reading, where the king then lay, about the month of August; who at first were courteously entertained, but, after the king had intelligence whom they had nominated and elected, they were sent home again with cold cheer; the king willing them to pray better, and to advise more earnestly upon the matter amongst themselves. Alanus, the prior, with his fellows, thus departed; who coming home, in conclusion, so concluded amongst themselves, that they would remit no jot of their liberties to the king, without the pope’s consent and knowledge. The king understanding hereof, sent his ambassadors likewise to the pope, for the fortifying of his cause, being in the mean time grievously offended with the prior, saying, that he was proud, and would make archbishop whom he listed, and would be the second pope in England, etc.

    Not long after this, as these letters were sent up to Rome, the king sent for Alanus the prior, and more of the monks, to come to him; whom he entreateth, desiring them in gentle speech that they would show as much gentleness and favor to him being their lord and king (as becometh his friends and subjects to do), as to confer with the bishops of the realm about this matter, and to take some better counsel, such as might redound to God’s glory, his honor, and the wealth of the public state, with other like words to the same effect; to whom when the prior had answered again, with thanks and due reverence, according to the king’s request, the bishops and monks went to confer together about the matter. And first, the bishops marveled why the monks should exclude them out of the election, seeing they were professed and suffragans to the said church of Canterbury; “Neither is there any prince,” quoth the bishop of Bath, “that will refuse our counsel.” “There be some counsels,” said the monks, “whereat you may be called; but as touching the doing of this election, it pertaineth not unto you further than to publish only, and denounce the party whom we have chosen.” the bishop of London then asked if they had already made an election? “No election,” said the prior, “as yet, but only we have denominated the persons.” “Then have ye proceeded further,” quoth he, “than ye ought, having commandment from the pope not to proceed without us.” And with that was brought forth the pope’s letter, commanding that within forty days the bishops of England, and the prior and covent of Canterbury, should elect an able and fit person for their archbishop. About the scanning of these letters was much ado. The bishops said, they were first named, and therefore ought to have most interest in this election. The monks said again, that they also were not excluded, and required to have a transcript of the letter, whereof much doubt was made. After long concertation, when they could not agree, the king, coming between them both, called away the bishops from the monks; supposing, by separating the one from the other, to draw both parties to his sentence. But that would not be; for the monks, stiffly standing to their liberties, would lose no pre-eminence of their church, still alleging how, by the ancient privileges of the church of Canterbury, the covent should choose their pastor and bishop, and the prior was but to publish and denounce the person. The bishops again replied, “That it was their right to appoint their archbishop and metropolitan, who were bishops and suffragans; and namely, the bishop of London, also being dean of the said church of Canterbury.” The king then, as umpire between them, yet favoring raffler the side of the bishops, desired them to agree together in peace. When that would not prevail, he set the lord steward, and other noblemen, to entreat the prior to draw to some agreement; at least to be contented with this form of election, which was, that the bishop of London, or some other bishop, should declare the election in these words: “We bishops, and the prior and covent of Christ’s church, in Canterbury, with the assent of our lord the king, do choose such a person to be archbishop,” etc. Or else thus, that the prior should pronounce the election in these words, saying: “The bishops of England, and I prior, and the covent of Canterbury, with the assent of our lord and king, do choose such a person,” etc.

    Upon this, the prior said he would convent with his covent. The latter, with much ado, were content to yield to the king’s desire; but afterward, being required to put down the same in writing, that they refused to do; yet notwithstanding, relented at last to the king. But when the bishops made excuses for the absence of their fellow bishops, the matter for that time staid; and the king, sending home the monks again to their house in peace, deferred that business to a further day, which was till the first day of December; commanding the prior with his fellows the same day not to fail, but to be at London about the choosing of the archbishop, A.D. 1184.

    As the day prefixed came, the prior with his company were also present; who, giving attendance all that day, and also the day following, were thus driven off till the third day after. At length the lord steward, with other nobles of the realm, were sent to them from the king, to declare, that whereas the king before had divided the bishops from the monks, that they both might have their election by themselves, after the form of a bill which was put down in writing: now, the mind of the king was, that the monks, taking another way, should join with the bishops, and so, having the matter in talk together, should proceed jointly in the election.

    Against this, many things were alleged by the prior and his mates, complaining much of the bishops, who said, that the bishops had ever holden with the kings, against the liberties of their church and archbishops.

    As first, they stood against Anselm for King William; then against Theobald for King Stephen; after that against Becket for King Henry; and after him, did supplant the election of Richard, their archbishop; and now again, went about to practice and work against this their election present.

    At last, the prior with his fellows concluding, desired they might speak with the king himself; who, presently coming unto them, willed them as good men to be contented, and go talk with the bishops about the election, promising, that whom they agreed upon, he also would grant his assent unto the same. To whom, when the prior again had objected the writings that before were made; “True it is,” said the king, “such writings were made, but I neither may nor will go against the council of my realm; and therefore agree,” said he, “with my bishops and abbots, and remember that the voice of the people is the voice of God.”

    Upon this the prior with his monks, seeing no other remedy, went to the bishops to confer, according to the king’s request, about the election; who then were willed by the bishops to nominate whom they would, and the bishops would likewise name theirs. So, when the prior with his accomplices had named three, after their choosing, the bishops said they would nominate but one; and so did, who was the bishop of Worcester; willing the prior to go home, and to confer with his covent about the same, to whom, shortly after, the bishops sent certain priests, to signify to the covent, that they, according to the pope’s letters, should repair to the bishops concerning the election of the archbishop; and to declare, moreover, to them, that the persons whom they had named were good men, but that he whom they had nominated was a more worthy man, whom they both had nominated, and also would elect. The monks, marveling hereat, sent two monks with the archdeacon of Canterbury to the king.

    This done, immediately after the return of the priests, the bishops caused all the bells of the city to be rung, and ‘Te Deum’ to be sung for the archbishop newly elect; and when the two monks brought tidings to the covent at Canterbury of what was done at London, they were all in a marvelous dump. The king hearing this, and perceiving the stiffness of the monks, in all haste sent messengers to Canterbury, with gentle words, to will the prior to come to the king, and certify him of the purpose of his monks. Unto whom the prior, soon coming, declareth in the name of the whole covent, that in no case he nor the monks would ever, while the world stood, agree to that election of the bishops, unless the king, in his own person, would come to Canterbury, and there openly, before the whole covent, would protest, by his own mouth, the aforesaid election to be nought and void; and so returning to London again, would likewise openly, before the clergy and people, repudiate and reject the same: and, furthermore, that the party also elected should openly, in the same place, protest and say, that he neither would nor ought to take that function upon him, unless he entered with the consent of the prior and covent of Canterbury; and that all this should be done in the same place where the bishops had made their election before; and so, peradventure, said they, at the king’s so earnest suit and request, they would gratify his will, and ratify the said election with the voices of their consent. To make the story short, after great hold between the secular clergy on the one side, and the regular order on the other side, and after the king’s indignation against the prior, and the swooning of the prior before the king, at length the king to take up the matter, and to save the prior’s life, was fain to perform in his own person all those conditions above prescribed by the monks. A.D. 1184.

    And thus have ye heard the tragical election of the bishop of Worcester, named Baldwin, made archbishop of Canterbury. Now what a troublesome time the said Baldwin had with the monks in governing the church of Canterbury, here followeth likewise not unworthy to be considered.

    THE TROUBLES BETWEEN BALDWIN, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, AND THE MONKS OF THE SAME CHURCH In the first year the archbishop showed himself friendly and loving to the monks; the year following he began to appear somewhat rough unto them.

    The manner then was of the house of Christ-church, toward the time of the Nativity and of Easter, to receive certain presents or gifts of their farmers or tenants, which the cellarer should take and lay up. Those presents the archbishop began first to intercept from the monks, and to bestow them upon his secular clerks. After this he took three churches or benefices, which the monks claimed as proper to themselves, and placed in them three of his chaplains. After this he encroacheth to his hands certain tenements, revenues and victuals, belonging before to the monks, as they said, and committed the custody thereof to certain of his own clerks and household servants.

    The monks, who had borne so much with the archbishop before, seeing this, could forbear with him no longer, but needs would make their appeal against him. The archbishop, not much regarding that, waxed thereby the more fierce against them, insomuch that such farms and tenements as he before had let alone, he now received to his own occupying, with many other grievances wherewith he greatly ve ed the monks, so that three abbots were fain to come and reconcile the archbishop and the monks; which reconciliation was this, that the monks should let fall their appeal, and the archbishop should restore again to them their farms and tenements.

    But as touching the benefices and the presents, the archbishop still kept them in his hands for a further trial of their obedience and patience.

    Nevertheless, some there were of the ancient monks who in no case would give over the aforesaid appeal, before the archbishop made a full restitution of all together.

    After this agreement, such as it was, between the monks and him, the archbishop soon after sent up to Rome one of his chaplains, unto whom he had given one of the benefices aforementioned, partly for confirmation of his benefice, partly also to obtain license for the archbishop to build a church, which he intended to erect, of secular priests near unto the town of Canterbury. Which being obtained of the pope, the archbishop, not a little glad thereof, began now more and more to wax fierce against the monks, not only in taking from them their churches and oblations, but also in aggravating the whole state of their house, which he intended either to subvert or greatly to diminish, to pluck down the pride and stubbornness of the monks. Wherefore, taking with him certain other bishops, who, he knew, bare no good will to that monkish generation, he went to the king, declaring how he had a good purpose in his mind to erect a new and a solemn church, in honor of St. Thomas of Canterbury, of secular priests or canons, and therefore desired of the king to have his favorable license to the same. The king, right well perceiving the purpose of the archbishop whither it tended, as to the bridling of the stiff-necked monks, was the more willing to give assent, if he were not also the chief worker of that matter himself.

    The intent of the archbishop in planting of that new church, was to found there divers prebends, and to make both the king and every bishop, being his suffragans, prebendaries thereof, so that every one of them should confer one prebendship on the same foundation; minding there to consecrate bishops, to make his chrismatory, to celebrate his synods, and to administer all other things belonging unto the function of his see, and the same to be called Hakington church. The monks, not ignorant how the archbishop privily intended the desolation and subversion of their house and liberties, consulting upon the matter, determined at length among themselves to appeal to the see of Rome, for these three causes against the archbishop; namely, first, for spoiling them of their gifts and oblations: secondly, for depriving them of their churches and benefices: and thirdly, for erecting a new foundation of secular canons, to the derogation and overthrow of their religious order; giving admonition to the archbishop beforehand by their monks sent to him, of this their appellation. To whom the archbishop answered, that the foundation, which he went about, was to no derogation, but rather to the fortification and honor of their house.

    Who answered again, that it was, and could not otherwise be, but to their subversion. “And what should let me then,” said the archbishop, “but I may build on my own ground what I will?” “No,” said they, “no ground of yours, but your ground is our ground, as all other things that you have by right are ours, forasmuch as you have them not of yourself, but of the church, and for the church’s cause. All which things have been given neither to you nor to the archbishops, but unto the church of Christ; and therefore,” said they, “all such as appertain unto us inwardly and outwardly, with the persons also, and the whole state of our church, we submit under the pope’s protection, and now here make our appeal to the see apostolic, assigning also the term when to prosecute the same.”

    The archbishop receiving this appellation, and saying that he would answer to the same either by himself or by his responsal, within three days after, which was the sixteenth of December, came to Canterbury, where the monks, understanding how he was in mind to place new secular priests in the church of St. Stephen, where the monks had served before, came to the church, to stop the proceeding of the archbishop by way of appeal. Whereof the archbishop having warning beforehand, deferred the matter till the next day, on which day the monks, again being sent by Honorius, the prior, into the church, charged the archbishop in the name of Almighty God, and by virtue of their appeal made to the apostolic see, to surcease those his doings; forbidding also the parson of the church in any wise to suffer those secular clerks to be admitted into the church: all which yet notwithstanding, the archbishop proceedeth in his business. And first, placing in his clerks, he suspendeth the prior from his administration. Then he abjureth the porters of the gate, upon their oath, to let none of the monks pass out of the house without his license. The monks likewise he commanded, by virtue of obedience, not to stray any where abroad without his leave. And furthermore, one of the aforesaid monks, who served the appeal against him, he utterly banished from that covent. Upon this, on the day following, Honorius, the prior, trusting, saith the story, on God and St. Thomas, took his way to Rome, sent in commission by the covent, to prosecute the appeal against the archbishop.

    In the mean season, a new jar began between the said archbishop and the monks, about their rents and revenues, which the archbishop would have committed to the receiving and keeping of three monks, but the sub-prior Geffery, with the covent, in no case would suffer that: whereabout there was a foul stir. The archbishop craving the aid of the king, first had three bishops sent down to him, namely, those of Coventry, Norwich, and Worcester, who, being instant with the monks to submit their cause into the king’s hands, like as the archbishop had done, they utterly refused it; especially seeing they had already referred the whole state of their cause to the determination of the apostolical see. The king, seeing no other remedy, came himself with the archbishop into the chapter-house; where he commanded first the doors to be kept fast, that none should enter but those who by name were called for. Among whom were two bishops, to wit, those of Norwich and Durham, and one Peter of Blois, a learned man, whose epistles be yet extant in libraries, a chief worker in this matter against the monks. Then was called in Geffery, the sub-prior, with a few other monks whom he brought with him. The king then first talking with the archbishop and his company, and afterwards with the monks, labored to entreat them that they would let fall their appeal, and so stand to the arbitrement of him and of the bishops, concerning the cause which was between the archbishop and them in traverse.

    To this the monks answered, that these were good words, but served not for that time, forasmuch as their cause was already translated to the court of Rome, and now was presently in hearing before the pope’s holiness; and therefore they neither could nor would do that injury to their lord pope, to refuse him, and to put the matter unto the judgment of any other.

    Then was it required of the monks, that they would put the matter in compromise, in case the prior would consent thereto; upon this intent, that if the prior consented, and the monks not, then should they run in contempt and disobedience; or if the monks would consent, and the prior not, then should the prior be excluded the realm. The wily monks, being not unprovided of this subtlety, made their answer, that seeing they had sent their prior forth in their commission, it stood not with their honesty to give any determinate consent without the knowledge and before the return of the said prior, unless the archbishop first would promise to make full restitution of all that he had wrongfully wrested from them. When the king could get no other answer of the monks, neither could move the archbishop to release the sentence of their suspension, unless they would confess and acknowledge their fault, he, so parting from them, passed over into France.

    Not long after this came a messenger from Rome, bringing letters from Pope Urban to the archbishop, wherein the pope, considering and tendering, as he said, the enormous grievances done against the monks, straitly enjoined and commanded him, within ten days after the receiving thereof, to release the sentence of his suspension against the prior and others of the said covent, and also to retract and restore again to the monks whatsoever he had plucked from them since the time of their appeal first made. Who, in case he should deny, or foreslack the doing hereof, commission was given to three abbots, those of Battle, Feversham, and St.

    Austin’s, with ample authority to perform the same, etc. The archbishop, receiving these letters brought to him by a monk of the aforesaid house, first made his excuse that the pope was misinformed. But the monks not contented with that excuse, when they would needs know what answer he would make to the pope’s nuncio, his answer was, that “he had yet ten days given him of the pope.” In the mean time the archbishop went to London, and there, in the church of St. Paul, consecrated his holy oil and cream (making one of the pope’s seven sacraments), which was grievously taken in the church of Canterbury. At last, the ten days being ended, when the archbishop refused to accomplish that which was in the pope’s letter enjoined him, the three abbots aforesaid, to execute the pope’s commandment, came at their day assigned to Canterbury, and there assoiled all such as the archbishop before had suspended, and, in the end, certified Pope Urban by letters what they had done.

    The archbishop, hearing this, within four days after, sent two of his clerks, who appealed the three abbots aforesaid up to Rome; and he himself, in the mean time, prepared busily for the building of his church, sending to all churches in England upon releasemerit from their sins, to confer unto the same; and to make the more haste, for lack of freestone he made up his building with timber, and such other stuff as he could get.

    The prior Honorius all this while remained still at the court of Rome, giving attendance upon the pope, who, having intelligence of the archbishop’s doings, procured another letter of Pope Urban to the whole clergy of England, straitly enjoining them that none should confer with the new fraternity of Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury. To these letters the archbishop showed such reverence, that whereas before he had planted his chapel of wood and boards, now he provided the same to be built of lime and stone.

    By this time Peter of Blois, with other messengers of the archbishop, seeing Honorius the prior to be gone from the court a418 to France, resorted to the court of Rome, bringing with them letters of credit from the king, from the archbishop, and also from other bishops of the realm; but the pope, reading only the king’s letters, and the archbishop’s, the residue he east into a window by, saying, he would read them at further leisure.

    Then the pope giving audience in his consistory to hear their cause, first came in Peter of Blois, with the agents of the archbishop, exhibiting their letters, and propounding their requests to the pope, which were, that restitution should be made by the monks to the archbishop, wherein they had injured him. Secondly, That the things which had been granted before to the prior in the court, might be called in again. Thirdly, That the archbishop might have license to proceed in building his college of canons, etc. After this was called in Master Pilleus, the attorney for the monks of Canterbury, who, alleging many great things against the archbishop, for his contempt and disobedience to the pope’s precepts, required that he should rather make restitution to the monks for the injuries he had done to them; and also that his new foundation of secular canons, tending to the overthrow of the conventual church of Canterbury, should be utterly rased and thrown down to the ground. Thus between these parties pleaing and repleaing one against the other, much hard hold there was; but, in conclusion, for all the king’s letters, and for all that the archbishop’s and bishops’ could do, the matter went on the monks’ side; so that there was no remedy, but the pope would needs have the archbishop’s new building to come down, and the monks to be restored again, to their full possessions: the execution whereof was committed to the three abbots aforesaid, to wit, those of Battle, Fevershain, and St. Austin’s, Canterbury, and to Geffrey, sub-prior of Canterbury.

    These things being thus determined at Rome, Radulph Granville, lord steward of England, writing to the said abbot of Battle, and to the subprior and covent of Canterbury, commandeth them, in the king’s name. and upon their oath and fealty given unto him, that neither they nor any of them do proceed in this controversy between the monks and the archbishop of Canterbury, before they come and talk with him, there to know further of the king’s pleasure: and, furthermore, charging the covent of Canterbury not to enter further into any examinations concerning the archbishop’s matters; and also citing the sub-prior of the said house to appear before him in London, at the feast of St. James, the same year, which was A.D. 1187. Notwithstanding, he excusing himself by sickness, sent two monks in his stead, and so kept himself at home; to whom commandment was given, that the monks of Canterbury, within fifteen days, should sail over to Normandy to the king, and there show the tenor and evidences of their privileges; and also that such stewards and bailiffs as they had placed in their farms and lordships, contrary to the will of the archbishop, should be removed. And likewise the three abbots, in the king’s name, were commanded in no wise to execute the pope’s commandment against the archbishop. Not long after this, the archbishop took shipping at Dover, and went over to the king, where he ordained three principal officers over the monks of Christ-church—the sancrist, the cellarer, and the chamberlain, contrary to the will of the covent, with other grievances more, whereby the monks were not a little offended, so that upon the same they made a new appellation to the pope; whereupon Pope Urban, by the setting on of Honorius the prior, who was now come again to the court, wrote to him another letter after a sharper and more vehement sort, to the effect as followeth.

    THE TENOR OF POPE URBAN’S LETTERS TO BALDWIN, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY F520 In that we have borne with your brotherhood hitherto, and have not pre ceeded in such a grievous manner against you as we might, although being thereto greatly provoked; the chiefest cause was this, that we supposed your heart would have relented from the oppression of the conventual church of Canterbury, committed unto you; if not for our reverence, which you seem to have contemned more than became you, yet at least for fear of God’s judgment. For well we hoped, our conscience persuading us to the same, that after you had obtained that high state and dignity in the church of England, you would have been an example to others of obedience and reverence to be given to the see apostolic of all ecclesiastical persons. Wherefore, at the first beginning both of our and also of your promotion, we did not spare to advance and honor you as we have done few others besides, thinking no less than that we had found a faithful friend of the church for our honor; wherein we perceive now, which maketh us not a little to marvel, our expectation greatly deceived, and him whom we well trusted to be a sure stay for the maintenance of our estate, we now find a persecutor against us in our members.

    For whereas we sundry times have written to you in the behalf of our brethren, and the church committed to your charge, that you should desist from disquieting them, and not vex or disturb their liberties, at least for reverence of us; you, not only in this, but in other things more, as commonly is reported of you in all places, setting at light our letters and appellations made unto the apostolical see; what you have wrought against them after their so manifold appellations laid unto us, and our inhibitions again unto you, we are ashamed to utter. But revolve and consider in your mind, if ye have well done, and advise in your own conscience what you have done. We, for our part, because we neither may nor ought with deaf ears to pass over the clamors of the brethren, and such contempt of the apostolic see, although our biddings and warnings given to you seem to be all in vain; yet, notwithstanding, we send our mandates again unto your brotherhood, in these apostolical writings, directly and in virtue of obedience, commanding you, that whether you be present in your church, or absent, all that notwithstanding, whatsoever you have done in building of your chapel, which you to the destruction of the monastery of Canterbury have erected, after the time of their appeal made to us, or our inhibition sent to you, you fail not of your proper costs and charges to demolish; undoing again and making void whatsoever ye have begun and innovated, concerning the institution of the canons, and other things belonging to the erection of the said chapel; accounting moreover and reputing the place where the chapel was, to be accursed and profane; and also that all such, whosoever have celebrated in the same place, shall stand suspended till the time they appear before our presence.

    Commanding, furthermore, that all those monks whom you have presumed to remove from their office, or to excommunicate, since the time of their appeal made, you shall restore and assoil again, rendering also and restoring all such farms, manors, tenements, and oblations, as you, after their appeal made, have inveigled from them; and, finally, that you innovate nothing touching the state of. that monastery, during the time of this controversy depending before us: giving you to understand that in case you shall continue in your stubbornness and rebellion upon this present warning, or defer the execution of this precept thirty days after the receiving thereof, we shall appoint others to execute the same; enjoining also your suffragans, that as you shall show yourself disobedient and rebelling to us, so they all shall refuse likewise to give any obedience or reverence unto you, etc.—Given at Ferrara, 5th Non.

    Oct. 1187.

    Another letter besides this the pope also sent to the three abbots aforesaid, for the correction of these enormities. Likewise another letter was sent to King Henry II., wherein the pope enjoineth and requireth him, upon remission of his sins, not to dissemble and bear with the archbishop in his oppression of his monks, but to help those things to be amended, wherein he hath trespassed against them.

    These pontifical letters were written A.D. 1187, the third day of October; and on the eighth day after, a419 the eleventh of the same month, the said Pope Urban died. In the which year, and about the which month, Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, was taken with many noblemen of Saladin the Saracen, and Jerusalem lost, after that it had been in the possession of the Christians and had so continued the space of eighty-eight years and eighty days, from the time that Godfrey of Bouillon did first win it from the infidels.

    After the receiving of those letters of Pope Urban above specified, both the king and archbishop, with all the bishops of the realm, were marvelously quailed, glad now to please, and speak fair to the monks, promising all things to be done and restored to them after the best sort; neither were now the king and the archbishop so submissive, but the monks on the other side were as brag and jocund, being fully assured that all now was their own: in the narration of which history, as it is set forth in Gervasius at large, this we have to note by the way, in what fear and thraldom kings in those clays were under the pope, who could not be masters over their own subjects, but that every pilled monk, or pelting prior, upon virtue of their appeal to the court of Rome, and making their house tributary to the pope, was able not only to match, but to give checkmate unto the best king christened, as not in this story only may appear.

    It followeth then in the story of these monks, that as they were thus in the midst of their joy and jollity, suddenly cometh news of the death of Pope Urban, their great caliph, and also how that Gregory VIII. was placed in his room, who was a special friend and favorer of the archbishop; which as it did greatly encourage the king and the archbishop, so the monks, on the other side, were as much discomforted, so that now all was turned upside down. For whereas, before, the king and the archbishop thought they had lost all, and were glad to compound with the monks, and to seek their favor, now were the monks on the contrary side fain to crouch to the king, and glad to have a good countenance; who then resorting to him, and finding him altered, both in word and gesture, desired he would confirm and grant that which of late before he had promised. To whom it was answered again by the king, that seeing the archbishop had granted to them their sacrist, their chamberlain, and their cellarer, they should have no more restored by him; neither would he suffer the liberties and privileges of the archbishop to be impaired, or take any wrong. “As touching the new chapel of St. Thomas,” said he, “whereabout ye strive so long, with the canonships and other buildings belonging thereto, the same I receive into my hands, so that none shall have any thing to do therein but myself,” etc.

    In like manner from the archbishop such another like answer they received, and from bishops little better. So the monks, sent away with a flea in their ear, went home again out of Normandy unto their cell.

    Now the archbishop having the monks where he would, wrought them much grievance; but that continued not very long. For within two months after and less died Pope Gregory VIII, about the sixteenth day a420 of the December following. After him succeeded Pope Clement III, a421 who, following the steps of Urban, bent all his power with the monks against the archbishop, sending divers precepts and mandates in the year following, which was A.D. 1188, with an imperious letter, willing and commanding him to desist from his oppression of the monks, and to throw down his new chapel. Hereupon the archbishop made his appeal, and minded to go to Rome, but was called back by the king, being ready to sail over. In the same year Honorius, the prior, died at Rome of the plague, which was some help and comfort to the archbishop, for whom the archbishop made Roger Noris, prior, against the wills of the covent. After this, about the latter end of the same year, Pope Clement sent down his legate, called Radulph, a cardinal, to Canterbury, with another letter more sharply written to the same effect unto the archbishop. f522 Furthermore, in the year next after, he wrote also the third letter to him. In the same year also died King Henry II, after whom succeeded King Richard, his son, who joining likewise with the archbishop, took his part strongly against the said monks. At last, after much ado on both parts, and after great disturbance, and imprisoning divers of the monks, King Richard, preparing his voyage towards Jerusalem, and studying first to set peace between them, consulted and agreed with the bishops and abbots about a final concord in this matter, a422 between the archbishop and monks of Canterbury; which at length on both parts was made, upon these conventions which follow:

    First, That Roger Nods should be deposed, whom the archbishop had made prior against their wills: whom the king then at the request of the archbishop promoted to be abbot of Evesham. Item, That the archbishop should pluck down his chapel, which he built in the suburbs of Canterbury, against the minds of the monks. Item, That the aforesaid monks should make profession of their obedience and subjection to the archbishop, as they had done to his predecessors. Item, As touching all other complaints and injuries (except only the chapel, and the deposition of Roger Nods, the prior), the monks should stand to the arbitrement of the king, the archbishop, and the prelates. Item, That the monks kneeling down before the king in the chapter-house, should ask the archbishop forgiveness. f523 This being done, they went altogether to the church, and sang Te Deum for this reformation of peace; the next day, the archbishop coming into the chapter, restored to the covent their manors and farms again; also he discharged the prior whom he had made before; desiring them likewise, that if he had offended them either in word or deed, they would, from their heart, remit him. This reconciliation having been made between the archbishop and the covent, the archbishop then going about to dissolve the building of his new church, though he changed the place, yet thought not to change his intent, and therefore, making exchange of lands with the bishop and monks of Rochester, purchased of them their ground in Lambeth, A.D. 1191. Which done, he came to his clerks whom he had placed to be canons in his new college of Hakington, and also willed them to remove all their goods and furniture to Lambeth, over against Westminster, where he erected for them another church, and there placed the said canons. About which college of Lambeth afterwards much trouble likewise ensued, by the stirring of the said monks of Canterbury, in the time of Hubert, the archbishop, in the reign of the said King Richard, A.D. 1196. Furthermore, after the deposing of Roger Noris, prior of Canterbury aforesaid, Baldwin, the archbishop, being enforced to grant them another prior by the assent of the king and of the covent, assigned Osbern to be their prior, who had taken part before with the archbishop; but the monks not pleased with him, after the death of Baldwin, the archbishop, removed him again.

    And thus have you the tedious discourse of this catholic tragedy between the monks of Canterbury and their archbishop, scarce worth the rehearsal; notwithstanding, this I thought to give the reader to see, in order, first, to show forth unto the world the stout sturdiness of this monkish generation, who, professing profound humility in their coat, what little humility they had in their heart, what pride and arrogancy in their conversation, and what hypocrisy in their religion, that one example, among a thousand others, may give some experience. Secondly, that posterity now may see how little kings could then do in their own realms, for the pope. And thirdly, to the intent it may more notoriously appear to all readers, what strife and debate, what dissension and division, what little unity and concord hath always followed the pope’s catholic church, wheresoever the corrupt religion and usurped ambition of the pope prevailed. For, not to speak only of this monkish house of Canterbury, what church, cathedral, collegiate, or conventual; what see, church, monastery, or chapel, was entirely under the pope’s government, but ever there happened some variance, either between the king and the archbishop, as between King William and Lanfranc, King Henry I. and Anselm, King Stephen and Theobald, a423 King Henry II. and Becket, King John and Stephen Langton, King Henry III and Boniface, etc.; or else between archbishop and archbishop, for making profession, for carrying the cross, for sitting on the right hand of the pope’s legate, etc.; or else between archbishops and their suffragans, or between archbishops and their covents, or between bishops and monks, between dean and chapter, between monks and secular priests, monks of one sort against another, friars of one order against another, students against friars, townsmen against scholars, etc. As for example: What discord was between the archbishop of Canterbury and Roger, a424 archbishop, of York, between Lanfranc and Archbishop Thomas, between Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, and Sylvester, abbot of St. Austin’s; between Walter, of Christchurch, and Sylvester, abbot aforesaid; between William, archbishop of Canterbury, and Jeremias, prior of Canterbury, A.D. 1144; between the monks of Canterbury, and Odo, their prior, for translating the relics of Dunstan; between King Stephen, and Roger, bishop of Salisbury; between the bishop of Lincoln, and Roger, bishop of Ely, his son, A.D. 1138; between Pope Innocent and Anacletus, for the space of seven years; the cardinals for money (saith Gervasius) sometimes holding with the one, sometimes with the other; at last the election was determined by a sore battle between Lothaire, the emperor, and Roger, duke of Apulia, A.D. 1157; also between Pope Innocent IV and the Emperor Frederic II.; between King Henry III and William Rale, bishop of Winchester, when the king bade the gates of Winchester town to be shut against him, A.D. 1243; between Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, and the canons of St. Paul. Item, between the said Boniface and the monks of St. Bartholomew, who sat there in harness in his visitation, A.D. 1250; between the abbot of Westminster and monks of the same house, A.D. 1251. Item, between the aforesaid William Rale, bishop of Winchester, and Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, for a priest of the hospital in Southwark, A.D. 1252; between the said Boniface and canons of Lincoln, after the death of Robert Grosthead, for giving of prebends, A.D. 1253; between the monks of Coventry and canons of Lichfield, for choosing their bishop in the time of King Henry III.

    And what should I speak of the discord which cost so much money between Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, and the monks of Rochester, for choosing Richard Wandor to be their bishop, A.D. 1328; between Robert Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln, and the canons of the same house, for which both he and they were driven to travel to Rome, A.D. 1244; between Gilbert, bishop of Rochester, delegate to Archbishop Baldwin, and Robert, the pope’s legate, for sitting on the right hand of the legate in his council at Westminster, A.D. 1190; between the abbot of Bardney and the said Grosthead, about the visitation of their abbey, A.D. 1242. Item, between the covent of Canterbury and the said Robert, bishop of Lincoln, A.D. 1243; between Hugo, bishop of Durham, and Hubert, bishop of Saturn, and Geffery, archbishop of York, A.D. 1189; between William, bishop of Ely, the king’s chancellor, and the canons of York, for not receiving him with procession, A.D. 1190; between the abbot of Westminster and his covent of Black Monks, whom King Henry III had much ado to still and make to agree, A.D. 1249. Item, between the aforesaid bishop of Lincoln and the abbot of Westminster; likewise between Nicholas, bishop of Durham, and John, abbot of St. Alban’s, A.D. 1246; also between Hubert, archbishop of Canterbury, and the monks there, for the house of Lambeth, A.D. 1146; and what a stir was between the preaching friars and the grey friars, mentioned in Matthew Paris, for superiority, A.D. 1243; also between the said grey friars and the prelates and doctors of Paris, about nine conclusions, condemned of the prelates to be erroneous. 1. Concerning the Divine Essence, that it cannot be seen by the angels or by men glorified. 2. Concerning the Essence of the Holy Ghost. 3. Touching the proceeding of the Holy Ghost, that, as he is love, he proceedeth from the Father only. 4. That our bodies and souls glorified, shall not be “in coelo empyreo” with the angels, but in “coelo aqueo vel crystallino” above the firmament. 5. That the evil angel at his first creation was evil, and never good. 6. That there have been many verities from eternity which were not God. 7. That an angel in one instant may be in divers places, and even every where, if he please. 8. That the evil angel never had whereby he might stand; no more had Adam in his state of innoceney. 9. That he which hath “meliora naturalia” (that is to say, more perfect strength of nature working in him) shall, of necessity, have more full measure to obtain grace and glory.

    To the which articles the prelates answering, did excommunicate the same as erroneous, affirming, that grace and glory shall be given according to that God hath elected and predestinated, etc. f525 In like manner between the said Dominic friars and the grey friars, what a brawl and tumult there was about the conception of our Lady, whether she was conceived without original sin or not, in the reign of King Henry VII and King Henry VIII, A.D. 1509. Add moreover to these, the four and twenty heinous schisms, and not so few, which happened between pope and pope, in the church and see of Rome. But why do I stand to recite the divisions and dissensions of the pope’s church, which is as much almost as to reckon the sands of the sea? for what church, chapter, or covent, was in all that religion, which either had not some variance with themselves or with others? Upon which continual strife and variance among them, the readers hereof may judge of them and their religion as pleaseth them: in the mean time, my judgment is this; that where such dissension dwelleth, there dwelleth not the spirit of Christ.

    These things thus discoursed, touching the tragical dissension between Baldwin, the archbishop, and the monks of Canterbury; now let us proceed, by the Lord’s assistance, in continuation of our story. After King Richard had thus, as is declared, set the monks and the archbishop in some agreement, a425 and had composed such things as were to be redressed within the realm, he sailed (as is above said) to France. After which, preparing to set all things in an order before his going, he committed a426 the whole government of the realm principally to William, bishop of Ely, his chancellor, and to Hugh, bishop of Durham, whom he ordained to be the chief justice of all England in his absence; the one to have the custody of the Tower, with the oversight of all other parts of the land on this side of Humber; the other, who was the bishop of Durham, to have charge over all other his dominions beyond Humber, sending, moreover, unto Pope Clement, in the behalf of the aforesaid William, bishop of Ely, that he might be made the pope’s legate through all England and Scotland, which also was obtained. Thus the bishop being advanced in high authority, to furnish the king towards his setting forth, provideth out of every city in England two palfreys, and two sumpters, and also out of every abbey and royal manor one palfrey and one sumpter.

    These things and others a427 set in a stay, the king advanced forward his journey, and came to Chinon. There he appointed the captains and constables over his navy, and set laws to be observed in his journey upon the seas. Furthermore, touching the laws and ordinances appointed by this King Richard for his navy, the form thereof was this: 1. That whosoever killed any person on shipboard, should be tied with him who was slain, and thrown into the sea. 2. And if he killed him on the land, he should in like manner be tied with the party slain, and be buried with him in the earth. 3. He that shall be convicted by lawful witness of drawing out his knife or weapon, to the intent to strike any man, or that hath stricken any to the drawing of blood, shall lose his hand. 4. He that striketh any person with his hand, without effusion of blood, shall be plunged three times in the sea. 5. Whoso speaketh any opprobrious or contumelious words, in reviling or cursing another, for as often as he hath so reviled, shall pay so many ounces of silver. 6. A thief or felon that hath stolen, being lawfully convicted, shall have his head shorn, and boiling pitch poured upon his head, and feathers or down strewed upon the same, whereby he may be known; and so at the first landing place they shall come to, there to be cast up, etc.

    Witness myself at Chinon.

    These things thus set in readiness, King Richard sending his navy by the Spanish seas, and by the straits of Gibraltar, between Spain and Africa, to meet him at Marseilles, he himself went to Tours, and after that a428 to Vezelay, to meet the French king. a429 The two kings from thence went to Lyons, where the bridge over the flood Rhone with press of people brake, and many, both men and women, were drowned. By reason whereof, the two kings, for the cumbrance of their trains, were constrained to dissever themselves for the time of their journey, appointing both to meet together in Sicily; and so Philip, the French king, took his way to Genoa, and King Richard to Marseilles, where he remained eight days, a430 having appointed his navy to meet him there.

    The seventh day of August, a431 in the year aforesaid, King Richard departed out of Marseilles, after he had there waited seven days for his navy, which came not; and so hiring twenty galleys, and ten great barks, to ship over his men, he sailed by the sea-coast of Italy, to Genoa, where the French king was; thence he passed forward by the coast of Italy, and entered the Tiber, not far from Rome, where meeting with Octavian, a432 the cardinal and bishop of Ostia, he did complain greatly of the filthy simony of the pope and the pope’s court, for receiving seven hundred marks for consecrating the bishop of Le Mans; also a thousand and five hundred marks of William, the bishop of Ely, for his office legatine; and likewise an infinite sum of money of the bishop of Bordeaux, for acquitting him when he should be deposed for a certain crime laid to his charge by his clergy, etc.

    From thence he coasted along, and came to Naples, and, passing on horseback to Salerno, a433 he came to Calabria; where, after that he had heard his ships were arrived at Messina, in Sicily, he made the more speed; and so, on the twenty-third of September, came to Messina, with such a noise of trumpets and shawms, with such a rout and show, that it was the great wonderment and terror both of the Frenchmen, and of all others that did hear and behold the sight.

    To the said town of Messina the French king had come before, the sixteenth day of the same month of September, and had taken up the palace of Tancred, king of Sicily, for his lodging. To whom King Richard, after his arrival, eftsoons resorted; and when the two kings had communed together, immediately the same day the French king took shipping, and entered the seas, thinking to sail toward the land of Jerusalem; but after he was out of the haven, the wind arising contrary against him, returned him back again to Messina. Then King Richard, whose lodging was prepared in the suburbs without the city, after he had resorted again, and talked with the French king, and also had sent to Tancred, king of Sicily, for the deliverance of Joan, his sister (who had been sometime queen of Sicily), and had obtained her to be sent unto him, the last day of September passed over the flood of Faro, and there getting a stronghold called De la Bagnara, or Le Bamre, a434 and placing therein his sister, with a sufficient retinue and garrison, he returned again to Messina. On the second of October King Richard won another certain stronghold, called ‘Monasterium Griffonum,’ situated on an island in the midst of the river of Faro, between Messina and Calabria; a435 from whence the monks being expelled, he reposed there all his store and provision of victuals, which came from England or other places.

    The citizens of Messina, seeing that the king of England had won the castle De la Bagnara, and also the island and monastery of the Griffons, and doubting lest the king would extend his power further to invade their city and (if he could) the whole isle of Sicily, began to stir against the king’s army, and to shut the Englishmen out of the gates, and keep their walls against them. The Englishmen, seeing that, made to the gates, and by force would, have broken them open; insomuch that the king, riding among them with his staff, and breaking divers of their heads, could not assuage their fierceness; such was the rage of the Englishmen against the citizens of Messina. The king seeing the fury of the people to be such that he could not stay them, took boat, and went to the palace of King Tancred, to talk of the matter with the French. In which time the matter was so taken up by the wise handling of the ancient of the city, that both parties, laying down their armor, went home in peace.

    On the fourth day of October came to King Richard the archbishop of Messina, with two other archbishops, also the French king, and sundry other earls, barons, and bishops, for entreatance of peace. As they were together consulting, and had almost concluded upon the peace, the citizens of Messina issuing out of the town, some went up upon the mountains, some with open force invaded the mansion or lodging of Hugh Brun, an English captain. The noise whereof coming to the ears of the king, he suddenly breaking off talk with the French king and the rest, departed from them, and coming to his men, commanded them forthwith to arm themselves; who then with certain of his soldiers, making up to the top of a mountain, which seemed to pass their power to climb, there put the citizens to flight, chasing them down the mountain, unto the very gates of the city; whom also certain of the king’s servants pursued within the city; of whom five valiant soldiers and twenty of the king’s servants were slain, the French king looking on, and not once willing to rescue them, contrary to his oath and league before made with the king of England; for the French king, with his men, being there present, rode in the midst of them safely and without harm to and fro, and might well have eased the king’s party more than he did, if it had so liked him.

    This being known to the English host, how their fellows were slain, and the Frenchmen permitted in the city, and that they were excluded, and the gates barred against them, being also stopped from buying of victuals and other things; they in great indignation gathered themselves in arms, brast open the gates, and scaled the walls, and so winning the city, set up their flags with the English arms upon the walls. Which when the French king did see, he was mightily offended; requiring the king of England, that the arms of France might also be set up and joined with his; but King Richard to that in no case would agree. Notwithstanding, to satisfy his mind, he was well contented to take down his arms, and commit the custody of the city to the Hospitallers and Templars of Jerusalem, till the time that Tancred, king of Sicily, and he should agree together upon conditions.

    These things being done on the third and fourth days of October, it followed then upon the eighth day that peace between the kings was concluded. In which peace, first, King Richard and Philip, the French king, renewed again their oath and league before made, concerning their mutual aid and society, during all the time of that peregrination. Secondly, peace also was concluded between King Richard and Tancred, king of Sicily aforesaid, with this condition, that the daughter of Tanered should marry Arthur, duke of Bretagne, the king’s nephew, and, in case King Richard should die without issue, next heir to his crown; whereof a formal chart was drawn, and letters were sent thereof to Pope Clement, dated the eleventh f529 ay of November.

    In the mean time, as these two kings of France and England were thus wintering at Messina, the emperor, Frederic I. (the same on whose neck Pope Alexander did tread in the church of Venice, saying the verse of the psalm, “Super aspidem et basiliscum ambulabis,” etc. whereof read before), and his son Conrad, with a mighty army of Almains and others, were coming up likewise toward the land of Jerusalem to the siege of Acre; where, by the way, the good emperor, through a great mischance, falling off his horse into a river called Salef, f530 was therein drowned. After whose decease, Conrad, his son, taking the government of his army, came to the siege of Acre (in which siege also he died); upon whose coming, such a dearth followed in the camp, which lasted two months, that a loaf of bread, which, before their coming, was sold for one penny, was afterwards sold for three pounds, by reason whereof many Christian soldiers did there perish through famine. The chiefest food which the princes there had to feed upon, was horse-flesh. This famine being so miserable, some good bishops there were in the camp, namely, Hubert, bishop of Salisbury, with certain other good bishops, who, making a general collection through the whole camp for the poor, made such a provision, that in this penury of all things, yet no man was so destitute and needy, but somewhat he had for his relief; till, within a few days after, by the merciful providence of God, who is the feeder of all creatures, ships came unto them with abundance of corn, wine, and oil.

    The siege of this town of Acre endured a long season, which, as it was mightily oppugned by the Christians, so it was strongly defended by the Saracens, especially by the help of wild-fire, which the Latins call “Graecus ignis,” so that there was great slaughter on both sides. During the time of which siege many noble personages, and also bishops, died, among whom was Conrad, the emperor’s son; Radulph, earl of Fougeres; Rotrou, earl of Perche; Robert, earl of Leicester; Baldwin, archbishop of Canterbury; with four archbishops, and divers other bishops, abbots, earls, and also barons, to the number of four and thirty, and not so few. All this while King Richard, and King Philip of France, still kept at Messina in Sicily, from the month of September till April, for lack, I suppose, of wind or weather, or else of necessity for repairing their ships. In which mean time King Richard, hearing of Joachim, a436 abbot of Corazzo, f531 a learned man in Calabria (who was then thought to have the spirit of prophecy, and told many things of a people that should come), sent for him, with whom he and his bishops had much conference about the coming and time of antichrist; *to f532 whom the said Joachim expounding the place of St. John’s Revelation—“ There be seven kings, of whom five are fallen, one is now, and another is yet to come,” etc.—declareth seven persecutors of the church to be thereby signified: Herod, Nero, Domitian, Maxentius, Mahomet, Turea, and the last, which he said was then to come, to be Antichrist. And this Antichrist, he said, was already born in the city of Rome, and should be there exalted in the apostolical see; bringing to that purpose the saying of the apostle, “he is an adversary, and advanceth himself against all that is called God: and then shall the wicked man be revealed whom the Lord shall consume with the spirit of his mouth, and destroy with the brightness of his coming. f533 “Why,” said the king, “I had thought all this while that antichrist should have been born in Antioch, or Babylon, out of the tribe of Dan, and should have ruled in the Lord’s temple at Jerusalem, and should have sojourned a437 in the land where Christ had sojourned, and borne rule three years and a half in the same, and disputed against Enoch and Elias, and then put them to death, and then have died himself; after whose death the Lord should have given sixty days of repentance, wherein those that erred from the truth, and were seduced by the preaching of antichrist, and his counterfeit apostles, might repent.”

    This, and such like talk, had they together; and though the abbot declared at that time that antichrist was born at Rome, yet were there certain prelates, the very members of that wicked head, who in no wise could abide to hear the tale of truth, but devised somewhat to reply against it.

    Among these were Walter, archbishop of Rouen, the archbishop of Apamea, f534 and Gerard, archbishop of Auch, John, bishop of Evreux, and Bernard, bishop of Bayonne; f535 whose replications and opinions, if they were here put down, they would appear in that behalf good and substantial gear, I do warrant you.* This Joachim, belike, in his book and revelations uttered some things against the see and pride of Rome, for the which he was less favored of the popes, and judged an enemy to their see; and so he was condemned with his books for a heretic by Pope Innocent III in his idolatrous general council of Lateran, A.D. 1215, as ye may read in Antoninus.

    After this, Henry king of Almains, son of Frederic the emperor, hearing of the decease of his father, standing now to be emperor, first restored to Henry duke of Saxony, and to others, whatsoever his father before had taken from them. That done, he sent to Clement and his cardinals, promising in all things to confirm the laws and dignities of the church of Rome, if they would grant him their assent to be emperor. Whereupon Pope Clement, by advice of the Romans, assigned him the term of Easter in the next year ensuing, for his coronation. But before the Easter came, Pope Clement died, a438 after he had sat three years and about four months; after whom succeeded Celestine III, of whom more hereafter, God willing.

    The time thus passing over, in the month of February, the next year following, which was A.D. 1191, King Richard sent over his galleys to Naples, there to meet his mother Elenor, and Berengaria, the daughter of Sancho, king of Navarre, whom he was purposed to marry, who by that time were come to Brundusium, under the conduct of Philip, earl of Flanders, and so proceeding unto Naples, there found the king’s ships, wherein they sailed to Messina. In this mean space, King Richard showed himself exceedingly bounteous and liberal unto all men. To the French king first he gave rovers ships; upon others likewise he bestowed rich rewards; and of his goods and treasure he distributed largely unto his soldiers and servants about him. Of him it was reported that he distributed more in one month, than ever any of his predecessors did in a whole year; by reason whereof he purchased great love and favor, which not only redounded to the advancement of his fame, but also to his singular use and profit, as the sequel afterwards proved.

    To proceed then in the progress of King Richard, it followeth: on the first day of March, he, leaving the city of Messina, where the French king was, went on unto Catana, a city where Tancred, king of Sicily, then lay, where he was honourably received, and there remained with King Tancred three days and three nights. On the fourth day, when he should depart, Tancred offered him many rich presents in gold and silver, and precious silks; whereof King Richard would receive nothing but one little ring for a token of his good will. For this King Richard again gave him a rich sword. At length, when King Richard should take his leave, King Tanered would not so let him part, but needs would give him four great ships and fifteen galleys; and furthermore, he himself would needs accompany him, the space of two days’ journey, to a place called Tavernium.

    Then the next morning, when they should take their leave, Tancred declared unto him the message which the French king, a little before, had sent unto him by the duke of Burgundy, the purport whereof was this: “That the king of England was a false traitor, and would never keep the peace that was between them. And if the said Tancred would war against him, or secretly by night invade him, he, with all his power, would assist him, and join with him to the destruction of him and all his army.” To whom Richard the king protested again, that he was no traitor, and never was; and, as touching the peace begun between them, the same should never be broken through him, neither could he believe that the French king, being his good lord, and his sworn copartner in that voyage, would utter any such words of him. Which, when Tancred heard, he bringeth forth the letters of the French king, brought to him by the duke of Burgundy; affirming, moreover, that if the duke of Burgundy would deny the bringing of the said letters, he was ready to try with him by any of his dukes. King Richard, receiving the letters, and musing not a little upon the same, returneth again to Messina. The same day that King Richard departed, the French king cometh to Tavernium to speak with Tancred, and there abode with him that night, and on the morrow returned to Messina again.

    From that time King Richard, moved in stomach against King Philip, never showed any gentle countenance of peace and amity, as he before was wont; whereat the French king greatly marveling, and inquiring earnestly what should be the cause thereof, word was sent him again by Philip, earl of Flanders, what words he had sent to the king of Sicily; and for the testimony thereof, the letters were showed, which he wrote by the duke of Burgundy to the king of Sicily. When the French king understood this, he first held his peace, as guilty in his conscience, not knowing well what to answer.

    At length, turning his tale to another matter, he began to quarrel with King Richard, pretending as though he sought causes to break with him, and to malign him, and therefore he forged these lies (said he) upon him, and all because he by that means would void to marry with Alice, his sister, according as he had promised: adding, moreover, that if he would so do, and would not marry the said Alice his sister, according to his oath, but would marry another, he would be an enemy to him and his, while he lived.

    To this King Richard said again, that he could by no means marry that woman, forasmuch as his father had had by her a son: for proof whereof he had there presently to bring forth divers and sundry witnesses to the king’s face, to testify with him. In conclusion, through counsel and persuasion of divers about the French king, agreement at last was made, so that King Philip did acquit King Richard from his bond of marrying his sister; and King Richard again should be bound to pay to him every year, for the space of five years, two thousand marks; with certain other conditions besides, not greatly material in this place to be deciphered.

    Thus, peace being between them concluded, on Saturday the thirtieth day of the said month of March a441 the French king launching out of the haven of Messina, on the two and twentieth day after, in Easter week, came with his army to the siege of Acre.

    After the departure a442 of the French king from Messina (King Richard, with his army, yet remaining behind), Queen Elenor, the king’s mother, arrived, bringing with her Berengaria, the king of Navarre’s daughter, to be espoused to King Richard. This done , Elenor, leaving Berengaria behind her, departed, a443 taking her journey toward Rome, to entreat the pope for Geffrey, her other son above mentioned, to be consecrated in the archbishopric of York, he having been before elected by the procurement of King Richard, his brother, as ye heard. At this time. as Queen Elenor was traveling toward Rome, Pope Clement above mentioned died on the tenth day of April, in whose room succeeded Pope Celestine III, who, the next day after his consecration, came from Lateran to St. Peter’s church, where in the way met him Henry, the emperor, and Constantia, his wife, with a great rout of armed soldiers; but the Romans, making fast their gates, would not suffer them to enter their city. Then Pope Celestine, standing upon the stairs before the church door of St. Peter, received an oath of the said Henry, king of the Almains (his army waiting without), that he should defend the church of God, and all the liberties thereof, and maintain justice; also that he should restore again the patrimony of St.

    Peter, full and whole, whatsoever hath been diminished thereof; and finally, that he should re-surrender to the church of Rome the city of Frascati. Upon these conditions and grants, the pope then took him to the church, and there anointed him for emperor, and his wife for empress; who, there sitting in his chair pontifical, held the crown of gold between his feet, and so the emperor, bowing down his head to the pope’s feet, received the crown; a444 and in like manner the empress also. The crown thus being set upon the emperor’s head, the pope, immediately, with his foot struck it off again from his head unto the ground, declaring thereby, that he had power, to depose him in case he so deserved. Then the cardinals, taking up the crown, set it upon his head again. f536 Not long after the departure of King Philip from Messina, which was in the month of March, King Richard, in April following , about the tenth day of the said month a445 sailing from the haven of Messina with a hundred and fifty great ships and three and fifty great galleys well manned and appointed, took journey towards Acre; who being upon the seas on Good Friday, a446 about the ninth hour rose a mighty south wind with a tempest, which dissevered and scattered all his navy, some to one place and some to another. The king with a few ships put into the island of Crete, and afterwards in the haven of Rhodes a447 cast anchor. The ship that carried the king’s sister, the queen of Sicily, and Berengaria, the king of Navarre’s daughter, with two other ships, were driven to the isle of Cyprus. The king, making great moan for the ship his sister was in, and Berengaria, his wife that should be, not knowing what had become of them, after the tempest was overblown, sent forth his galleys diligently to search for the rest of his navy dispersed, but especially for the ship wherein his sister was, and the maiden whom he should marry; who at length were found safe and merry at Port Limisso, in the isle of Cyprus:

    Notwithstanding the two other ships, which were in their company before in the same haven, were drowned, with divers of the king’s servants, and men of worship; amongst whom was Master Roger, called ‘Malus Catulus,’ the king’s vice-chancellor, who was found having the king’s seal hanging about his neck. The king of Cyprus was then Isaac (called also the emperor of the Griffons), who took and imprisoned all Englishmen who by shipwreck were cast upon his land, also inveigling into his hands the goods and prizes of those who were found drowned about his coasts; neither would he suffer the ship wherein the two ladies were, to enter within the port.

    The tidings of this being brought to King Richard, he, in great wrath, gathering his galleys and ships together, boardeth the land of Cyprus, where he first in gentlewise signifieth to King Isaac, how he with his Englishmen, coming as strangers to the supportation of the Holy Land, were, by distress of weather, driven upon his bounds; and, therefore, with all humble petition besought him, in God’s behalf, and for reverence of the Holy Cross, to let go such prisoners of his as he had in captivity, and to restore again the goods of those who were drowned, which he detained in his hands, to be employed for the behoof of their souls. And this the king, once, twice, and thrice, desired of the emperor. But he, proudly answering again, sent the king word, that he would neither let the captives go, nor render the goods of them that were drowned.

    When King Richard heard how little the Emperor Isaac made of his so humble and honest petition, and how nothing there could be gotten without violent force; immediately he giveth commandment through all his host, to put themselves in armor, and to follow him, to revenge such injuries received of that proud and cruel king of Cyprus; willing them to put their trust in God, and not to doubt but that the Lord would stand with them, and give them the victory. The emperor, in the mean time, with his people, stood warding the sea coasts, where the Englishmen should arrive, with swords, bills, and lances, and such other weapons as they had, setting boards, stools, and chests before them instead of a wall. Howbeit but few of them were harnessed, and for the most part all inexpert and unskilful in the feats of war. Then King Richard with his soldiers, issuing out of their ships, first set his bowmen before, who with their shot made a way for others to follow. The Englishmen, thus winning the land upon them, so fiercely pressed upon the Griffons, that after long fighting and many blows, at last, the emperor was put to flight; whom King Richard valiantly pursued, and slew many, and divers he took alive, and had gone near also to have had the emperor, had not the night come on and parted the battle. And thus King Richard, with much spoil and great victory returning to the port town of Limisso, which the townsmen had left for fear, found there great abundance of corn, wine, oil, and victuals.

    The same day after the victory, Joan, the king’s sister, and Berengaria, the maiden, entered the port and town of Limisso, with fifty great ships, and fourteen galliots; so that all the whole navy there meeting together, were two hundred and fifty-four tall ships, and above threescore galliots. Then Isaac the emperor, seeing no way for himself to escape by the sea, the same night pitched his tents five miles off from the English army, swearing that the third day after he would surely give battle to King Richard. But he preventing him before, suddenly, the same morning before the day of battle should be, setteth upon the tents of the Griffons early (they being unawares and asleep,) and made of them a great slaughter; insomuch that the emperor was fain naked to run away, leaving his tents and pavilions to the Englishmen, full of horses and rich treasure, also with the imperial standard, the lower part whereof, with a costly streamer, was covered and wrought all with gold. King Richard then returning with victory and triumph to his sister and Berengaria, shortly after, in the month of May following, and the twelfth day of the same month, a448 married the said Berengaria, daughter of Sancho, king of Navarre, at Limisso in the isle of Cyprus.

    The king of Cyprus, seeing himself overmatched, was driven at length to yield himself with conditions; to give King Richard twenty thousand marks in gold, for amends of such spoils as he had gotten of them that were drowned; also to restore all his captives again to the king; and, furthermore, in his own person, to attend upon the king to the land of Jerusalem, in God’s service and his, with four hundred horsemen, and five hundred footmen; in pledge whereof he would give into his hands his castles, and his only daughter, and would hold his kingdom of him. This done, and the emperor swearing fidelity to King Richard, before Guido king of Jerusalem, and the prince of Antioch (who were come thither to King Richard a little before), peace was taken, and Isaac was committed to the ward of certain keepers. Notwithstanding, shortly after, he, breaking from his keepers, was again at defiance with the king. Whereupon King Richard, besetting the island of Cyprus round about with ships and galleys, did in such sort prevail, that the subjects of the land were constrained to yield themselves to the king, and at length the daughter also of the emperor, and at last the emperor himself, whom King Richard caused to be kept in fetters of silver and gold, and to be sent to the city of Tripolis.

    These things thus done, and all set in order touching the possession of the isle of Cyprus, the keeping whereof he committed unto Radulph, son of Godfrey, lord chamberlain, being then the first day of June; upon the fifth of the said month, King Richard departed from the isle of Cyprus, with his ships and galleys towards the siege of Acre, and on the morrow came unto Tyre, where, by procurement of the French king, he was constrained by the citizens to enter. The next day after, which was the seventh a449 day of June, crossing the seas he met with a great bark, fraught with soldiers and men of war to the number of one thousand five hundred; who, pretending to be Frenchmen, and setting forth their flag with the French arms, were indeed Saracens, secretly sent with wild-fire and certain barrels of unknown serpents, a450 to the defense of the town of Acre. This King Richard at length perceiving, eftsoons set upon them, and so vanquished them; of whom the most were drowned, and some taken alive; which being once known in the city of Acre, as it was a great discomfort there, so it was a great help unto the Christians for winning the city. The next day after, which was the eighth of June, King Richard came to Acre, which at that time had been long besieged of the Christians; after whose coming it was not long before the pagans within the city seeing their walls to be undermined and towers overthrown, were driven by composition to escape with life and limb, to surrender the city a451 to the two kings. Another great help to the Christians in winning the city was this: in the said city of Acre there was a secret Christian among the Saracens, who, in time of the siege there, used at sundry times to cast over the walls, into the camp of the Christians, certain bills written in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, wherein he disclosed unto the Christians, from time to time, the doings and counsels of the enemies, advertising them how and in what way they should work, and of what to beware; and always his letters began thus: “In nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti; Amen;” by reason whereof, the Christians were much advantaged in their proceedings. But this was a great heaviness unto them, that neither would he utter his name, nor, when the city was got, could they ever understand who he was. f537 To make of a long siege a short narration, upon the twelfth day of July in the year aforesaid, A.D. 1191, the princes and captains of the pagans, upon agreement, resorted to the tent of the Templars, to commune with the two kings touching peace and giving up of their city, the form of which peace was this: That the kings should have the city of Acre freely and fully delivered unto them, with all that was within; and that five hundred captives of the Christians should be restored unto them, which were in Acre: also that the holy cross should be to them rendered, and a thousand Christian captives, with two hundred horsemen, whosoever they themselves would choose out of all those which were in the power of Saladin: over and besides, they should give to the kings, two hundred thousand bisants, so that they themselves would remain as pledges in the kings’ hands for the performance hereof; that if, in forty days, these aforesaid covenants were not accomplished, they would abide the kings’ mercy touching life and limb. These covenants being agreed upon, the kings sent their soldiers and servants into the city, to take one hundred of the richest and best of the city, to close them up in towers under strong keeping, and the residue they committed to be kept in houses and streets, ministering unto them according to their necessities: to whom notwithstanding, this they permitted, that as many of them as would be baptized, and receive the faith of Christ, should be free to go whither they would. Whereupon, many there were of the pagans, who for fear of death pretended to be baptized, but who, afterwards, as soon as they could, revolted again to the Saladin; on which account it was afterwards commanded by the kings, that none of them should be baptized against their wills. a452 The thirteenth day of July, King Philip of France, and King Richard, after they had obtained the possession of Acre, divided between them all things therein contained, as well the people, as the gold and silver, with all other furniture whatsoever remaining in the city; who, in dividing the spoil, were such good carvers unto themselves, that many knights and barons, with other soldiers, who had there sustained the whole travail two years together about the siege, seeing the kings to take all unto themselves, and their part to be but little, retracted themselves without the uttermost trench; and there, after consultation had together, sent word to the kings that they would leave and forsake them, unless they were made partakers also of the gains for which they had so long travailed. To whom answer was sent again by the kings, that their wills should be satisfied: howbeit, because of long deferring of their promise, many, constrained by poverty, departed from them.

    The twentieth day of July, King Richard, speaking with the French king, desired him that they two with their armies would bind themselves by oath to remain there still in the land of Jerusalem the space of three years, for the winning and recovering again of those countries. But he would swear, he said, no such oath: and so the next day, King Richard, with his wife and sister, entereth into the city of Acre, and placed there himself in the king’s palace; the French king remaining in the houses of the Templars, where he continued till the end of the month. About the beginning of the month of August, a453 Philip, the French king, after he and King Richard had made agreement between Guido and Conrad, the marquis, about the kingdom of Jerusalem, went from Acre to Tyre; notwithstanding, King Richard and all the princes of the Christian army, with great entreaty, desired him to tarry; showing what a shame it were for him to come so far, and now to leave undone that for which he came; and on the third of August he departed from Tyre, leaving his half part of the city of Acre in the hands of the aforesaid Conrad, the marquis. After Philip’s departure, the pagans refused to keep their covenants; who neither world restore the holy cross, nor the money, nor their captives, sending word to King Richard, that if he beheaded the pledges left with him at Acre, they would chop off the heads of such captives of the Christians as were in their hands. Shortly after this, Saladin, sending great gifts to king Richard, requested the time limited for beheading of the captives to be prorogued, but the king refused to take his gifts, and to grant his request; whereupon the Sultan caused all the Christian captives within his possession forthwith to be beheaded, which was the eighteenth day of August. Albeit King Richard understood this, yet would not he prevent the time before limited for the execution of his prisoners, being the twentieth of August.

    Upon that day he caused the prisoners of the Saracens, openly in the sight of the Sultan’s army, to lose their heads; the number of whom came to two thousand five hundred, save only that certain of the principal of them he reserved for purposes and considerations, especially to make exchange for the holy cross, and certain others of the Christian captives.

    After this, King Richard purposed to besiege the city of Joppa; where, by the way, between Acre and Joppa, near to a town called Azotus, a454 Saladin with a great multitude of his Saracens came fiercely against the king’s rearward; but, through God’s merciful grace, in the same battle the king’s warriors acquitted them so well, that Saladin was put to flight (whom the Christians pursued the space of three miles) and lost the salve day many of his nobles and captains, in such sort as it was thought the Saracens had not been put to such confusion for forty years before; and but one Christian captain, called James d’Avesnes, in that conflict was overthrown. From thence King Richard proceeding further went to Joppa, and then to Ascalon. He found the city of Joppa forsaken of the Saracens, who durst not abide the king’s coming. Ascalon Saladin had thrown down to the ground, who likewise forsook the whole land of Syria; through all which land the king had free passage without resistance, neither durst the Saracen prince encounter after that with King Richard. Of all which his achievements the said King Richard sent his letters of certificate as well into England, as also to the abbot of Clairvaux in France; well hoping that he, God willing, should be able to make his repair again to them by Easter next.

    A BRIEF STORY OF WILLIAM, THE PROUD BISHOP OF ELY, THE KING’S CHANCELLOR And now, to leave King Richard awhile in the field, let us make a step into England, and look a little at what is doing, at home while the king is abroad, and so return to the king again. Ye heard before how King Richard, at his setting forth, committed the govern-merit of the realm to Hugh, bishop of Durham, and to William, bishop of Ely, so that to the bishop of Durham was committed the keeping of the castle of Windsor. The other, who was the bishop of Ely, had the keeping of the rower of London, about which he caused a great ditch with a rampart to be made, which is yet remaining.

    Furthermore, to these two bishops the king also assigned four other chief justices, who, jointly with them, should have the hearing and oversight of all causes, as well to the clergy as to the laity appertaining: to wit, Hugh Bardolf, William Marshal, Geoffrey Fitz-Piers, and William Briwere; but the bishop of Ely was the principal, or at least he that took most upon him, who both was the king’s chancellor, and bought with his money to be the pope’s legate through England, Ireland, and Scotland, as is before specified. *For f538 the said Ely, being more ambitious, so practiced with the king, that with the king’s ambassadors sending his letters to the pope he obtained there the authority legantine upon the whole realm of England, as by the pope’s letters f539 o him again directed may appear.*Touching the excessive pride and pomp of this bishop, his rufflings outrageous, and fall most shameful, it would make a long tragedy to relate the whole circumstances at full; to demonstrate only certain specialities thereof, for our present purpose may suffice.

    First, this William, called Longchamp, being thus advanced by the king to be his high chancellor, and chief justice of the realm, and also the pope’s legate, to show abroad the .authority of his legateship, began to suspend the canons, clerks, and vicars of the church of St. Peter in York, because they received him not with procession: under which interdiction he held them, till they were fain at last, both canons, clerks, and vicars, to fall down at his feet, causing all their bells to be let down out of the steeple.

    After this cometh Hugh, bishop of Durham, whom the king sent home out of Normandy with his letters; who, meeting with the aforesaid William, bishop of Ely, in the town of Ely, showed him the king’s letters, wherein was granted to him the keeping of Windsor castle, and to be the king’s justice from the river Humber to the borders of Scotland. To these letters the chancellor answered, that the king’s commandment should be done, and so brought him with him to Suwel, where he took him and kept him fast, till he was forced at last to surrender to him the castle of Windsor, and other things which the king had committed to his custody; and moreover, he was constrained to leave with the said chancellor, Henry de Puteaco, his own son, and Gilbert Leigh, for pledges and hostages of his fidelity, to be true to the king and realm. And thus the bishop of Durham, being set at liberty, went to his town of Hoveden; where, after he had made his abode a few days, cometh thither Osbert Longchamp, the chancellor’s brother, and William Stutiville, with a great company of armed men sent by the chancellor to apprehend him. But the said bishop of Durham, putting in sureties not to depart that town without license of the king and of the chancellor, there still remained till he got letters to be sent to the king, signifying how he was used. Whereupon the king, writing his letters from Marseilles to the bishop of Ely, set the said bishop of Durham free, and confirmed to him all the possessions and grants that he before had given him.

    It is almost incredible to think how intemperately this bishop and chancellor misconducted himself, after the king’s departure into Syria, in excess of pride, and in cruel exactions and oppressions of the king’s subjects. I first, his fellow-justices, whom the king joined with him for government of the realm, he utterly rejected and refused to hear their counsel, reputing none to be equal with him in all the realm. Neither was he contented with the authority of a prelate, but played both king and priest in the realm. All castles, lordships, abbeys, churches, and all other appropriations belonging to the right of the king, he claimed to himself; and, by virtue of his legateship, when he came to any bishop’s house, abbey, priory, or any other religious house, he brought with him such a superfluity of men, horses, dogs, and hawks, that the house was the worse for it three years after; for commonly he rode never under fifteen hundred horse, of chaplains, priests, and other serving-men waiting upon him. From the clergy and laity he took away their churches, their advowsons, their livings, and their lands, to bestow upon his nephews and other waiting chaplains, to serve his vain glory; or else converted them to his own use, to maintain his pomp and vanity. In getting and gathering of treasures he had no measure; in misspending the same he kept no order; and that no vice should be wanting where such avarice taketh root, the money, which he wrongfully got, he committed to the bank to be increased by usury. What wantonness and lasciviousness were used in that so riotous life, the stories do shame to declare. All ruffianly runagates, idle bellies, and light persons, wheresoever he went, hung upon his court. To increase the vain jollity of this royal prelate, there was lacking no kind of musical instruments and melodious noise, to refresh belike his wearied senses, too much beaten and macerated with continual labor and study of hunting, hawking, and gaming: of preaching and reading, I should have said.

    Briefly, this aforesaid prelate, bearing the authority both of the king and of the pope, .kept such a stir in England, that the whole realm was at his beck, with cap and knee, crouching to him; neither durst any man, rich or poor, displease him; yea, there was none in all the realm so noble or worshipful, but was glad to please hint, accounting himself happy if he might stand in his favor. At his table, all noblemen’s children did serve and wait upon him, with whom he coupled in marriage his nieces and kinswomen; and, when any one that stood waiting before him, durst once cast up his eyes, or did not demurely look downward upon the ground, he had a staff in his hand with a prick, wherewith he used to prick him; learning, belike, by the carter his father, who used at the plough or cart to drive his oxen. Furthermore, as kings used to have their guard about them, so he, because he would not also be unguarded, refusing men of the English nation, had his waiters and warders mostly of Frenchmen and Flemings.

    It happened after this, A.D. 1191, that a great discord arose between John, earl of Morton, the king’s brother, with other states of the realm, and the said William, bishop of Ely; so that, universally, they all wrote over to the king concerning the misgovernment and enormities of the said bishop.

    Richard, understanding the case, sent from Messina into England Walter, archbishop of Rouen, and William Marshal, earl, unto the bishop of Ely, with letters, commanding him that in all his doings he should associate unto him the archbishop of Rouen, William Marshal, Geoffrey Fitz-Piers, William Briwere, and Hugh Bardolf above mentioned; who, when they came into England, durst not deliver their letters, dreading the displeasure of the chancellor, for he despised all the commandments of the king, nor would suffer any fellow to join with him in his kingdom.

    Hitherto have you heard of the glorious vanity of this lordly legate and chancellor of the realm; now ye shall hear of his shameful fall, after his shameless exaltation. For shortly after this followeth another breach between the said Earl John the king’s brother, and him, about the besieging of the castle of Lincoln. a455 Concerning that castle the said John sent him word, that unless he raised his siege the sooner from thence, he would send him away by force of sword. the bishop, either not able to make his party good, or not daring to resist, thought best to fall to some composition with the earl, and so did. In that composition, he was contented, against his will, by mediation of divers bishops and others, to make surrender, not only of the castle of Lincoln, but also of Nottingham, Tickhill, Wailingford, and many more places, which were then committed to the custody of sundry men of worship and honor. And thus was that controversy settled, wherein the bishop of Ely began to be cut a little shorter.

    It followed then not long after, in the same year, that another like business began to kindle between Geffrey, the archbishop of York, the king’s brother, and the aforesaid glorious bishop of Ely upon this occasion. Ye heard before how the king, at his setting out, left order that Earl John and Geffrey, his brethren, should not enter into the realm for the space of three years after his departure (how-beit his brother John was shortly after released of that bond), and also after that, how King Richard, being at Messina, sent his mother Elenor to the pope for his brother Geffrey (elected before to the see of York) to be consecrated archbishop.

    Whereupon the said Geffrey being consecrated through license of Pope Celestine by the archbishop of Tours; the said Geffrey, immediately upon his consecration, lost no time, but would needs come into England. Of this the bishop of Ely having intelligence, sent him word, being at Wissland in Flanders, not to presume to adventure into the realm, contrary to his oath before made to King Richard; commanding, moreover, that if he came, he should be apprehended. All which notwithstanding, the archbishop letted not for all that, but needs would repair to his see, and so arrived at Dover in the month of September, where the chancellor’s men stood on the seaside to apprehend him; but he, by changing his apparel, and by the swiftness of his horse, escaped their hands, and came to the monks’ house of Dover; but the chancellor’s men, whom he sent to take him, beset the church of the monks round about, so that in nowise he could avoid their hands.

    To make the story short: as the archbishop, on a day when he had said mass, was standing at the altar, with his garments yet about him, the rude soldiers having little good manners, and less devotion, spared not boldly to rush into the church, and there laid hands upon the archbishop as he stood; took him, bound him, and dragged him through dirt and mire (and, as we use to say, through thick and thin), and so committed him to Matthew le Clere, a456 the constable of Dover castle, to be kept; whereat the people greatly disdained, seeing that he was a king’s son, and the brother of a king, who was so treated. The news whereof, when it came to the cars of Earl John, his brother, he being not a little offended therewith, sent to know of the chancellor, whether this was his doing or not. To whom when the chancellor sent answer again, and stoutly confessed the fact to be his, the earl sent commandment that his brother should be delivered up, and so he was; who, then coming to London, made his complaint to the earl, his brother, and to other nobles of the realm, of the injuries done to him by the chancellor. On this the earl sent for the aforesaid chancellor, and appointed a day peremptory for him to appear before the whole body of the council, to make answer to such injuries as he had done, both to the archbishop of York, and also to the bishop of Durham above mentioned; but the chancellor, driving off the time with delays, would neither come nor send.

    Then the earl, with the bishops about him, made their journey towards London, to have the matter there handled in a great audience.

    The chancellor, seeing that, withdrew himself from Windsor to the city of London, where by the way it happened, that the servants of the earl and of the chancellor meeting, did skirmish together; in which fray one of the earl’s family was slain, but yet his men had the better; and the chancellor with his men were put to flight, and so fled to the Tower, where they did hide themselves. The next day, which was about the twelfth day of October, Earl John, the king’s brother, and the archbishop of Rouen, with all the bishops, earls, and barons, and citizens of London, assembled together in Paul’s church, where many and great accusations were laid against the said chancellor; so that in fine it was agreed in that assembly, that the said chancellor should be deposed, and in his place was substituted the archbishop of Rouen, according to the tenor of the king’s letters sent from Messina; which was, that certain other persons should be associated with the chancellor for the government of the realm, by whose counsel, if he would not be directed, the archbishop of Rouen should be set in his place, and he should be deposed. The third day after this, the chancellor firmly promised not to depart out of the realm, before he had delivered out of his hands all such castles, the keeping whereof he committed to certain foreigners and strangers; and, for assurance thereof, he gave his two brethren and his chamberlain for pledges, and so went to Canterbury, where, he said, he would take the cross of a pilgrim, and leave the cross of his legateship.

    Now when he was come to the castle of Dover, and there had remained a few days, contrary to his promise made, his purpose was to take ship, and to pass over the seas. And because he durst not do it openly, he devised a new kind of disguising, decking himself in the apparel of a woman; and so, gouty as he was, he went to the sea-side in his woman’s weeds, having in his hand a measuring yard, and on his arm a piece of linen cloth. And thus, as he was sitting upon a rock, waiting for his ship to come and convey him over, a certain fisherman espying him, and supposing him to be a harlot, came to him, and found him to be, as he was indeed, a man, in likeness of a woman; whereat he wondered and began to make an outcry upon him. But the bishop’s servants, being not far off, came running, and stilled him as well as they could.

    The fisherman then going to the next village, and there belike, declaring what he had seen, to try out the matter further, came out certain women; who, seeing the linen cloth hanging on his arm, began to question with him of the price of his cloth, and what he would take for it; but to this he would answer never a word, but smiled upon them. Whereat they musing with themselves, and whispering one with another, at last with their hands were so bold as to pluck down his muffler, and there his Balaam’s mark, or shaven crown, appeared on his head; and so, with a loud exclamation, raised the village upon him, and would have fallen upon him with stones.

    Then came running a great multitude both of men and women; who, wondering at him, as birds are wont at an owl, laid hands upon him, and plucked him down to the ground, hauling and drawing him by the sleeves and collar of his gown through stones and rocks, whereby he was shrewdly hurt. His servants once or twice made out to rescue their old master, or new mistress, but could not for the press of the people; who, beating him with their fists, and spitting at him, drew him through the whole town, and so, with shame enough at length laid him in a dark cellar instead of a prison, of whom all the country about wondered and cried out. In conclusion, Earl John, hearing thereof, within eight days after sent word, that they should deliver him and let him go.

    The bishop then, set at liberty, sailed over as he could to Flanders, where he had but cold welcoming; from thence he went to Paris, where he gave Maurice, their bishop, threescore marks of silver to be received into the city with procession, and so he was. Then returned he into Normandy, but the archbishop of Rouen there gave commandment that the church doors should be locked, and no service said so long as he there remained the bishop, seeing that, directed his letters and messengers to Pope Celestine, and also to King Richard into Syria, signifying to them how John, earl of Morton, and his accomplices, had handled him, and expelled him out of the realm; requiring that he might be restored again to what was taken from him, and also offering himself to be tried by the law for what he had done; so that if the king should dislike in any tiling what he had done, he was ready to satisfy the king’s contentation in all things wherein justly he could be charged.

    Upon this, Pope Celestine, inflamed with an apostolical zeal in behalf of the said bishop of Ely, his legate, wrote a sharp and thundering letter to the archbishops, bishops, and prelates of England; commanding them, by his authority apostolical, that, forasmuch as the injuries, done to his legate, did redound to the contumely of the whole mother church of Rome, they should not fail therefore, but with severe censures of the church, that is, with book, bell, and candle, proceed as well against the said John, earl of Morton, as also against all others, whosoever had, or should attempt any violence or injury against the said his legate, the bishop of Ely, with no less severity than if the said injury should be offered to the person of the pope himself, or any other of his brethren, the cardinals.

    The bishop of Ely, the pope’s legate, bearing himself bold upon the favor and letters of the pope, who took his part, writeth to Henry, bishop of Lincoln, charging and requiring, that he, in virtue of obedience, should execute the pope’s sentence and mandate in excommunicating all such as were offenders in that behalf, and there reciteth the names of divers, against whom he should proceed, as the archbishop of Rouen, the bishop of Willchester, William Marshal, Geoffrey Fitz-Piers, Briwere and Bardolf, the earl of Salisbury, a457 the earl of Mellent, Gilbert Basset, John, archdeacon of Oxford, and especially Hugh, bishop of Coventry; also Master Benet, and Stephen Ridle, chancellor to Earl John, the king’s brother; to the which earl he reserved a further day of respite before he should be excommunicate, with a number of other more beside these; howbeit the said bishop of Ely could find none to execute this commandment of the pope. Then they, with a general consent, wrote again to King Richard, complaining of the intolerable abuses of the said bishop, his chancellor. In like sort the said chancellor also, complaining of them, wrote his letters to the king, signifying how Earl John, his brother, went about to usurp his kingdom, and would also shortly set the crown upon his own head, unless he made the more speed homeward. The king then was busy in repulsing Saladin, and was preparing to lay siege against Jerusalem, and had got Ascalon, with divers other towns, from the Saracens, which was in the year A.D. 1192, having divers conflicts in the mean time with Saladin, and ever put him to the worse. As the king was thus preparing to lay his siege against Jerusalem, Saladin, glad to fall to some composition with the king, sent unto him, that if he would reduce Ascalon to the same dismantled state in which it was when he took it, a459 f540 he would grant to him, and to all Christians in the land of Jerusalem, truce for three years, and offered himself thereunto to be sworn.

    The king, seeing the duke of Burgundy and the Frenchmen to shrink from him, and his own men to decay, and also his money and. health to diminish; but especially for that he understood by the bishop of Ely, his chancellor, that the French king intended to set up John, his brother, to possess his kingdom; being counselled thereto by the Templars, took the truce offered of the Saracens, and so began to draw homeward.

    In this mean while, much grudge and strife increased more and more between the bishop of Ely and the archbishop of Rouen above specified, insomuch that the archbishop, being excommunicate, sent up his clerks to Pope Celestine to complain of the bishop; but the pope ever stood in his purgation. At last he sent two of his cardinals, to wit, Octavian, bishop of Ostia, and Jordan de Fossa Nova, f541 to break the strife between the bishop of Ely and the archbishop of Rouen.

    After this King Richard being taken, and in the custody of Henry the emperor, the bishop of Ely, resorting to him, was sent by him into England to Elenor, his mother, and other nobles; who then returning into England again, not as chancellor, nor as legate, as he said, but as a simple plain bishop, so by that means was received. f542 But of this vain-glorious prelate enough and too much. Now to return again to Richard, concerning whose worthy acts done abroad in getting of Cyprus, and Ptolemais or Acre, and in pacifying Joppa, etc. is partly spoken of before. Many other valiant and famous acts were by him and the French king achieved, and more would have been, had not those two kings, falling into discord, dissevered themselves; by reason whereof Philip, the French king, returned home again within short space; who, being returned again, eftsoons invaded the country of Normandy, exciting also John, the brother of King Richard, to take on him the kingdom of England, in his brother’s absence. Who then made league upon the same with the French king, and did homage unto him, which was about the fourth year of King Richard; who, then being in Syria, and hearing thereof, made peace with the Turks for three years. And not long after, King Richard, in October next following, f543 returned also: who, in his return, driven by stress of weather about the parts of Istria, in a town called Synaca, was there taken by Leopold, duke of the same country, and so sold to the emperor for sixty thousand marks; who, for no small joy thereof, writeth to Philip, the French king, the letter inserted below. f544 King Richard, thus being traitorously taken and sold to the emperor by the duke of Austria, was there kept in custody a year and three months. f545 In some stories it is affirmed, that King Richard, returning out of Asia, came to Italy with a prosperous wind, where he desired of the pope to be absolved from an oath made against his will, and could not obtain it; and so setting out from thence towards England, passing by the country of Conrad the marquis, whose death (he being slain a little before) was falsely imputed by the French king to the king of England, was there traitorously taken, as is before said, by Leopold, duke of Austria. Albeit, in another story, I find the matter more credibly set forth, which saith thus: that King Richard slew the brother of this Leopold, playing with him at chess in the French king’s court; and that Leopold, taking his advantage, was the more cruel against him, and delivered him, as is said, to the emperor: in whose custody he was detained during the time above mentioned, namely, a year and three months. During the which time of the king’s endurance, the French king in the mean season stirred war in Normandy, and Earl John, the king’s brother, made stir and invaded England; but the barons and bishops of the land mightily withstood him, and besieged him in the castle of Windsor, where they took from him all the castles and munitions which before he had got. Thus the earl, seeing no hope to prevail in England, and suspecting the deliverance of the king, his brother, made into France, and kept with the French king. At length it was so agreed and concluded with the emperor, that King Richard should be released for a hundred thousand pounds, of the which money part should remain to the duke of Austria, the rest should be the emperor’s. f546 The sum of this money was here gathered and made in England of chalices, crosses, shrines, candlesticks, and other church plate; also with public contribution of friaries, abbeys, and other subjects of the realm. Whereof part was presently paid, and, for the residue remaining, hostages and pledges were taken; which was about the fifth year of his reign. And then it was obtained of the pope, that priests might celebrate with chalices of latin and tin (and so it was granted and continued long after, which mine author, in his chronicle entitled ‘Eulogium,’ oth testify himself to have seen), at what time this aforesaid money was paid, and the hostages were given, for the ransom of the king. I have an old story that saith how the aforesaid duke of Austria, shortly after, was plagued by God with five sundry plagues: first, with burning of his chief towns; secondly, with the drowning of ten thousand of his men in a great flood, happening no man could tell how; thirdly, by turning all the ears of his corn fields into worms; fourthly, by taking away almost all the nobles of his land by death; fifthly, by breaking his own leg by falling from his horse, which leg he was compelled to cut off with his own hands, and after died upon the same; who is said at his death to have forgiven King Richard fifty thousand marks, and to have sent home the hostages that were with him. he book entitled ‘Eulogium,’ before mentioned, declareth thus; that the said Leopold, duke of Austria, fell into displeasure with the bishop of Rome, and died excommunicate the year after, A.D. 1195.

    Thus the said King Richard being ransomed, as hath been declared, from the covetous captivity of the emperor, was restored again, and made his repair to England; at whose return Earl John, his brother, resorting unto him with humble submission, desired to be pardoned his transgressions.

    To whom King Richard answered again, “Would God,” saith he, “this your trespass, as it dieth with me in oblivion, so it may remain with you in remembrance!” and so gently forgave him. And after he had again recovered his holds and castles, he caused himself to be crowned again; which done, he made his power against the French king, and drove him out of Normandy. After that he turned his voyage against the Welshmen, and subdued them.

    The next year following, hich was A.D. 1197, Philip, the French king, brake the truce made between him and King Richard; whereupon the king was compelled to sail over again to Normandy, to withstand the malice of his enemy. About which time my story recordeth of one, called Fulco; some record it of the archbishop of Rouen, called Walter. This Fulco being then in England, and coming to the king’s presence, said unto him with great courage and boldness, “Thou hast, O mighty king! three daughters, very vicious and of evil disposition; take good heed of them, and betimes provide for them good husbands; lest, by untimely bestowing of the same, thou shalt not only incur great hurt and damage, but also utter ruin and destruction to thyself.” To whom the king, in a rage, said, “Thou lying and mocking hypocrite, thou knowest not where thou art, or what thou sayest:

    I think thou art mad, or not well in thy wits; for I have never a daughter, as all the world knoweth; and, therefore, thou open liar, get thee out of our presence.” To whom Fulco answered, “No, and like your grace, I lie not, but say truth; for you have three daughters, who continually frequent your court, and wholly possess your person, and such three naughty packs, as never the like hath been heard of; I mean, mischievous Pride, greedy Covetousness, and filthy Luxury; and, therefore, again I say, O king! beware of them, and out of hand provide marriages for them, lest in not so doing, thou utterly undo both thyself and the whole realm.”

    These words of Fulco a461 the king took in good part, with correction of himself, and confession of the same; whereupon incontinently he called his lords and barons before him, unto whom he declared the communing and motion of Fulco, who had willed him to beware of his three daughters— Pride, Avarice, and Luxury, with counsel out of hand to marry them, lest further discommodity should ensue both to him and to the whole realm: “whose good counsel, my lords, I intend to follow, not doubting of all your consents thereunto. Wherefore, here before you all, I give my daughter, swelling Pride, to wife unto the proud Templars; my greedy daughter, Avarice, to the covetous order of the Cistercian monks; and, last of all, my filthy daughter, Luxury, to the riotous prelates of the church, whom I think to be very meet men for her; and so severally well agreeing to all their natures, that the like matches in this our realm are not to be found for them.” And thus much concerning Fulco.

    Not long after this, it befel that a certain noble personage, lord of Limoges, in Aquitaine, Ademar a462 by name, found a great substance of treasure, both of gold and silver, hid in the ground, whereof a great part he sent to King Richard, as chief lord and prince over the whole country; which the king refused, saying, He would have all or none, for that he was the principal chieftain over the land. But the finder would not condescend to that; wherefore the king laid siege to a castle of his, called Chaluz, thinking the treasure to lie there. But the keepers and warders of the castle, seeing themselves not sufficient to withstand the king, offered to him the castle, desiring to depart with life and armor. To this the king would in no wise grant, but bade them to re-enter the castle again, and to defend it in all the forcible wise they could. It so befel, that as the king, with the captain of the Brabanters, went about the castle, viewing the places thereof, a soldier within, named Bertrand Gordoun, struck the king with an arrow in the arm; whereupon, the iron remaining and festering in the wound, the king, within nine days after, died; who, because he was not content with the half of the treasure that another man found, lost all his own treasure that he had. The king, being thus wounded, caused the man that struck him to be brought unto him, and asked him the cause why he so wounded him?

    The man answered, as the story saith, ‘that he thought to kill rather than to be killed; and what punishment soever he should sustain, he was content, so that he might kill him who had, before, killed his father and brethren.’ The king, on hearing his words, freely forgave him, and caused a hundred shillings to be given him; albeit, as the story addeth, after the death of the king the Brabant captain, after great torments, caused him to be hanged. The story of Gisburn saith, that the killer of King Richard, coming to the French king, thinking to have a great reward, was commanded to be drawn asunder by horses, and his quarters to be hanged up. f552 Another story affirmeth, and Gisburn partly doth testify the same, that a little before the death of King Richard, three abbots, of the Cistercian order, came to him, to whom he was confessed: and when he saw them somewhat stay at his absolution, he spake these words:—‘That he did willingly commit his body to the earth, to be eaten of worms, and his soul to the fire of purgatory, there to be tormented till the judgment, in the hope of God’s mercy.’ f553 About the reign of this king, Jornalensis maketh mention of Roger, archbishop of York, who put out of his church the monks, and placed for them secular priests; saying, ‘That he would rather wish ecclesiastical benefices to be given to wanton priests, than to abominable monks; and that Thurstin did sin never worse in all his life, than in building that house for monks.’ Another story I have, which saith, that this was not the bishop of York, but of Coventry.

    The king, not long after, departing without issue, John, his brother, reigned after him; in whom, although some vices may worthily be reprehended, especially his incontinent and too licentious life, yet was he far from deserving that, for the which he hath been so ill reported of divers writers, who, being led more with affection to popery, than with true judgment and due consideration, depraved his doings more than the sincere truth of the history will bear. Concerning his history, after so many writers, We thought also to bestow a little labor; although in this matter we cannot be so long as we would, and as the matter requireth.

    JOHN F554 After the death of King Richard, called Coeur de Lion, reigned his brother, John, Earl of Morton. Afterwards, the archbishop put the crown on his head, and swore him to defend the church and to maintain the same in her good laws, and to destroy the evil; and except he thought in his mind to do this, the archbishop charged him not to presume to take on him this dignity. On St. John Baptist’s day next following, King John sailed into Normandy and came to Rouen, where he was royally received, and truce concluded between him and the French king for a time. And thither came to him the earl of Flanders, and all the other lords of France that were of King Richard’s band and friendship, and were sworn unto him.

    Not long after this, Philip, the French king, made Arthur knight, and took his homage for Normandy, Bretagne, and all other his possessions beyond the sea, and promised him help against King John. After this, King John and the French king talked together with their lords about one hour’s space; and the French king asked so much land for himself and Knight Arthur, that King John would grant him none; and so he departed in wrath.

    The same year a legate came into France, and commanded the king, on pain of interdiction, to deliver one Peter out of prison, who was elected to a bishopric; and thereupon he was delivered.

    After that the legate came into England, and commanded King John, under pain of interdiction, to deliver the archbishop whom he had kept as prisoner two years; which the king refused to do, till he had paid him six thousand marks, because he took him in harness in a field against him, and swore him, upon his deliverance, that he should never wear harness against any Christian man.

    At this time divorce was made between King John and his wife, daughter of the earl of Gloucester, because they were in the third degree of kindred; and afterwards, by the counsel of the French king, King John wedded Isabella, daughter of the earl of Angouleme; and then Arthur of Bretagne did homage to King John, for Bretagne and others.

    At this time arose strife between King John, and Geffrey the archbishop of York, for divers causes: first, because he would not suffer and permit the sheriff of York, in such affairs as he had to do for the king within his diocese. Secondly, because he did also excommunicate the said sheriff.

    Thirdly, because he would not sail with him into Normandy, to make the marriage between Louis, the French king’s son, and his niece, etc.

    After this, A.D. 1202, Philip, the French king, in a communication between King John and him, required that the said King John should part with all his lands in Normandy and Poictou which he had beyond the sea, unto Arthur, his nephew, and that incontinent, or else he would war against him; and so he did. For when King John denied that request, the next day following, the French king, with the said Arthur, set upon certain of his towns and castles in Normandy, and put him to much disquietness. But he (the Lord so providing, who is the giver of all victory) had such repulse at the Englishmen’s hands, that they pursuing the Frenchmen in their flight, did so follow them in their hold, and so pressed upon them, that not only they took the said Arthur prisoner, with many others of the Frenchmen, but also gave such an overthrow to the rest, that none was left to bear tidings home. This Arthur was nephew to King John, and son to Geffrey, who was the elder brother to John; for King Henry II (to maize the matter more evident) had eight children: one was William, who died in his childhood; the second, Henry, who died also, his father being yet alive; the third, Richard Coeur de Lion, king; the fourth, Geffrey, earl of Bretagne, a465 who likewise deceased in his father’s days, leaving behind him two children, Arthur and Brecca; the fifth, John, now reigning; and three other daughters besides. The same Arthur, being thus taken in war, was brought before the king, at the castle of Falaise, in Normandy; who, being exhorted with many gentle words to leave the French king, and to incline to his uncle, answered again stoutly, and with great indignation; requiring the kingdom of England, with all the other dominions thereto belonging, to be restored to him, as to the lawful heir of the crown. By reason whereof, he, provoking the king’s displeasure against him, was sent to the tower of Rouen, where at length (whether by leaping into the ditch, thinking to maize his escape, or whether by some privy hand, or by what chance else, it is not yet agreed upon in stories) he finished his life; by occasion whereof, the aforesaid King John was had, after, in great suspicion, whether justly or unjustly, the Lord knoweth.

    The year following, historiographers write, that King John, for lack of rescue, lost all his holds and possessions in Normandy, through the force of the French king. After these losses came other troubles upon him, with other as great or greater enemies (that is, with the pope and his popelings), by occasion of choosing of the archbishop of Canterbury; as in this history following, by Christ’s grace, is to be declared.

    In the year of our Lord 1205, about the month of July, Hubert, the archbishop of Canterbury, deceased; whose decease, after it was known in Canterbury to the monks, and before his body was yet committed to the earth, the younger sort of the monks there gathered themselves together at midnight, and elected their superior, Reginald, and, without the king’s license, or yet knowledge, privily placed him in the metropolitan seat, singing ‘Te Deum’ at midnight. And because the king should not make their election void, they charged him, by virtue of his oath, to keep all secret by the way, and to show nothing that was done before he came to the pope; but he, contrary to his oath, as soon as he came into Flanders, opened all abroad the matter, and uttered their counsel: whereupon the monks, being not a little grieved with him, sent him privily unto the court of Rome, out of hand. The next day, the elder monks sent to the king, desiring him, of his gracious license, canonically to choose their archbishop. The king most gently and favorably granted their petition, requiring them instantly, and desiring them for his sake, to show favor to John Gray, then bishop of Norwich; as they did indeed, erecting him into that seat of their high primacy. Moreover, because the authority of kings and princes was then but small in their own dominion, without the pope’s consent and confirmation to the same, he sent also to Rome, of his own charges, to have the aforesaid election ratified by the pope. The suffragans of Canterbury then, being not a little offended at these two elections, sent speedily to Rome to have them both stopped, because they had not been of counsel with them; and hereupon at last grew a most prodigious tumult. * In this year the clergy grew so unruly, that they neglected their charge, and thereby incensed the king’s displeasure so sorely against them, that he took order about the goods of such as in that case were faulty; as shall appear more manifestly by that which followeth.

    A LETTER OF KING JOHN, TOUCHING THE LANDS AND GOODS OF SUCH CLERKS AS REFUSE TO CELEBRATE DIVINE SERVICE F558 The king to all clerks and lay people within the bishopric of Lincoln, greeting: Know ye that from Monday-next before the feast of Easter, we have committed to William of Cornhill, archdeacon of Huntingdon, and to Joselin of Canvil, all the lands and goods of the abbots and priors, and of all the religious persons; and also of all clerks within the bishopric of Lincoln, which will not from that time celebrate divine service. And we command you, that from thence you assist them as our bailiffs; and believe them in those things which they shall tell you privately on our behalf.

    Witness ourself at Clarendon, the eighteenth day of March, in the ninth year of our reign.

    The like was written to all within the bishopric of Ely. So that hereby we see the dissoliteness and willfulness of those popish church-men, whom conscience of discharging their duty did so little move, as that they thought upon nothing less, till the king was driven to use such austerity and sharpness against them. But to proceed in this troublesome election: you shall understand,* that the next year after, the suffragans of the province of Canterbury on the one side, and the monks of Canterbury on the other side, came before the pope with their brawling matter. First the monks, presenting Reginald, their superior, desired that their election might be confirmed. The suffragans likewise complained that the monks would presume to choose the archbishop without their consent, and therefore desired, by divers reasons, the first election to be of none effect. The pope, deciding the matter between both, pronounced with the monks; charging the suffragans and bishops to meddle no more with that election, but to let the monks alone. The monks of Canterbury, now having the whole election in their own hands, fell also at square among themselves, the younger sort with the elder. The younger sort, who had chosen Reginald their superior, would have that election to stand. The elder sort of the monks replied again, saying, that the first election was done by stealth, and by night, and by the younger part; also without the counsel of other monks. Over and besides, it was done without the king’s license or appoint-merit, and without the due solemnity thereunto belonging.

    And as concerning our election, said they, it was done in the dear light of the day, by which it had authority in presence of our liege lord the king, and his council being willing to the same.

    This allegation thus proported, the suffragans’ proctor or man of law stood forth, and proved the former election to be good, and this latter to be void and of no value, after this sort. “Whether the first election,” saith he, “were just or unjust, ye ought first by the law to have condemned it before ye should have presumed to the second; but thus ye did not: therefore is this your latter doing no election at all, and the first therefore is rather to be ratified than yours.” When they had thus multiplied talk on both sides, with many frivolous allegations a long time, and could not agree upon one person, Pope Innocent condemned both their elections, commanding them to choose Stephen Langton, then cardinal of St. Chrysogon, for their archbishop. The monks then answered, that they durst not so do without consent of their king, and for that it was prejudicial to their ancient liberties. The pope by and by (saith the text), as one in a fury, taking the words out of their mouths, said thus unto them: “We will ye to know, that we have full power and authority over the church of Canterbury; neither are we wont to tarry the consent of princes, therefore we command you, on pain of our great curse, that ye choose him only whom we have appointed.”

    The monks, at these words abashed and terrified, though they much murmured in their hearts, yet consented they all in one, and thereupon sang Te Deum; only Dr. Elias Brant field withdrew himself from that election, whom the king had sent for the admission of the bishop of Norwich.

    Thus was Stephen Langton, in the high church of Viterbo, by the pope’s hand made archbishop of Canterbury. * This election thus passed with the pope’s grace and favor, the said Stephen had in England, among others that solicited his cause to the king, a brother named Master Simon Langton, who also in course of time became archbishop of York, a466 as appeareth in the course of this story, in the reign of Henry III A.D. 1228. In this behalf the king seemed tractable, so he might have his sovereignty entire; against which, because the said Stephen had vowed to oppose himself, and the king misliked such demeanor, he sent abroad his letters certificatory about the realm; therein giving intimation to all people of proud Stephen Langton’s countenance.

    The form of the said letters followeth.

    LETTERS CERTIFIATORY OF KING JOHN, TOUCHING THE CONTUMACY OF STEPHEN LANGTON, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, BY THE POPE’S ELECTION F561 The king to all men, etc. Know ye that Master Simon Langton crone to us at Winchester, on the Wednesday next before Mid-lent, and, in presence of our bishops, besought us that we would receive his brother, Master Stephen Langton, to be archbishop of Canterbury. And when we spake unto him touching the reservation and saving of our dignity unto us, he told us that he would do no such thing for us, unless we would wholly rely ourselves upon his courtesy and gentleness. This therefore we command, that you know evil and wrong to be done unto us in this behalf: and we charge you, that you believe those things which Reginald of Cornhill shall tell you on our part, touching the aforesaid deed between us and the bishops above-named, etc.—Witness the king at Winchester, the fourteenth day of March, in the ninth year of his reign.* [A.D. 1208.] Now, albeit the king took indignation at this proceeding in the election of Stephen, “yet, from thenceforth,” saith Matthew Paris, “the pope could do no less than mightily defend him from all vexation and danger; considering that he was his own dear darling, and a child of his own creation.”

    Furthermore, upon this occasion King John conceived an extreme displeasure against the clergy and monks of Canterbury, as he had good cause, they doing so many evils against his princely prerogative. Without his license they elected their archbishop, and put by the bishop of Norwich, whom he had appointed. They wasted a great part of his treasure for the wars; and, to bring all to the devil, they made Stephen Langton their high metropolitan, whom he took for a grievous enemy to the whole realm, being always so familiar with the French king: wherefore, in his anger, he banished them out of the land, to the number of threescore and four, for this their contumacy, and contempt of his regal power.

    The monks of Canterbury thus being expulsed, the king forthwith sendeth messengers to the pope with his letters, wherein he doth sharply and expressly expostulate with the pope, for that so uncourteously he repulsed the election of the bishop of Norwich, and set up one Stephen Langton, a man unknown to him and brought up amongst his enemies a long time in the kingdom of France, consecrating him archbishop of Canterbury, and letting the other go; and for that, notwithstanding the monks of Canterbury had not before made him privy and obtained his consent (who should so have done), yet he rashly presumed to promote and prefer the said Stephen; all which greatly redounded to the subversion and derogation of the liberties appertaining to his crown. a467 Wherefore he cannot marvel, he saith, enough, that neither the said pope, nor the court of Rome, doth consider and revolve with themselves, how necessary his love and favor hath been always hitherto to the see of Rome; and that they consider not what great profit and revenues have proceeded hitherto to them out of the realm of England; the like whereof hath not been received out of any other country besides on this side the Alps. He addeth moreover, and saith, that for his liberties he will stand, if need be, unto death, neither can he be so removed and shaken off from the election of the bishop of Norwich, which he seeth to be so commodious to him and profitable. Finally, he thus concludeth, saying, that in case in this his request he be not heard, he will so provide by the seas that there shall be no such gadding and coursing any more over to Rome, suffering the riches of the land no more to be transported over, whereby he should be himself the less able to resist his enemies And, seeing he hath of his own at home, archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of the church, both of Englishmen and of others, sufficiently provided and instructed in all kind of knowledge, therefore, he shall not need greatly to seek for judgment and justice further abroad.

    When these things came to the pope’s knowledge, he directeth this letter again to the king in these words:

    THE POPE’S LETTER TO KING JOHN Innocent, pope, servant of the servants of God, to our well-beloved son in Christ, the king of England, health, and apostolical blessing.

    Whereas we have written to you heretofore, exhorting and entreating you after an humble, diligent, and gentle sort (concerning the church of Canterbury), you have written to us again after a threatening sort and upbraiding manner, both spitefully and also frowardly. And whereas we have borne and given to you more and above what our right and duty required; you again, for your part, have given to us not so much as by right and duty you are bound to do. And though your devotion, as you say, hath been to us very necessary, yet consider again that ours also is not a little opportune and expedient for you. And whereas we, in such like cases, have not showed at any time the like honor to any prince as we have unto you; you again have so much derogated our honor, as no prince else hath presumed to do besides; pretending certain frivolous causes and occasions, I cannot tell what, why you would not condescend to the election of Stephen Langton, cardinal of St.

    Chrysogon, chosen by the monks of Canterbury; for that the said Stephen (as you say) hath been conversant and brought up amongst your enemies, and his person is to you unknown. But you know what is the proverb of Solomon:—“ The net is cast, but in vain, in the sight of the flying birds,” etc.

    With much other matter in the same epistle, wherein he falleth into the commendation of Stephen Langton his cardinal, declaring how learned he was in the liberal arts and in divinity, insomuch that he was prebendated at Paris; also that he was come of an honest stock, and was an Englishman born, and not unknown to the king, seeing the king had written his letters thrice to him before. Declaring, moreover, in the said letter, how the messengers of the king had specified to him another cause; which was, that the monks of Canterbury, who had to do in the election, came not to him before for his consent. Declaring, moreover, in the said letter, how the said messengers of the king entreated in the king’s behalf, that forasmuch as the pope’s letters (wherein the king was commanded to send his proctors to Rome, for the same matter) came not to the king’s hand, neither did the monks direct any such letters or message to the king to have his consent; therefore the pope, considering the same, would grant so much for the regard of the king’s honor, that the monks of Canterbury should not proceed without the king’s assent therein. And forasmuch as that hath not been done as yet, therefore they desired some delay therein to be given, sufficient for the doing thereof. Whereunto he said, that he had granted and fulfilled their request, in sending his letters and messengers once or twice to the king for the same purpose, although he said it was not the manner of the see apostolic (which had the fullness of power over the church of Canterbury) to wait for princes’ consents in such elections, who then could not be suffered to do that which they came for. Wherefore, in knitting up his letter, he thus concludeth in these words: “And therefore, seeing the matter so standeth, we see no cause why we should require or tarry for the king’s favor or consent any more therein, but intend so to proceed in this matter, neither inclining to the right hand nor to the left, according as the canonical ordinances of the holy fathers shall direct us; that is, (all impediments and delays set aside) so to provide, that the church of Canterbury be not any longer destitute of her pastor. Wherefore, be it known to your discretion or kingly prudence, that forasmuch as this election of Stephen Langton hath orderly and in concord thus proceeded without fraud or deceit, ‘upon a person meet for the same; therefore we will not, for man’s pleasure, neither may we, without danger of fame and of conscience, defer or protract any longer the consummation of the said election. Wherefore, my wellbeloved, son, seeing we have had respect to your honor, above what our right and duty requireth, study to honor us so much as your duty requireth again, so that you may the more plentifully deserve layout, both at God’s hand and ours; lest that by doing the contrary, you bring yourself into such a peck of troubles, as afterwards you shall scarce rid yourself of again. For this know ,for a certainty, in the end it must needs fall out, that he shall have the better, unto whom every knee (of heavenly, earthly, and infernal creatures) doth bow, whose turn I serve in earth, though I be unworthy. Therefore settle not yourself to obey their persuasions, who always desire your unquietness, whereby they may fish the better in the water when it is troubled; but commit yourself to our pleasure, which undoubtedly shall turn to your praise, glory, and honor. For it should not be much for your safety in this cause to resist God and the church; in whose quarrel that blessed martyr, and glorious bishop, Thomas [Becket] hath of late shed his blood; especially seeing your father and your brother of famous memory, then kings of England, did give over those three wicked customs into the hands of the legates of the see apostolic. But, if you yield yourself humbly into our hands, we will look that you and yours shall be sufficiently provided for, that no prejudice may arise hereupon to you-ward.—Given at Lateran the tenth year of our popedom.”

    Thus hast thou, gentle reader, the glorious letter of the proud pope; I beseech thee mark it well. Now to the story.

    After this letter was sent out, not long after proceedeth a charge and commandment sent into England, unto certain bishops there, requiring them, by autbority apostolical, that if the said king would not receive the prior of Canterbury and his monks, then they should interdict him throughout all his realm. For the executing of this, three bishops a468 were appointed by the usurped power of the pope’s bulls; namely, William, bishop of London, Eustace, bishop of Ely, and Mauger, bishop of Worcester. Which said three bishops went unto the king, and showed him their commission from the pope, as is above said, willing him to consent thereto; but the said king refused the same, and would by no means grant to their request.

    Whereupon they, departing from his grace, went the morrow after the Annunciation of our Lady, and pronounced the said general interdiction throughout all England, so that the church-doors were shut up with keys and other fastenings, and with walls, etc.

    Now when the king heard of this, he began to be moved against them, and took all the possessions of the said bishops into his hands, appointing certain men to keep the livings of the clergy throughout the realm, and that they should enjoy no part thereof. This being done, the bishops, seeing the same, cursed all them that kept, or should meddle with church goods, against the will of them that owned them: and understanding, for all that, that the king nothing regarded their doings, they went over sea to the bishop of Canterbury, and informed him what had happened: who hearing the same, willed them again to return to Canterbury, and he would come thither to them, or else send certain persons thither in his stead, that should do as much as if he were there himself. Then when the bishops heard this, they returned again to England, to Canterbury; on which tidings came shortly to the king, that they were come again thither. And because he might not himself travel to them, be sent hither bishops, earls, and abbots, to entreat them that the Archbishop Stephen, whom he had chosen, might be admitted; promising the prior and all the monks of Canterbury-in his behalf, that he should never take any thing of the church goods against the will of them:hat owned them, but would make amends to them from whom be had taken any such goods, and that the church should have all her franchises in as ample manner as she had in St. Edward the Confessor’s time.

    When the form of agreement was thus concluded, it was engrossed in a pair of indentures, and the aforementioned bishops to the one part thereof, set their seals; and the other part the said bishops, earls, and abbots, carried to show the king. When the king saw the order thereof, he liked it well, saving he would not agree to make restitution of the church goods. So he sent to the said bishops again that they should put out that point of restitution.

    But they answered stoutly, that they would not put out one word. Then the king sent word to the archbishop, by the said bishops, that he should come to Canterbury to speak with him, and for his safe conduct to come and go again at his will, he sent his justices as pledges, Gilbert Peitewin, William de la Briwere, and John Letritz. This done, the Archbishop Stephen came to Canterbury, and the king, hearing thereof, came to Chilham; from whence he sent his treasurer, the bishop of Winchester, to him, to have the king’s name put out of the indentures in the clause of restitution aforesaid: who refusing to alter any word of the same, moved the king in such sort, that immediately it was proclaimed throughout England, at the king’s commandment, that all those that had any churchlivings, and were over the sea, should come again into England by a certain day, or else lose their livings for evermore. And further in that proclamation, he charged all sheriffs within the realm, to inquire if any bishops, abbots, priors, or any other churchman (from that day forward) received any commandment that came from the pope, and that they should take his or their body and bring it before him; and also that they should take into their hands, for the king’s use, all the church lands that were given to any man through the Archbishop Stephen, or by the prior of Canterbury, from the time of the election of the archbishop: and further charged that all the woods that were the archbishop’s should be cut down and sold.

    When tidings came to the pope that the king had thus done, being moved thereby with fiery wrath, he sent to the king two legates, the one called Pandulph, and the other Durant, to warn him, in the pope’s name, that he should cease his doings to holy church, and amend the wrong he had done to the archbishop of Canterbury, to the prior and monks of Canterbury, and to all the clergy of England. And further, that he should restore the goods again that he had taken of them against their will, or else they should curse the king by name; and to do this, the pope gave them his letters in bulls patent. These two legates, coming into England, resorted to the king to Northampton, where he held his parliament, and, saluting him, said, they came from the pope of Rome, to reform the peace of holy church.

    And first, said they, “we admonish you in the pope’s behalf, that ye make full restitution of the goods, and of the lands, that ye have ravished from holy church; and that ye receive Stephen, the archbishop of Canterbury, into his dignity; and the prior of Canterbury and his monks; and that ye yield again unto the archbishop all his lands and rents without any withholding; and, sir, yet moreover, that ye shall make such restitution to them as the church shall think sufficient.”

    Then answered the king, a469 as touching the prior and his monks of Canterbury, “All that ye have said I would gladly do, and all things else that you would ordain; but as touching the archbishop, I shall tell you as it lieth in my heart. Let the archbishop leave his bishopric; and if the pope then shall entreat for him, peradventure I may like to give him some other bishopric in England; and upon this condition I will receive and admit him.”

    Then said Pandulph to the king, “Holy church was wont never to degrade archbishop without cause reasonable; but she was ever wont to correct princes that were disobedient to her.” “What? How now,” quoth the king; “threaten ye me?” “Nay,” said Pandulph, “but ye have now openly told us as it standeth in your heart; and now we will tell you what is the pope’s will; and thus it standeth: he hath wholly interdicted and cursed you, for the wrongs you have done unto holy church, and unto the clergy. And, forasmuch as ye will dwell still in your malice, and will come to no amendment, you shall understand, that from this time forward the sentences upon you given have force and strength. And all those that with you have communed before this time, whether that they be earls, barons, or knights, or any other, whatsoever they be, we assoil them safely from their sins unto this day: but from this time forward, of what condition soever they be, we accurse them openly, and specially by this our sentence, that do commune with you. And we assoil, moreover, earls, barons, knights, and all other manner of men, of their homages, services, and realties, that they should do unto you. And this thing to confirm, we give plain power unto the bishop of Winchester, and to the bishop of Norwich; and the same power we give against Scotland unto the bishop of Rochester, and of Salisbury; and in Wales we give the same power to the bishops of St. David, and of Landaff, and of St.

    Asaph.” “Also, sir king,” quoth Pandulph, “all the kings, princes, and the great dukes christened, have labored to the pope to have license to cross themselves, and to war against thee, as upon God’s great enemy, and to win thy land, and to make king whom it pleaseth the pope. And we here now assoil all those of their sins that will rise against thee here in thine own land.”

    Then the king, hearing this, answered: “What shame may ye do more to me than this?”

    Pandulph again: “We say to you in the name of God, that neither you, nor any heir that you have, after this day shall be crowned.” So the king said, “By him that is Almighty God, if I had known of this thing before ye came into this land, and that ye had brought me such news, I should have made you tarry out these twelve months.”

    Then answered Pandulph, “Full well we thought, at our first coming, that ye would have been obedient to God and to holy church, and have fulfilled the pope’s commandment, which we have showed and pronounced to you, as we were charged therewith. And now ye say, that if ye had wist the cause of our coming, ye would have made us tarry out a whole year; who might as well say, that ye would have taken a whole year’s respite without the pope’s leave; but for to suffer what death ye can ordain, we shall not spare to tell all the pope’s message and will, that he gave us in charge.”

    In another chronicle I find the words between the king and Pandulph something otherwise described, as though the king should first threaten him with hanging, if he had foreknown of his coming. To whom Pandulph again should answer, that he looked for nothing else at his hand, but to suffer for the church’s right. Whereupon the king, being mightily incensed, departed. The king, the same time, being at Northampton, willed the sheriffs and bailiffs to bring forth all the prisoners there, that such as had deserved, should be put to death; to the intent, as some think, to make Pandulph afraid. Among them was a certain clerk, who, for counterfeiting the king’s coin, was also condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered; and, moreover, the king commanded (thereby to anger Pandulph the more, as may be thought) that this clerk should be hanged up highest, above the rest. Pandulph, hearing thereof, notwithstanding he somewhat began to fear lest he should be hanged himself; yet, with such courage as he had, he went to the church to set out book, bell, and candle, charging that no man, under pain of accursing, should lay hands upon the clerk. Upon this the king and the cardinal departed in no little anger, and Pandulph went to Rome, and reported to the pope and the cardinals what had been done.

    Then the pope summoned all the bishops, abbots, and clerks of England, to come and repair to Rome, to consult what was to be done therein. This council began the first day of October. It was therein decreed, by the pope and his assembly, that John, king of England, should be accursed, with all such as held with him, every day so long as that council endured; albeit this was not yet granted, that the people should be crossed to fight against him, because as yet he had shed no blood. But afterwards the said Pope Innocent, seeing that King John would by no means stoop under his subjection, nor under the rule of his popish see, sent unto the French king, upon remission of all his sins, and those of all that went with him, that with all the power they might, they should take with them the livery and badge of the cross, to invade the realm of England, and revenge him of the manifold injuries done to the universal church, by that cursed Turk or Pagan, King John.

    This occasion given, Pope Innocent yet once again commanded, on pain of his great curse, that no man should obey King John, neither yet keep company with him: he forbade all persons to eat and drink with him, or talk with him, to commune or counsel with him; yea, his own familiar household to do him any kind of service either at bed or at board, in church, hall, or stable. And what followed thereof? The greater part of them, who after such sort fled a from him, by the ordinance of God, of divers and sundry diseases the same year died; and between both nations, English and French, a fell, for that year, great amity; but secret, subtile, and false, to the bitter betraying of England. Neither was the pope content only with this, but, moreover, the said Pope Innocent gave sentence definitive, by counsel of his cardinals, that King John should be put from his seat regal and deposed, and another put in his room. To the speedy execution of this he appointed the French king, Philip; promising to give him full remission of all his sins, and the clear possession of all the realm of England, to him and his heirs, if he did either kill him or expel him.

    The next year the French king began his attempt, in hope of the crown of England; being well manned with bishops, monks, prelates, priests, and their servants, to maintain the same; bragging of the letters which they had received from the great men there. But behold the work of God: the English navy took three hundred of the French king’s ships, well loaden with wheat, wine, meal, flesh, armor, and such other stores, meet for the war; and one hundred ships they burnt within the haven, taking the spoils with them. In the mean time the priests in England had provided them a certain false counterfeit prophet, called Peter Wakefield, of Poiz, a470 who was an idle gadder about, and a prattling merchant. This Peter they made to prophesy lies, rumoring his prophecies abroad, to bring the King out of all credit with his people. They noised it daily among the commons of the realm, that Christ had twice appeared to this prophet of theirs in shape of a child between the priest’s hands, once at York, another time at Porefret; and that he had breathed on him thrice, saying, “Peace! peace! peace!” and teaching many things which he anon after declared to the bishops; and bade the people amend their naughty living. Being rapt also in spirit, they said he beheld the joys of heaven, and the sorrows of hell. For scant were there three, saith the chronicle, a471 among a thousand that lived christianly. This counterfeit soothsayer prophesied of King John that he should reign no longer than the Ascension Day, A.D. 1213, a472 which was the fourteenth year from his coronation; and this, he said, he had by revelation. Then was it of him demanded, whether the king should be slain, or expelled, or should of himself give over the crown? He answered, that he could not tell; but of this he was sure, he said, that neither he, nor any of his stock or lineage, should reign, that day once finished. The king, hearing of this, laughed much at it, and made but a scoff thereof. “Tush,” saith he, “it is but an idiot knave, and such a one as lacketh his right wits.” But when this foolish prophet had so escaped the danger of the king’s displeasure, and that he made no more of it, he gat him abroad, and prated thereof at large, as he was a very idle vagabond, and used to tattle and talk more than enough; so that they who loved the king caused him anon after to be apprehended as a malefactor, and to be thrown into prison, the king not yet knowing thereof.

    The fame of this fantastical prophet soon went all the realm over, and his name was known every where, as foolishness is much regarded of people, where wisdom is not in place; especially because he was then imprisoned for the matter, the rumor was the larger, their wonderings were the wantoner, their practising the foolisher, their busy talks, and other idle occupyings, the greater. Continually from thence, as the rude manner of people is, old gossips’ tales went abroad, new tales were invented, fables were added to fables, and lies grew upon lies; so that every day new slanders were raised on the king, and not one of them true: rumors arose, blasphemies were spread, the enemies rejoiced, and treasons by the priests were maintained, and what in like manner was surmised, or whatever subtlety was practiced, all was then fathered upon this foolish prophet: as, “Thus saith Peter Wakefield,” “Thus hath he prophesied,” and, “This shall come to pass;” yea, many times when he thought nothing less. When the Ascension Day was come, which was prophesied of before, King John commanded his regal tent to be spread abroad in the open field, passing that day with his noble council, and men of honor, in greater solemnity than ever he did before, solacing himself with musical instruments and songs, most in sight, amongst his trusty friends. When that day was passed in all prosperity and mirth, his enemies being confused, turned all to an allegorical understanding, to make the prophecy good, and said, “He is no longer king, for the pope reigneth, and not he;” yet reigned he still, and his son after him, to prove that prophet a liar. Then was the king by his council persuaded that this false prophet had troubled all the realm, perverted the hearts of the people, and raised the commons against him; for his words went over the sea by the help of his prelates, and came to the French king’s ear, and gave him great encouragement to invade the land: he had not else done it so suddenly; but he was most foully deceived, as all they are, and shall be, that put their trust in such dark, drowsy dreams of hypocrites. The king therefore commanded that he should be drawn and hanged like a traitor, and his son with him, lest any more false prophets should arise of that race.

    After the popish prelates, monks, canons, priests, etc. saw this their crafty juggling by their reigned prophet would not speed, notwithstanding they had done no little harm thereby, to help the matter more forward, they began to travail and practice with Pope Innocent on the one side, and also with the French king on the other; besides subtle treasons which they wrought within the realm, and by their confessions in the ear, whereby they both blinded the nobility and commons. The king thus compassed about on every side with enemies, and fearing the sequel thereof, knowing the conspiracies that were in working against him, as well by the pope, in all that ever he might, as also by Philip, the French king, by his procurement; and moreover his own people, especially his lords and barons, being rebelliously incited against him; as by the pope’s curses and interdictions against such as took his part; and also by his absolutions and dispensations with all those that would rebel against him, commanding them to detain from him such homage, service, duties, debts, and all other allegiance, as godly subjects owe and are bound to yield and give to their liege lord and prince: all which things considered, the king, in the thirteenth year of his reign, because the French king began to make sharp invasion upon him within his own realm, sent speedy ambassadors to the pope, as to the fountain of all this his mischief, pretended to work and entreat his peace and reconciliation with him, promising to do whatsoever the pope should will and command him in the reformation of himself, and restitution of all wrongs done to holy church, and to make due satisfaction there-for unto all men that could complain.

    Then sent the pope again into England his legate Pandulph, with other ambassadors: the king also at Canterbury (by letters, as it should seem, certified from his own ambassadors) waited their coming; where, the thirteenth day of May, the king received them, making unto them an oath, That of and for all filings wherein he stood accursed, he would make ample restitution and satisfaction. Unto whom also all the lords and barons of England, as many as there were with the king attending the legates’ coming, swore in like manner, That if the king would not accomplish in every thing the oath which he had taken, then they would cause him to hold and confirm the same, whether he would or not, or “by strength,” to use the author’s words. * The king, seeing the great danger that was like to follow, and himself to be brought to such a strait, that no other way could be found to avoid the present destruction both of his person and the realm also, but utterly to be subverted; and especially fearing the French king; was enforced to submit himself to that execrable monster and antichrist of Rome, converting his land into patrimony of St. Peter, as many others had done before him, and so became a sorry subject of the sinful seat of Rome, thinking thereby to avoid all imminent dangers; for of this he was sure, not without shame, that being under his protection, no foreign potentate throughout the whole empire was able to subdue him.* Then submitted the king himself unto the court of Rome, and to the pope; and, resigning, gave up his dominions and realms in England and Ireland for him and for his heirs for evermore that should come of him: with this condition, that the king and his heirs should take again these two dominions of the pope to farm, paying yearly for them to the court of Rome one thousand marks of silver. Then took the king the crown from his head, in the presence of all his lords and barons of England, kneeling upon his knees to Pandulph, the pope’s chief legate, saying in this wise, “Here I resign the crown of the realm of England into the pope’s hands, Innocent III, and put me wholly in his mercy and ordinance.” Then took Pandulph the crown of King John, and kept it five days as a possession and seizingtaking of these two realms of England and Ireland, confirming also all things promised by his charter obligatory as followeth:

    THE COPY OF THE LETTER OBLIGATORY a473 THAT KING JOHN MADE TO THE POPE, Concerning the yielding up of the crown and realm of England into the Pope’s hands, and a certain sum of money yearly to be paid.

    To all Christian people throughout the world dwelling, John, by the grace of God, king of England, greeting: to your university known be it, that, for as much as we have grieved and offended God, and our mother, the church of Rome, and forasmuch as we have need of the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, and we may nothing so worthy offer, and competent satisfaction make to God and to holy church, even if it were our own body, as with our realms of England and of Ireland; then, by the grace of the Holy Ghost, we desire to meek us for the love of him, that meeked him to the death upon the cross. And through counsel of the nobles, earls, and barons, we offer, and freely grant to God, and to the apostles St. Peter and Paul, and to our mother church of Rome, and to our holy father Pope Innocent III, and to all the popes that come after him, all the realm, patronages of churches of England and of Ireland, with all the appurtenances, for remission of sins, and help and health of our kings’ soul, and of all Christian souls. So that from this time afterwards, we will receive and hold of our mother, the church of Rome, as in farm, doing fealty to our holy father the pope, Innocent III, and to all the popes that come after him, in the manner above said. And in the presence of the wise man, Pandulph, the pope’s subdeacon, a475 we make liege homage, as if it were in the pope’s presence, and we before him were, and as if he himself should have done all manner of things above said; and thereto we bind us, and all that come after us, and our heirs for evermore, without any gainsaying, to the pope, and eke the ward of the church vacant. And, in token of this thing ever for to last, we will, confirm, and ordain, that he be our special renter of the aforesaid realms (saving St. Peter pence) in all things, to the mother church of Rome, paying by the year one thousand marks of silver at two times of the year, for all manner of customs that we should do for the said realms; that is to say, at Michaelmas and at Easter: that is, for England seven hundred marks, and three hundred marks for Ireland; saving to us and to our heirs, our justices, and our other franchises. And all these things, that have before been said, we will that they be firm and stable, without end: and to that obligation we, and all our successors, and our heirs, in this manner are bound, That if we, or any of our heirs, through any presumption, fail in any point again of these things above said, and he having been warned, will not right amend him, he shall then release the aforesaid realms for evermore: and this charter of obligation, and our warrant for evermore, shall be firm and stable without gainsaying. We shall from this day afterward be true to God, and to the mother church of Rome, and to thee: Innocent III, and to all that come after thee; and in the realms of England and of Ireland we shall maintain true faith, in all manner of points, against all manner of men, by our power through God’s help.

    Upon this obligation the king was discharged, a474 on the second day of July, from that tyrannical interdiction under which he had continued six years and three months. But, before the releasement thereof, first, he was miserably compelled, as hath been declared, to give over both his crown and scepter to that antichrist of Rome for the space of five days; and, as his client, vassal, feudary, and tenant, to receive it again of him at the hands of another cardinal; being bound obligatory, both for himself and for his successors, to pay yearly for acknowledgment thereof, one thousand marks for England and Ireland. Then came they thither from all parts of the realm, so many as had their consciences wounded for obeying their liege king, as blind idiots, and there they were absolved, every one by his own bishop, except the spiritual fathers and ecclesiastical soldiers, for they were compelled to seek to Rome, as captives reserved to the pope’s own fatherhood. In this new ruffling the king easily granted that abbots, deans, and curates, should be elected freely every where, so that the laws of the realm were truly observed; but against that were the bishops, alleging their canonical decrees and rules synodal, determining the king therein to have nothing to do, but only to give his consent after they had once elected. But among this shaven rabble, some there were who consented not to this wicked error; a sort also there were of the prelates at that time, who were not pleased that the land’s interdiction should cease, till the king had paid all that which their clergy in all quarters of the realm had demanded, without reason; yea, what every saucy Sir John for his part demanded, even to the very breaking of their hedges, the stealing of their apples, and their other occasional damages, which grew to an incredible sum, and impossible to be answered. Such was the outrageous cruel noise of that mischievous progeny of antichrist, against their natural king.

    Notwithstanding that which is uttered afore concerning the bitter malice of the clergy against their prince, yet did the pope’s legate, Nicholas, cardinal of Frascati, much favor his doings, and allow of his proceedings; wherefore they reported of him that he was exceedingly partial, and regarded not their matters ecclesiastical, as he should have done. For, leaving the account of their restitutions, he went with the king’s officers, as the king’s pleasure was, to the cathedral ministers, abbeys, priories, deaneries, and great churches vacant; and there, for the next incumbent, he always appointed two, one for the king, another for the parties. But upon him only whom the king nominated he compelled most commonly the election to pass, which vexed them wonderfully. Upon this, therefore, they raised a new conspiracy against the king’s person, by help of their bishops, seditious prelates, and such noblemen as they had drawn to their parties. “We beheld,” saith Hoveden, “about the same time many noble houses and assemblies divided in many places. The fathers and the aged men stood upon the king’s part, but the younger sort contrary; and some there were that for the love of their kindred, and in other sundry respects, forsook the king again.” “Yea, the fame went that time,” saith he, “that they were confederated with Alexander, the Scottish king, and Llewellyn, the prince of Wales, to work him an utter mischief.” A council at Oxford the archbishop called, whereat some would not tarry, considering the confusion thereof; the other sort, having very obstinate hearts, reviled the king most spitefully behind his back, and said, that from thenceforth he ought to be taken for no governor of theirs. Their outrageous and frantic clamor so much prevailed in those days, that it grew to a grievous tumult, and a most perilous commotion.

    In the year of our Lord 1215, as withesseth Paulus Aemilius, and other historians, Pope Innocent III. held a general synod at Rome, called the Council of Lateran. The chief causes of that council were these:—In the days of this Innocent, heresy (as he calleth the truth of God, or the doctrine that rebuketh sin) began to rise up very high, and to spread forth its branches abroad, by reason whereof many princes were excommunicate; as Otho, the emperor; John the king of England; Peter, king of Aragon; Raimund, the earl of Toulouse; and a great sort more: and many lands were interdicted, as England, Ireland, Provence, Toulouse, a476 Aquitaine, Sataloni, and such other like, as is said afore: so that it could be no otherwise, saith Hoveden, but with the sharp ax of the gospel (so called the pope his excommunications) they ought of necessity to have been cut off from the church. Therefore was this council provided and proclaimed,and prelates from all nations thereunto called. And, to color those mischiefs which he then went about, he caused it by his legates and cardinals (very crafty merchants) to be noised abroad, that his intent therein was only to have the church universally reformed, and the Holy Land from the Turks’ hands recovered. But all this was craft and falsehood, as the sequel thereof hath manifestly declared; for his purpose thereby was, to subdue all princes, and to make himself rich and wealthy.

    For there he made this anti-christian act, and established it by public decree, that the pope should have, from thenceforth, the correction of all Christian princes; and that no emperor should be admitted, except he were sworn before, and were also crowned of him. He ordained moreover, that whosoever he were that should speak evil of the pope, he should be punished in hell with eternal damnation. He provided confession to help these matters; he allowed their bread a pix to cover it, and a bell when it goeth abroad, and made the mass equal with Christ’s gospel.

    In this council was first invented, and brought in, transubstantiation; of which Johannes Scotus, whom we call Duns, maketh mention in his fourth book, writing in these words:—“ The words of the Scripture might be expounded more easily and more plainly without transubstantiation; but the church did choose this sense, which is more hard; being moved thereunto, as it seemeth, chiefly, because that of the sacraments men ought to hold, as the holy church of Rome holdeth,” etc. And in the same place he maketh mention of Innocent III.

    Moreover, in the said council was established and ratified the wretched and impious act, compelling priests to abjure lawful matrimony. Whereupon these meters or verses were made the same time against him, which here follow underwritten, in English thus: f564 “Nocent, not innocent, he is that seeketh to deface By word the thing, that he by deed, hath taught men to embrace; Who being now a bishop old, doth study to destroy The thing, which he, a young man once, did covet to enjoy.

    Priest Zachary both had a wife, and had a child also, By means of whom, there did to him great praise and honor grow.

    For he did baptize him, who was the Savior of mankind:

    Ill him befal, that holdeth this new error in his mind.

    Into the higher heavens, good Paul was lifted from below, And many secret hidden things, he learned there to know:

    Returned at length from thence to us, and teaching rules of life, He said, Let each man have his own, and only wedded wife.

    For this and other documents, of them that learned be, Much better and more comely eke, it seemeth unto me, ‘That each should have his own alone, and not his neighbour’s wife, |Lest with his neighbor, he do fall in hate and wrathful strife.

    Thy neighbor’s daughters or their wives, or nieces to defile, Unlawful is; therefore beware, do not thy self beguile.

    Have thou thine own true wedded wife, delight in her alway, With safer mind that thou mayst look, to see the latter day.” Now let us return to king John again, and mark how the priests and their adherents were plagued for their homely handling of his majesty. a477 In the aforesaid council of Lateran, and the same year, was Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, excommunicated by Pope Innocent, with all those bishops, prelates, priests, barons, and commons, who had been of counsel with him in the former rebellion. a479 And when the said archbishop had made instant suit to him to be absolved, anon he made him this answer with great indignation: “Brother mine, I swear by St. Peter, thou shalt not so soon at my hand obtain the benefit of absolution: for why? thou hast not only done harm to the king of England, but also thou hast in a great many things injured the church of Rome here; and therefore thou shalt tarry my leisure.” The archbishop was also at that time suspended out of the church, and commanded to say no mass at all, neither yet to exercise any other ecclesiastical office; because he would not, at time convenient, execute the pope’s curse upon the rebellious barons. With them the said pope had been so deeply offended and angered a little before, that the great charter of the liberties of England, with great indignation and countenance most terrible, he rent and destroyed, by sentence definitive, condemning it for ever; and, by and by thereupon, cursed all the other rebels, with book, bell, and candle. The greater captains of them, with the citizens of London, for that assay were pronounced excommunicate by name, and remained still interdicted. They appealed then to the council general.

    In the same year, a480 A.D. 1215, were those great men also summoned to appear at Rome in that general synod, who would not consent to their king’s expulsion, nor yet tyrannical deposing. Though they were called, they said, thereunto by the archbishop of Canterbury and others, and required by oath to subscribe unto the same, yet could they not of their conscience do it, because he had humbled himself, and also granted to keep peace with all men. Thus was the whole realm miserably then divided into two factions, through the malice of the clergy, so that strifes increased in the land every where; yet were there of the lords and gentlemen a great number at that time, who followed the king and allowed his doings. But they who were on the other side, not a little suspecting the state that they were in, fled speedily to the French king, Philip, desiring him that he would grant them his eldest son Louis, and they would elect him, to be their king, and that without much tarriance. They besought him, moreover, that he would send with him a strong and mighty power, such as were able to subdue him utterly, that they might, they said, be delivered from such a wicked tyrant. Such was the report that those most wicked papists gave their Christian governor, appointed over them by God, whom they ought to have obeyed, though he had been evil, even for very conscience sake. [Romans 13:7.] And as certain of the lords and barons were busy to choose the said Louis for their king, the pope sent thither one Gualo, the cardinal of St. Martin, to stay those rash and cruel attempts; charging the French king, upon his allegiance, that he, with all power possible, should favor, maintain, and defend King John of England, his feudary or tenant.

    The French king thereto made answer, as one not content with that arrogant precept: “The realm of England,” said he, “was never yet any part of St. Peter’s patrimony, neither is it now, nor yet, at any time, shall be hereafter.” Thus spake he, for that he was in hope to obtain it for his son, by treason of the barons. “No prince or potentate,” said Philip, the French king, “may pledge or give, without away his kingdom, which is (beside the realm) the government of his whole commonwealth the lawful consent of his barons, who are bound to defend the same. If the pope shall introduce or set up such a precedent in Christianity, he shall, at his pleasure, bring all Christian kings and their kingdoms to nought. I like not this example in these days begun. I cannot therefore allow this act of King John of England: though he be my utter adversary, yet I much lament that he hath so endamaged his realm, and hath brought that noble ground, and queen of provinces, under miserable tribute.” The chief lords and men of his nobility standing by, when he uttered these words, being, as it were, in a fury, cried with one voice, “By the blood of God, by which we trust to be saved, we will stick to this article to the losing of our heads. Let the king of England do therein what him liketh: no king may put his land under tribute, and so make his nobility captive servants.” With that came in Louis, the king’s eldest son, and said unto them all there present, “I beseech you, hinder not my purposed journey: the barons of England have elected me for their lord and king, and I will not surely lose my right, but I will fight for it even to the very death, yea, so long as heart shall stir within my breast; and I doubt not but I shall well obtain it, for I have friends among them.” His father, the king, stood still as if he had been in a dump, and answered never a word, but fared as though he had dissembled the matter. Belike he mistrusted something therein, as he might well enough; for all was procured by the priests, that they might live licentiously, in all wealth, and in freedom from the king’s yoke.

    About the same time, were such treasons and conspiracies wrought by the bishops, priests, and monks, throughout all the realm, that the king knew not where to go, or find trusty friends; he was then compelled, by the uncertainty of his subjects, to travel from place to place, but not without a great army of men, looking, every day, when t his barons and their confederates would cruelly set upon him. At last he came to Dover, and there looked for aid from other quarters, which loved him better than did his own people. And thither resorted to him from Flanders, Brabant, and Holland, on one side, and from Guienne, Gascony, and Poictou, on the other side, and from other countries besides, a wonderful number of men.

    The report then went, that the pope had written unto those countries mightily to assist him, for divers considerations: one was, for that King John had both submitted himself and his dominions, to his protection; another was, because he bad taken upon him, a little before, the livery of the Cross, to win again Jerusalem; the third was, because the pope had gotten by him the dominion of England and Ireland, and feared to lose both, if he should chance to decay. For the space of three months the king remained in the Isle of Wight, abroad in the air, to quiet himself, for a time, from all manner of tumults, and led there a solitary life among rivers and watermen, rather coveting to die than to live, being so traitorously handled of his bishops and barons, and not knowing how to be justly avenged of them.

    Upon the Purification day of our Lady, therefore, he took upon him the Cross, or voyage against the Turks, for recovery of Jerusalem; moved thereto rather for the doubts which he had of his people, than for any other devotion else. And thus he said to his familiar servants: “Since I submitted myself and my lands, England and Ireland, to the church of Rome (sorrow come to it!) never a thing hath prospered with me, but all hath gone against me.”

    In the same year, A.D. 1215, was Simon Langton chosen archbishop of York; but that election soon after was dissolved; for information was given to the pope, that the said Simon was brother to Stephen Langton, the archbishop of Canterbury, who had been the occasion of all the tumults which were at that time in England. The pope had the more hate unto him, for that he had brought him up from nought, and did find him, at that time, so stubborn; wherefore he placed in his brother’s place Walter Gray, the bishop of Worcester.

    In the next year Gualo, the pope’s legate, renewed his great curse upon Louis, the French king’s son, for usurping upon King John; likewise upon Simon Langton, and Gervais Hobruge, a481 for provoking him to the same, and that with a wonderful solemnity; for in doing that, he made all the bells to be rung, the candles to be lighted, the doors to be opened, and the book of excommunications or interdictions publicly to be read, committing them wholly to the devil, for their contumacy and contempt. He also commanded the bishops and curates to publish it abroad over all the whole realm, to the terror of all his subjects. The said Simon and Gervais laughed him to scorn, and derided much his doings in that behalf, saying, that for the just title of Louis, they had appealed to the general council at Rome. f566 The magistrates and citizens of London did, likewise, vilipend and disdainfully mock all that the pope had there commanded and done; and, in spite both of him and his legate, they kept company with them that were excommunicated, both at table and at church; showing themselves, thereby, as open contemners both of him and his laws. Louis, at London, taking himself for king, constituted Simon Langton for his high chancellor, and Gervais Hobruge for his chief preacher; by whose daily preachings (as well the barons as the citizens themselves being excommunicated)he caused all the church doors to be opened, and the service to be sung, and the said Louis was in all points fit for their hands. About this time Pandulph, the cardinal, was collecting the Peter-pence, that old pillage of the pope, taking great pains therein; and for his great labors in those affairs of holy church, and For other great miracles besides, he was then made bishop of Norwich, to the augmenting of his dignity and expenses.

    It chanced, about this time, that the viscount of Melun, a very noble man of the realm of France, who came thither with Prince Louis, fell deadly sick in London, and being moved, in conscience, to call certain of the English barons unto him, such as were there appointed to the custody of that city, said unto them: “I lament your. sorrowful case, and pity, with my heart, the destruction that is coming towards you and your country. The dangerous snares, which are prepared for your utter confusion, are hidden from you; you do not behold them; but take you heed of them in time.

    Prince Louis hath sworn a great oath, and sixteen of his earls and noblemen are of counsel with him, that, if he obtain the crown of England, he will banish all them from service, and deprive them of lands and goods, as many as he findeth now to go against their liege king, and are traitors to his noble person. And, because you shall not take this tale for a fable, I assure you on my faith, lying now at the mercy of God, that I was one of those who were sworn to the same. I have great conscience thereof, and, therefore, I give you this warning. I pity poor England, which hath been so noble a region, that now it is come to such extreme misery.” And when he, with tears, had lamented it a space, he turned again unto them and said: “My friends, I counsel you earnestly to look to yourselves, and to provide the remedy in time, lest it come upon you unawares: your king for a season hath kept you under, but if Louis prevail, he will deprive you of all; of two extreme evils, choose the more easy, and keep that secret which I have told you of good will.” With that he gave over, and departed this life.

    When this was once noised among the barons, they were in great heaviness, for they saw themselves entrapped every way, and to be in exceeding great danger. And this daily augmented that fear which then came upon them; they were extremely hated of the pope and his legates, and every week, came upon them new excommunications. Daily detriments they had besides in their possessions and goods, in their lands and houses, corn and cattle, wives and children, so that some of them were driven to such need, that they were enforced to seek preys and booties, for sustaining their miserable-lives. For look, whatsoever Prince Louis obtained by his wars, either territories or castles, he gave them all to his Frenchmen, in spite of their heads, and said that they were but traitors, like as they had warning before; and this grieved them worst of all. .At last, perceiving that in seeking to avoid one mischief, they were ready to fall into another much worse, they began to lay their heads together, consenting to submit themselves wholly, with all humility, unto the mercy of their late sovereign and natural liege lord, King John; and, as they were somewhat in doubt of their lives for the treason before committed, many of the friends of those who were of most credit with him, made suit for them; so that a great number of them were pardoned, after instant and great suit made for them. I here omit his recovery of Rochester castle and city, with many other dangerous adventures against the aforesaid Louis, both at London, York, Lincoln, Winchester, Norwich, and other places, as things not pertaining to my purpose. .And now I return to my matter again. Into Suffolk and Norfolk he consequently journeyed, with a very strong army of men, and there, with great mischief, he afflicted them, because they had given place and were sworn to his enemies. After that, he despoiled a482 the abbeys of Peterborough and Crowland, for the great treasons which they also had wrought against him; and so he departed from thence into Lincolnshire.

    In this year, A.D. 1216, about the seventeenth day of July, filed Pope Innocent III, and was buried in a city called Perugia, in Italy; whither he had traveled to make a peace between the Genoese and Pisans, for his own commodity and advantage. After him, anon, succeeded one Centins, otherwise called Honorins III, a man of very great age; yet lived he, in the papacy, ten years and a half, and more. When this was once known in England, all those greatly rejoiced who were King John’s enemies, especially the priests; yet had they small cause, as will appear hereafter.

    They noised it all the realm over, that this new pope would set up a new order, a483 and not rule all things as the other pope did; thinking, thereby, that he would have done all things to their commodity, but they found it otherwise. For he made all those who were excommunicated, pay double and treble, ere they could be restored again to their former livings.

    And, in the self-same year, as King John was come to Swineshead abbey, not far from Boston, a484 he rested there two days; where, as most writers testify, he was most traitorously poisoned by a monk of that abbey, of the sect of the Cistercians, or St. Bernard’s brethren, called Simon of Swineshead. As concerning the noble personage of this prince, this witness giveth Roger Hoveden thereon: “Doubtless,” saith he, “King John was a mighty prince, but not so fortunate as many were; not altogether unlike to Marius, the noble Roman, he tasted of fortune both ways; bountiful in mercy; in wars sometime he won, sometime again he lost.” “He was also very bounteous and liberal unto strangers, but of his own people, for their daily treason’s sake, he was a great oppressor, so that he trusted more to foreigners than to them.” f568 Among other divers and sundry conditions belonging to this king, one there was, which is not in him to be reprehended, but commended rather; for that, being far from the superstition which kings at that time were commonly subject to, he regarded not the popish mass, as in certain chronicles writing of him may be collected; for this I find testified of him by Matthew Paris: that the king, once upon a time, in his hunting, coming where a very fat stag was cut up and opened (or how the hunters term it, I cannot tell), the king beholding the fatness and the liking of the stag: “See,” saith he, “how easily and happily he hath lived, and yet for all that, he never heard any mass.”

    It is recorded and found in the chronicle of William Caxton, called “Fructus temporum,” and in the seventh book, that the aforesaid monk Simon, being much offended with certain talk that the king had at his table, concerning Louis, the French king’s son, who then had entered and usurped upon him, did cast, in his wicked heart, how he most speedily might bring him to his end. And, first of all, he counselled with his abbot, showing him the whole matter, and what he was minded to do. He alleged for himself the prophecy of Caiaphas (John 11), saying, “It is better that one man die, than all the people should perish.” “I am well contented,” saith he, “to lose my life, and so become a martyr, that I may utterly destroy this tyrant.”

    With that the abbot did weep for gladness, and much commended his fervent zeal, as he took it. the monk, then, being absolved beforehand of his abbot for doing this act, went secretly into the backside of the garden, and finding there a most venomous toad, he so pricked him and pressed him with his penknife, that he made him vomit all the poison that was within him. This done, he conveyed it into a cup of wine, and with a smiling and flattering countenance he said thus to the king: “If it shall like your princely majesty, here is such a cup of wine as ye never drank better before, in all your lifetime; I trust this wassail shall make all England glad;” and, with that, he drank a great draught thereof, the king pledging him. The monk anon after went to the farmary, and there died, his entrails gushing out of his body, .and had continually from thenceforth three monks to sing mass for his soul, confirmed by their general chapter. What became, after that, of King John, ye shall know right well in the process following. I would ye did mark well the wholesome proceedings of these holy votaries, how virtuously they obey their king, whom God hath appointed, and how religiously they bestow their confessions, absolutions, and masses.

    The king, within a short space after, feeling great grief in his body, asked for Simon, the monk; and answer was made that he was departed this life. “Then God have mercy upon me,” said he, “I suspected as much, after he had said that all England should thereof be glad; he meant, now I perceive, those of his own generation.” With that he commanded his chariot to be prepared, for he was not able to ride. So went he from thence to Sleaford castle, and from thence to Newark-on-Trent, and there, within less than three days, he died. Upon his death-bed he much repented his former life, and forgave all them, with a pitiful heart, that had clone him injury; desiring that his elder son, Henry, might be admonished by his example, and learn by his misfortunes to be natural, favorable, gentle, and loving to his native people. When his body was embalmed and spiced, as the manner is of kings, his bowels or entrails were buried at Croxton abbey, which was held by the sect of Premonstratenses, or canons of St. Norbert. His hired soldiers, both Englishmen and strangers, were still about him, and followed his corpse triumphantly in their armor, till they came to the cathedral church of Worcester, and there honourably was he buried by Silvester, the bishop, betwixt St. Oswald and St. Wolstan, two bishops of that church.

    He died A.D. 1216, the nineteenth day of October, after he had reigned in such calamity, by the subtile contrivance of his clergy, eighteen years and six months and odd days. Now, as soon as King John was dead and buried (as is said before), the princes, lords, and barons, as many as were of his part, as well of strangers as of them that were born here, by counsel of the legate Gualo, gathered themselves together, and all with one consent proclaimed Henry, his son, for their king. Of him more shall follow (the Lord willing) hereafter.

    Many opinions are among the chroniclers of the death of King John. Some of them do write that he died of sorrow and heaviness of heart, as Polydore; some of surfeiting in the night, as Radulphus Niger; some of a bloody flux, as Roger Hoveden; some of a burning ague, some of a cold sweat, some of eating apples, some of eating pears, some of plums, etc.

    Thus you see what variety is among the writers concerning the death of this King John. Of which writers, although the most agree in this, that he was poisoned by the monk above named, yet Matthew Paris, a485 f569 something differing from the others, writeth thus concerning his death: that he, going from Lynn to Lincolnshire, and there hearing of the loss of his carriage and of his treasures upon the washes, gave way to great heaviness of mind, insomuch that he fell thereby into a fervent fever, being at the abbey of Swineshead. This ague he also increased, through evil surfeiting and naughty diet, by eating peaches and drinking new ciser, a486 or, as we call it, elder. Thus, being sick, he was carried from thence to the castle of Sleaford, and from thence to the castle of Newark; where, calling for Henry, his son, he gave to him the succession of his crown and kingdom, writing to all his lords and nobles to receive him for their king. Shortly after, in the night following St. Luke’s day, he departed this life, a487 and was buried at Worcester.

    In Gisburn I find otherwise, who, dissenting from others, saith, that he was poisoned with a dish of pears, which the monk had prepared for the king, therewith to poison him; who, asking the king whether he would taste of his fruit, and being bid to bring them in, according to the king’s bidding, so he did. At the bringing in whereof (saith the story) the precious stones about the king began to sweat; insomuch that the king misdoubting some poison, demanded, of the monk, what he had brought. He said, of his fruit, and that very good; the best that ever he did taste. “Eat,” said the king. And he took one of the pears, which he did know, and did eat. Also, being bid to take another, he did eat that likewise, savourily, and so likewise the third. Then the king, refraining no longer, took one of the poisoned pears, and was therewith poisoned, as is before narrated. f570 In the reign of this King John, the citizens of London first obtained of the king to choose yearly a mayor. In this reign also the bridge of London was first built of stone, which before was of wood. f571 HENRY THE THIRD F572 After King John had reigned, as some say, seventeen years, or as others say, though falsely, nineteen years, he was, as is above stated, poisoned, and died. This king left behind him four sons and three daughters; the first, Henry; the second, Richard, who was earl of Cornwall; the third, William of Valentia; the fourth, Guy de Lusignan: he had also another son, who afterwards was made bishop. Of his daughters, the first was Isabella, married afterward to Frederic, the emperor; the second, named Elenor, was married to William, earl marshal; the third, to Mountfort, the earl of Leicester, etc. Another story saith, that he had but two daughters, Isabella and Elenor, or, as another calleth her, Joan, who was afterwards queen of Scotland. f573 This King John being deceased, who had many enemies both of earls and barons, and especially of the popish clergy, Henry, the eldest son, was then of the age of nine years, at which time, most of the lords of England did adhere to Ludovic, or Louis, the French king’s son, whom they had sent for before, in displeasure of King John, to be their king, and had sworn to him their allegiance. Then William, earl Marshal, a nobleman, and of great authority, and a grave and sound counselor, friendly and quietly called unto him divers earls and barons, and taking this Henry, the young prince, son of King John, setteth him before them, using these words: “Behold,” saith he, “right honorable and well-beloved, although we have persecuted the father of this young prince for his evil demeanor, and worthily; yet this young child, whom here ye see before you, as he is in years tender, so is he pure and innocent from these his father’s doings: wherefore, inasmuch as every man is charged only with the burden of his own works and transgressions, neither shall the child, as the scripture teacheth us, bear the iniquity of his father; we ought, therefore, of duty and conscience, to pardon this young and tender prince, and take compassion of his age, as ye see. And now, forasmuch as he is the king’s natural and eldest son, and must be our sovereign and king, and successor of this kingdom, come, and let us appoint him our king and governor, and let us remove from us this Louis, the French king’s son, and suppress his people, which is a confusion and a shame to our nation; and the yoke of our servitude let us cast off from our shoulders.” To these words spake and answered the earl of Chester: a489 “And by what reason or right,” said he, “can we so do, seeing we have called him hither, and have sworn to him our fealty?”

    Whereunto the earl Marshal inferred again, and said: “Good right and reason we have, and ought of duty to do no less; for that he, contrary to our mind and calling, hath abused our affiance and realties. Truth it is we called him, and meant to prefer him to be our chieftain and governor; but he, eftsoons, surprised in pride, hath contemned and despised us: and, if we shall so suffer him, he will subvert and overthrow both us and our nation, and so shall we remain a spectacle of shame to all men, and be as outcasts to all the world.”

    At these words all they, as inspired from above, cried all together with one voice, “Be it so, he shall be our king.” And so the day was appointed for his coronation, which was the day of Simon and Jude, A.D. 1216. This coronation was kept, not at Westminster, forasmuch as Westminster the same time was holden of the Frenchmen, but at Gloucester, the safest place (as was thought) at that time in the realm, by Gualo, the pope’s legate, through counsel of all the lords and barons that held with his father, King John; a490 to wit, the bishop of Winchester, the bishop of Bath, the bishop of Chester, and the bishop of Worcester, Ranulph, earl of Chester, William Mareschall, earl-marshal and earl of Pembroke, William, earl Ferrers, William de Briwere, and Savaric de Maloleone [Mauleon]. These were at the crowning of the king at Gloucester. Many other lords and barons there were, who as yet held with Louis, the French king’s son, to whom they had done their homage before. * For this cause only, and not by testament, was King John buried at Worcester; because that place of the realm, in those days, appeared most sure and safe, where they, who were friends to the crown, might best deliberate with themselves what was best to be done in that matter. So went they from thence to the town of Gloucester, with William Marshal, earl of Pembroke, and there was he anointed and crowned king by the legate Gualo, assisted by Peter, bishop of Winchester, and Jocelin, the bishop of Bath, with others who were then in the realm, and called Henry III; and this was done on the feastful day of St. Simon and St. Jude. The court of Rome, at that time, not being too slack in these affairs, sent hither with all speed, commanding them that they should mightily stand by the young king, then being not fully ten years of age, and to defend England with armor, and his thundering curses, as holy church’s patrimony, against Louis and his accomplices; and then the new pope, a493 Honorius III, a492 not only confirmed his legate Gualo, but also committed to his discretion all that appertained to that office of his, no appellations to the contrary admitted. The legate, being emboldened by this authority, compelled the prelates of England to be sworn true to the young king; and those that refused to take the oath, to be punished very sore. And Peter, the bishop of Winchester, was not at all behind in that commission for his part, but brought a grievous tallage upon the beneficed men and priests of his diocese, to help the king in his wars against Louis; which was not at all amiss. Such as were great beneficed priests, and might well pay, the said Gualo reserved to his own authority, and, for great sums of money, at the latter, dispensed with them. Some there were obstinate and froward, whom he degraded; some he excommunicated, and sent to Rome for their absolutions; not leaving one priest unpunished, who had taken part with Louis, having, every where, his searchers and spies to find them out.* Immediately after the crowning of this king, he held a council at Bristol, at St. Martin’s feast; where were assembled eleven bishops of England and Wales, with divers earls, barons, and knights of England, all of whom did swear fealty to the king. After homage thus done to the king, the legate Gualo interdicted Wales, because they held with the aforesaid Louis; and also the barons and all others, as many as gave help or counsel to Louis; or any others that moved or stirred any war against King Henry, the new king, he accursed them. All which notwithstanding, the said Louis did not cease, but first laid siege to the castle of Dover fifteen days. When he could not prevail there, he took the castle of Berkhamstead, and also the castle of Hertford, doing much harm in the counties, by spoiling and robbing the people, where he went: by reason whereof, the lords and commons, who held with the king, assembled themselves together to drive Louis and his men out of;he land. But some of the barons, with the Frenchmen, in the mean season went to Lincoln and took the city, and held it for the use of Louis. This being known, eftsoons a great power on the kingpart made thither, as Ranulph, earl of Chester, William Mareschall, earl of Pembroke, William de Briwere, and the earl Fetters, with many other lords, a494 and gave battle unto Louis a495 and his party; so that in conclusion Louis lost the field, and of his side was slain the earl of Perehe; Saer de Quincy, earl of Winchester, Henry de la Bohun, earl of Hereford, and Sir Robert le Fitz-Walter, with divers other more, were taken prisoners. Whereupon Louis for succor fled to London, causing the gates there to be shut and kept, waiting there for more succor out of France. As soon as the king had knowledge of this, immediately he sent to the mayor and burgesses of the city, willing them to surrender them and their city to him, as their chief lord and king; promising to grant to them again all their franchises and liberties, as in times past, and to confirm the same by his great charter and seal. In the mean time, on Bartholomew eve, Eustace, a French monk, a496 accompanied with many other lords and nobles of France, came with a grand power, to the number of one hundred ships, to aid and assist the said Louis; who, before they arrived, were encountered upon the seas by Richard, King John’s bastard son; who, having no more but eighteen ships to keep the cinque ports, set eagerly upon them, and, through God’s grace, overcame them, where presently he smote off the head of Eustace: the rest of the French lords, to the number of ten, he brought with him to the land, where he imprisoned them in the castle of Dover, and slew almost all the men that came with them, and sunk their ships in the sea; only fifteen ships, say some of my stories, escaped away.

    Ludovic, or Louis, hearing of this loss of his ships and men, and misdoubting his own life for the great mischief he had done to the realm, sought means by Gualo, and the archbishop of Canterbury, a498 and by other lords, to be at accord with the king. a497 With whom, at length, it was so concluded and agreed, that, for his costs and expenses, he should have a thousand pounds of silver given. Matthew Paris speaketh of five thousand pounds, a499 which he borrowed of the Londoners, that he should depart the realm, never to return into England again, neither he nor any of his. f578 This being done, he, with all the other barons that took his part, was assoiled of Gualo, the legate; and thus peace being confirmed at Merton, Louis took his leave, and being brought honourably to the sea with the bishop of Canterbury, a500 and other bishops, earls and barons, he returned home into France.

    And here, saith Gisburn, that was truly verified which was before spoken of the French king, the father of Louis. At the time the said Louis was in England, his father, the French king, demanded of his messengers coming into France, where his son was. They replied, “at Stamford.” And, on his asking again, whether his son had got the castle of Dover,. they said, “No.”

    Then the father swearing by the ann of St. James: “My son,” quoth he, “hath not one foot in England;” as, afterwards, well proved true. f579 But the chief help that repelled Louis and the Frenchmen out of the realm, and that most preferred King John’s son to the crown, was the singular working of God’s hand, whereof mention was made before: a501 which was through the confession of a certain gentleman of the French host (as Florilegus doth testify), who, lying sore sick at the point of death, and seeing no hope to escape, was touched in conscience for danger of his soul’s health, openly to confess and utter, to the barons of England, what was the purpose of the Frenchmen to do; who had conspired and sworn together among themselves, with a privy compaction, that so soon as they subdued the land, they should thrust all the chiefs and nobles thereof into perpetual exile out of the realm, whereout they should never return again.

    This, coming to the ears of the barons, as is said, gave them to consider more with themselves, whereby many of them Were the more willing to leave Louis, and apply to their natural king and prince; which, no less, may also be an admonition to all times and ages for Englishmen to take heed, and not to admit or to place foreign rulers in the realm, lest, perhaps, it follow that they be displaced themselves.

    After the happy departure of Louis and his Frenchmen out of the land, A.D. 1217, whereby the state of this realm, long vexed before, was now somewhat more quieted; immediately Gualo, the legate, looking to his harvest, directeth forth inquisitors through every shire to search out all such bishops, abbots, priors, canons, and secular priests, of what order or deuce soever they were, who, with any succor or counsel, did either help, or else consent unto Louis; for all these were exempted out of the charter of pardon and absolution made before, between the king and Louis. By reason of this, no small gain grew to the pope and the cardinal, for all such were either put out of their livings and sent up to the pope, or else were fain to fine sweetly for them. Among whom (besides a great number of other clerks, both religious and secular was Hugh, bishop of Lincoln, who, for the recovery of his bishopric, disbursed one thousand marks to the pope, and one hundred marks to the aforesaid Gualo, the legate, who now (as Paris recordeth) by this time had gathered in a fair crop of that which he did never sow. f580 About this season, a502 or not much before, died Pope Innocent III, in the nineteenth year of his popedom, to whose custody Frederic, the nephew of Frederic Barbarossa, a503 being yet young, was committed by the empress his mother, of whom more shall follow (the Lord willing) hereafter. After this Innocent succeeded Pope Honorius III, who, writing to young King Henry in a special letter, a504 exhorteth him to the love of virtue, and to the fear of God; namely, to be circumspect with what familiars and resort he acquainted himself; but principally, above all other things, he admonisheth him to reverence the church, which is the spouse of Christ, and to honor the ministers thereof, in whom Christ himself, saith he, is both honored or despised.—And this seemeth the chiefest article of that his writing to him. f581 Of this Pope Honorius the abbot of Ursperg (who lived in the same time) reporteth a strange wonder, more strange peradventure than credible; which is this: Honorius being priest in Rome (whose name was then Centius) and procurator to Jacinth, a cardinal, so it befel, that his master sent him abroad about Rome, to borrow and procure money for him against his journey into Spain; for Pope Clement then intended to send this Jacinth, as his legate, into Spain. As this Centius was walking by himself, all sad and solicitous to speed his master’s message, there cometh to him a certain aged and reverend father, and asketh him, what cause he had to walk so heavily and carefully? To whom he answered again, and signified the occasion of the business that he then had to do. Then the old father said to him, “Go and return home again, for thy master,” saith he, “shall not, at this time, go to Spain.” “How so,” quoth the other; “how, is that true?” “As true,” saith he, “as it is certain that the pope shall die, and thy master shall be pope after him.” Centius, thinking that to be unlikely, said, “He could not believe that to be true.” To whom the other inferreth again, “So know this,” said he, “to be as certain, as it is true that the city of Jerusalem, this day, is taken of the Saracens, and shall not be recovered again from them before the time of thy papacy.” And thus speaking, he vaded suddenly away. All this, saith the same author, came afterwards to pass, and was testified of the same Honorius, being pope afterwards, in his public sermons at Rome. All which I grant may be; and yet, notwithstanding, this fabulous narration may be a piece of the pope’s old practices, subtilety invented, to drive men forth to Jerusalem to fight.

    Again, after Honorius a505 (when he had governed ten years) followed Gregory IX, which two popes were in the time of this King Henry III and of Frederic II the emperor; of whom we mind (Christ willing) further to touch, after that we shall have prosecuted more concerning the history of King Henry, and matters of England.

    After that, it so pleased the merciful providence of Almighty God to work this great mercy upon the stock of King John (notwithstanding the unkind prelates, with their false prophets, had declared before, that never any of them should succeed in the throne after that king), and also unto the whole commonwealth of the realm, in delivering them from the dangerous service of Louis, and the aforesaid Frenchmen. After their departure, the following year, A.D. 1218, which was the second of this king’s reign, a506 the Archbishop Stephen Langton, and the bishops, earls, and barons, resorted to London unto the king at the Michaelmas next following, and there held a great parliament, a507 wherein were confirmed and granted by the king, all the franchises which were made and given by King John, his father, at Runnemede, and them he confirmed and ratified by his charter; which, long time after (saith mine author) unto his days did continue, and were holden in England. For this cause, by the nobles and commons, were given and granted again unto the king two shillings for every plough-land throughout England. a508 At this time Hubert de Burgh was made chief justice of England, of whose troubles more is to be said hereafter. This was the third year of King Henry, and the forty-ninth year a509 after the death of Thomas Becket: wherefore the said Becket, in the year following, was taken up and shrined for a new saint made of an old rebel. Thither came such resort of people of England and of France, that the country of Kent was not sufficient to sustain them. About the same time, Isabella, a510 the king’s mother, was married to the earl of March; and William Marshal, the good earl, a511 who was the governor of the king and the realm, died, not without great lamentation of the people of England. Then was the king committed to the government of Peter, bishop of Winchester. This noble earl left behind him five sons and five daughters. * This year, which was 1218 from Christ’s incarnation, Gualo made a general inquisition, nearly all the realm over, for them who did not observe the interdiction published for rebels, in the first year of this young king; for whose transgression, both to priests and monks, he appointed divers and many penalties grievous; some he suspended from their offices, and some he deprived of their benefices; so that, as well the guiltless as the guilty were compelled largely to pay.* In the next year, A.D. 1219, it was ordained and proclaimed through all the land, that all aliens and foreigners should depart the realm, and not return to the same again; such only excepted as used traffic or trade of merchandise under the king’s safe conduct. This proclamation was thought chiefly to be set forth for this cause, to rid the land of Foukes de Breant, Philip de Marks, Engelard de Ciconia, a512 William earl of Albemarle, Robert de Vipount, Brian de l’Isle, Hugh de Bailluel, Roger de Gaugi, with divers other strangers, who kept castles and holds of the king’s, against his will. Of these, the beforenamed Foukes, was the principal, who fortified and held the castle of Bedford, a513 which he had by the gift of King John, with might and strength against the king and his power, nearly the space of three months. Moreover, he went about to apprehend the king’s justices, at Dunstable; but they, being warned thereof, escaped, all except Henry Braybroke, whom he imprisoned in the said castle. The king, hearing hereof, and consulting with his clergy and nobles, made his power against the same; which, after long siege and some slaughter, at length he obtained, and hanged almost all that were within, to the number of ninetyseven; which was, as Paris writeth, about the seventh or eighth year of his reign. Foukes, at that time, was in Wales; who, hearing of the taking of the castle, conveyed himself to the church of Coventry. At length, submitting himself to the king’s mercy, upon consideration of his service done before to the king’s father, he was committed to the custody of Eustace, bishop of London; and afterwards, being deprived of all his goods, possessions, and tenements, within the realm, was forced to perpetual banishment, never to return to England again.

    Here, by the way, I find it noted in Matthew Paris, that after this aforesaid Foukes had spoiled and rased the church of St. Paul in Bedford, for the building up of his castle, the abbess of Helvestue, hearing thereof, caused the sword to be taken from the image of St. Paul standing in the church, so long as Foukes remained unpunished. Afterwards, hearing that he was committed to the custody of St. Paul in London, she caused the sword to be put into the hands of the image again. f586 About this year the young king was crowned the second time a514 at Westminster, about which period began the new building of our Lady church at Westminster. Shortly after Gualo, the legate, was called home again to Rome; for the holy father (as Matthew Paris reporteth) being sick of a spiritual dropsy, thought this Gualo (having such large occupying in England, and for so long a time) would be able somewhat to cure his disease.* For that legate, by that time, had well favoredly unladen the purses of the benericed fathers and cloisterers.* And so this Gualo returned with all his bags well stuffed, leaving Pandulph behind him to supply that bailiwick of his great grandfather, the pope. * Hugh Wells, a516 then bishop of Lincoln, not long before, paid a thousand marks for the recovery of his office, and a hundred marks to the legate for his favor also in that case: other holy bishops and prelates, likewise, were taught, by his good example, to qualify that great heat, or dry thirst of the pope; Robert Curson a517 at that time being a priest cardinal in Rome.* The life and acts of Pope Innocent III a518 are partly described before, how he intruded Stephen Langton, against the king’s will, into the archbishopric of Canterbury, stirring up also sixty-four monks of the same church of Canterbury privily to work against the king. Moreover, how he did excommunicate the said king as a public enemy of the church, so long as the said king withstood his tyrannical doings, putting him and his whole kingdom under interdiction for the space of six years a519 and three months, and at length deposing and depriving him of his scepter, and keeping it in his own hands for five days. How he absolved his subjects from their due obedience and subjection unto him. How he gave away his kingdoms and possessions to Louis, the French king’s son, commanding the said Louis to spoil him both of lands and life. Whereupon the king, being forsaken of his nobles, prelates, and commons, was forced, against his will, to submit himself, and swear obedience to the pope, paying him a yearly tribute of one thousand marks, for receiving of his kingdom again; whereby both he, and his successors after him, were vassals afterwards unto the pope. These were the apostolical acts of this holy vicar in the realm of England. Moreover, he condemned Almeric, a worthy learned man and a bishop, for a heretic, for teaching and holding against images. Also he condemned the doctrine of Joachim the abbot, of whom we spake before, for heretical. This pope brought first into the church the paying of private tithes; he ordained the receiving once a year at Easter; unto the papal decretals he added the decree, “Omnes utriusque sexus,” etc.; also the reservation of the sacrament, and the going with the bell and light before the sacrament was by him appointed. In the said council of Lateran he also ordained that the canon of the mass should be received with equal authority as though it had proceeded from the apostles themselves. He brought in transubstantiation. f588 Item, the said Innocent III ordained that none should marry in the third degree, but only in the fourth degree, and so under.

    The said pope stirred up Otho against Philip, the emperor, because the said Philip was elected emperor against his will; upon the occasion whereof followed much war and slaughter in Germany.

    And afterwards, against the said Otho, whom he had made emperor, he set up Frederic, king of Sicily, and caused the archbishop of Mayence to pronounce him excommunicate in all his titles, and to be deposed of his empire; for the which cause the princes of Germany did invade his domains, spoiling and burning his possessions. The cause why the pope so did accurse and depose him, was that the said Otho did take and occupy cities, towns, and castles, which the pope said appertained to him. Item, the said pope ordained, that if any princes offended one another, the correction should appertain unto the pope. In the fourth council of Lateran, A.D. 1215, were archbishops and primates sixty-one, bishops four hundred, abbots twelve, priors and conventuals eight hundred, besides other ambassadors, legates, and doctors; and of lawyers an innumerable sort, etc.

    In the history of Huldricus Mutius, we read how, A.D. 1212, in this pope’s time divers noblemen, and others in the country of Alsace, contrary to the tradition of the Romish popes, did hold that every day was free for eating of flesh, so it be done soberly; also that excessive eating of fish was as bad as excessive eating of flesh; also that they did wickedly, who restrained priests and ministers from their lawful wives; for which cause (as is in the aforesaid author) through the means of this Pope Innocent III and his bishops, a hundred of them in one day were burned and martyred by the archbishop of Strasburg. a520 Nauclerus, another historian, a521 recordeth, that the authors of the said doctrine dwelt at Milan, and that the aforesaid saints of Alsace used yearly to send them a collection.

    In the chronicle of Walter Hemingford, otherwise called Gisburn-ensis, it is recorded, that in the days of this King John and Pope Innocent, began the two sects, or orders of friars, one called ‘the preachers’ order, and black friars of St. Dominic;’ the other called ‘the minorites of St. Francis.’ The preachers of the black friars’ order began from one Dominic, a Spaniard, about the parts of Toulouse, who, after he had labored ten years in preaching against the Albigenses, and such others as did hold against the church of Rome, afterward coming up to the council of Lateran with Fulco, bishop of Toulouse, desired of the aforesaid Innocent III to have his order of preaching friars confirmed, which the pope a great while refused to grant. At length he had a dream, that the church of Lateran was ready to fall; which when he beheld, fearing and much sorrowing thereat, cometh in this Dominic, who, with his shoulder, under-propped the church, and so preserved the building thereof from falling. And right well this dream may seem verified, for the friars have always been the chief pillars and upholders of the pope’s church. Upon this, the pope, waking out of his dream, called Dominic to him, and granted his petition: and so came up this wolfish order of the Dominics. I call it ‘wolfish,’ for his mother, when she was great with this Dominic, dreamed that she had within her a wolf, that had a burning torch in its mouth. This dream the preachers of that order do greatly advance, and expound to their order’s glory, as well as they can; nevertheless, howsoever they expound it, they can make a wolf but a wolf, and this, a wolfish order. The rule which they follow seemeth to be taken out of St. Augustine, as who should say, that Christ’s rule were not enough to make a Christian man. Their profession standeth upon three principal points, as thus described: “Having charity, holding humility, and possessing wilful poverty.” Their habit and clothing is black.

    The order of the minors or minorite friars descended from one Francis, an Italian of the city of Assisi. This Assisian ass, who I suppose was some simple and rude idiot, hearing, upon a time, how Christ sent forth his disciples to preach, thought to imitate the same in himself and his disciples, and so left off his shoes: he had but one coat, and that of coarse cloth. Instead of a latchet to his shoe, and of a girdle, he took about him a hempen cord, and so he apparelled his disciples; teaching them to fulfill (for so he speaketh) the perfection of the gospel, to apprehend poverty, and to walk in the way of holy simplicity. He left in writing, to his disciples and followers, his rule, which he called “Regulam Evangelicam,” the rule of the gospel. As though the gospel of Christ were not a sufficient rule to all Christian men, but it must take its perfection of frantic Francis.

    And yet, for all that great presumption of this Francis, and notwithstanding this his rule, sounding to the derogation of Christ’s gospel, he was confirmed by this Pope Innocent. Yea, and such fools this Francis found abroad, that, not only he had followers of his doltish religion, both of the nobles and unnobles of Rome, but also some there were, who built mansions for him and his friars. This Francis, as he was superstitious in casting all things from him, as his girdle, girding a cord about him; so, in outward chastising of himself, so strait he was to his flesh, leaving the ordinary remedy appointed by God, that in the winter season he covered his body with ice and snow. He called poverty his Lady; he kept nothing overnight. So desirous he was of martyrdom, that he went to Syria to the Sultan, who received him honourably; whereby it may be thought, that surely he told not the truth, as St. John Baptist did in Herod’s house, for truth is seldom welcome in courts, and in the world.

    But it is hard to make a martyr of him who is no true confessor. I will here pass over the fable, how Christ and his saints did mark him with five wounds. These Franciscan or begging friars, although they were all under one rule and clothing of St. Francis, yet they be divided into many sects and orders; some go on treen shoes or pattens, some barefooted; some are regular Franciscans or observants, some minors or minorites, others be called ‘minimi,’ others of the gospel, others ‘de caputio.’ They all differ in many things, but accord in superstition and hypocrisy. And forasmuch as we have here entered into the matter of these two orders of friars, by the occasion hereof, I thought a little, by the way, to digress from our story, in reciting the whole catalogue or rabblement of monks, friars, and nuns, of all sects, rules and orders, set up and confirmed by the pope. The names of whom here in order of the alphabet follow.

    THE RABBLEMENT OF RELIGIOUS ORDERS A.D. Augustinians, the first order A.D.

    Ambrosians, two sorts Antony’s Heremites Austin’s Heremites Austin’s Observants Armenians’ sect.

    Ammonites and Moabites Basilius’ order Benet’s order Bernardus’ order Barefooted Friars Bridget’s order Beghearts, or White Spirits Brethren of Jerusalem Brethren of St. John de civitate, Black Friars Brethren of wilful Poverty.

    Cluniacensis order Canons of St. Augustine Charterhouse order Cisterciensis order 1093 Crossbearers, or Crossed Friars Carmelites or White Friars Clara’s order Celestine’s order Camaldulensis order Cross-starred Brethren Constantinopolitanish order Crossbearers Chapter Monks Dutch order Dominic Black Friars Franciscans Grandmontensis order Gregorian order George’s order Gulielmites Gerundinensis order Galilei, or Galileans Heremites Helen’s brethren Humiliati . Hospital Brethren Holy Ghost order Jerom’s orders, two sorts Justin’s order John’s order, Joannites, or Knights of the Rhodes 380, Injesuati Jerome’s Heremites Joseph’s order Jacobites’ sect James’s Brethren order James’s Brethren with the Sword John’s Heremites Indians’order Katharine of Sienna’s order Keyedmonks, Knights of Rhodes Lazarites, or Mary Magdalenes, our Lady Brethren Lords of Hungary Minorites, which be divided into Conventuales, Observantes, Reformate, Collectane, De Caputio, De Evangelio, Amedes, Clarini, and others.

    Minors, or Minorites Mary’s Servants Monks of Mount Olivet Marovinies sect. Minorites’ sect Monachi and Monachae Morbonei and Meresti Menelaish and Jasonish sect New Canons of St. Austin Nestorini Nalheart Brethren New Order of our Lady Nazaraei Paul’s Heremites Praemonstratensis order Preacher order, or Black Friars Peter the Apostle’s order Purgatory Brethren Rechabites Sarrabites Sambonites Scourgers, the first sect Soldiers of Jesus Christ Scopenites, or St. Salvator’s order Specularii, or the Glass order Sepulchre’s order Sheer order Swerd’s order Starred Monks Starred Friars Sclavony order Scourgers, the second sect, called Ninevites Stool Brethren Scotland Brethren order Sicarii St. Sophy’s order Templar Lords Templar Knights The Vale of Josaphat’s order Vallis Umbrosae Waldensis’ sect f591 Wentzelaus’ order Wilhelmer order White Monks of Mount Olivet Zelotes’ order Thus hast thou, if thou please, gentle reader, the means of knowing what orders and what sects of religion have been set up by the pope; the catalogue and number of them all, so far as we could search them out, not only in books printed of late in Germany, namely, by the reverend father Martin Luther; but also conferred with another English book which came to our hands, containing the same like notes of ancient antiquity, the number of which rabblement of religious persons came to a hundred and one. Now as I have reckoned up the names and varieties of these prodigious sects, it cometh to mind consequently to refer to the prophecy of Hildegard, a522 as well against the whole rout of Romish prelates, and the fall of that church, as especially against the begging friars and such other unprofitable bellies of the church. This Hildegard is holden, of the papists themselves, to be a great prophetess, whose prophecy proceedeth in this manner; first, against the priests and prelates of the Romish church, as followeth.

    THE PROPHECY OF HILDEGARD OF THE RUIN OF ROME, AND AGAINST THE BEGGING FRIARS F592 Hildegard, a nun, and, as many judged, a prophetess, lived A.D. 1146. In her prophecies she doth most grievously reprehend, not only the wicked and abominable life of the spiritual papists, but also the contempt of the ecclesiastical office, and the horrible destruction of the church of Rome. In a certain place she hath these words: “And now is the law neglected among the spiritual people, who neglect to teach and to do good things; the masters likewise, and the prelates do sleep, despising justice and laying it aside.” In a certain vision the church appeared to her in the shape of a woman, complaining that the priests had bewrayed her face with dust, and rent her coat, etc., and that they did not shine over the people, either in doctrine or in example of life; but rather the contrary, and that they have driven the innocent lamb from them. She said moreover, “That all ecclesiastical order did, every day, become worse and worse, and that priests did not teach, but destroy the law of God; and for these horrible crimes and impieties, she threateneth and prophesieth unto them God’s most heavy wrath and displeasure, and doleful punishments.” There is no cause why the spiritual papists should flatter themselves upon this, that she promised again to the ministers of the church those good things to follow, like as Johannes de Rupescissa a523 doth, and other such like prophets; for they say, it will come to pass, that they must repent before the times be amended. By which thing, undoubtedly, they mean the godly ministers in the reformed churches, who, for the most part, were of the spiritual number, and yet did forsake the dishonest life and those wicked idolatries. Now, whereas the priests and monks, that is, the whole rabble and spiritualty, do account Hildegard for a true prophetess, they ought to consider that by her they are more severely accused, not as by a woman, but as by God himself. And I pray you, what abomination, impiety, and idolatry have not been committed, since that time, by the spiritualty? I will note here a certain prophecy of hers, taken out of the” Common Places” of Henry Token, a524 because we see it manifestly fulfilled in our time. She prophesieth of the reformation of religion, and saith that it shall be most godly. “Then shall the crown of apostolical honor be divided, because there shall be found no religion among the apostolical order, and for that cause shall they despise the dignity of that name, and shall set over them other men and other archbishops; insomuch, that the apostolic see of that time (by the diminution of his honor) shall scarce have Rome, and a few other countries thereabout, under his crown. And these things shall partly come to pass by incursion of wars, and partly, also, by a common council and consent of the spiritual and secular persons. Then shall justice flourish, so that, in those days, men shall honestly apply themselves to the ancient customs and discipline of ancient men, and shall observe them as the ancient men did.” The gloss agreeth therewith.

    These things thus premised, now will we come to the prophecy of the aforesaid Hildegard, concerning the begging friars above mentioned, reciting her words, not only as they are in a book printed lately in Germany, but also, as myself have seen and read, and still have the same to show written in old parchment leaves, agreeing to the same book word for word, in such sort, as the thing itself most evidently declareth a great iniquity of time.

    The words of her prophecy be these:

    In those days shall arise a senseless people, a525 proud, greedy, without faith, and subtle, that shall eat the sins of the people; holding a certain order of foolish devotion under the dissimulated cloak of beggary, preferring themselves above all others by their reigned devotion; arrogant in understanding, and pretending holiness, walking without blushing or the fear of God, in inventing, many. new mischiefs strong and sturdy. But this order shall be accursed of all wise men, and Christ’s faithful. They shall cease from all labor, and give themselves over unto idleness, choosing rather to live through flattery and begging. Moreover they shall altogether study how they may perversely resist the teachers of the truth, and, with the mighty, kill them; how to seduce and deceive the nobility, for the necessity of their living, and pleasures of this world: for the devil will graft in them four principal vices; that is to say, flattery envy, hypocrisy, and backbiting. Flattery, that they may have large gifts given them. Envy, when they see gifts given to others, and not to them. Hypocrisy, that by false dissimulation they may please men. Backbiting, that they may extol and commend themselves, and dispraise others, for the praise of men, and seducing of the simple. Also they shall instantly preach, but without devotion or example of the martyrs; and shall report evil of secular princes, taking away the sacraments of the church from the true pastors, receiving alms of the poor, diseased, and miserable; and also associating themselves with the common people, having familiarity with women, instructing them how they may deceive their husbands and friends by their flattery and deceitful words, and rob their husbands to give it unto them, for they will take all these stolen and evil-gotten goods, and say, “Give it unto us, and we will pray for you;” so that they, being curious to hide other men’s faults, do utterly forget their own. And alas, they will receive all things of rovers, pickers, spoilers, thieves, and robbers; sacrilegious persons, usurers, and adulterers; heretics, schismatics, apostates, noblemen, perjurers, merchants, false judges, soldiers, tyrants, princes living contrary to the law, and of many perverse and wicked men, following the persuasion of the devil, the sweetness of sin, a delicate and transitory life, and satiety even unto eternal damnation.

    All these things shall manifestly appear in them unto all people, and they, day by day, shall wax more wicked and hard-hearted: and when their wickedness and deceits shall be found out, then shall their gifts cease, and they shall go about their houses hungry, and as mad dogs looking down upon the earth, and drawing in their necks as doves, that they might be satisfied with bread. Then shall the people cry out upon them: “Woe be unto you, ye miserable children of sorrow! the world hath seduced you, and the devil hath snaffled your mouths; your flesh is frail, and your hearts without savor; your minds have been unsteadfast, and your eyes delighted in much vanity and folly; your dainty bellies desire delicate meats; your feet are swift to run unto mischief. Remember when you were apparently blessed, yet envious; poor in sight, but rich; simple to see to, but mighty flatterers, unfaithful betrayers, perverse detractors, holy hypocrites, subverters of the truth, overmuch upright proud, shameless, unstedfast teachers, delicate martyrs, confessors for gain; meek, but slanderers; religious, but covetous; humble, but proud; pitiful, but hardhearted liars; pleasant flatterers, peacemakers, persecutors, oppressors of the poor, bringing in new sects newly invented of yourselves; merciful thought, but found wicked; lovers of the world, sellers of pardons, spoilers of benefices, unprofitable orators, seditious conspirators, drunkards, desirers of honors, maintainers of mischief, robbers of the world, unsatiable preachers, men-pleasers, seducers of women, and sowers of discord; of whom Moses, the glorious prophet, spake very well in his song, “A people without counsel or understanding: would to God they did know and understand, and foresee the latter end to come.” You have built up on high; and when you could ascend no higher, then did you fall, even as Simon Magus, whom God overthrew, and did strike with a cruel plague; so you, likewise, through your false doctrine, naughtiness, lies, detractions and wickedness, are come to ruin. And the people shall say unto them, “Go, ye teachers of wickedness, subverters of the truth, brethren of the Shunamite, fathers of heretical pravity, false apostles, which have reigned yourselves to follow the life of the apostles, and yet ye have not followed their steps, not in the least: ye sons of iniquity, we will not follow the knowledge of your ways; for pride and presumption hath deceived you, and insatiable concupiscence hath subverted your erroneous hearts.” And when you would ascend higher than was meet or comely for you, by the just judgment of God, you are fallen back into perpetual opprobrium and shame.

    This Hildegard, whose prophecy we have mentioned, lived about A.D. 1146, as we read in Chronico Martini.

    About the time that these Franciscans and Dominic Friars, above mentioned, began, sprang up also the Cross-bearers or Crutched Friars, taking their original and occasion from Innocent III; which Innocent raised up an army (signed with a cross on their breast) to fight against the Albigenses, whom the pope and his sect accounted for heretics, about the parts of Toulouse. What these Albigenses were, it cannot be well gathered by the old popish histories: for if there were any who did hold, teach, or maintain against the pope, or his papal pride, or withstand and gainsay his beggarly traditions, rites, and religions, etc. the historians of that time, in writing of them, do, for the most part, so deprave and misreport them (suppressing the truth of their articles), that they make them and paint them forth to be worse than Turks and infidels. This, as I suppose, caused Matthew Paris, and others of that sort, to write so of them as they did: otherwise it is to be thought (and so I find in some records) that the opinions of the said Albigenses were sound enough, holding and professing nothing else, but against the wanton wealth, pride, and tyranny of the. prelates,, denying the pope’s authority to have ground of the Scriptures: neither could they away with their ceremonies and traditions, as images, pardons, purgatory of the Romish church, calling them, as some say, blasphemous occupyings, etc. Of these Albigenses were slain, at times, and burned a great multitude, by the means of the pope and Simon Ecclesiasticus a526 with others more. It seemeth that these Albigenses were chiefly abhorred of the pope, because they set up a contrary pope against him about the coasts of Bulgaria: for the which cause Conrad, bishop of Porto, being the popelegate in those quarters, writeth to the archbishop of Rouen and other bishops, as hereunder written. f599 Forasmuch as mention is here made of these superstitious sects of friars, and such other beggarly religions, it might seem not altogether impertinent, being moved by the occasion hereof, as I have done in Hildegard before, so now to annex also to the same, a certain other ancient treatise compiled by Geoffery Chaucer, by the way of a dialogue or questions, moved in the person of a certain uplandish and simple ploughman of the country. That treatise, for the same, the author entitled Jack Upland, wherein is to be seen and noted, to all the world, the blind ignorance and variable discord of these irreligious religions, how rude and unskillful they are in matters and principles of our Christian institution, as by the contents of this present dialogue appeareth; the words whereof in the same old English wherein first it was set forth, in this wise do proceed. Wherein also thou mayest see, that it is no new thing, that their blasphemous doings have by divers good men, in old time been detected, as there are many and divers other old books to show.

    A TREATISE OF GEOFFERY CHAWCER, INTITULED, JACKE UPLAND.

    I, JackeUPLAND, make my mone to very God and to all true in Christ, that antichrist and his disciples (by color of holines) walking and deceauing Christes church by many false figures, were through (by antechrist and hys) many vertues bene transposed to vices.

    But the fellest folke that euer antechrist found, bene last brought into the church and in a wonder wise, for they bene of diuers sectes of antechrist, sowne of diuers countreys and kindreds. And all men knowne well, that they be not obedient to byshops, ne liege men to kinges: neyther they tyllen, ne sowne, woden, ne repen, woode, come, ne grasse, neither nothing that man should helpe: but onely themselues their lyues to sustayne. And these men han all manet power of God as they seyn in heuyn and in yerth, to sell heuyn and hell to whom that them liketh, and these wretches wete neuer where to bene themselfes.

    And therefore (frere) if thine order and rules bene grounded on Goddys law, tell thou me, Jacke Upland, that I aske of thee, and if thou be, or thinkest to be, on Christes side, keepe thy paciens.

    Saint Paule teacheth, that all our deedes should be do in charite, and els it is nought worth, but displeasing to God and harme to our owne soules. And for that freres challenge to be greatest clerkes of the churche, and next following, Christ in liuing: men should for charite axe them some questions, and praye them to grounde theyr aunsweres in reason and in holy write, for els their aunswere woulde nought bee worth, be it florished neuer so fayre: and as methinke men might skilfully axe thus of a frere: 1. Frere, how many orders be in erth, and which is the perfitest order?

    Of what order art thou? who made thyne order? What is thy rule? Is there any perfecter rule then Christ himselfe made? If Christes rule be most perrite, why rulest thou thee not therafter? Without more why, shall a frere be more punished if he breke the rule that hys patron made, then if he breke the heestes that God hymselfe made? 2. Approueth Christ any more religions then one, that S. James speaketh of? If he approueth no more, why hast thou left his rule and takest an other? Why is a frere apostata that leuyth his order and taketh an other sect, sith there is but one religion of Christ? 3. Why be ye wedded faster to your habites then a man is to hys wife?

    For a man may leaue his wife for a yeare or two as many men done: and if you leue your abite a quarter of a yeare, ye should be holden apostatase. 4. Makith your habite you men of religion or no? If it do, then euer as it wereth, your religion wereth, and after that your habite is better, your religion is better, and when ye haue liggin it beside, then lig ye your religion beside you, and byn ye apostatase: why bye ye you so precious clothes? sith no man seekith such but for vayne glory, as S.

    Gregory sayth.

    What betokeneth your great hood, your scaplery, your knotted girdle, and your wide cope? 5. Why use ye all one color, more then other christen men do? What betokeneth that ye bene clothed all in one maner of clothing?

    If ye say, it betokenith loue and charitc, certes then ye be oft hipocrites, when any of you hateth other, and in that ye woole be sayd holy by your clothing.

    Why may not a frere weare cloathing of an other sect of freres, sith holiness stondeth not in the clothes? 6. Why hold ye silence in one house more then an other, sith men ought ouer all to speke the good and leaue the evil?

    Why eate you flesh in one house more then in an other? if your rule and your order be perfite, and the patron that made it? 7. Why gete ye your dispensations to halle it more esy? Certes, other it seemeth that ye be unperfite, or he that made it so hard, that ye may not hold it; And seker, if ye holde not the rule of your patrons, ye be not then her freres, and so ye lye upon your selues. 8. Why make ye you as dede men when ye be professed, and yet ye be not dede, but more quicke beggers then ye were before? And it seemeth evil a dede man to goe about and begge. 9. Why will ye not suffer your nouices heare your councels in your chapter house ere that they haue bene professed, if your counsels byn true and after Gods law? 10 . Why make ye you ‘so costly houses to dwell in? sith Christ did not so, and dede men should haue but graues, as falleth it to dead men, and yet ye haue more courtes then many lordes of England: for ye mowe wenden through the realme, and each night well nigh lyg in your owne courts, and so mow but right few lordes do. 11 . Why hyre ye to ferme your limitors, getting therefore ech yeare a cer-tayne rent, and will not suffer one in an others limitation, right as ye were your selfes lordes of countreys?

    Why be ye not under your bishops visitations, and liege men to our king?

    Why axe ye no letters of brether heds of other mens prayers, as ye desire that other men shoulde aske letters of you?

    If your letters be good, why graunt ye them not generally to all maner of men for the more charitie? 12 . Mow ye make any man more perifte brother for your prayers then God hath by our beleeue? By our baptisme and his own graunt? If ye mow, certes then ye be aboue God.

    Why make ye men beleue that your golden trentall song of you, to take therefore ten shillings, or at the least five shillings, wole bring soules out of hel, or out of purgatory? If this be soth, certes ye might bring al soules out of payne, and that wall ye nought, and then ye be out of charitie. 13 . Why make ye men beleue that he that is buryed in your habite shall neuer come in hell, and ye wyte not of your selfe whether ye shall to hell or no? and if this were sothe, ye shuld sell your bye houses to make many habites for to saue many mens soules. 14 . Why steale ye mens children for to make hem of your sect, sith that theft is against Gods hestes, and sith your sect is not perfite? ye know not whether the rule that ye bynde hym to, be best for him or worst. 15 . Why underneme ye not your brethren for their trespas after the law of .the gospell, sith that underneming is the best that may be? But ye put them in prison oft when they do after God’s law, and by Saint Augustines rule, if anye did amisse and would not amend him, ye should put hym from you. 16 . Why couete ye shrifte and burying of other mens parishens, and none other sacrament that falleth to christen folke?

    Why bussy yee not to here to shrift of pore folk as wel as of rich lords and ladyes? sith they mowe haue more plenty of shrift fathers then poore folke mow, Why say ye not the gospell in howses of bededred men, as ye do in fiche mens that mow go to churche and heare the gospell?

    Why couete you not to bury poore folke among you? sith that they bene most truly (as ye fayne that yet beene for your pouerty.) 17 . Why will ye not be at her diriges as ye have bene at rich mens? sithe God prayseth him more then he doth other men.

    What is thy prayer worth,? sithe thou wilt take therefore, for of all chapmen ye nede to be most wise for dread of simonie.

    What cause hast thou that thou wilt not preach the gospell, as God sayth that thou shouldst? sith it is the best lore and also our beleue.

    Why be ye evil apayd that secular priests shuld preach the gospell? sith God himselfe hath bodden hem. 18 . Why hate ye the gospell to be preached, sithe ye be so much hold therto? For ye wyn more by yere with ‘In Principio,’ a527 then with all the rules that euer your patrons made, and in this minstrels bene better then ye, for they contrarien not to the mirthis that they maken, but ye contrarien the gospell both in word and deede. 19 . Frere, when thou receuest a peny for to say a Masse, whether sellest thou Gods body for that peny, or thy prayer, or else thy trauell? If thou sayest thou wok not trauell for to say the mass, but for the peny, that certes if this be soth, then thou louest to little mede for thy soule, and if thou sellest Gods body, other thy prayer, then it is very simonie, and art become a chapman worse then Judas that solde it for thirty pence. 20 . Why writest thou her names in thy tables that yeueth the mony? sith God knoweth all thing: for it seemeth by thy writing, that God would not reward him, but thou write in thy tables; God wold els forgetten it.

    Why bearist thou God in honde and sclaundrest hym that he begged for hys meet? sithe he was Lorde ouer all, for then had he bene unwyse to haue begged, and haue no neede thereto?

    Frere, after what law rulest thou thee,? Where findest thou in Gods law that thou shouldest thus beg? 21 . What maner men needeth for to beg? For whom oweth such men to beg? Why beggest thou so for thy brethren?

    If thou sayest, for they haue neede, then thou doest it for the more perfection, or els for the lest, or els for the meane. If it be the most perfection of all, then should al thy brethren do so, and then no man needed to beg but for him-selfe, for so should no man beg but him neded. And if it be the lest perfection, why louest thou then other men more then thy self? For so thou art not wel in charitie, sith thou shouldst seeke the more perfection after thy power, liuing thy selfe most after God. And thus leauing that imperfection thou shouldest not so beg for them. And if it is a good meane thus to beg as thou doest, then should no man do so, but they bene in this good meane, and yet suche a meane graunted to you may neuer be grounded on Gods law; for then both lerid and lewd that bene in meane degre of this world, shoulde goe about and beg as ye do. And if all shoulde doe so, certes well nigh all the world should goe about and beg as ye done, and so should there be ten beggers against one yeuer.

    Why procurest thou men to yeue thee their almes, and sayest it is so neede-full, and thou wilt not thyselfe wynne thee that mede? 22 . Why wilt not thou beg for poore bedred men that bene poorer then any of youe sect? That liggen and mow not goe about to helpe himselfes, sith we be all brethren in God, and that bretherhed passeth any other that ye or any man coulde make, and where most neede were, there were most perfection, either els ye hold them not your pure brethren, but worse, but then ye be unperfit in your begging.

    Why make ye so many maysters among you? sithe it is agaynst the teaching of Christ and his apostle? 23 . Whose bene all your rich courtes that ye ban, and all your rich juells? sithe ye seyne that ye han nought ne in proper ne in common. If ye sayne they bene the popes? why gerber ye then of poore men and lords so much out of the kinges hand to make your pope riche? And sithe ye sayne that it is great perfection to have nought in proper ne in commen? why be ye so fast about to make the pope that is your father rich, and put on him imperfection? sithen ye sayne that your goodes bene all hys, and he should by reason be the most perrite man, it seemeth openlich that ye ben cursed children so to sclaunder your father and make hym imperfect. And if ye sayne that the goodes be yours, then do ye ayenst your rule, and if it be not ayenst your rule, then might ye haue both plough and cart, and labor as other good men done, and not so to beg by losengery, and idle as ye done. If ye say that it is more perfection to beg, then to trauell or to worch with your hand, why preach ye not openly and teach all men to doe so? sithe it is the best and most perfite life to the helpe of their soules, as ye make children to beg that might haue bene riche heyres.

    Why make ye not your festes to poore men and yeueth hem yeftes, as ye done to the rich? sith poore men han more nede then the rich.

    What betokeneth that ye go tweyne and tweyne together? If ye be out of charitie, ye accord not in soule.

    Why beg ye and take salaries thereto more then other priestes? sith he that most taketh, most charge hath. 24 . Why hold ye not S. Frauncis rule and his testament? sith Frauncis sayth, that God shewed him this liuing and this rule: and certes if it were Gods will, the pope might not fordoe it; or els Frauncis was a lyer that sayd on this wise. And but this testament that he made accorde with Gods will, or else erred he is a lyer that were out of charitie: and as the law saith, he is cursed that letteth the rightfull last will of a dead man. And this testament is the last will of Fraunces that is a dead man; it seemeth therefore that all his freres bene cursed. 25 . Why will you not touch no coyned mony with the crosse, ne with the kings hed, as ye clone other juels both of gold and siluer? Certes if ye despise the crosse or the kinges hed, then ye be worthy to be despised of God and the king; and sith ye will receiue mony in your harts, and not with your handes, it seemeth that ye holde more holines in your hands then in your hartes, and then be false to God. 26 . Why haue ye exempt you from our kinges lawes and visiting of our byshops more then other christen men that liuen in this realm, if ye be not gilty of traitory to our realme, or trespassors to our byshops? But ye will haue the kinges lawes for the trespasse do to you, and ye wyll haue power of other byshops more then other priestes, and also haue leaue to prison your brethren, as lordes in your courtes, more then other folkes hah, that bene the kinges liege men. 27 . Why shall some sect of your freres pay eche a yeare a certatyne to her generall prouinciall or minister, or els to her souereignes? but if he steale a certayne number of children (as some men sayne) and certes if this be sothe, then ye be constreined upon a certayne payne to do theft agaynst Gods commandment, “Non furtum facies.” 28 . Why be ye so hardy to graunt by letters of fraternitie to men and women, that they shall haue part and merite of all your good dedes, and ye witten neuer whether God be apayd with your dedes because of your sinne? Also ye witten neuer whether that man or woman be in state to be saued or damned, then shall he haue no merite in heuyn for hys owne dedes ne for none other roans. And all were it so, that he should haue part of your good dedes: yet shuld he haue no more then God woulde geue him after that he were worthy, and so mich shall ech man haue of Gods yeft without your limitation. But if ye will say that ye bene Gods fellowes, and that he may not doe without your assent, then be ye blasphemers to God. 29 . What betokeneth that ye haue ordeyned, that when such one as ye haue made your brother or sister, and hath a letter of your seale, that letter mought be brought in your holy chapter and there be rad, or els ye will not praye for him. And but ye willen praye especially for all other that were not made your brethren or sistren, then were ye not in right charitie, for that ought to be commen, and namely in ghostly thinges. 30 . Frere, what charitie is this, to ouercharge the people by mighty begging under color of preaching or praying, or masses singing? sith holy write biddeth not thus, but euen the contrary: for all such ghostly dedes shuld be done freely, as God yeueth them freely? 31 . Frere, what charitie is this to beguile children or they commen to discretion, and bynde hym to your orders that byn not grounded in Gods law against her frendes will? sithen by this folly bene many apostataes, both in wil and dede, and many bene apostataes in her will during al her lyre, that would gladly be discharged if they wist how, and so many bene apostataes that shoulden in other states haue byn true men. a528 32 . Frere, what charitie is this, to make so many freres in euery country to the charge of the people, sith persons, and vicares alone, ye secular priest alone, ye monks and chanons alone, with bishops aboue them, were inough to the church to doe priestes office. And to adde moe then inough is a foule error, and great charge to the people, and this openly agaynst Gods will that ordayned all thinges to be done in weight, number, and measure. And Christ himselfe was apayd with twelve apostles and a few disciples, to preach and to doe priestes office to all the whole worlde, then was it better do then is now at this tyme by a thousand dele. And right so as foure fingers with a thumbe in a roans hand helpeth a man to worch, and double number of fingers in one hand should let hym more, and so the more number that there were passing the measure of Gods ordinaunce, the more were a man letted to worke: Right so (as it seemeth) it is of these new orders that ben added to the church without grounde of holy write and Gods ordinaunce. 33 . Frere, what charitie is this to the people, to lye and say that ye follow Christ in pouerty more then other men done, and yet in curious and costly howsing, and fine and precious clothing, and delicious and liking feeding, and in treasure and Jewels, and rich ornamentes, freres passen lordes and other rich worldly men, and soonest they should bryng her cause about (be it neuer so costly) though Gods law be put abacke. 34 . Frere, what charitie is this, to gather up the books of holy write, and put hem in treasory, and so emprison them from secular priestes and curates, and by this cautel let hem to preach the gospell freely to the people without worldly mede, and also to defame good priestes of heresie, and lyen on hem openly for to let hem to shew Gods law by the holy gospell to the christen people? 35 . Frere, what charitie is thys, to rayne so much holines in your bodely clothing (that ye clepe your habite) that many blynd fooles desiren to die therein more than in another: and also that a frere, that leuith his habite late founden of men, may not be assoyled till he take it agayne, but is apostata as ye seyn, and cursed of God and man both:

    The frere beleueth truth, and patience, chastitie, meeknes and sobriety, yet for the more part of his life he may soone be assoyled of his prior, and if he bring home to his house reich goad by the yeare (be it neuer so falsly begged and pilled of the poore and nedy people in countries about) he shal be hold a noble frere. O Lord whether this be charitie? 36 . Frere, what charitie is this, to prease upon a riche man, and to entice him to be buryed among you from hys parish church, and to such fiche men geue letters of fraternitie confirmed by your generale scale, and thereby to beare him in hand that he shall haue part of all your masses, mattens, preachinges, fastinges, wakinges, and all other good dedes done by your brethren of your order (both whiles he liueth, and after that he is dead) and yet ye wytten neuer whether your dedes be acceptable to God, ne whether that man that hath that letter be able by good liuing to receiue any parte of your deedes, and yet a poore man (that ye wyte well or supposen in eertaine to haue no good of) ye ne geuen to such letters, though he be a better man to God than such a rich man: neuerthelesse, this poore man doth not retche thereof. For as men supposen suche letters and many other that freres behotten to men, be full false deceites of fryers, out of all reason, and Gods law and christen mens fayth. 37 . Frere, what charitie is this, to be confessours of lordes and ladies, and to other mighty men, and not amend hem in her liuing, but rather as it seemeth, to be the bolder to pill her poore tenauntes, and to liue in lechery, and there to dwell in your office of confessour for wynning of worldly goodes, and to be holde great by color of suche ghostly offices; this seemith rather pride of freres, than charitie of God. 38 . Frere, what charity is this to sayne, that who so liueth after your order, liueth most perfitely, and next followeth the state of apostles in pouertie and penaunce, and yet the wisest and greatest clerkes of you wend or sed, or procure to the court of Rome to be made cardinals or bishops of the popes chaplaines, and to be assoyled of the rowe of pouertie and obedience to your ministers, ‘in the which (as ye sayne) standeth most perfection and merites of your orders, and thus ye faren as Phariseis that sayen one and do an other to the contrary.

    Why name ye more the patrone of your order in your Confiteor whet ye beginne masse, then other sayntes, apostles, or martyrs, that holy churche hold more glorious then hem, and clepe hem your patrons and your auowries.

    Frere, whether was S. Frauncis in making of hys rule that hec set thine order in, a foole and a lyer, or else wyse and true? If ye sayne that he was not a foole, but wise; ne a lyer but true: why shewe ye contrary by your doyng? whan by your suggestion to the pope ye sayde that your rule that Fraunces made was so harde that ye might not liue to hold it without declaration and dispensation of the pope. And so, by your deede ne lete your patrone a foole that made a rule so harde that no man may well keepe, and eke your dede proueth him a lyer, where he saith in his rule, That he tooke and learned it of the Holy Ghost. For how might ye for shame pray the pope undoe that the Holy Ghost bit, as when ye prayed him to dispense with the hardnes of your order?

    Frere, whiche of the foure orders of freres is best to a man that knoweth not which is the best, but would fayne enter into the best, and none other? If thou sayst that thine is the best, then sayst thou that none of the other is as good as thine; and in this ech frere in the three other orders wolle say that thou lyest, for in the selfe maner eche other freere wolle say that hys order is best. And thus to eche of the four orders bene the other three contrary in this poynt: in the which if anye sayth sooth, that is one alone, for there may but one be the best of foure. So followeth it that if each of these orders aunswered to this question as thou doest, three were false, and but one true, and yet no man should wyte who that were. And thus it seemeth, that the most part of freeres byn or should be lyers in this poynt, and they should aunswere thereto. If you say that an other order of the freres is better than thine, or as good; why tooke ye nat rather therto as to the better, when thou mightst haue chose at the beginning. And eke why shouldest thou be an apostata to leaue thine order and take thee to that is better, and so why goest thou not from thine order into that?

    Frere, is there any perficter rule of religion than Christ Gods sonne gaue in iris gospell to his brethren? Or then that religion that Sainct James in his epistle maketh mention of? If you say yes, then puttest thou on Christ (that is the wisdome of God, the Father) unkunning, unpower, or euil will: for than he could not make his rule so good as an other did his. And so he had unkunning, that he might not so make his rule so good as an other man might, and so were he unmighty, and not GOD, as he would not make his rule so perfite as an other did his, and so he had bone euil willed, namely to himselfe.

    For if he might, and could, and would, haue made a rule perfite without default, and did not, he was not Gods Sonne Almighty.

    For if any other rule be perfiter then Christes, then must Christes rule lack of that perfection by as much as the other weren more perfiter, and so were default, and Christ had fayled in making of his rule: but to put any default or failing in God is blasphemie. If thou say that Christs rifle, and that religion of that S. James maketh mention of, is the perfitest; why holdest thou not thilke rule without more. And why clepest thou the rather of S. Francis or S.

    Dominickes rule or religion or order, then of Christes rule or Christes order?

    Frere, canst thou any default assigne in Christs rule of the gospell (with the which he taught al men sekerly to be saued) if they kept it to her ending? If thou say it was to hard, then sayest thou Christ lyed; for he sayd of his rule: “My yoke is soft, and my burthen light.” If thou say Christes rule was to light, that may be assigned for no default, for the better it may be kept. If thou sayest that there is no default in Christes rule of the gospell, sith Christ himselfe saith it is light and easy: what neede was it to patrons of freres to adde more thereto? and so to make an hardar religion to saue fryers, then was the religion of Christes apostles and his disciples holden and were saued by. But if they wolden that her freres satori aboue the apostles in heauen for the harder religion that the kepen here, so wold they sitten in heauen aboue Christ him-selfe, for they mo and straight observaunces, then so should they bee better then Christ himselfe with mischaunce.

    Go now forth and frayne your clerkes, and ground ye you in God’s law, and gyf Jack an aunswere, and when ye hah assoiled me that I haue sayd sadly in truth, I shall soile thee of thine orders, and sane thee to heauen.

    If freres kun not or mow not excuse hem of these questions asked of hem, it seemeth that they be horrible gilty against God, and her euen chrisen. For which giltes and defaultes it were worthy that the order that they call theyr order were fordone. And it is wonder that men sustayne hem or suffer hem lyue in such maner. For holy writ biddeth, that “Thou doe well to the meke, and geue not to the wicked, but forbed to giue hem bread, least they be made thereby mightier through you.”

    After these digressions, now to return to the course of our story again. As this King Henry succeeded King John, his father, so after Innocent, the pope, came Honorius III, A.D. 1216, then Gregory IX., A.D. 1227. And after Otho IV., a529 the emperor (,whom the pope had once set up, and after deprived again), succeeded Frederic II. A.D. 1212, as is partly before touched. In the days of these kings, popes, and emperors, it were too long to recite all that happened in England, but especially in Germany, betwixt popes Honorius and Gregory and Frederic, the emperor; the horrible tragedy whereof were enough to fill a whole book by itself. But yet we mean (God willing) somewhat to touch a530 concerning these ecclesiastical matters, first beginning with this realm of England.

    After the kingdom of England had been subjected by King John, as hath been said, and made tributary to the pope and the Romish church, it is incredible how the insatiable avarice and greediness of the Romans did oppress and wring the commons and all estates and degrees of the realm, especially beneficed men, and such as had any thing of the church; who, what for their domestical charges within the realm, what for the pope, what for the legates, what for contributing to the Holy Land, what for relaxations, and other subtle sleights to get away their money, were brought into such slavery, captivity, and penury; that whereas the king neither durst, nor might remedy their exclamations by himself: yet notwithstanding, by his advice Simon Montfort, earl of Leicester, a531 with other noblemen, not forgetting what great grievances and distresses the realm was brought into by the Romans, thought to work some way how to bridle and restrain the insatiable ravening of these greedy wolves.

    Wherefore they devised their letter, giving strait commandment to the religious men, and to such as had their churches to farm, that henceforth they should not answer the Romans on account of such farms and rents any more, but should pay the said farms or rents unto their own proctors appointed for the same purpose; as by their writings sent abroad to bishops or chapters, and other ecclesiastical houses, may appear, in this form and effect as followeth.

    A COMPLAINT OF THE NOBLES OF ENGLAND AGAINST THE INTOLERABLE COVETOUSNESS OF THE POPE AND PRELATES OF ROME F600 To such and such a bishop, and such a chapter, all the university and company of them, that had rather die than be confounded of the Romans, wisheth health. How the Romans and their legates have hitherto behaved themselves toward you and other ecclesiastical persons of this realm of England, it is not unknown to your discretions, in disposing and giving away the benefices of the realm after their own lust, to the intolerable prejudice and grievance both of you and all other Englishmen. For whereas, the collation of benefices should and doth properly belong to you and other your fellow-bishops (ecclesiastical persons), they, thundering against you the sentence of excommunication, ordain that you should not bestow them upon any person of this realm, until in every diocese and cathedral-church within the realm, five Romans (such as the pope shall name) be provided for, to the value of, every man, an hundred pounds a year. Besides these, many other grievances the said Romanists do inflict and infer, both to the laity and nobles of the realm, for the patronages and alms bestowed by them and their ancestors, for the sustentation of the poor of the realm, and also to the clergy and ecclesiastical persons of the realm, touching their livings and benefices. And yet the said Romanists, not contented with the premises, do also take from the clergy of this realm the benefices which they have, to bestow them on men of their own country, etc.

    Wherefore, wet considering the rigorous austerity of these aforesaid Romanists, who, once coming in but as strangers hither, now take upon them not only to judge, but also to condemn us, laying upon us unportable burdens, whereunto they will not put one of their own fingers to move; and laying our heads together upon a general and full advice had among ourselves concerning the same; have thought good (although very late) to resist or withstand them, rather than to be subject to their intolerable oppressions, and to the still greater slavery hereafter to be looked for. For which cause we straitly charge and command you, as your friends going about to deliver you, the church, the king, and the kingdom, from that miserable yoke of servitude, that you do not intermeddle or take any part concerning such exactions or rents to be required or given to the said Romans. Letting you to understand for truth, that in case you shall (which God forbid) be found culpable herein, not only your goods and possessions shall be in danger of burning, but you, also, in your persons shall incur the same peril and punishment as shall the said Romish oppressors themselves. Thus fare ye well.

    Thus much I thought here to insert and notify concerning this matter, not only that the foul and avaricious greediness of the Romish church might the more evidently unto all Englishmen appear; but that they may learn by this example how worthy they be so to be served and plagued with their own rod, who, before, would take no part with their natural king against foreign power, by which now they are scourged.

    To make the story more plain; in the reign of this Henry III. (who succeeding, as is said, King John his father, reigned fifty-six years), came divers legates from Rome to England. First, Cardinal Otho, sent from the pope with letters to the king, like as other letters also were sent to other places for exactions of money.

    The king opening the letters, and perceiving the contents, answered, that he alone could say nothing in the matter, which concerned all the clergy and commons of the whole realm. Not long after a council was called at Westminster, where the letters being opened, the form was this:’ “We require to be given unto us, first, of all cathedral churches two prebends, one for the bishops’ part, the other for the chapter: and likewise of monasteries, where be divers portions, one for the abbot, another for the convent: of the covent, so much as appertaineth to one monk, the portion of the goods being proportionally divided; of the abbot likewise as much.”

    The cause why he required these prebends was this: “It hath been,” saith he, “an old slander, and a great complaint against the church of Rome, a532 that it hath been charged with insatiable covetousness, which, as ye know, is the root of all mischief, and all by reason that causes be wont commonly not to be handled, nor to proceed in the church of Rome, without great gifts and expense of money. Whereof seeing the poverty of the church is the cause, and the only reason why it is so slandered and evil spoken of, it is therefore convenient that you, as natural children, should succor your mother. For unless we should receive of you and of other good men as you are, we should then lack necessaries for our life, which were a great dishonor to our dignity,” etc.

    When those petitions and causes of the legate were propounded in the aforesaid assembly at Westminster on the pope’s behalf (the bishops and prelates of the realm being present), answer was made by the mouth of Master John Houghton, archdeacon of Bedford, a533 on this wise: ‘that the matter there proponed by the lord legate in especial concerned the king of England, but in general it touched all the archbishops, with their suffragans the bishops, and all the prelates of the realm. Wherefore, seeing both the king by reason of his sickness was absent, and the archbishop of Canterbury with divers other bishops also were not there, therefore in the absence of them they had nothing to say in the matter, neither could they so do without prejudice of them which were lacking.’— And so the assembly for that time brake up. a534 Eleven years after, the said Otho, Cardinal of St. Nicholas de carcere Tulliano, a535 coming again from Rome with full authority and power, indicted another council at London, and caused all prelates, archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and other of the clergy to be warned unto the same council, to be held in the church of St. Paul’s at London the morrow after the octaves of St. Martin. a536 The pretense of which council was for redress of matters concerning benefices and religion; but the chief and principal intent was to hunt for money: for putting them in fear and in hope, some to lose some to obtain spiritual promotions at his hand, he thought gain would rise thereby, and so it did, for in the mean time (as Matthew Paris, in his life of Henry III., writeth) divers precious rewards were offered him in palfreys, in rich plate and jewels, in costly and sumptuous garments richly furred, in coin, in victuals, * and such like things of value well worthy of acceptation; wherein one endeavored to go beyond another in munificence, not considering, by means of the servility wherewith they were oppressed of those popish shavelings and shameless shifters, that all was mere pillage and extortion.* Insomuch that the bishop of Winchester, as the story reporteth), on only hearing that he would winter in London, sent him fifty fat oxen, a hundred coombs of pure wheat, and eight tun of chosen wine, a537 toward his housekeeping.

    Likewise other bishops also for their part offered unto the cardinal’s box after their ability.

    The time of the council drawing nigh, the cardinal commanded, at the west end of Paul’s church, an high and solemn throne to be prepared, rising up with a glorious scaffold upon mighty and substantial stages strongly built, and of great height. Thus, against the day assigned, came the said archbishops, bishops, abbots, and other of the prelacy, both far and near throughout all England, wearied and vexed with the winter’s journey, bringing their letters procuratory; who being together assembled, the cardinal beginneth his sermon. But before we come to the sermon, there happened a great discord between the two archbishops of Canterbury and York, about sitting at the right hand and the left hand of the glorious cardinal, for the which the one appealed against the other. The cardinal, to pacify the strife between them both, so that he would not derogate from either of them, brought forth a certain bull of the pope: in the midst of which bull was pictured the figure of the cross. On the right side of the cross stood the image of St. Paul, and on the left side that of St. Peter: “Lo,” saith the cardinal (holding open the bull with the cross), “here you see St. Peter on the left hand of the cross, and St. Paul on the right side, and yet is there between these two no contention, for both are of equal glory. And yet St. Peter, for the prerogative of his keys, and for the preeminence of his apostleship and cathedral dignity, seemeth most worthy to be placed on the right side. But yet because St. Paul believed on Christ when he saw him not, therefore hath he the right hand of the cross: for blessed be they (saith Christ) who believe and see not,” etc. From that time forth the archbishop of Canterbury enjoyed the fight hand, and the archbishop of York the left; wherein, however, this cardinal is more to be commended than the other Cardinal Hugo mentioned a little before, who, in a like contention between these archbishops, ran away.

    Thus, the controversy having ceased and been composed between these two, Otho the cardinal, sitting aloft between these two archbishops, beginneth his sermon, taking this theme of the prophet; “In the midst of the seat, and in the circuit about the seat, were four beasts full of eyes before and behind,” etc. Upon this theme the cardinal proceeded in his sermon, sitting like a god in the midst. He compared those about him to the four beasts about the seat, declaring how they ought to have eyes both before and behind; that is, that they must be provident in disposing of secular things, and circumspect in spiritual matters, continuing and joining wisely things past with things to come; and this was the greatest effect of this clerkly sermon. That done, he giveth forth certain statutes for ordering of churches, as for the dedication of temples, for the seven sacraments, for the giving of orders, for the farming of benefices, for collations and resignations of benefices and vicarages, priests’ apparel, and single life, for eating of flesh in religious houses, and for archdeacons, bishops, proctors, and other like matters. But the chief intent of all his proceeding was this, that they should be vigilant, provident, and circumspect, with all their eyes (both before and behind), to fill the pope’s pouch, as appeared not only by this, but all their other travails besides; insomuch that the king, dreading the displeasure of his commons for the doings of the legate, willed him to repair home to Rome again, but yet could not so be rid of him, for he, .receiving new commandments from the pope, applied his harvest, still gleaning and raking whatsoever he might scrape; writing and sending to bishops and archdeacons in the form and tenor hereunder expressed. f603 And moreover, note again the wicked and cursed trains of these Romish rakehells, who, to pick simple men’s purses, first send out their friars and preachers to stir up, in all places and countries, men to go fight against the Turks: whom when they have once bound with a vow, and signed them with the cross, then send they their bulls to release them both of their labor and their vow, for money, as by their own style of writing is hereunder to be seen. f604 The cause why the pope was so greedy and needy of money, was this: because he had mortal hatred and waged continual battle the same time against the good emperor, Frederic II., who had to wife King John’s daughter, sister to King Henry III., whose name was Isabella. And therefore, because the pope’s war could not be sustained without charges, that made the pope the more importunate to take money in all places, but especially in England; insomuch that he shamed not to require the fifth part of every ecclesiastical man’s living, as Matthew Paris writeth. And not only that, but also the said Pope Gregory, conventing with the citizens of Rome, so agreed with them, that, if they would join with him in vanquishing the aforesaid Frederic, he would (and so did) grant unto them, that all the benefices in Eng land which were or should be vacant (namely, pertaining to religious houses), should be bestowed at their own will and commandment on their children and kinsfolks. Whereupon it followeth in the aforenamed history, that “the pope sent in commandment to the archbishop of Canterbury, and four other bishops, that provision should be made for three hundred Romans in the chiefest and best benefices in all England at the next voidance, so that the aforesaid archbishop and bishops should be suspended in the mean time from all collation or gift of benefices, until the aforesaid three hundred were provided for;” whereupon, the archbishop the same time, seeing the unreasonable oppression of the church of England, left the realm and went into France.

    Again, mark another as much or more easy sleight of the pope in procuring money. He sent one Petrus Rubeus the same time with a new device, which was this: not to work any thing openly, but privily to go betwixt bishop and bishop, abbot and abbot, etc., telling in their ears, such a bishop, such an abbot, hath given so much and so much unto the pope’s holiness, “trusting that you also will not be behind on your part,” etc. By the means whereof it is incredible to think what a mass of money was made out of the realm unto the pope.

    At length, the abbots, feeling their own smart, came to the king, whose father before they did resist, with their humble suit, lamentably complaining of the immeasurable exactions of the pope, and especially against Petrus Rubeus and his fellow, Otto the legate; desiring the king to prohibit such extortion: who, notwithstanding, received them with frowns, and even offered the legate one of his castles to imprison them. The bishops, warned by the ill success of the abbots, assembled at Northampton, and answered the legate, that, seeing the matter touched not themselves alone, but the whole church, and seeing the valuation of churches was known better to their archdeacons than to themselves, therefore they desired a general calling and talk to be had in the matter. The octaves of St. John the Baptist were assigned as the time when they should deliver their final answer; on which day the prelates of England, conventing together, durst not give any direct denial of that contribution, but after a modest sort did insinuate certain exceptions against the same. 1. They say, that forsomuch as the contribution is demanded to war against him, who was joined in matrimony with their prince, they were not bound to comply. 2. That the said contribution tended to the shedding of Christian blood; for the form of the pope’s bill stated it to be, “ad imperatorem debellandum.” 3. They refuse, because it was against the liberty of the church; for so it is in the pope’s bill, that they who would not contribute, should be excommunicated. 4. Because that when of late they gave the tenth part of their goods, it was with this protestation, that no similar exaction should be laid on them hereafter, much less of a fifth, as in the present case. 5. Because they had contributed before; and if they should now contribute again, it were to be feared lest an action twice done should grow into a custom, as is in the law, “Lege nemo,” etc. 6. Forsomuch as they shall have continually to seek to Rome through the emperor’s land, to prosecute divers causes, it were to be feared lest the said emperor by the way should work their annoyance. 7. Because the king hath many enemies and expecteth to want much money for his wars, it is not safe that the wealth of the realm should be alienated out of the realm, which is already much impoverished through the nobles taking on them the cross and going abroad. 8. Because it might turn to the prejudice of the patrons of the churches, and that they do not know whether the patrons would agree unto the same. 9. Lastly, because they hear say, that the general state of the church is in danger, for which there ought to be, and (as they understand) there is to be shortly, a general council, wherein such matters shall be determined: and, therefore, if they should contribute now, it should be to the hinderance and damage of the church.

    The legate and his fellow hearing these allegations, seeing their own confusion, were the less importunate.

    Five years after this, a538 followed a general council at Lyons, called by Pope Innocent IV., in which council the English nation did exhibit certain articles of their grievances not unworthy to be known; but with what effect will appear from the following Articles exhibited in the Council of London, the next year after the general Council of Lyons: the grievances sustained from the Pope. 1. The kingdom of England is aggrieved that the pope, being not contented with his Peter-pence, extorteth from the clergy of England great exactions (and more is likely), both without the consent of the king, and against the customs, liberties, and rights of the realm, and in spite of their appeal and remonstrance on the subject made by their proctors in the late general council. 2. The church and kingdom of England is aggrieved, that the patrons of the churches cannot present fit persons to the same, though the pope by his letters agreed they should; but the churches are given to Romans, who are quite ignorant of the native tongue, to the great peril of souls; besides that they, carrying away the money out of the realm, exceedingly impoverish the same. 3. It is aggrieved in the requiring of pensions and provisions, for that after the pope had promised by his late letters, that in the realm of England he would give away only twelve benefices more, now, contrary to the tenor thereof, many more benefices and provisions have been bestowed by him. 4. The realm is aggrieved, that in the benefices in England one Italian succeedeth another as a matter of course, while Englishmen are compelled, for the securing of their induction, to seek to Rome, contrary both to the customs of the realm, and also to the privileges granted by the pope’s predecessors to the king and kingdom of England. 5. The fifth grievance is, for the oft arrival of that infamous nuncio “Non Obstante,” whereby both the sacred obligation of an oath, the ancient customs of the realm, and the authority of old grants, statute laws, and privileges, are embezzled and abrogated; whereby an infinite number in England be grievously afflicted and oppressed. The pope, in thus resuming the plenitude of his power, does not act with that attention to law and moderation which he promised our proctors, with his own mouth, he would observe. 6. The said realm is also aggrieved by general tallages, collections, and assessments, made without the king’s consent; the appeal and remonstrance of the king’s and the nation’s proctors, to the contrary, notwithstanding. 7. The aforesaid realm complaineth and is aggrieved, that in the benefices given to Italians, neither the old ordinances, nor relief of the poor, nor hospitality, nor any preaching of God’s word, nor care of men’s souls, nor service in the church, nor yet the walls of the churches, be kept up and maintained, as decency and the manner of the same realm requireth. Over and above these aforesaid grievances, there came, moreover, from the pope, other fresh letters, charging and commanding the prelates of England to find of their proper costs and charges, for one whole year, some ten armed soldiers, some five, some fifteen, to be ready at the pope’s commandment where he should appoint.

    After these and other grievances and enormities of Rome, the states of England, consulting together, direct their letters to the pope, for reformation thereof. First, the bishops and suffragans; then, the abbots and priors; afterwards the nobles and barons; last of all, the king himself. a539 But as the proverb is, “Venter non habet aures,” so the pope’s purse had no ears to hear. And, as our common saying goeth, “As good never a whit, as never the better,” so went it with the pope, who not long after the same sent for new tallages and exactions to be collected; which thing when it came to the king’s ear, he, being moved and disturbed vehemently withal, writeth in this wise to the bishops severally, to every one in his diocese.

    THE LETTER OF KING HENRY III. TO THE BISHOPS Henry III., by the grace of God, etc., to the reverend in Christ, the bishop of N., health. Whereas we have heretofore written unto you, once, twice, thrice, as well, under our privy seal as by our letters patent, that you should not exact for the pope’s or any one else’s behalf any tallage or aid of our subjects, either of the religious, orders, or of the clergy, or of the laity, for. that no such tallage or aid either can or is used to be exacted in our realm without great prejudice to our royal dignity, which we neither can nor will endure: yet you contemning and vilipending our commandment, and contrary to the provision made in our last council at London, granted and agreed upon by our prelates, earls, and barons, have, that notwithstanding, proceeded in collecting the said your taxes and tallages. Whereupon, we do greatly marvel and are moved, especially seeing you are not ashamed to run counter to your own act and deed; whereas you and other prelates at the said council in this did all agree and grant, that you would levy no more such exactions until the return of our and your ambassadors, with those of the nobles and of the whole realm, from the court of Rome, who were sent thither purposely, as you know, to provide redress against these oppressions. Wherefore we straitly will and command you, that you no further proceed in collecting and exacting such tallages or aids, as you desire to enjoy our baronies, and such possessions of yours as within this our kingdom you have and hold; and if you have already taken any thing on this account, that you suffer not the same to be transported out of our realm, but cause it to be kept in safe custody, till the return of the said ambassadors; and be assured that, in case you disobey, we shall extend our hand upon your possessions, further than you may be inclined to believe. Moreover, we will and charge you that you communicate this our inhibition to your archdeacons and officials, which we here have set forth for the liberties of the clergy and of the people, as God knoweth, etc.

    At length, the ambassadors who were at Rome came home about the seventh day of July, a541 bringing word that the pope, hearing what was done in the council of London by the king, was greatly displeased with him and the realm, saying, “Rex Anglorum, qui jam recalcitrat et frederisat, suum habet consilium; ego veto et meum habeo, quod et sequar,” etc.

    Whereupon, when the ambassadors began to speak in the king’s behalf, from that time they were half counted for schismatics, and could no more be heard in the court of Rome. The king, hearing this, was marvelously incensed therewith, commanding, by general proclamation throughout all his realm, that no man should hereafter consent to any tax or subsidy of money for the court of Rome. When this came to the pope’s car, upon a cruel rage he directed his letters to the prelates of England, charging that under pain of suspense or interdiction, they should provide the same sum of money to be collected against the feast of Assumption, the charge being given to the bishop of Worcester, to be executor of the said curse. The king, who lately intended to stand to the liberties of the church and kingdom, now, for fear of the pope, and partly for the menaces of his brother, earl Richard, and of the said bishop of Worcester and other prelates, durst not stand to them, but gave over. Moreover, the greedy gulf of the Romish avarice waxed so immeasurable, that at length the pope shamed not, upon the censure of his curse, to ask the third part of the church goods, and the yearly fruit of all vacant benefices. The chief doers and legates in England, were Otho, Stephen the pope’s chaplain, a542 Petrus Rubeus, the nuncio, Mug. Martin, and Mag. Marinus, and Johannes Anglicus, bishop of Sabino; of whom to speak further (for that I have much more to write), I think best for the present to defer, lest in opening all the detestable doings and pestilent workings of those men, I might, perhaps, not only molest good ears, but also infect the air. Yet one thing concerning the said Otho I cannot well overpass.

    This Otho, as he left no place unsought, where any vantage might be got: so, amongst all others, he came to Oxford, where lying in the house of Osney, he was received with great honor; a543 the scholars presenting him honourably with such dishes and rewards as they had, thinking to gratify the cardinal after the best manner. This being done before dinner, and the dinner ended, they came reverently to see and welcome him, supposing that they also should again, of him, with like courtesy be entertained. As they came to the kate, the porter, being an Italian, with a loud voice, asketh what they would have? They said, they came to see the lord legate. But Cerberus, the porter, holding the door half open, with proud and contumelious language thrust them out, and would not suffer them to enter. The scholars, seeing that, by force thrust open the gate and came in; whom when the Romans, who were within, would have repelled with their fists, and such staves as they had in their hands, they fell to alarum and by the ears together, with much heaving and shoving, and many blows on both sides. In the mean time, while some of the scholars ran home for their weapons, there chanced a poor scholar, an Irishman, to stand at the gate waiting for his alms, whom when the master - cook a544 saw at the gate, he, taking hot scalding water out of the pan where the meat was sodden, did cast it in his face. One of the scholars, a Welshman, who came with his bow and shafts, seeing that, letteth drive an arrow, and shooteth this Nabuzardan a544 (that master of cooks) clean through the body, and slayeth him out of hand. The cook falling dead, there was a mighty broil and a great clamor throughout all the house. The cardinal, hearing the tumult and great noise about him, like a valiant Roman, runneth as fast as he could into the steeple, and there locketh the doors fast unto him, where he remained till midnight. The scholars, in the mean while, not yet at all pacified, sought all corners about for the legate, exclaiming and crying out, “Where is that usurer, that simoniac, that piller and poller of our livings, that prowler and extortioner of our money, who perverteth our king, and subverteth his kingdom, enriching aliens with our spoils?” a545 All this heard the cardinal, and held his peace. When the night approaching had broken up the field, the cardinal coming out of his fort, and taking his horse, in the silence of the night, was privily conveyed over the river towards the king, conveying himself away as fast as he could. After the king heard this, he sendeth to Oxford a garrison of armed men, to deliver the Romans who were there hidden for fear of the scholars. Then was Master Otho, a lawyer, with thirty other scholars, apprehended, and carried to Wallinfiord castle, and from thence had in carts to London, where, at length, through much entreaty of the bishops, they, being brought barefoot to the legate’s door, had their pardon, and the university was released from interdiction. Thus much concerning the pope’s legate in England.

    Thus partly you have heard, and do understand the miserable thraldom and captivity of this realm of England and the clergy of the same, who before refused to take part with King John their natural prince against the foreign power of the pope, and now how miserably they are oppressed and scourged of the same pope; whose insatiable extortion and rapacity did so exceed in pilling and polling of this realm long after this, that neither the king now could help them, nor could the pope with any reasonable measure be content; insomuch that writers record, that in the days of Sudbury, archbishop of Canterbury, A.D. 1860, the pope by his proctors gat from the clergy, in less than one year, more than sixty thousand florins, of mere contribution; besides his other avails and common revenues out of benefices, prebendaries, first-fruits, tributes, Peter-pence, collations, reservations, relaxations, and such merchandize, etc. *And yet the state of this realm of England, although most miserable, was not so lamentable, but that the case of Germany and of the Emperor Frederic II. was then as much or more pitiful, who in the same time of King Henry III. was so persecuted and disturbed by popes Innocent, Honorins, Gregory, Celestine, and Innocent IV. that not only with their curses and excommunications most wretchedly they did infame, impugn, and assault him, but also in open field continually did they war against him, and all with Englishmen’s money. Albeit, concerning the troubles of this emperor, a546 being a foreign story and pertaining to other countries, I have not much to do nor to write therein, having enough already to story at home. Yet I cannot but lament and marvel to see the ambitious presumption and tragical fury of those popes against the emperor.* f613 Mention was made a547 a little before of the Albigenses keeping about the city of Toulouse. These Albigenses, because they began to smell the pope, and to control the inordinate proceedings and discipline of the see of Rome, the pope therefore recounting them as a people heretical, excited and stirred up about this present time and year, A.D. 1220, Louis, a548 the French king’s, son, through the instance of Philip II., his father, to lay siege against the said city of Toulouse to expugn and extinguish these Albigenses, his enemies; whereupon Louis, according to his father’s commandment, reared a puissant and mighty army to compass about and beset that city, and so did. Here were the men of Toulouse in great danger; but see how the mighty protection of God fighteth for his people against the might of man: for after that Louis, as Matthew Paris testifieth, had long wearied himself and his men in waste, and could do no good with all their engines and artillery against the city, there fell, moreover, upon the French host, by the hand of God, such famine and pestilence both of men and horses, besides the other daily slaughter of the soldiers, that Louis was forced to retire, and, with such as were left, to return again home to France, from whence he came. In the slaughter of his soldiers, besides many others, was earl Simon Montfort, general of the army, to whom the lands of the earl of Toulouse were given by the pope; he was slain before the gate of the city with a stone; and so was also the brother of the said Simon, at the same time, while besieging a castle near Toulouse, slain with a stone in like manner. And thus was the siege of the Frenchmen against Toulouse broken up. f615 While the siege of these Frenchmen a549 could do no good against the city of Toulouse, it happened at that time that the Christians, marching towards the Holy Land, had better success in laying their siege to a certain tower or castle in Egypt, near to the city Damietta, that seemed by nature, for the situation and difficulty of the place, inexpugnable: which, being situate in the midst of the great flood Nilus, hard by the city called Damietta, could neither be come to by land, nor be undermined for the water, nor by famine subdued, for the nearness of the city; yet, notwithstanding, through the help of God and the policy of man, erecting scaffolds and castles upon tops of masts, the Christians at last conquered it, and after that also the city Damietta, albeit not without great loss of Christian people. (A.D. 1219.) In the expugnation of this city or fort, among others that there died was the landgrave of Thuring, named Louis, the husband of Elizabeth, whom we use to call St. Elizabeth. This Elizabeth, as my story recordeth, was the daughter of the king of Hungary, and married in Almain, where she lived with the aforenamed Louis, landgrave of Thuring, whom she, through her persuasions, provoked and incensed to take that voyage to fight for the Holy Land, where he in the same voyage was slain. After his death, Elizabeth, remaining a widow, entered the profession of cloisterly religion, and made herself a nun; so growing and increasing from virtue to virtue, that after her death all Almain did sound with the fame of her worthy doings. Matthew Paris addeth this also, that she was the daughter of that queen, who, being accused to be naughty with a certain archbishop, was therefore condemned with this sentence pronounced against her; although it be hard in English to be translated as it standeth in Latin,—“To kill the queen will ye not to fear, that is good; and if all men consent thereunto, not I myself do stand against it.” Which sentence being brought to Pope Innocent, thus in pointing the sentence, which otherwise seemeth to have a double understanding, he saved the queen; thus interpreting and pointing the same, “Regiham interficere nolite, timere bonum est, et si omnes consenserint, non ego, contradico.” That is, “To kill the queen will ye not, to fear, that is good: and if all do consent thereto, yet not I, I myself do stand against it,” and so escaped she the danger. This queen was the mother, as is said, of Elizabeth the nun, who, for her holy nunnishness, was canonized of the pope’s church for a saint in Almain, about A.D. 1220. f617 And this by the way. Now to proceed further in the years and life of this King Henry. The next year following, which was A.D. 1221, the king went to Oxford, where he had something to do with William, earl of Albemarle, who had taken the castle of Biham: but at last, for his good service he had done in the realm before, he was released by the king, with all his men, at the intercession of Walter, archbishop of York, and of Pandulph, the legate. About that year entered first the Friars Minorite, or Grey friars, into England, and had their first house at Canterbury, whose first patron was Francis, who died A.D. 1127. a550 His order was confirmed by Pope Honorius III., A.D. 1224.

    About the first coming of these Dominic and Grey friars Franciscan into the realm (as is in Nicolas Trivet testified), many Englishmen at that time entered into their orders, among whom was Johannes de Sancto Egidio, a551 a man fatuously expert in the science of physic and astronomy, and Alexander de Hales, both Englishmen and great divines. This Johannes making his sermon “ad clerum,” in the house of the Dominic friars, exhorted his auditory with great persuasions unto willful poverty, and to confirm his words the more by his own example, in the midst of his sermon he came down from the pulpit and put on his friar’s habit; and so, returning into the pulpit again, made an end of his sermon. Likewise Alexander Hales entered the order of the Franciscans, of whom remaineth yet the book entitled “De Summa Theologiae,” in old libraries.

    Moreover, not long after, by William Longspey, who was the bastard son of King Henry II. and earl of Salisbury, was first founded the house of the Carthusian monks at Hethorp, a552 A.D. 1222. After whose death his wife Ela translated them to the house of Henton, in Somersetshire, A.D. 1227; which Ela also founded the house of nuns at Lacocks, and there continued herself abbess of the place. The bishop of London, named William, the same time gave over his bishopric, after whom succeeded Eustace in that see. f620 In the town of Oxford, where the king then kept his court, Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, held a council, where was condemned and burned a certain deacon, as Nicholas Trivet saith, for apostasy; also another rude countryman, who had crucified himself, and superstitiously bare about the wounds in his feet and hands, was condemned to be closed up perpetually within walls. About the same year also, Alexander, king of Scots, married Joan, sister to King Henry.

    Not long after began the new building of the minister of Salisbury, whereof Pandulph, the pope’s legate, laid the first five stones; one for the pope (such was the fortune of that church to have the pope’s stone in its foundation); the second, for the young King Henry; the third, for the good earl of Salisbury; the fourth, for the countess; the fifth, for the bishop of Salisbury; which was about the same year above mentioned, A.D. 1221. f622 In the same year, a553 about St. James’s tide, arose a dissension between the citizens of London and the men of Westminster, the occasion whereof was this:—A certain match between these two parties was appointed, to try which party, in wrestling, could overcome the other. Thus, in striving for mastery, each party contending against the other, as the manner is in such pastime, it happened that the Londoners got the victory, and the other side was put to foil, but especially the steward of the abbot of Westminster; who, being not a little confounded therewith, began to forethink in his mind how to be revenged again of the Londoners.

    Whereupon, another day was set, which was at Lammas, that the Londoners should come again to wrestle; and whoso had the victory should have the bell-wether, which was the price of the game appointed. As the parties were thus occupied in their play, the steward suddenly bringeth upon the Londoners, unawares, a company of harnessed men prepared for the same beforehand, and letteth drive at the Londoners; who, at length, being wounded and grievously hurt, after much bloodshed were driven back again into the city. This contumely thus being received, the citizens, eagerly struck with ire and impatience, ran to the common bell, and by ringing thereof assembled their commons together, to consult with themselves what was to be done in that case so contumelious; wherein, when divers sentences were given diversely, Serle, at that time mayor of London (a wise and discreet man), gave this counsel, that the abbot of Westminster should be talked withal, who if he would rectify the injury done, and satisfy for the harm received, it should be to them sufficient. But contrary, one Constantine, a great man then in the city of London, in much heat exciting the people, gave this sentence, that all the houses of the abbot of Westminster, but especially the house of the steward, should be cast down to the ground. In fine, that which he so unadvisedly counseled, was as madly performed, for the furious people, according to his counsel, did. This tumultuous outrage, as it could not be privy, coming to the knowledge of Hubert de Burgh, lord chief justice of England, above mentioned, he coming with a sufficient strength of armed soldiers to the city of London, sent to the mayor and aldermen of the city to will them to come unto him; who so obeying his commandment, he required of them the principal beginners of the riot. To whom Constantine, there being present, answered, that he would warrant that which was done; sorrowing, moreover, that they had not done more than they did in the matter. The justice, upon this his confession, commanded him, with two others, without any further tumult, to be taken; and so, along with the same two, he was hanged, he offering for his life fifteen thousand marks. a555 The said Hubert, earl of Kent, and lord chief justice, although he was a faithful and trusty officer to his prince, and had the whole guiding of the realm in his own hands, the king, as yet, being in his minority, yet afterwards, what indignation he sustained for this his severity and other things, both of the nobles and of the commons, and how sharply he was tossed and trounced of his prince, it is a wonder to see, as in its due place and time (by the Lord’s leave) hereafter shall appear. f624 As mention hath been made of the wrangling between the commoners of London and Westminster, both time and occasion bring me in remembrance something to speak likewise of the ecclesiastical conflicts among churchmen; nothing inferior in my mind, nor less worthy to be noted than the other. For so I read in Matthew Paris, and in the Flowers of History, that at what time this wrestling was among the citizens for the sheep, the like contention kindled and inflamed between Eustace, bishop of London, and the chapter of Paul’s, on the one side, and the abbot of Westminster, with his convent, on the other, about spiritual jurisdiction and subjection; to wit, whether the monastery of Westminster were exempted from the subjection and jurisdiction of the bishop of London or not. This controversy at last coming to a compromise, was committed to the arbitrement of Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, Peter, bishop of Winchester, a556 Thomas, prior of Merton, and Richard, prior of Dunstable; and at length was thus agreed, that the monastery of Westminster should be utterly exempted from the jurisdiction of the bishop of London, and that Staines, with the appurtenances thereto belonging, should appertain to the monastery of Westminster. Also, that the manor of Sunbury should be due and proper to the church of St. Paul, and also that the church of St. Margaret, with all the lands belonging to the same, should be exempted from all other jurisdiction, but of the bishop of Rome only: and so was this matter decided. A.D. 1222. f625 The same year, as writeth Matthew Paris, horrible tempests, with thundering and lightning and whirlwinds, went throughout all the land, so that much harm was done; churches, steeples, towers, houses, and divers trees, with the violence of the winds, were blown up by the roots. In Warwickshire, a certain wife, and eight others in her house, were slain. In Grantham, the church was set on fire by lightning most terrible, with such a stink left behind, that no man could, for a long time after, abide it. The author addeth, that manifest marks of the tempest did remain long after in that monastery to be seen. Some also write that fiery dragons and spirits were seen then flying in the air.

    A.D. 1223, Philip, the French king, died, after whom his son Louis succeeded to the crown; to whom King Henry, sending his message, and desiring him to remember his promise and covenant made of rendering again the lands lost in Normandy, could obtain nothing at his hands.

    Whereupon Richard, earl of Cornwall, also William, the king’s uncle, earl of Salisbury, with divers other nobles, made over into France, where they recovered Poictou, and kept Gascony under the king’s obedience. f626 In the same year, or as Fabian giveth it, the next year following, which was A.D. 1224, by virtue of a certain parliament, it was granted of the lords and barony of the land, that the king and his heirs should have the ward and marriage of their heirs, which then was called, and afterwards proved to be, ‘initium malorum,’ the beginning of harms.

    In the same year, according to Gishburn and other writers, the said king, holding another parliament at Oxford, by the advice of his council and his clergy, did grant and confirm, under his great seal, two charts of the old liberties and customs of this realm, for ever to be kept and observed, the one called ‘Magna Charta,’ the other ‘Charta de Foresta;’ the contents whereof fully in the beforenamed author be expressed. For this cause was granted again by the whole parliament, a fifteenth of all his subjects, as well of laymen as also of the clergy.

    Here is to be noted, that these liberties were afterwards broken, and confirmed again by the said king, A.D. 1236.

    A.D. l226 died Louis VIII., the perjured French king, at the siege of Avignon, a557 whom the pope now the second or third time had set up to fight against Reimund, the good earl of Toulouse, and the heretic Albigenses of that country; for so the pope calleth all those who hold not in all points with his glorious pride, usurped power, and ungodly proceedings. The origin whereof was this, as in Matthew Paris appeareth.

    In the days of Philip, the French king, this Reimund, earl of Toulouse, was disdained by the pope for holding with the Albigenses; and therefore, by the instigation of the pope, the lands of the earl were taken from him, and given to Simon Montfort, and instruments were made upon the same; but when the said earl Reimund would not be removed from the right of his possessions by unrighteous dealing, the pope setteth Philip II., the French king, to make open war against him. Whereupon Louis, the French king’s son, was sent with a great power, as is above declared, to besiege the city of Toulouse; but being repulsed from thence by the marvelous hand of God fighting for his people, he could not prevail, and so returned home, after he had lost the most part of his army by pestilence and other calamity, as hath been before described. Thus continued the good earl still in quiet possession till this present time, A.D. 1226; in the which year the pope, not forgetting his old malice against the earl, and no less inflamed with insatiable avarice, directeth down his legate, Master Romanus, to the parts of France, for two several purposes; one to extirpate the ear], the other to enlarge his own revenues. Thus the legate, being entered into France, beginneth to summon a council, willing the French king, with the archbishops, bishops, and clergy of France, to appear before him at Bourges; to whom eftsoons repaired six archbishops, with the bishops and suffragans of nine provinces, to the number of a hundred, besides the abbots, priors, and proctors of all the covents of France, to hear the pope’s will and commandment. But because there was a discord feared a558 to rise, saith Matthew Paris, about pre-eminence of sitting, for that the archbishop of Lyons challenged the superior place above the archbishop of Sens, also the archbishop of Rouen above the archbishops of Bourges, Aix, and Narbonne, and their suffragans; therefore the session was holden there not in manner and form of a council, but of a certain parley or consultation.

    Thus the meek and holy council being set, and the pope’s majesty’s letters read and declared, appeareth before them Reimund, earl of Toulouse, of the one part, and Simon Montfort, on the other part. This Simon required to be restored unto him the lands and possessions of the said Reimund, which the pope and Philip, the French king, had given to him and to his father before, having good evidences to show for the same, confirmed by the donation of the pope and of the king; adding moreover, that the earl Reimund was deprived and disinherited in the general council at Rome for heresy, a559 which is called the heresy of the Albigenses. At least, if he might not have the whole yielded unto him, yet the most part of his lordships he required to be granted him.

    To this the earl Reimund answered again, offering himself ready to all duty and office both toward the French king and to the church of Rome, whatsoever to him did duly appertain. And moreover, touching the heresy wherewith he was there charged; he did not only there offer himself, in that council, before the legate, but most humbly did crave of him, that he would take the pains to come into every city within his precinct, to inquire of every person there the articles of his belief; and if he found any person or persons holding that which was not catholic, he would see the same to be corrected and amended, according to the censure of holy church, to the uttermost. Or if he should find any city rebelling against him, he, to the uttermost of his might with the inhabitants thereof, would compel them to do satisfaction therefor. And as touching himself, if he had committed or erred in any thing (which he remembereth not that he had done), he offered there full satisfaction to God and the church, as became any faithful Christian man to do; requiring, moreover, there, before the legate, to be examined of his faith. But all this, saith Matthew Paris, the legate despised; neither could the catholic earl, saith he, there find any grace, unless he would depart from his heritage, both for himself, and for his heirs for ever. In fine, when it was required, on the contrary part, that he should stand to the arbitrement of twelve peers of France, a560 Reimund answered, that if the French king would receive his homage, which he was ready at all times to exhibit, he was contented therewith. For, otherwise, they would not, said he, take him as one of their peers.

    After much altercation on both sides about the matter, the legate willeth every archbishop to call aside his suffragans to deliberate with them upon the cause, and to give up in writing what was concluded. This being done accordingly, the legate denounceth excommunication on all such as did reveal any piece of that which was there concluded, before the pope and the king had intelligence thereof.

    These things, thus in hudder mutter among themselves, concluded, the legate gave leave to all proctors of covents and chapters to return home, only retaining with him the archbishops, bishops, and abbots, and certain simple prelates, such as he might be more bold withal, to open, and of them to obtain, the other part of his commission; which was. indeed to obtain of every cathedral church two prebendships,— one of the bishop, the other of the chapter. a561 In monasteries also, after the like sort, where the abbot and covent had divers and several portions, to require two churches; one of the abbot, the other of the covent; keeping this proportion, that how much should suffice for the living of one monk, so much the whole covent should find for their part, and as much the abbot likewise for his. And, forasmuch as he would not seem to demand this without some color of cause, his reason was this: that because the court of Rome had long been blotted with the note of avarice, who is mother of all evil, for that no man could come to Rome for any business, but he must pay for the expedition of the same; therefore, for the removing away of the occasion of that slander, the public help of the church must necessarily be required.

    The proctors and parties thus sent home by the legates, marveling with themselves why the bishops and abbots should be staid, and they sent home, and suspecting no less than as the matter was indeed, conferred their counsels together, and devised with themselves to send certain unto him in the behalf of all the cathedral and conventual churches in France; and sent to the said legate this message, to signify to him, that they were credibly informed he came with special letters from the court of Rome for the obtaining of certain prebendaries in every cathedral and conventual church; which being so, they much marveled that he would not in the public council make manifest to them those letters which specially concerned them, as much as the others. Wherefore, their request was to him in the Lord, that no such offensive matter might arise by him in the French church; knowing this, that the thing he enterprised could not be brought to effect without great offense taken, and inestimable damage to the church of France. “For grant,” said they, “that certain will assent unto you, yet their assent standeth in no effect concerning such matters as touch the whole; especially seeing both the states of the realm, with all the. inferior subjects, yea, and the king himself, they are sure, will withstand the same, to the venture, not only of their honor, but of their life also; considering the case to be such, as upon the offense whereof standeth the subversion both of the realm public, and of the whole church in general.” Declaring, moreover, the cause of this fear to arise hereof, for that in other realms such communication hath been with bishops and prelates for the procuring of such prebendships, whereas neither the prince nor the subjects were made any thing privy thereto.

    In conclusion, when the matter came to debating with the legate, the objections of the inferior parties against the cruel exaction were these in brief effect, as in Matthew Paris are noted.

    First, They alleged their great damages and expenses which they were like to sustain thereby, by reason of the continual procurators t of the pope, who, in every diocese, must not live of their own, but be sustained by the charges of the cathedral churches, and other churches also; and many times they, being but procurators, will be found as legates. Item, By that means, they said, great perturbations might ensue to the covents and chapters of cathedral churches in their elections; forasmuch as the pope’s agents and factors being in every cathedral church and chapterhouse, perhaps the pope would command the agent or factor in person to be present at their elections, and so might trouble the same in delaying, and deferring, till it might fall to the court of Rome to give; and so there should be placed more of the pope’s clientels in the churches of France, than of the proper inhabitants of the land. Item, By this means they affirmed, that all they in the court of Rome should be richer, and should receive more for their proportion than the king of the realm: by reason of which abundance of riches, it was like to come to pass, that as the worm of rich men is pride, so, by the means of this their riches, the court of Rome would delay and drive off great suits, and would scarcely take any pains with small causes; the experiment whereof is evident, for that now also they use to delay their matters, when they come with their gifts, and being in assurance to receive. And thus should justice stand aside, and poor suitors die at the gates of the court of Rome, thus flowing and triumphing in full abundance of all treasure and riches. Item, Forasmuch as it is meet and convenient to have friends in the court of Rome, for the better speeding of their causes; therefore they thought to keep them needy, whereby their gifts may be the sweeter, and their causes sooner despatched. Item, As it is impossible to stop the fountain of greedy desire, it was to be feared, either that they would do that by others, which they were wont to do by themselves, or else, that they should be forced to give greater rewards than before; for small gifts, in the sight of great rich men, are not looked upon. Item, Where he alleged the removing away of the slander which goeth on the court of Rome: by this means rather the contrary were to be feared, wherein they alleged the sentence of the verse, that great riches stop not the taking of much, but a mind contented with a little: “Quod virtus reddit, non copia, sufficientem; Et non paupertas, sed mentis hiatus, egentem.” Further, they alleged that great riches would make the Romans mad, and so might kindle among them sides and parts-taking; so that, by great possessions, sedition might follow to the ruin and destruction of the city, whereof some experiment they had already. Item, They added, that although they would condescend and oblige themselves to that contribution, yet their successors would not be so bound, nor yet ratify that bond of theirs.

    Lastly, They conclude the matter by desiring that the zeal of the universal church, and of the church of Rome, would move him: for, if this oppression of the church should be universal, it were to be doubted lest an universal departing might follow from the church of Rome, which God forbid, say they, should happen.

    The legate hearing these words, being therewith something moved, as seemed, excused himself, that he, being in the court, never agreed to this exaction; and that the letters, hereof, came not to him before he was in France, whereat he said he was greatly sorry: adding this withal, that the words of his precept included this secret meaning in them, thus to be understood and taken, “so far forth as the empire and other realms would agree unto the same;” and as for him, he would stir no more in the matter, before it were proved what other countries would say and do therein.

    And thus much concerning the second part of the blind commission of this legate, touching his exaction of. prebendships in every cathedral and conventual church; whereto, as ye hear, he was repulsed. f629 Now to return to the first part of his commission again, which was concerning Reimund, the godly earl of Toulouse, thus the story proceedeth: that while the legate was in hand with this matter of the pope’s money, in the mean season, certain preaching friars were directed by the said Romanus, the pope’s legate, into all France, to incite and stir up the Frenchmen to take the cross upon them, and to war against the earl of Toulouse, and the people thereof, whom they accounted for heretics. At their preaching, a great number of prelates and laymen signed themselves with the cross, to fight against the people of Toulouse, being thereto induced, as the story saith, more for fear of the French king, Louis VIII., or favor of the legate, than for any true zeal of justice. For so it followeth in the words of Matthew Paris: “For to many,” saith he, “it seemed an abuse to move war against a faithful Christian man, especially, seeing in the council of Bourges, before all men, he entreated the legate, with great instance, that he would come into every city within his dominions, and there inquire of every person the articles of his faith; where, if he found any man to hold any thing contrary to the catholic faith, he promised a full satisfaction to be had thereof, according to the censure of the church, to the uttermost.”

    Yet all this notwithstanding, the proud legate, contemning this so honest and reasonable purgation of the earl Reimund, ceased not by all manner of means to prosecute the pope’s fury against him and his subjects, stirring up the king and the Frenchmen, under pain of excommunication, to war against them. Louis, the French king, thus being enforced by the legate, answered again, that he, for his own safety, would not achieve that expedition, or adventure against the earl, unless it were first obtained of the pope to write to the king of England; commanding him, that, during the time of that expedition, he should invade and molest no part of his lands and possessions which he at that time did hold, whether by right or by wrong, or howsoever they were holden, while the time of the said war against the heretics (as they were then termed) did endure, but rather should aid and assist him with counsel and money in that enterprise. All this being done and accomplished, the French king and the legate (crossing themselves to the field) appointed a day peremptory for the French army to meet together at Lyons, under pain of the pope’s excommunication, and, with horse and harness, to set upon the people of Toulouse, namely the Ascension day next ensuing.

    When the Ascension day was come, which was the day peremptorily appointed, the French king, having prepared at Lyons all things necessary for his army, marcheth forward with a great and mighty host; after whom also cometh the legate, with his bishops and prelates. The number of fighting men in his army, besides the victuallers and waggoners, was fifty thousand men. The legate, by the way, openly excommunicated the earl of Toulouse, and all that took his part; and, furthermore, interdicted his whole land. Thus the king marched forward till he came into the province of Toulouse; and the first city which he came unto there of the earl’s was Avignon, which city they thought first to besiege, and so in order afterwards, as they went to destroy and waste all the whole province belonging to the earl. And first the king demanded of them to have his passage through their city; feigning himself in peaceable wise, but for the expedition of his journey, to pass through the same. The citizens, consulting with themselves what was to be done, at length gave answer, that they mistrusted their coming, and supposed that, in deceit, they required the entrance of their city, and for no necessity of their journey.

    The king, hereat being much offended, swore an oath, that he would not depart thence till he had taken the city; and immediately, in those places where he thought most meet, he began to make sharp attacks, with all manner of saultable engines; the citizens again within manfully defended themselves, and casting stone for stone, and shooting shot for shot, slew and wounded many of the Frenchmen. Thus, when their had long besieged the city, and could not win the same, at length victuals in the French camp began to fail, and many of them died for hunger; for the earl of Toulouse, as a wise man of war, hearing before of their coming, took into the town all the provision that was abroad, and left nothing, without, to serve for their defense and succor; he ploughed up the fields, that there should no stover be found to serve their horses; he put out of the town all the old people and young children, lest they should want victuals that kept the town, and before their coming sent them far away, so that within the town they had plenty, and without, they died for famine. And, besides, in seeking far for their forage, many fell into the hands of them that kept the city, who secretly lay in wait for them abroad, and slew many of them; besides that, a great number of cattle and horses died for want of forage; and also poor soldiers, who had no great store of money, died for want of victuals. By the mortality and the stench, both of men and cattle, grew great infection and pestilence among them; insomuch that the king himself, and also the legate, were greatly dismayed, thinking it to be no little shame, as well to the realm of France, as also to Rome, that they should so depart and break up their siege. Thus again thought the soldiers, that much better it were for them to end their lives by battle, than thus to starve and die like dogs; wherefore, with one consent, they purposed to give a new assault at the bridge that goeth over the Rhone into the town, to which place they came in such numbers, that either by the debility of the bridge, or by the subtlety of the soldiers that kept the town, three thousand of them, with bridge and all, fell armed into the violent stream, and were drowned. What was there, then, but joy and gladness on the citizen’s part, and much lamentation and heaviness on the other part? Shortly after this, the citizens of Avignon (when they saw a convenient time, whilst their enemies were eating meat) came suddenly upon them out of the town, and slew of them two thousand, and took to the town again with safety. But the legate, with his company of prelates, like good men of war, practiced no other martial feats, but all-to be-cursed a562 the earl of Toulouse, his cities, and his people. Louis VIII. the king, to avoid the pestilence that was in the camp, went into an abbey not far off; where, shortly after, he died. a563 Of his death there are sundry opinions; some saying, that he was poisoned; some, that he died of a bloody-flux, A.D. 1226; whose death, notwithstanding, the legate thought to keep secret and conceal, till the town might be surrendered and given up: for he thought himself shamed for ever if he should depart before the town were won. Wherefore, after he had encouraged the soldiers afresh, and yet after many sharp assaults could not prevail, he bethought him how by falsehood he might betray them, and sent unto them certain heralds, to will them that they should among themselves consult upon articles of peace, and bring the same to their camp, whose safe conduct they faithfully promised and warranted, both of coming, and going. When they had given their pledges for the same, the messengers from the citizens talked with the legate, who promised them, if they would deliver up their city, they should have their lives, goods, and possessions in as ample manner as now they enjoyed the same. But the citizens and soldiers refused to be under the servitude of the French king, neither would so deliver up their city to those of whose insolent pride they had so good experiment. After much talk on both sides, and none likely to take effect, the legate requested them, and friendly desired, that he and his prelates who were about him, might come into their city to examine what faith and belief they were of, and that he neither sought nor meant any other thing thereby, but their own safeties, as well of body as soul, which thing he faithfully swore unto: “For,” saith he, “the rumor of your great infidelity hath come to the lord pope’s ear and therefore desired he to make true certificate thereof.” Hereupon the citizens not mistrusting his faithful oath and promise made unto them, granted entrance to him and the residue of the clergy, bringing with them no weapon into the town. The soldiers of the camp, as it was agreed before, made themselves ready, so that at the entrance of the prelates in at the gate, nothing regarding their oath and fidelity, the others suddenly were ready, and with violence rushed in, slew the porter and warders, and, at length, won the city and destroyed the same, and slew many of them that were within. When by falsehood and policy they had thus gotten this noble city, they carried the king’s corpse to Paris, where they buried the same. Of the whole number of the French soldiers who in this siege were destroyed by famine, pestilence, and drowning, be recounted more than two and twenty thousand: “Whereby,” saith Matthew Paris, “it may evidently appear that the war was unjustly taken in hand.”

    After these things finished, and after the funeral of the king celebrated at Paris, it followeth more in the said history of Matthew Paris, that the said legate, Romanus, was vehemently suspected and grievously infamed as having abused himself with Blanche, the king’s mother: “But it is ungodly,” saith he, “to suspect any such thing of him because his enemies so rumored the same abroad; but a gentle mind expoundeth things doubtful in the better part.”

    To pass further to the year next following, which was A.D. 1227, first is to be noted, that in this year died Pope Honorius III., a great adversary against Frederic the emperor, after whom succeeded Gregory IX., more grievous than his predecessor. In this year also King Henry, beginning to shoot up unto the twentieth year of his age, came from Reading to London, where he began to charge the citizens of London for old reckonings; namely, for giving or lending five thousand marks a564 to Louis, the French king, at his departing out of the realm, to the great prejudice of him and of his kingdom; for the recompense whereof they were constrained to yield to the king the full sum of the like money. That done, he removed to Oxford, where he assembled a great council, there denouncing and protesting before them all, that he was come to sufficient age no more to be under tutors and governors, but to be his own. man, requiring to be freed from the custody of others. This being protested against and resisted, forthwith he, by the counsel of Hubert the chief justice, Whom he then made earl of Kent, removed from his company the bishop of Winchester, and others, under whom he was moderated; and immediately, in the same council, by the sinister persuasion of some, he doth annihilate and make void the charters and liberties, before by him granted, pretending this color, for that they had been granted and sealed in the time of his minority, at a time when he had the rule neither of himself nor of his seal; whereupon much muttering and murmuring was among the multitude, who did all impute the cause to Hubert, the justice. Moreover, it was at the same time proclaimed, that whosoever had any charter or gift sealed in the time of the king’s minority, should come and renew the same again under the new seal of the king, knowing otherwise, that the thing should stand in no effect.

    And finally, for renewing of their seals, they were taxed not according to their ability, but according as it pleased the justice and others to levy upon them.

    Moreover, besides a general subsidy of the fifteenth granted to the king through the whole realm, and besides also the contribution of the Londoners, divers other parcels and payments he gathered through several places; as, of the burgesses of Peterborough and Northampton he required an aid of twelve hundred pounds, a565 and so of others likewise. All this preparation of money was made toward the furnishing of his voyage to recover Normandy. And yet, because he would gratify the city of London again with some pleasure, he granted that the citizens thereof should pass toll-free, saith Fabian, throughout all England; and if, of any city, borough, or town, they were constrained at any time to pay their toll, then the sheriffs of London were to attach every man coming to London of the said city, borough, or town, and him with his goods to withhold, till the Londoners were again restored of all such money paid for the said toll, with all costs and damages sustained for the same. f633 I declared before, how after the death of Honorius succeeded Pope Gregory IX., between whom and the people of Rome this year arose a great sedition, insomuch that about the feast of Easter they thrust the pope out of the city, pursuing him unto his castle at Viterbo, where also they invaded him so valiantly, that they chased him to Perugia. Then having no other remedy wherewith to revenge his persecutors, fiercely he did excommunicate them. f634 Here, by the way, is to be observed and considered, Christian reader, not only by this sedition, but by so many other schisms, divisions, tumults, rightings, brawls, and contentions in the church of Rome from the first beginning of the pope’s usurped power, and that not only within the city of Rome, but universally almost in all popish monasteries, colleges, churches, and covents under the pope subjected, continually reigning amongst them, what is to be thought of their religion and holiness, having so little peace, so great disquietness, dissensions, and wrangling amongst them, as in stories manifest it is both to behold, and wondrous to consider.

    Forasmuch as I have here entered into the mention of this schismatical commotion between the pope and his citizens, it followeth moreover, in the History of Matthew Paris, who maketh relation of a like brawling matter, which befell the same year and time, A.D. 1228, between the prior and covent of Durham, and this King Henry III., upon this occasion. After the death of Richard, bishop of Durham, the prior and chapter of the said church came to the king, to obtain license for the electing of their bishop.

    The king offered them one Lucas, a chaplain of his, requiring them instantly to elect him for their bishop. To this the monks answered, that they would receive no man, but by their order of canonical election; meaning, belike, by their canonical election, when they either elect some monk out of their own company, or else some monkish priest after their own liking. Contrary, the king again sendeth word unto them, and bound it with an oath, that they should tarry seven years without a bishop, unless they would admit the aforesaid Lucas to that place of dignity. All which notwithstanding, the monks, proceeding in their election, refused the said Lucas; and preferred another cleric of theirs, named William, archdeacon of Worcester, and him they presented to the king: but the king, bringing in exceptions and causes against that party, would not admit him. Then the monks, in all hasty speed, sent up to Rome certain of their covent, to have their election ratified by the authority apostolical. On the other side, the king likewise hearing sendeth also to Rome against the monks the bishop of Chester and the prior of Lanthony a566 on his behalf, to withstand the purpose of the monks. And so the matter, being traversed with great altercation on both sides, did hang in suspense, saith mine author; till at length thus it was concluded between both, that neither Master William nor yet Lucas should be taken, but that Richard, bishop of Sarum, should be translated to Durham, and be bishop there. A.D. 1228. f636 The like stir also happened, both the same year, and for a like matter, between the monks of Coventry and the canons of Lichfield, about choosing their bishop, which of them should have the superior voice in the election of their prelate. After much ado, the cause, at length being hoisted up to Rome, had this determination; that the monks of Coventry, and the church of Lichfield, should choose their bishop by course, each party taking turn, the one after the other: provided, notwithstanding, that the prior of Coventry should always have the first voice in every election; whereas the old custom was, saith mine author, that the covent with the prior of Coventry was wont to have the whole election of the bishop without the canons. This was A.D. 1228. f637 In that year died Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, by whom, as is recorded by Nicholas Trivet, the chapters of the Bible, in that order and number as we now use them, were first distinguished. The said Langton also made postils upon the whole Bible. The same prelate, moreover, built the new hall, in the palace of Canterbury.

    After the death of this Langton ensued another variance about the election of the archbishop of Canterbury, between the monks of Canterbury and the king; the perturbation whereof as it was no less seditious, so the determination of the same was much more costly. After the death of Langton, the monks of Canterbury, obtaining license of the king to proceed in the election of a new archbishop, did choose one of their own society, named Master Walter Heinesham; whom, when the monks had presented unto the king., he, after long deliberation, began to object against that election, saying, first, that the monks had elected such a one as was neither profitable to him, nor his kingdom. Secondly, he objected against the party elect, that his father was convicted of felony, and hanged for the same.

    Thirdly, that he stood in causes a568 against his father, King John, in the time of the interdict. Moreover, the bishops, his suffragans, charged the party elect, that by a certain nun he had had children; adding further, that the election of the archbishop was without their presence, which ought not to be. But the archbishop, stoutly standing to the election, appealed up to Rome, and eftsoons taking with him certain monks, presented himself to the pope’s own proper person, there to sue his appeal, instantly entreating that his election might stand confirmed by his authority pontifical; but the pope, understanding that the said election was resisted by the king and the bishops, deferred the matter until he did hear further of the certainty thereof. The king and the bishops, having intelligence that the archbishop with his monks were gone to Rome, thought good to articulate the aforesaid objections above alleged, in writing; and, sealing the same with the seals both of the king and of the bishops, to exhibit them to the bishop of Rome. The messengers of these letters were the bishops of Rochester and Chester, and Master John Houghton, a569 archdeacon of Bedford, who, coming to Rome and exhibiting their message with their letters unto the pope (consideration being had upon the same), were commanded to wait attendance against the next day after Ash Wednesday, then to have a resolute answer concerning the cause, which was the second day of March a570 the year following; that is, A.D. 1229. In the mean season, the king’s proctors ceased not with all instance to labor the pope and his cardinals to be favorable to the king’s side; but finding them somewhat hard and strict in the matter, as is the guise of that court, they began to misdoubt their speeding. Wherefore, consulting together with themselves upon the premises, they came to the pope, promising in the king’s behalf, to be given and granted to him out of the realms both of England and Ireland, the tithe or tenth part of all the goods within the said realms moveable, to sustain his wars against the emperor, so that he would incline favorably to the king’s suit and petition herein. “But the pope,” saith Matthew Paris, “who boiled with desire above all measure to have the emperor, his enemy, east down, being cheered with such great promises,” (0 auri sacra fames!) “granted his consent to them;” who, sitting then in his consistory, had these words which here follow.

    THE POPE’S ANSWER TO THE ELECTION OF WALTER, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY There hath come, of late, to our intelligence, the election of a certain monk named Walter, to be archbishop of Canterbury; whereupon, after that we heard and advised, as well those things which the said monk hath said for himself and for his election; as also, on the contrary side, the objections and exceptions of the bishops of England, alleging against him and against his election, namely, of the bishop Chester and the bishop of Rochester, and John, archdeacon of Bedford: we, upon the same, committed the examination touching the person of the man unto cur reverend brethren the lord bishop of Albanc, and Thomas, lord bishop of Sabino, and Master Peter, cardinals. And when the aforesaid elect, coming before them, was asked of them, first concerning the Lord’s descending into hell, whether he descended in flesh, or without his flesh, he answered not well. Item, being asked touching the making of the body of Christ on the altar, he answered, likewise, not soundly. Being asked, moreover, how Rachel wept for her children, she being dead before, he answered not well. Item, being asked concerning the sentence of excommunication denounced against the order of law, he answered not well. Again, being required of matrimony, if one of the married parties be an infidel, and do depart, he answered thereto not well. Upon these articles, he was (as is said) diligently examined of the cardinals; to the which we say he answered not only not well, but also very ill. Forasmuch, therefore, as the church of Canterbury is a noble church, and requireth a noble prelate, a man discreet and modest, and such as ought to be taken out of the bosom of the church of Rome; and forasmuch as this new elect (whom not only here we pronounce to be unworthy, but also should say more of him, if we would proceed with him by the rigor of the law) is so insufficient, that he ought not to be admitted to such a room: we do utterly infringe, annihilate, and evacuate his election, always reserving to ourselves the provision of the said church. f641 Thus, the election of Walter being frustrated and dissolved, the king’s procurators, bringing forth the letters of the king and of the suffragans of the church of Canterbury, presented the same unto the pope for the ratification of Richard, chancellor of Lincoln, to be appointed archbishop of Canterbury; whom they, with great commendation of words, did set forth to be a man of profound learning and knowledge, of an honest conversation, and, which was greatest of all, that he was a man much for the profit of the church of Rome, as also for the realm of England. The said Richard being thus commended to the pope by the letters procuratory of the king and of the bishops, had the consent of the pope and of the cardinals, and so was made bishop of Canterbury before he was elected.

    Whereupon the said Pope Gregory, in his behalf, directeth down his letters to all and singular the suffragans of the church of Canterbury, declaring thus, and beginning first with a lie, that ‘forasmuch as, by the fullness of ecclesiastical power, the charge of pastoral office is committed to him in general upon all churches, he, therefore, for the solicitude he beareth, as well to all other churches in general, as in an especial manner to the metropolitan church of Canterbury, repudiating and disannulling the former election of Walter, the monk, upon just causes, hath provided for that see a man, as in all other good gifts perfect and excellent, by the report of them that know him, so, for that function very fit and commodious; and willeth and commandeth them, and all others, by his authority apostolical, with all devout reverence to receive him, and humbly to obey him. A.D. 1229.’ f642 These things thus finished at Rome, the pope, not forgetting the sweet promises made of the English silver which he so greedily gaped for, omitting neither time nor diligence, in all speedywise sendeth unto the king of England Master Stephen, his own chaplain and trusty legate, to require and collect the aforesaid tithes of all the moveable goods both of England, Ireland, and Wales, which were promised to him before; therewith to maintain his war against Frederic, the emperor. And, to the intent he might inflame all Christian realms with the like hatred which he bare against Frederic, the emperor, he sendeth also with the said Stephen special letters, full of manifold complaints and grievous accusations against the said emperor, whereof more (Christ granting) shall be showed hereafter.

    Upon the coming of this Stephen, the legate, the king assembled all his earls and barons, with the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, templars, hospitallers, parsons, vicars, and others, such as held of him in capite, to appear before him at Westminster, to hear and to commune of the matter; in the assembly of whom the pope’s patent letters were brought forth and read; wherein he required the tenths of all the moveables in England, Wales, and Ireland, as well of the clergy as of the laity, to maintain his expedition against the aforesaid Frederic, the emperor. As he pretended to achieve and to take in hand this expedition for the cause of the universal church, and happily had begun the matter already; and forasmuch as the riches of the apostolic see did not suffice for the accomplishing of so great an enterprise: he therefore, enforced by mere necessity, did implore the aid and help of all the true obedient and natural chickens of the church of Rome, lest the members thereof, together with the head, should be subverted. These letters of the pope, to this effect, being openly recited and explained by the pope’s chaplain, which he, with much more allegation and persuasion of words, did amplify to his uttermost, the king, saith mine author, in whom all men did hope for help to their defense, became then as a staff of reed; for, much as he had obliged himself to the same before for the election of his archbishop, now could he say nothing against it, but held his peace. The earls, barons, and all the laity utterly refused so to bind their baronies to the church of Rome: but the bishops, abbots, priors, with other prelates of the church, first, requiring space and respite to deliberate for three or four days; at length, for fear of the pope’s curse (although they durst not utterly withstand) had brought to pass to have concluded for a sum of money much less, had not Stephen Segrave, one of the king’s counselors, craftily convented with the legate, and by subtle means brought it so to pass, that the whole tenths were gathered and paid, to the inestimable damage, saith Matthew Paris, both of the ecclesiastical and temporal state; the means whereof, saith the author, were these: the legate showing to the prelates his procuratory letters, to collect and gather up all the aforesaid tenths in the name and authority of the pope, declared, moreover, the full authority to him granted by the virtue of his commission, to excommunicate all such, and to interdict their churches, whosoever did gainstand or go contrary to the said collection. Whereupon, by the said virtue legantine, he sendeth to every shire his proctors, to gather the pope’s money, or else to excommunicate them who refused to pay. And, forasmuch as the present need of the pope required present help without delay, he sendeth moreover to the bishops and prelates of the realm, on pain of interdiction, forthwith to procure and send to him either of their own, or by loan or usance, or by what means soever, so much money, in all post speed, for the present use of the pope; and after, to take up again the said money of the tenths of every single person, by the right taxing of their goods. Upon this, the prelates, to avoid the danger, having no other remedy, were driven to sell their chalices, cruets, copes, jewels, and other church plate, and some to lay to mortgage such things as they had, some also to borrow upon usance, to make the money which was required. Moreover the said Stephen, the pope’s chaplain, as reporteth Matthew Paris, brought with him into England, for the same purpose, such bankers and usurers; who, lending out their money upon great usury, did unreasonably pinch the English people, which merchant usurers were then called Caursini. a571 Briefly, such strait exaction was then upon the poor Englishmen, that not only their present goods were valued and taxed, but also the corn yet growing in the field against the next harvest was tithed.

    Only the earl of Chester, named Ranulph, stood stoutly against the pope, suffering none within his dominion, either layman or clerk, to yield any tenths to the pope’s proctors. And this was the end of the strife between the monks of Canterbury and the king for the election of their archbishop, which was about A. D. 1229; in which year was finished the new church of Coventry by Alexander, bishop of the said city, and partly by the help of the king, which church Richard, a former bishop of Coventry, a572 had begun.

    The Frenchmen about this time again prepared themselves towards Provence, to war against the aforesaid Reimund, earl of Toulouse, and to drive him out of his possessions; and, hearing that lie was in the castle of Soretze a573 they marched thither all their power, thinking there to enclose and compass him about; but the earl, being privy to their conspired purpose, set for them by the way, appointing certain ambushments in woods, not so secretly as strongly, there to wait and receive the coming of the Frenchmen, and to give them their welcome. Thus when the French were entered the wood, the earl, with his train of well armed and able warriors, suddenly did fly upon them unawares, and gave them a bitter meeting, so that, in that conflict, five hundred of the French soldiers were taken and manor slain. Of their servitors, to the number of two thousand men with their armor were taken, of whom some lost their eyes, some their noses, some their ears, some their legs, and so were sent home; the rest were carried away prisoners into the castle. “And to be brief,” saith the history,” thrice in the same summer were the Frenchmen discomfited, put to flight, and taken and imprisoned by the aforesaid Reimund the godly earl. Wherein is to be seen and to be praised the gracious protection of the Lord our God against the furious papists, who is glorious always in his saints, f645 The same year, the king, being at Portsmouth, had assembled together all his nobility, earls, barons, and knights of England, with such an army of horsemen and footmen, as hath not been lightly seen, thinking to recover again the countries of Normandy, and other possessions a574 which King John, his father, before, had lost; but when the captains and marshals of the field would take shipping, there were not half ships enough to receive the host. Hereupon the king was vehemently inflamed with anger, laying all the fault on Hubert, the lord chief justice, who, under the king, had all the government of the realm, calling him ‘ old traitor,’ charging him that he would be the let of his voyage, as he was before, when he took of the French queen five thousand marks to stay the king’s journey into Normandy. In so much was the rage of the king kindled against him, that, drawing his sword, he made at him to run him through, had not Ranulph, the earl of Chester, stopped the king. Hubert withdrew himself away till the king’s rage was past. This was about Michaelmas, at which time arrived Peter, earl of Bretagne, a575 in the haven of Portsmouth, in the month of October; who should have conducted the king, upon his allegiance trod oath into Normandy, but he, with others of the king’s ,army, counseled the king not to take that voyage towards winter, but rather to defer it to the Easter following; wherewith the King was stayed and well contented, and pacified again with Hubert, the justice, etc. f646 Fabian recordeth this year the liberties and franchises of the city of London to be confirmed by the king; and to each of the sheriffs to be granted two clerics, and two officers, without any more. f647 Then followed A.D. 1230, in which, upon the day of the conversion of St.

    Paul, as saith Matthew Paris, as a great multitude of people for the solemnity of the day were congregate in the temple of St. Paul, the bishop then being at his mass, a sudden darkness with such thickness of clouds fell in the air, that scarcely one man might see another in the church. After that followed cracks of thunder and lightning so terrible, leaving such a scent in the church, that the people, looking for doomsday, thought no less but that the steeple and whole church would have fallen upon their heads; insomuch that running out of the church, the people fell down together by thousands, as men amazed, not knowing for the time where they were; only the bishop and his deacon stood still at their mass, holding fast by the altar. f648 Of the death of Stephen Langton, and of the troublesome election of the next archbishop, also of the costly and chargeable bringing in of Richard to succeed in his room, which did cost the whole realm of England the tenths of all their moveables, sufficient hath been declared before. This Richard, being now confirmed in his seat, came to the king, complaining of Hubert, the lord chief justice, oft mentioned before, for withholding from him the castle and town of Tunbridge, with the appurtenances to the same belonging, and other lands of the earl of Clare, late deceased, which lands appertain to the right of his see, and to the church of Canterbury; for which the said earl with his ancestors were bound to do homage to him and to his predecessors: and, therefore, he required the keeping of the aforesaid castle, with the domains thereof, to be restored to him. To this the king answered again, that the said earl did hold of him in capite, and that the castles of earls and barons during their vacancy, and the wardship of heirs a576 till the lawful age of the said heirs, did belong to his crown. The archbishop, when he could get no other answer of the king, did excommunicate all such as invaded the aforesaid possessions, with all others that took their part, the king only excepted. Which done, eftsoons he speedeth himself to Rome, there to prosecute his suit before the lope.

    The king hearing thereof, not long after sendeth up master Roger Canteh, with certain other messengers, unto Rome against the archbishop.

    Thus Richard the archbishop, coming before the pope’s presence, beginneth first to complain of his king, for that he committed all the affairs of his realm to the disposition and government of Hubert, his justice, using only his counsel, all his other nobles despised.

    Against the said justice, moreover, he complained, laying to his charge: first, that he had married a wife, being the kinswoman of her whom he had married before; also that the said Hubert, the justice, did invade, hold, and wrongfully detain such possessions as belonged to the see and church of Canterbury.

    As touching the wife of this Hubert, here is to be noted, that he married the elder sister of the king of Scots: which, as it seemeth, could be of no great kin to her whom he married before.

    Further, he complained of certain bishops, his suffragans, who, neglecting their pastoral function, did sit on exchequer matters belonging to the king, and exercised sessions and judgments of blood.

    Over and besides, he complaineth of benefited persons, and clerks in orders, for having many benefices joined with cure of soul: and that they also, taking example of the bishops, did intermeddle in secular matters, and in judgments of laymen.

    Of these and such other defaults he required redress to be had. The pope, weighing the cause of the archbishop, and considering it to stand upon right and reason, at leastwise seeming so to his purpose, commanded incontinent his petitions and requests to be dispatched according to justice.

    Against these complaints of the archbishop, the king’s attorneys alleged and defended as much in favor of the king as they might, but could do no good: such favor found the archbishop in the pope’s sight, being, as the story reporteth, of a comely personage, and of an eloquent tongue, that he obtained whatsoever he asked. Thus the archbishop, with all favorable speed being dispatched from Rome after his own will and desire, returned homeward; who, in his journey, within three days of his setting forth, departed in the house of Grey friars at St. Gemmes, and so his cause departed with him: who, winning his suit, lost his life; for whom it had been better, I suppose, to have tarried at home. And here of him an end, with all his complaints also. f649 After the death of this Richard, the monks of Canterbury, according to the manner, address themselves to a new election, at which was chosen Radulph Nevil, bishop of Chichester, who was the king’s chancellor, much commended in stories as a man faithful, upright, and constant, who from the way of justice declined neither to the right hand nor to the left, but was upright and sincere both in word and deed. This Radulph, thus chosen of the monks, was presented unto the king to be their archbishop, wherewith the king was right well contented, and glad also of this election, and forthwith invested him for archbishop of the church of Canterbury.

    But this investing of the king was not enough, unless he should also be confirmed by the pope. Wherefore the monks, ready to take their journey unto Rome, came to the new archbishop, requiring his help for their expenses by the way, and to know what service he would command them to the court of Rome. But he, fearing in his mind the same not to be without some scruple of simony and ambition, said, he would not give a halfpenny, and, holding up his hands to heaven, thus prayed, saying, “O Lord God, if I shall be thought worthy to be called, although indeed unworthy, to the seat and office of this church, so be it as thou shalt dispose it. But if, otherwise, in this troublesome office of chancery, and this my inferior ministery, whereunto I have been assigned, I shall seem more necessary for this thy kingdom and people, I refuse not my labor; thy will be done!”

    The monks, beholding the constancy of the man, notwithstanding they had of him no money, yet refused not their travail and journey to Rome, to have their election confirmed by the pope’s authority. The pope inquiring of Simon Langton (brother of Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, before mentioned) respecting the person of this man, it was reported to him by the said Simon (maliciously depraving the good man behind his back), declaring to the pope, that he was a courtier, unlearned, hasty and fervent in his doings, and one who, if he should be promoted to that dignity, would go about, with the help of the king and of the whole realm, to remove and bring the realm of England from under the yoke of the pope and the church of Rome, and so to bereave the see of Rome of the tribute, to which King John had once subjected himself and his realm, at the time he yielded his crown to the hands of Pandulph, the legate. With these and such other words Simon Langton falsely and maliciously depraved the godly bishop. The pope hearing with one ear, and crediting what he heard, without further inquisition made of the other party accused, sendeth immediately to the monks of Canterbury to proceed in a new election, and to choose them another archbishop, such as was an wholesome pastor of souls, profitable unto the church of England, and devoted to the church of Rome: and thus was the lawful election of this good archbishop made frustrate; too good, peradventure, to serve in that place whereunto he was elected.

    After the repulse of this Radulph, the Canterbury monks, entering on a new election, agreed for John, their prior, to be their metropolitan, who, going up to Rome to have his election confirmed by the pope, was for three days together examined of the cardinals; and when they could find no insufficiency in him, touching those things wherein they tried him, yet, notwithstanding, the pope, finding fault with his age (he peradventure being more aged himself), repealed him, for that he said he was too old and simple to sustain that dignity. What was the age of this person, I find not in the author expressed; yet it is to be supposed, that he, who was able to take that journey to Rome and home again, was not so greatly to be complained of for his age, but that he was able sufficiently to take pains in keeping the chair of Canterbury.

    In the former parts of the preceding story partly, before, hath been declared, partly, hereafter, shall further appear (Christ willing) how the church of England and the commons of the same were grieved and miserably afflicted by the intolerable oppressions of the pope, who, through his violent extortion, had procured the best benefices to be given to his Romans, and the chief fruits of them to be reserved to his own coffers. What complaints thereof have been made, ye have heard before; but yet no redress could be had. Such was the insatiable avarice of these Roman rake-hells, prolling, and polling, wheresoever they came, with their provisions and exactions out of measure, and never satisfied; insomuch that here in England, whosoever lacked, their barns were always full of corn; and what penury soever pinched the people, they were sure to have enough. And these importunate exactions and contributions of these Italian harpies, besides the Peter-pence, besides the common tribute, daily more and more increased, to the great grievance of the realm, insomuch that the wealth of this land was almost clean sucked up, and translated to the court of Rome, Neither was the king ignorant hereof, but could not help the matter. Wherefore it was devised by some of the nobles, as appeareth in the story of Matthew Paris, this aforesaid year, A.D. 1231, that certain letters, under the pretensed color of the king’s authority, should be sent abroad, willing and commanding, that such corn and grain, with other revenues, as were taken up for tire pope, should be staid and forthcoming by a certain day in the said letters appointed; which letters are thought to proceed chiefly by the means of Hubert, lord chief justice of England, who then, next under the king, ruled most of the affairs of the realm. The words and contents of the letters be these:

    COPY OF A LETTER, WRITTEN UNDER THE KING’S AUTHORITY, TO RESTRAIN THE BENEFICES OF THE ROMANS WITHIN THE REALM Inconsequence of sundry griefs and oppressions which this realm, as you know, hath sustained by the Romanists, and yet doth, as well to the prejudice of the king himself, as also of the nobility of the same, concerning the advow sons of their churches, and about their tithes: who also go about to take from the clerks and spiritual men their benefices, and to bestow them upon their own nation and countrymen, to the spoil and confusion both of us and our realm: we, therefore, by our common consents, have thought good (although very late) now, rather than any longer to suffer their intolerable oppressions and extortions, to resist and withstand the same; and, by the taking from them their benefices through all England, in like manner to cut short and bridle them, as they had thought to have kept under and bridled others: whereby they may desist any longer to molest the realm. Wherefore, we straitly charge and command you, as touching the farming of their churches, or else the rents belonging to them, which either you have presently in your hands, or else do owe unto the said Romanists, that, from henceforth, you be no more accountable to them, or pay to them from henceforth the same; but that you have the said your rents and revenues ready by March 3rd, to pay and deliver unto our procurators thereunto by our letters assigned; a578 and that all abbots and priors have the same in readiness at the time appointed, in their own monasteries: and that all other priests, clerks, and laymen, at the churches of the Romanists, be there ready to pay.

    And further, know ye for certainty, that if ye refuse thus to do, all that you have besides shall be by us burned and spoiled. And besides, look, what danger we purpose shall fall upon them, the same shall light upon your necks, if you refuse thus to do.

    Farewell.

    When this was done, they sent their letters abroad by certain soldiers thereunto appointed, to the which letters they had devised new seal with two swords engraved, and between the swords was written in Latin, “Ecce gladii duo,” “Behold two swords,” implying their determination to take vengeance of all those that should withstand the form and order in these letters contained. a579 At that time, the sixteenth day before the kalends of January, about the beginning of the year A.D. 1232, there was held at St. Alban’s a great consistory of abbots, priors, and archdeacons, with divers both of the nobility and clergy, by the pope’s commandanent, for the celebration of a divorce between the countess of Essex and her husband. At the breaking up of which consistory, when every man was about to depart thence, there was a certain clerk, whose name was Cincius, a Roman, and also a canon of Paul’s in London, taken by some of the said university not far off from St. Alban’s, and was carried away from his company by the soldiers. But Master John, archdeacon of Norwich, a Florentine, hardly escaping from that company, got to London, where he hid himself, and durst not be seen.

    Cincius, after five weeks, when they had well emptied his bags, was safely sent again without any more hurt to London.

    Not long after this, about the beginning of January, the barns of a certain beneficed man, a Roman, and parson of Wingham, being full of corn, were broken up by a like company of armed soldiers, and the corn brought out to be sold, and given away to the poor people. The farmer, seeing this, and not able to resist, complaineth to the sheriff of the shire of this injury done to his master, and of the breaking of the king’s peace: whereupon the sheriff sent certain of his men to see what was done. Who, coming to the empty barns, and there finding the aforesaid soldiers, to them unknown, who had sold away the most part of the corn at an easy price, and some for charity had given to the poverty of the country about, required of them what they were, who so durst presume to break the king’s peace. Whom the others then called secretly apart, and showed them the king’s letters patent (pretending at least the king’s name and seal), wherein was forbidden that any man should presume to stop or hinder them in that purpose. Of this the sheriff’s servants being certified, quietly returned from whence they came.

    This coming to the knowledge of Roger, bishop of London, he, with the assistance of other bishops, proceedeth in solemn excommunication, first against them that robbed Cincius, the Roman; then of them who spoiled the barns of the parson of Wingham, another Roman; thirdly, he excommunicated them that forged the letters and seal of the king above specified.

    Neither yet, for all this, did that cease, but the same year, about the Easter following, all the barns in England which were in the hands of any Roman or Italian, were likewise wasted, and the corn sold to the best commodity of the poor commons; of the which, great alms were distributed, and many times money also, together with corn, was dispersed for the needy people to gather up; neither was there any that would or durst stand against them.

    As for the Romans and Italians themselves, they were stricken in such fear, that they hid themselves in monasteries and cells, not daring to complain of their injuries received; but held it better rather to lose their goods, than to lose their lives. The authors and workers of this feat were, to the number of fourscore, armed soldiers, of whom the principal captain was one naming himself William Withers, surnamed Twing. a580 This coming to the pope’s knowledge, he was not a little stirred therewith, and sendeth his letters immediately to the king upon the same, with sharp threatenings, and imperious commandments, charging him for suffering such villany within his realm, straitly enjoining him, under pain of excommunication, to search out the doers hereof with all diligence, and so to punish them that all others by them may take example. Likewise he sendeth the same charge to Peter, bishop of Winchester, and to the abbot of St. Edmund, to inquire in the south parts. Also to the archbishop of York, and to the bishop of Durham, and to Master John, canon of York, a Roman, to inquire in the north parts for the said malefactors, and, after diligent inquisition made, to send them up to Rome, there to appear before him.

    Thus, after earnest inquisition made of all parties, and witnesses sworn and examined, many were found culpable in the matter, of whom some were factors, some consenters, some bishops and chaplains to the king, some archdeacons and deans, with others who were soldiers and laymen.

    Among them were certain sheriffs and under-sheriffs, who, with their servitors under them, were apprehended and cast into prison by the king.

    Many for fear fled and escaped away, who, being sought for, could not be found; but the principal of this number aforesaid, was supposed to be Hubert, the lord chief justice; who, both with the king’s letters and his own, fortified the doers thereof, that no man durst interrupt them.

    Moreover, in the society of those who were noted in these doings, was the same Robert Twing above mentioned, a comely young man and a valiant knight; a582 who, of his own voluntary accord, with five other servitors whom he took with him abroad to work that feat, came unto the king, openly protesting himself to be the author of that deed-doing; and said he did it for hatred of the pope and the Romans, because that by the sentence of the bishop of Rome, and fraudulent circumvention of the Italians, he was bereaved of the patronage of his benefice, having no more to give up than one; wherefore, to be revenged of that injury, he enterprised that which was done; preferring rather justly to be excommunicated for a season, than to be spoiled of his benefice for ever. Then the king, and other executors of the pope’s commandment, gave him counsel, that seeing he had so incurred the danger of the pope’s sentence, he should offer himself to the pope to be absolved of him again, and there to make his declaration unto him, that he, justly and canonically, was possessed of that church.

    The king, moreover, with him sent his letters testimonial unto the pope, witnessing with the said knight, and instantly desiring the pope in his behalf, that he might with favor be heard; at the request whereof, Pope Gregory afterwards both released him from the sentence, and restored unto him his patronage, writing unto the archbishop of York, that he might again enjoy the right of his benefice, in as ample a manner as he did, before it was taken from him.

    Hubert de Burgh, lord chief justice, being one of those who held against the Romish priests, as is before signified, was there-for not a little noted of the bishops; who, to requite him with the like despite again, after their accustomed manner of practice, went about by subtle working to shake him out of the king’s favor. And first cometh Peter, bishop of Winchester, to the king, grievously complaining of certain about the king; but especially of the aforesaid Hubert, the king’s justice: insomuch that he caused him to be removed from his office, notwithstanding he had the king’s seal and writing for the perpetuity of the same, and procured Stephen Segrave to be placed in his function. And after a few days, the king, more and more incensed against him, called him to give account of all the treasure for which he was accountable by his exchequer office. Also, of all such debts by him due, from the time of his father till his time: Also of all the lordships of which he had been in possession since the death of William, a583 earl of Pembroke, chief justice before him: Item, of the liberties which he did hold at that time in forests, warrens, shires, and other places, how they were kept, or how they were made away with: Of fines likewise, a584 also of losses committed through his negligence, and of wastes made contrary to the king’s profit; of his liberties, how he did use them: Item, of injuries and damages wrought against the clerks of Rome and other Italians, and the pope’s legates; for the redress whereof he would never adjoin his counsel, according as pertained to his office, being then chief justice of England: Also of scutages, gifts, presents, scapes of prisoners: Item, of marltages which King John committed to his keeping at the day of his death, and which were also in his time committed unto him. To these Hubert answered, that he had King John’s own hand to show for his discharge, who so approved his fidelity, that he never called him to any, but clearly discharged him from all such counts. Whereunto answered again the bishop of Winchester, saying, “The charter of King John hath no force after his death, but that ye may now be called to a reckoning of this king for the same.”

    Over and besides these, other greater objections were laid to his charge by the king; a585 as, for sending and writing unto the duke of Austria (to the prejudice, of the king and of. the realm), dissuading that he should not give his daughter in marriage to the king: Item, for counseling the king not to enter into Normandy with his army, which he had prepared for the recovery of lands there belonging to his right, whereby great treasure was there consumed in vain: Item, for corrupting the daughter of the king of Scots, whom King John, his father, committed unto his wardship for him to marry: Item, for stealing from him a precious stone, which had a virtue to make him victorious in war, and for sending the same unto Lewellyn, prince of Wales; and that by his letters sent to the said Lewellyn, William Briwere, a586 a noble man, was caused there traitorously to be hanged. These, with other crimes, whether true or false, were suggested to the king against the said Hubert by his adversaries; whereunto he was required to answer by order of law. Hubert then, seeing himself in such a strait, refused to answer presently, but required respite thereunto, for that the matters were weighty which the king objected to him: which was granted to him till the fourteenth day of September; but, in the mean time, Hubert, being in fear of the king, fled from London to the priory of Merton. a587 “And thus Hubert, who before, for the love of the king, and the defense of the realm,” saith mine author, “had got the hatred of all the nobles of England, now being out of the king’s, favor, was destitute of comfort on every side; save only that Lucas, archbishop of Dublin, with instant prayers and tears labored to the king for him.” By this example, and many like, is to be seen, how unstable and variable a thing the favor of mortal and mutable princes is: to teach all such as have to do about princes, how to repose and plant their trust, not in man, but in their Lord God, by him to find help in Christ, the true prince of all princes, who never faileth. A like example was Clito, servant of King Alexander; also Joab, of King David; Belisarius, of Justinian; Harpagus, of Astyages; Cromwell, of King Henry, with innumerable more, who in histories are to be found.

    When the day was come that this Hubert should answer, keeping among the canons of Merton, he durst not appear. Then was it signified unto him from the king, that he should come up and appear in the court, there to answer to his charge. Whereunto he answered again, that he misdoubted the king’s anger, and therefore he did fly to the church, as the uttermost refuge for all such as suffer wrong; from whence he would not stir, till he heard the king’s wrath to be mitigated towards him. With this the king, moved and sorely displeased, directed his letters, in all haste, to the mayor of London, commanding him, at the sight thereof, to muster and take up all the citizens that could bear harness in the city, and to bring to him by force of arms the aforesaid Hubert, either quick or dead, out of Merton.

    Whereupon, the mayor immediately causing the great bell to be rung, assembled together the people of London, and opening before them the king’s letters, commanded them to prepare and arm themselves in all readiness for the executing of the king’s will and message.

    The citizens, hearing this, were therewith right glad and ready, for they all had great hatred to Hubert, because of the execution of Constantine, their citizen, before mentioned. Notwithstanding, certain of the citizens, namely, Andrew Buckerell, John Travers, and others, men of more grave and sage discretion, wisely pondering with themselves, what inconvenience might rise hereof, went in haste to the bishop of Winchester, lying then in Southwark, and, waking him out of his sleep, desired his counsel in that so sudden and dangerous distress; declaring unto him what peril might thereby ensue, as well to the church of Merton, as also to the city, by the fury of the inordinate and fierce multitude, which would hardly be bridled from robbing and spoiling, neither would spare shedding of blood. Unto whom again, the bloody bishop gave this bloody counsel, saith Matthew Paris: “Dangerous it is,” quoth he, “both here and there; but yet see that you obey and execute the precept of the king; I counsel you plainly.” At this counsel of the bishop, they, being amazed, went with an evil will about the business enjoined; but the people, inflamed with hatred, gladly coveted to be revenged, and to shed the blood of Hubert.

    The cause why Peter, bishop of Winchester, was so cruelly set against the justice, was partly for the damages he had done to the Roman priests, as before is touched; partly, also, for the old grudge, because the king coming to his lawful age before (through the counsel of this Hubert) loosed himself from the government of the said bishop, who had him then in custody.

    And thus rose up the grudge and displeasure of this bishop towards him.

    On the morrow, the Londoners, issuing out of the city, to the number of twenty thousand, set forth toward the abbey of Merton, where Hubert was lying prostrate before the high altar, commending himself to God.

    In the mean season, while the citizens were on their journey, raging against the poor earl of Kent, it was suggested to the king by Radulph , bishop of Chichester, a588 and lord chancellor that it was dangerous to excite the vulgar and unruly multitude, for fear of sedition; lest, peradventure, the rude and heady people, being stirred up, will not so soon be brought down again, when the king would have them. Moreover, what shall be said, quoth he, among the Frenchmen and other nations, which of great things love to make greater, and of evil things to make them worse than they are P but thus jestingly and mockingly: “See what a kind bird is the young king of England, who seeketh to devour his old nurse, under whose wings he had been brought up and nourished in his youth.” And thus the king, by this persuasion, changing his counsel, sent in all hasty wise after the army again, willing them to retract their journey, and to retire. And thus the Londoners, although much against their wills, returned home, missing their purpose. Herein is to be observed another notable example of God’s working providence; for when the king, saith the history, had sent by two messengers or pursuivants to revoke and call back again the army of the Londoners, going with greedy minds to shed the blood of the innocent justice: one of the messengers, posting with all speed possible with the king’s letters, overtook the army; and coming to the fore-ward where the captains were, by virtue of the king’s letters stayed their course and bloody purpose, whereby they could proceed no further. But the other messenger, crafty and malicious, bearing hatred to the said Hubert, and rather wishing him to be slain than to be delivered, lingered by the way on purpose, although commanded to make haste; and when he came, went only to the middle sort; more like a messenger meet to serve a dead man’s errand, than to serve the turn of those who be alive. And so in like manner, by the just hand of God it fell upon him; for this messenger stumbling with his horse, riding but at a soft or foot pace, and rather walking than riding, fell down backwards from his horse’s back, and there brake his neck and died. This merciful message of the king was (as is said) sent by the instigation of Radulph, bishop of Chichester, lord chancellor, a virtuous and a faithful man, and one that could skill to have compassion on the miseries of men; of whom it was declared before, that he, being elected archbishop of Canterbury, would not give one halfpenny to their expenses by the way, to get his election confirmed by the pope; and who afterwards by the said pope was defeated and frustrated of his election, as relation was made before. Thus, through God’s providence, by the means of the king’s letters, the army returned, and Hubert’s life (contrary to this expectation) was preserved.

    After this, the archbishop of Dublin with much labor and great suit entreated and obtained of the king to grant unto the said Hubert respite, till the thirteenth a589 day of January, to provide himself with his answer to such things as were commenced against him. Then Hubert, trusting to enjoy some safety, by the king’s permission to him granted, to breathe himself a little, and to walk abroad, took his journey towards St.

    Edmundsbury, where his wife was; and, passing through the county of Essex, was inned there in a certain town a590 belonging to the bishop of Norwich. Of this when the king was certified, fearing lest he would raise up some commotion in the realm, he sendeth in hasty anger after him Sir Godfrey Craucombe, a591 knight, with three hundred men; commanding, under pain of hanging, that they should apprehend him, and bring him to the tower of London: which commandment to accomplish, there lacked no haste. Hubert, having intelligence of their coming (rising out of his bed, naked as he was) ran unto the chapel a592 standing near unto the inn, where he holdeth with the one hand the cross, with the other hand the sacrament of the Lord’s body. Then Godfrey, with his aforesaid armed soldiers, entering into the chapel, willed him to come out. When he would not do this, with violent hands he drew him out of the chapel, and taking the cross and the sacrament out of his hands, fast bound him with fetters and gives under a horse’s belly, and brought him, as they were commanded, to the tower. And so, certifying the king what they had done (who then tarried up waking for them), he rejoiced not a little thereat, and went merrily to his bed.

    On the morrow, Roger, bishop of London, having knowledge how, and in what order, he was taken violently out of the chapel, cometh unto the king, blaming him boldly, for violating the peace of holy church, and protesting, that, unless the party were loosed again, and sent to the chapel from whence he was drawn, he would enter sentence of excommunication against all the deed doers.

    The king, as he did not deny his transgression herein, so he sendeth him, albeit against his will, out of the tower, a593 unto the said chapel again, and by the same soldiers who brought him out before. This done, he giveth straight charge and commandment, under pain of hanging, to the sheriffs of Hertford and Essex, that they, in their own persons, with the strength of both shires, should watch and compass about the chapel, and see that the said Hubert might no ways escape; which commandment of the king was accomplished with all diligence. But Hubert took all this patiently, and continued in the chapel praying both night and day, and commending his cause unto the Lord; whom he desired so to deliver him from that instant danger, as he always sought the king’s honor by his faithful and trusty service. And, as he continued in his prayer, so the king, continuing in his rage, commanded that no man should entreat for him, or make any mention of him in his presence. Notwithstanding this, Lucas, archbishop of Dublin, his true, and almost only friend, ceased not to pray and weep to the king for him, desiring the king at least to intimate to him, what he purposed should be done with Hubert. Whereunto the king answering, said, That of these three things, one he should choose: Whether he would abjure the realm of England for ever, or be condemned unto perpetual prison, or else, confess himself openly to be a traitor? But Hubert hereunto said, that he would choose none of these articles, as one who knew himself neither guilty nor worthy of any such confusion: but, to satisfy somewhat the mind of the king, he would be contented to depart the realm for a season; but to abjure the realm, he would not.

    In this mean time it befel that Ranulph, earl of Chester and Lincoln, one of his sorest enemies, died. a594 Hubert all this while remained in the chapel, enclosed and guarded about with the power, is is said, of two shires, and so continued, till at length, by the commandment of the king, his two servitors, who ministered unto him within the chapel, were taken from him. Then Hubert, seeing no other remedy but there to starve for famine, offered himself of his own accord to the sheriffs, saying, that he would rather put himself in the king’s mercy, than there desperately perish for hunger. And so was he taken, and being fast bound in fetters, was brought again, and clapped, by the king’s commandment, in the tower of London.

    Not long after this, word was brought unto the king by certain, that the said Hubert had much treasure lying in the house of the new Templars in London. Whereupon, the king, to try out the truth thereof, sendeth for the prior or master of the house; who, not daring to deny, confessed that there was indeed treasure brought into the house, but the quantity and number thereof he could not tell. The king, desirous to seize upon the treasure, required and charged the master with his brethren, with threatening words, to bring forth the treasure to him, saying, that it was taken and stolen out of his treasury. But they answered again, that the treasure was committed with trust and faith unto their hands, and therefore they neither would, nor ought, to let it go out of their hands, being trusted withal, without the assent of him who committed the same unto them. When the king could get no other answer at their hands, neither durst show any further violence against them, he sendeth unto Hubert in the tower, requiring of him the aforesaid treasures. To whom he, answering again mildly, yielded both himself, his treasures, and all that ever he had, unto the king’s will and pleasure; and so, sending word unto the master and brethren of the temple, willeth them to take all the keys, and deliver the goods, with all that there was, unto the king, who, receiving the same, and taking an inventory of that which was received, caused it to be brought to his treasury, whereof the number both of the plate, of the coin, and of the jewels, was of price unknown. The enemies of Hubert, supposing thereby to take advantage against him to bring him to his end, came with open complaint unto the king, crying out against Hubert, that he was a thief, a traitor, and a robber of the king’s treasure, and, therefore, by right was worthy to be hanged: and titus cried his accusers daily in the king’s ear. “But the hearts of kings,” saith the wise man, “are in the hands of the Lord,” to be ruled, not after man’s will, but as it pleaseth God to direct them. And so this king, having now his will and fill upon poor Hubert, and somewhat coming more unto himself, answered again in this wise: “That there was no such need to deal so straitly with him, who from the time of his youth first served mine uncle, King Richard, then my father, King John, in whose service (as I heard say) beyond the seas, he was driven to eat his horse; and who, in my time, a595 hath stood so constantly in defense of the realm against foreign nations; who kept the castle of Dover against King Louis, and vanquished the French- men upon the seas; also at Bedford and at Lincoln he hath done such service. And if against me he hath dealt any thing untruly, which yet is not evidently proved, yet he shall never be put by me to so villanous a death. I had rather be counted a king foolish and simple, than be judged a tyrant or a seeker of blood, especially of such as have served me and mine ancestors, in many perils so dangerously, weighing more the few evils which yet be not p. roved, than so many good deserts of his evident and manifest service, done both to me and to the whole realm.” Thus the king, somewhat relenting to poor Hubert, his old servant, granted unto him all such lands as he had had given him by King John, his father, and whatsoever else he had by his own purchase.

    Thus Hubert, after long trouble, a little cheered with some piece of comfort, set Lawrence, his trusty friend that never left him, one that belonged to St. Alban’s, to be his steward and overseer of those possessions granted to him by the king. Shortly upon the same, after the king’s mind was seen thus something to relent, the envy also of the nobles, being now partly satisfied, began to turn to mercy; insomuch that four earls, to wit, Earl Richard, the king’s brother; William, earl of Warren; Richard, earl Marshal; and William, earl Ferrers, became sureties to the king for him; upon whose surety he was transferred to the castle of Devizes, where he was under the keeping of four soldiers by them appointed, having the liberty of the castle. But the bishop of Winchester, who always hunted after the life of Hubert, craftily cometh to the king, and desireth the custody of that castle, making no mention of Hubert, to the intent, that by the keeping thereof he might the sooner dispatch him.

    Hubert having thereof some inkling, breaketh the matter to two of his servants; who, with compassion tendering his misery, watched their time, the keepers being asleep, and conveyed him by night upon their backs, lettered as he was, into the parish church a596 of the town, and there remained with him. The keepers, when they missed their prisoner, were in great perplexity, and, after diligent search, finding him at length where he was in the church, with violent force drew him from thence to the castle again; for which injury to the church, the bishop of Sarum, understanding the order of the matter, cometh to the castle where the keepers were, and required that Hubert should be brought again into the church from whence he was taken. Which when the keepers refused to do, saying, they would rather he should hang than they, the bishop gave sentence of excommunication against them. This done, he, with the bishop of London, and other bishops, goeth immediately to the king, complaining of the injury done to Hubert, and especially of the contumely against holy church; neither would they leave the king before they had obtained that he should be brought back again into the church, and so he was. Not long after, the king, in great displeasure, sendeth to the sheriff of the shire to keep him well watched in the church, till he either came forth, or there perished with famine.

    It befel, in the mean season, that great dissension arose between the king and the nobles of the realm, by reason whereof Hubert was taken and carried away by Richard, earl Marshal, into Wales, and there remained until the king at length was reconciled with his nobles, and so received, along with the rest, the said Hubert again into his favor. Of this dissension more shall be showed (Christ willing) hereafter.

    As the beginning of this trouble of Hubert’s first sprang out of vexing the pope’s barns, so likewise Roger, bishop of London, suspected for the same cause, was forced to travel up to Rome, there to purge himself before the pope; where, after much money consumed, and being robbed also by the way, he got nothing else, but lost his labor, and so came home again.

    There, doing the part of a good bishop, after his return from Rome, he attempted to expel and exclude out of his diocese all those Italian usurers, called, as is before said, Caursini. a598 These Caursinites coming with the pope’s legates into England, and lending their money to religious houses, colleges, and churches, had their debtors bound unto them in such sort as was of much advantage to them, and much injury to the others, as in the form of their obligations in the story of Matthew Paris is largely expressed. Against these Caursinites the bishop of London being worthily inflamed with zeal of justice, first, with loving admonition, went about to reclaim them for the wealth of their souls, and afterwards with sharp words he began to charge them. But they, disregarding Christian counsel, and despising the bishop’s threatenings, would not leave the sweetness of their occupation; wherefore the bishop, proceeding to the sentence of excommunication, precisely and strictly charged them to depart his diocese. But they, again, being confident and emboldened upon the pope’s defense, not only set at light his excommunication, but also wrought such ways with the pope that they caused the said. bishop of London, being both aged and sickly, to be cited peremptorily to appear beyond the seas, there to answer to such objections as they should infer against him. And thus, the bishop, minding rather to cover than to open the faults of the church, and partly being let with infirmity and age, was compelled to let the cause fall.

    And thus much of the pope’s merchants here in England, who were not so busy here for their part, but the pope, the great master of these merchant usurers, was as busy for his. And although his barns here in England were destroyed, and his bank something decayed, yet he thought to win it up in another way, for he proclaimed, the same year, a general visitation through all the religious houses, exempt or not exempt, universally pertaining to his jurisdiction; where, by the cruel dealing of the visitors, many were compelled to appeal and to travel up to Rome, to the great expenditure of their money, and the filling of the pope’s coffers. But as touching this visitation, to make short, saith the story, it tended not to any reformation so much as to the deformation of the universal order: While all those who before, through all parts of the world, followed only the rule of Benedict, now, through new devised constitutions, are found in all places so divided and divers, that of all monasteries, and other churches of religion, scarce may two be found which do agree in one rule and institution of life.”

    All the while that Hubert, above mentioned, was secluded from the king, Peter, bishop of Winchester, bare all the rule, and. above all other alone was accepted. This bishop being in such principal favor with the king, as by whose counsel all things were administered, removed the natural servitors who were Englishmen, out of their offices, and placed other strangers, namely, of Poictou, and of other countries, in their room. Among those who were thrust out, was William, under-marshal, who supplied the room of Richard, lord great Marshal of England; for which cause the said Lord Richard was mightily offended. Also Walter, treasurer of the king’s house, was not only expelled, but also amerced in a hundred pounds, and put from all his holds and munitions, which he had by the king’s patent granted to him.

    Moreover, by the counsel of the said bishop of Winchester, all the old counselors, as well bishops, as other earls and barons, and all the nobles, were rejected from the king in such sort, that he would hear and follow no man’s counsel, but only the said Peter, bishop of Winchester, and his cousin, Peter de Rivaulx; whereby it came to pass, that all the greatest holds and munitions in the realm were taken from the old keepers, and committed to the custody of the said Peter. Then the bishop of Winchester, to plant and pitch himself more strongly in the king’s favor, adjoined to his fellowship Stephen Segrave, succeeding in the place of Hubert, the justice: also Robert Passelew, who had the keeping of the treasure under the aforesaid Peter Rivaulx. So by these three all the affairs of the realm were ordered. Moreover, to make their party more sure, by them was provided, that soldiers and servitors from beyond the sea, as Poictevins and Bretons, were sent for, to the number of two thousand, who were placed partly about the king, partly were set in castles and holds within the realm, and had the oversight and government of shires and baronies, who then oppressed the nobles of the land, accusing them to the king for traitors; whom the simple king did easily believe, committing to them the custody of his treasures, the sitting in judgments, and the doing in all things. When the nobles, thus oppressed, came to complain of their injuries to the king, by the means of the bishop of Winchester, their cause was nothing regarded; insomuch that the said Winchester, moreover, accused certain bishops also to the king, so that he did flee and shun them as open traitors and rebels.

    These things standing thus out of order, Richard, the noble Marshal of England, with others of the nobles joining with him, seeing these oppressions and injuries daily growing, contrary to the laws and wealth of the realm, came to the king, and blamed him for retaining such perverse council about him of the Poictevins and other foreigners, to the great prejudice of his natural subjects, and of the liberties of the realm; humbly desiring and beseeching him, that he, with as much speed as might be, would reform and redress such excesses, whereby the whole realm seemed to lie in danger of subversion. Otherwise, if he refused to see correction thereof, he, with other peers and nobles, would withdraw themselves from his council, so long as he maintained the society of those foreigners and strangers about him.

    To this Peter Winchester, answering again, said, that the king right well might call unto him what foreigners and strangers him listed, for the defense both of his kingdom, and of his crown; and what number of them he would, as by whom he might be able to bridle his proud and rebellious subjects, and so to keep them in awe and good order.—When the earl and the nobles could get no other answer of him, in great perturbation they departed, promising among themselves, that in this cause, which so touched the state of the whole realm, they would with constancy join together, to the parting with their lives.

    After this, the aforesaid Peter, bishop of Winchester, with his accomplices, ceased not by all means to inflame the king’s heart to hatred and contempt of his natural people, whom they so vehemently perverted, that he, accounting them no other than his enemies, sought, by all diligence, the utter destruction of them, sending daily for more garrisons of the Poictevins, till in short space they replenished well near the whole land, whose defense the king only trusted unto: neither was any thing disposed in the realm, but through the guiding of this Peter, and of the Poictevins.

    The king, thus guarded and strengthened with these foreign aliens and strangers, proclaimed a parliament a599 to be holden at Oxford, where the nobles were warned to be present. They, considering the indignation of the king conceived, would not appear. Again, they were required the first, second, and third time to present themselves. The assembly proceeded, but they came not for whom the king looked. In this assembly or parliament, it was plainly told the king, by a Dominic friar preaching before him, that unless he removed from him the bishop of Winchester, and Peter Rivaulx his kinsman, he should not, neither could, long enjoy peace in his kingdom. This although it was bluntly spoken by the friar against the bishop, yet this remedy he had; the friar had nothing to lose.

    Yet was there another chaplain of the court, who perceiving the king somewhat mitigated by the former preaching, and after a court-like dexterity handling his matter, being a pleasant conceited man, thus merrily came to the king, asking a question, “What is the thing most pernicious and dangerous of all other things to them that travel by the seas?” “That,” said the king, “is best known to such as travel in that kind of traffic.” “Nay,” saith he, “this is easy to be told.” The king demanding what it was, “Forsooth,” quoth he, “stones and rocks;” alluding merrily, but yet truly, to the bishop of Winchester, whose name and surname was Petrus de Rupibus, for ‘Petrae’ in Latin signifieth stones, and ‘Rupes,’ rocks.

    Notwithstanding, the king, either not perceiving the meaning, or not amending the fault, again sendeth to his nobles, to have them come and speak with him at Westminster. But they, fearing some train to be laid for them, refused to appear, sending plain words to the king by solemn message, that his grace, without all delay, should seclude from him Peter, bishop of Winchester, and other aliens of Poictou, or, if he would not, they, with the common assent of the realm, would displace him with his wicked counselors from his kingdom, and have, within themselves, tractation for choosing a new king.

    The king, at the hearing of this message, being mightily moved, partly to fear, partly to indignation, especially having the late example of King John, his father, before his eyes, was east into great perplexity, doubting what was best to be done. But Winchester, with his wicked counsel, so wrought with the king, that lie proceeded with all severity against them; insomuch that, in a short time, the sparkles of poisoned counsel kindling more and more, grew to a sharp battle between the king and Richard, earl Marshal, with other nobles, to the great disquietness of the whole realm. This war was presignified by terrible thundering and lightning, heard all England over in the month of March, with such abundance of rain and floods accompanying the same, as cast down mills, overcovered the fields, threw down houses, and did much harm through the whole realm.

    To prosecute here, at large, the whole discourse of this war between the king and the earl marshal, which continued near the space of two years; to declare all the parts and circumstances thereof; what troubles it brought, what damages it wrought unto the whole realm, what trains were laid, what slaughter of men, what waste of whole countries ensued from Wales unto Shrewsbury, how the marshal joined himself with Llewellyn, or Leoline, prince of Wales, how the Poictevins were almost all slain and destroyed, how the king was distressed, what forgery wily Winchester wrought by the king’s letters to entrap the Marshal, and to betray him to the Irishmen, amongst whom he was at length slain: for all this I refer to other authors, who at large do treat of the same, as Matthew Paris, Florilegus, and others This is to be noted and observed (which rather pertaineth to our ecclesiastical history), to see what sedition and continual disquietness there was in those days among almost all Christian people, being under the pope’s catholic obedience; but especially, to mark the corrupt doctrine then reigning, it is to be marveled, or rather lamented, to see the king and the people then so blinded in the principal point and article of their salvation, as we find in stories, which, making mention of a house or monastery of converts built the sane year by the king at London, do express in plain words, that he then did it “for the redemption of his soul, of the soul of King John, his father, and for the souls of all his ancestors:” whereby may be understood in what palpable darkness of blind ignorance the silly souls redeemed by Christ were then enwrapped, who did not know, nor yet were taught, the right doctrine and first principles of their redemption.

    Mention was made a little before of dissolving the election of John, prior of Canterbury, who was chosen by the monks to be archbishop of the said church of Canterbury, but by the pope was defeated. After him one John Blund was elected, who, traveling up to Rome this year, A.D. 1233, to be confirmed of the pope, was also repealed and unelected again, for that it was thought in England, and so complained of to the pope, that he had received of Peter, bishop of Winchester, a thousand marks, and had another thousand promised him of the said Winchester, who by his money thought to make him on his side, and also wrote to the emperor to help forward his promotion in the court of Rome. Notwithstanding, both he, with his giving, and the other, with his taking of bribes, were both detected and disappointed of their purpose. For the pope, hating then the emperor, for the same cause, admitted not the election; pretending as the cause, that he was proved to hold two benefices without his dispensation. After him, by the commandment of the pope, one Edmund, canon of Salisbury, was ordained archbishop, and had his pall sent to him from the pope. This Edmund, for his virtues, was afterwards canonized by the popish monks there for a saint, and called St. Edmund. About this time, also, Robert Grosthead was made bishop of Lincoln.

    This Edmund, accompanied with other bishops, during this trouble between the king and his nobles, being in council at Westminster, a600 in the year next ensuing (A.D. 1234), came, uttering their minds boldly, in the name of the lords, and declaring unto the king, as became his faithful servants, that the counsel, which he then followed, was not sound or safe, but cruel and dangerous, both to him, and to the state of the realm; meaning the counsel of Peter Winchester and Peter Rivaulx, with other adherents.

    FAITHFUL COUNSEL OF THE BISHOPS GIVEN TO THE KING 1. For that they hate and contemn the English nation, calling them traitors and rebels, and turning the king’s heart from the love of his natural subjects, and the hearts of them from him, as appeareth by the earl marshal and others, sowing discord among them. 2. Item, By the said counsel, to wit, by the aforesaid bishop and his fellows, King John, the king’s father, lost first the hearts of his barons, after that lost Normandy, and afterwards, other lands also, and in the end wasted all his treasure, so that since that time the regiment of England had never any quiet after. 3. Item, By the said counsel also, in their time and memory, the kingdom of England had been troubled and suspended, and in conclusion, she that was before the prince of provinces, became tributary; and so, wax ensuing upon the same, the said King John, his father, incurred great danger of death, and at last was extinguished, after lacking both peace of his kingdom and of his own heart. 4. Item, By the said counsel the castle of Bedford was kept a long time against e king, to the great loss both of men and treasure, beside the loss of Rochelle, to the shame of the realm of England. 5. Item, Through their wicked counsel, at this present, great perturbation seemed to hang over the whole realm; for else, if it had not been for their counsel, and if true justice and judgment might have been ministered unto the king’s subjects, these tumults had never been stirred, and the king might have had his land unwasted, and his treasure unconsumed. 6. Item, In that:faith and allegiance, wherewith they were obliged unto him, they protested unto him, that his said council was not a council of peace, but of division and disquietness, to the end that they who otherwise, by peace, could not aspire, by disturbing and disheriting others, might be exalted. 7. Item, For that all the castles, forts, munitions, also all the officers of the exchequer, with all other the greatest escheats of the realm, were in their hands, of the which if the king would demand account, he should prove how true they were. 8. Item, For that neither by the king’s seal nor commandment, except it bore withal the seal of Peter Rival, almost any business of any weight could be dispatched in the realm, as though they counted their king for no king. 9. Furthermore, by the aforesaid counsel, the natural subjects and nobles of the realm were banished the court, which it was to be feared would grow to some inconvenience both to the king and to the realm; forasmuch as the king seemed to be more on their side, than they on his, as by many evident conjectures may appear. 10 . Item, It was not well to be taken and liked, the said council standing of strangers and aliens, that they should have in their power both the king’s sister, and many other noblemen’s daughters, and other women marriageable, with the king’s wards and marriages, which they bestowed and divided among themselves and men of their affinity. 11 . Item, The said council, regarding neither the laws nor the liberties of the realm, confirmed and corroborated by excommunication, did confound and pervert all justice: wherefore it was to be feared, that they would run under excommunication, and the king also, in communicating with them. 12 . Item, Because they kept neither promise, nor faith, nor oath with any person, neither did observe any instrument made, never so formal, by law, nor Yet did fear any excommunication; wherefore they were to be left for people desperate, as who were departed from all truth and honesty. “These things,” said the bishops, “we, as your faithful subjects before God and men, do tell and advertise your grace, desiring and beseeching you, that you will remove and seclude from you such counsel: and as the custom is of all other kingdoms to do, that you will so govern in like manner your kingdom by your own natural liege people, and such as be sworn unto you of your own realm.

    For thus,” said they, “in verity we denounce unto you, that unless in short time you will see these things reformed, we, according to our duty, will proceed by the censure of the church against you and all others that gainstand the same, tarrying no other thing, but only the consecration of this our reverend archbishop.”

    These words of the bishops thus said and finished, the king required a little time of respite, wherein to advise with himself about the matter, saying, that he could not, on such a sudden, remove from him his council, before he had entered with them account of his treasure committed to them; and so that assembly brake up.

    It followed then, after this communication so broken up, that the king resorted to the parts of Norfolk, where, coming by St. Edmundsbury, where the wife of Hubert, the justice, was, he being moved with zeal of pity toward the woman, who very humbly behaved herself to the king, did grant her eight manors, which her husband before with his money had purchased, being then in the custody and possession of Robert Passelew, one of the king’s new counselors above specified. It was not long after this, that Edmund, the archbishep, was invested and consecrated in the church of Canterbury; who, shortly after his consecration, about the month of April, coming with his suffragans to the place of council, where the king with his earls and barons were assembled, opened to him the cause and purpose of his coming, and of the other prelates, which was, to put him in remembrance of their former talk had with him at Westminster; denouncing, moreover, to him expressly, that unless with speed he would take a better way, and fall to a peaceable and godly agreement with the true and faithful nobles of his realm, he immediately, with he other prelates there present, would pass the sentence of excommunication against him, and against all them that would be enemies o the same peace, and maintainers of discord.

    The king, after he heard the meaning of the bishops, with humble and gentle language answered them, promising to condescend to them in all things. Whereupon within few days after, the king, coming to some better remembrance of himself, commanded the aforenamed bishop of Winchester to leave the court, and to return home to his bishopric, there to attend unto the spiritual charge and care of his flock committed to him. Moreover, he commanded Peter Rivaulx, the bishop’s cousin, some stories say his son, who had then the disposing of all the affairs of the realm, to render unto him his castles, and to give account of all his treasures whereof he had the keeping, and so to void the realm; swearing, moreover, unto him, that if he had not been beneficed, and within orders of the church, he would have caused both his eyes to be plucked out of his head.

    Henry likewise expelled the Poictevins out of the court, and from the custody of his munitions, sending them home into their country, and bidding them no more see his face. Thus the king, wisely dispatching his wicked counselors, first did send Edmund, the archbishop, with the bishops of Chester and of Rochester, into Wales to Llewellyn, and to Richard, earl Marshal, and others, to treat with them of peace. Also he received back to his service men of his natural country, to attend about him, offering himself willing to be ruled by the counsel of the archbishop and the bishops, by whose prudence he trusted his realm should be reduced again to a better quietness.

    But in the mean time, while these firings were doing in England, the aforesaid Richard, earl Marshal, by the falsehood of the bishop of Winchester, and Peter Rivaulx, forging the king’s letters to the Irishmen against him, and partly by the conspiracy of Gilbert de Mariseo, being circumvented by the Irishmen in war, and there taken and wounded, was by them, through the means of his surgeon, slain.

    Great slaughter at the same time there was of them who were called Catini, a601 about the parts of Almain. These Catini were esteemed of Pope Gregory and The papists to be heretics, but what their opinions were, I find it not expressed in Matthew Paris.

    In like sort the Albigenses before mentioned, accounted also by the pope’s flock to be heretics, with their bishops, and a great number and company of them, were slain by commandment of Pope Gregory IX., at the same time, in a certain plain in Spain. f664 How the archbishop of Canterbury, with two other bishops, was sent into Wales for entreaty of peace, ye heard before; at whose return, after the time of Easter, the king going toward Gloucester to meet them by the way, as he was in his journey at Woodstock, there came messengers from Ireland, declaring to the king the death of Richard, earl Marshal, and the order thereof, through the forged letters of Winchester, and others; whereat the king made great lamentation and mourning, to the great admiration of all them that were by, saying and complaining, that he left not his like in all the realm again.

    After this, the king proceeding in his journey, came to Gloucester, where the archbishop, with the other bishops, coming to the king, declared to him the form and condition of peace, which they had concluded with Llewellyn, which was this: If the king would be reconciled before with the other nobles with whom he was confederate, such as the king had banished out of his realm, to the end that the concord might be the more firm between them: thus, said they, was Llewellyn contented, although with much ado and great difficulty, to receive the league of peace, saying and protesting this unto them, that he feared more the king’s alms than all the puissance both of him and of all his clergy in England.

    This done, the king, there remaining with the bishops, directed his letters to all the exiles and banished lords, and to all his nobles, that they should repair to him about the beginning of June, at Gloucester, promising to them his full favor, and reconcilement to them and to their heirs; and, that they might suspect no fraud therein, they should have their safe conduct by the archbishop and bishops. Whereupon, through the mediation of the said archbishop and the bishops, first cometh to the king Hubert, earl of Kent, offering himself’ to the king’s good will and favor, whom the king, with cheerful countenance, received and embraced, restoring him not only to his favor, but also to his household and counsel, with his livings and possessions, from which he had been disseized before. Then Hubert, lifting up his eyes to heaven, gave praise and glory to God, by whose gracious providence he, being so marvelously preserved through so great distresses and tribulations, was again so happily reconciled to the king and to his faithful friends. After him, in like sort, came in Gilbert Basset. a nobleman; Richard Suard; also Gilbert, the brother of Richard earl Marshal, who was slain; which Gilbert recovered again his whole inheritance, as well in England as in Ireland, doing his homage to the king, and his service due for the same; to whom also was granted the office of the high marshal court, belonging before to his brother Richard.

    In the same council or communication, continuing then at Gloucester, the said Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, bringing the forged letters, wherein was betrayed the life of Richard, earl Marshal, sealed with the king’s seal, and sent to the great men of Ireland, read the same openly, in the presence of the king and all the nobles. At the hearing whereof, the king, greatly sorrowing and weeping, confessed there in truth, that being forced by the bishop of Winchester and Peter Rivaulx, he commanded his seal to be set to certain letters presented unto him, but the tenor thereof he said and sware he never heard; whereunto the archbishop answering, desired the king to search well his conscience, and said, that all they who were procurers, or had knowledge of those letters, were guilty of the death of the earl Marshal, no less than if they had murdered him with their own hands.

    Then the king, calling a council, sent his letters for the bishop of Winchester, for Peter Rivaulx, Stephen Segrave, and Robert Passelew, to appear and yield account for his treasures unto them committed, and for his seal by them abused. But the bishop and Rivaulx, keeping themselves in the sanctuary of the minster church of Winchester, neither durst nor would appear. Stephen Segrave, who succeeded after Hubert, the justice, and was of the clergy before, after became a layman, and now, hiding himself in St. Mary’s church, in the abbey of Leicester, was turned to a clerk again. Robert Passelew covertly hid himself in a certain cellar of the New Temple, so secretly, that none could tell where he was, but thought he was gone to Rome. At length, through the aforesaid Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, means was made that a dilatory day was granted by. the king, for them to answer. At which day, first appeared Peter Rivanix, then Stephen Segrave, after him Robert Passelew, each of them severally one after another, showed themselves; but, not able to answer for themselves, like traitors were reproved, and like villains were sent away.

    VARIANCE BETWEEN POPE GREGORY IX.

    AND THE CITIZENS OF ROME F665 While peace thus between the king and the nobles was reconciled in England, dissension and variance the same time and year began in Rome between the pope and the citizens of Rome. The cause was, for that the citizens claimed by old custom and law, that the bishop of Rome might not excommunicate any citizen of the city, nor suspend the said city with any interdiction, for any manner excess.

    To this the pope answered again, “Quod minor Deo est, sed quolibet homine major” (to use the very words of mine author); “Ergo, major quolibet cive, nae, etiam rege vol imperatore:” that is, “That he is less than God, but greater than any man: ergo, greater than any citizen, yea also, greater than king or emperor.” And for so much as he is their spiritual father, he both ought, and lawfully may, chastise his children when they offend, as being subjected to him in the faith of Christ, and reduce them into the way again, when they stray out of course.

    Moreover, the citizens allege again for themselves, that the potestates of the city and the senators do receive of the church of Rome yearly tribute, which the bishops of Rome were bound to pay unto them, both by new, and also ancient laws. Of the which yearly tribute they have been ever in possession up to the time of this Pope Gregory IX.

    Hereunto the pope answered, and said, that although the church of Rome in time of persecution, for her own defense and for the sake of peace, was wont to aid the head rulers of the city with gentle rewards, yet ought not that now to be taken for a custom; for that custom only ought to stand, which consisteth not upon examples, but upon right and reason.

    Further, a thing unheard of and never before done, the citizens wanted, at the commandment of the Senator, to appropriate their country within new and larger limits, and to subject the same, being so enlarged, to new assessments.

    To this the pope again made answer, that certain lordships, and even cities and castles, of his own be contained within the compass of the said limits, as the city of Viterbo and the town of Montalto, which they presume to appropriate within their precinct; but, to ascribe to themselves and usurp that which pertaineth to others, is against right and justice. For these and such other controversies rising between the pope and the Romans, such dissension was kindled, that the pope with his cardinals, leaving the city of Rome, removed to Perugia, as partly before is recited, thinking there to remain and to plant themselves; but the Romans, prevailing against him, overthrew divers of his houses in the city, for the which he did excommunicate them. The Romans then, flying to the emperor, desired his aid and succor; but he, belike to pleasure the pope, gathering an army, went rather against the Romans. Then the pope’s army, whose captains were the earl of Toulouse (to purchase the pope’s favor) and Peter the aforesaid bishop of Winchester (whom the pope for the same end had sent for from England, partly for his treasure, partly for his practice and skill in feats of war), and the emperor’s host joined together, and cast down the villages belonging to the citizens in the suburbs bordering about the city of Rome, to the number of eighteen, and destroyed the vineyards. Whereat the Romans, being not a little offended, blast out of the city with more heat than order, to the number of one hundred thousand (as the story reporteth), to destroy Viterbo, the pope’s city, with sword and fire. But the multitude, being unordered and out of battle-array, and unprovided for jeopardies which by the way might happen, fell into the hands of their enemies, who were in wait for them, and of them destroyed a great number; so that altogether were slain to the number of thirty thousand; but the most part was of the citizens. And this dissension thus begun was not soon ended, but continued long after. f669 By these, and such other stories, who seeth not how far the church of Rome hath degenerated from the true image of the right church of Christ, which, by the rule and example of the gospel, ought to be a daughter of peace, not a mother of debate; not a revenger of herself, nor a seeker of wars, but a forgiven of injuries, humbly and patiently referring all revenge to the Lord; not a raker for riches, but a winner of souls; not contending for worldly mastership, but humbling themselves as servants; and not vicars of the Lord, but jointly like brethren serving together, bishops with bishops, ministers with ministers, deacons with deacons, and not as masters, separating themselves by superiority one from another; and briefly communicating together in doctrine and counsel, one particular church with another; not as a mother one over another, but rather as a sister church one with another, seeking together the glory of Christ, and not their own. And such was the church of Rome first in the old ancient beginning of her primitive state, especially while the cross of persecution yet kept the bishops and ministers under, in humility of heart and fervent calling upon the Lord for help; so that happy was that Christian then, who with liberty of conscience only might hold his life, how barely soever he lived. And as for the pride and pomp of the world, striving for patrimonies, buying of bishoprics, gaping for benefices, so far was this off from them, that then they had little leisure, and less list, so much as once to think upon them. Neither did the bishops, then, of Rome, fight to be consuls of the city, but sought how to bring the consuls unto Christ, being glad if the consuls would permit them to dwell by them in the city. Neither did they then presume so high, to bring the emperors’ necks under their girdles, but were glad to save their necks in any corner from the sword of the emperors. Then lacked they outward peace, but abounded in inward consolation, God’s Holy Spirit mightily working in their hearts. Then was one catholic unity of truth and doctrine amongst all churches, against errors and sects; neither did the east and west, nor distance of place, divide the church, but both the east church and the west church, the Greeks and the Latins, made all one church. And, albeit there were then five patriarchal sees appointed for order sake, differing in regions, and peradventure also in some rites one from another; yet all these consenting together in one unity of catholic doctrine, having one God, one Christ, one faith, one baptism, one spirit, one head, and linked together in one bond of charity, and in one equality of honor; they made altogether one body, one church, one communion, called one catholic, universal, and apostolic church. And so long as this knot of charity and equality did join them in unity together, so long the church of Christ flourished and increased, one being ready to help and harbor another, in time of distress, as Agapetus and Vigilius, flying to Constantinople, were there aided by the patriarch; so that, all this while, neither foreign enemy, neither Saracen, nor soldan or sultan, nor caliph, nor Chorasmian, a602 nor Turk, had any power greatly to harm it.

    But through the malice of the enemy, this catholic unity did not long continue, and all by reason of the bishop of Rome, who, not contented to be like his brethren, began to extend himself, and to claim superiority above the other four patriarchal sees, and all other churches in the world.

    And thus, as equality amongst Christian bishops was by pride and singularity oppressed, so unity began, by little and little, to be dissolved, and the Lord’s coat, which the soldiers left whole, to be divided. Which coat of Christian unity, albeit of long time it hath been now seam-ript before, by the occasion aforesaid, yet notwithstanding, in some sort it held together in some mean agreement, in subjection to the see of Rome, till the time of this Pope Gregory IX., A.D. 1230, at which time this rupture and schism of the church brake out into a plain division, utterly dissevering the east church from the west church, upon this occasion.

    There was a certain archbishop a603 elected to an archbishopric among the Greeks, who, coming to Rome to be confirmed, could not be admitted unless he promised a very great sum of money. Which when he refused to do, and detested the execrable simony of the court of Rome, he made his repair home again to his own country, unconfirmed, declaring there to the whole nobility of that land, the case how it stood. For the further confirmation of this, there were also others, who, coming lately from Rome, where they had proved the same, or worse, came in and gave testimony to his saying. Whereupon all the churches of the Greeks, at the same time hearing this, departed utterly away from the church of Rome, which was in the days of this Pope Gregory IX., insomuch that the archbishop of Constantinople, a604 coming afterwards to the general council at Lyons, there openly declared, that whereas before-time he had under him above thirty bishoprics and suffragans, now he had not three; adding, moreover, that all the Greeks, and certain others, with Antioch, and the whole empire of Romania, even to the gates, almost, of Constantinople, were gone from the obedience of the church of Rome, etc. f670 By the occasion of the aforesaid separation of the Greeks from Pope Gregory, it happened shortly after (A.D. 1232, that Gemanus, archbishop and patriarch of Constantinople, wrote to the said Pope Gregory IX., humbly desiring him to study and seek some means of unity, how the seamless coat of the Lord Jesus thus lamentably rent, not with hands of soldiers, but by discord of prelates, may be healed again; offering this, moreover, that if he will take the pains to stir out, he, for his part, notwithstanding his old age and feeble body, would not refuse to meet him in the mid way, to the intent that the truth on both sides being debated by the Scriptures, the wrong part may be reduced, the slander stopped, and unity reformed between them.

    This request of the patriarch, as it was both godly and reasonable, so it had been the bishop’s part again, with like humility, to have condescended to the same, and to have been glad with all his might to help forward the reformation of Christian unity in the church of Christ, and so to have showed himself the son of peace: but the proud bishop of Rome, more like the son of discord and dissension, standing still upon his majesty, refused thus to do; but wrote again in answer to his letters with great disdain, seeking nothing else but how to advance his see above all other churches; and not only that, but, also, shortly after, he sent forth his preaching friars, to move all Christians to take the sign of the cross, and to fight against the Greeks, no otherwise than against the Turks and Saracens; insomuch that, in the Isle of Cyprus, many good men and martyrs were slain for the same, as by the letters of the said Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople, is to be seen. f671 The patriarch’s letter to the pope, and the pope’s answer thereto, being long and tedious to read, are omitted here, but are extant in the history of Matthew Paris; the summary effect whereof, notwithstanding, I thought here briefly to notify, for the simple and unlearned multitude, who, not understanding the Latin, may hereby perceive, the fault of this schism not so much to rest in the Greek church, as in the church of Rome, as by the contents of this letter may appear.

    SUBSTANCE OF A LETTER OF GERMANUS, a605 THE PATRIARCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE, TO POPE GREGORY IX., A.D. In this letter the said Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople, writing to Pope Gregory, first after his reverend salutation and preamble following upon the same, entering then upon the matter, showeth the occasion of his writing, which was by five observant friars repairing thither, whom he, gently receiving into his house, had conference with them touching this discord between the two churches, how it might be reduced again to unity; and afterwards, perceiving the said friars to make their journey towards Rome, he thought, therefore, by them to write his letters, wherein first lamenting this division in the house of God, and reciting the inconveniences which come thereof, by the example of Judah and Israel, Jerusalem and Samaria, Cain and Abel, Esau and Jacob, also of other such like, both private and public societies, where brother fighteth against brother, like as among fishes the greater devoureth the lesser; he proceedeth then further gently to exhort Pope Gregory to the study of unity.

    And forasmuch as the pope had accursed, belike, those churches of the Greeks before, he therefore, taking his ground upon the words of St. Paul, [Galatians 1] where he accurseth every such person and persons, whatsoever they be, either man or angel of heaven, that shall preach any other gospel than hath been preached, willeth the pope to stand with him upon the same ground of the apostle’s curse; so that if the stroke of that curse have lighted upon him or his churches, he desireth him to show the wound, and to help to wipe away the blood, to minister some spiritual plaster, to bind up the sore, and to save his brethren from perishing who lay in danger, according to the saying of the wise man, “A brotherly friend is tried in adversity.” “But if we (saith he), of the Greek church be free from the stripe of this curse of the apostle, and you Italians, and of the Latin church, be stricken therewith and lie thereby in danger of destruction, I trust that you, through ignorance and wilful obstinacy, will not so suffer yourselves to be separated from the Lord, but rather will suffer a thousand deaths before, if it were possible for a man so often to die.” “And as touching this great discord between us, if either contrariety of doctrine, or swerving from the ancient canons, or diversity of rites received of our forefathers, be any cause thereof, we here take heaven and earth to witness, that we for our parts are ready, and desire also, upon due trial of profound truth of God’s word, and invocation of the Holy Ghost, to join hands with you, or you to join with us. But, to say the very truth, and to tell you plainly, this we suppose, that many mighty and noble potentates would sooner incline to your obedience, were it not that they feared your unjust oppressions, your insatiable exactions, and inordinate provisions wherewith you wring your subjects, by reason whereof have risen amongst us cruel wars, one fighting against another, desolation of cities, bulls and interdictions set upon church-doors, division of brethren, and churches of the Grecians left without service, where God should be praised. So that now only one thing lacketh, which I believe to be predefined and appointed from above long before to us Grecians, the time I mean of martyrdom, which also now hasteneth fast upon us, that the tribunal of tyrants should be opened, and the seats of torments be set, that the blood of martyrs should be spilled, and we brought to the stage of martyrdom, to fight for the crown of glory.” “This that I do speak, and wherefore I speak it, the noble island of Cyprus doth already know and feel, which hath made many new martyrs, and hath seen valiant soldiers of Christ, who of long time before, passing through water and tears of sorrow, now at last have also passed through fire, and so entered into the heavenly rest.

    How say you, be these good and seemly, O holy pope! the successor of St. Peter, the apostle? Is this the bidding of that good Peter, the meek and humble disciple of Christ? Doth he thus instruct the seniors and elders in his epistle, where he writeth in this wise? “The elders which are among you, I beseech, which am also a fellow-elder with them, and witness of the sufferings of Christ, and also a partaker of the glory that shall be opened: feed the flock of God which is amongst you, having care and sight over it, not of coaction, as compelled against your wills, but willingly, of your own accord; not for filthy lucre’ sake, but freely and heartily; neither as bearing dominion and lordship over the church, but showing yourselves as an example to the flock: and when the chief Pastor shall appear, you shall receive an incorruptible crown of eternal glory.” [1 Peter 5:1,4.] And this is the doctrine of Peter, as they shall see who do not obey it. As for us, the other part of the said epistle is sufficient: wherein he willeth them to rejoice which are in heaviness through manifold temptations, that the trial of their faith being much more precious than gold that perisheth, and is tried in fire, may be their laud, honor, and glory, at the appearing of the Lord Jesus. [1 Peter 1:7.] But bear with me, I pray you, O holy father, and of all your predecessors most meek, and sutter my words though they be something sharp, for they be sighings of a sorrowful heart.” “Wherefore, gird about your loins with fortitude, and light up the candle of your discretion, and seek the groat that is lost, of the unity, I mean, of faith. And we will also with like compassion join with your holiness, and I will not spare this weak body of mine, in pretending any excuse either of age or the length of the way: for the more laborious the travail is, the more crowns it bringeth. And St.

    Paul saith, ‘Every man shall receive reward according to his travail.’” “Neither are we ignorant, if it please your holiness, that like as we Grecians, for our parts, do labor in all respects to keep and observe the sincerity of true faith and doctrine, not to err, nor swerve in any part or point from the statutes of the blessed apostles and ancient fathers, so the church, likewise, of old Rome doth, for her part, labor also, we know well, to follow the sincere verity of Christian doctrine, and thinketh herself to err in nothing, nor to need any remedy or reformation. And this we know is the judgment and sayings of both the churches, as well of the Greeks as of the Latins. For no man can see any spot in his own face, without he stoop down to the glass, or else be admonished by some other, whether his face be blotted or no. Even so have we many great and fair glasses set before us: first, the clear gospel of Christ, the epistles of the apostles, and divinity books of ancient writers. Let us therefore look into them well; they will show every man’s mind and judgment, whether he go right or wrong. The God of peace tread down Satan speedily under our feet. The Author of peace confound the sower of discord. He that is the cause of all goodness destroy the hater of all that which is good, and which giveth cause of offense and slander. And he who is God of all joy and peace, send us, who are shepherds of his sheep reasonable, the angel of peace, and the messenger of great glad tidings, as he did in the Nativity of Christ to the shepherds of brute sheep and unreasonable; and make us worthy to sing that joyful song of God’s prince, “Glory to God in the highest; on earth peace; goodwill to men;” and to receive one another with an holy kiss. The grace of out’ Lord Jesus Christ, and the peace of God the Father, and the communion of the Holy Spirit, be with you always.

    Amen.” f673 SUBSTANCE OF ANOTHER EPISTLE OF GERMANUS, PATRIARCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE, AND PRIMATE OF THE GREEK CHURCH, TO THE CARDINALS OF ROME Another letter a606 the said Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople, wrote also the same time to the pope’s cardinals, wherein he first commendeth them for their wisdom and counsel, and then, showing what utility cometh by giving good counsel, he saith: “Forsomuch as God, many times, that which he hideth from one, inspireth to another, so that that good thing which by the Almighty God is sunderly dispensed to divers, through common counsel and conference spreadeth to the public utility of many,” etc.

    After this, eftsoons, he beginneth to exhort them, that they, like charitable ministers and discreet counselors, should take in hand the spiritual armor of God, to cast down the stop and partition wall of the old discord between the Greek and Latin church, and that they should be a means to the bishop of Rome, that they who so long have been dissevered by dissension, may now be conjoined in unity of peace, in brotherly charity and communion of faith. “Concerning which matter, I have (saith he) already written to his holiness. And now, I beseech the King of heaven, who took the shape of a servant to help his miserable servants, and was exalted upon the cross to raise them up who were fallen into the profundity of desolation, that he will vouchsafe to put from your hearts all elation of mind, extolling itself over and above the unity of your brethren and fellow-servants, and to enlighten your consciences with the true light of understanding, that we may altogether agree in one, and that there be no schism amongst us. Let us, therefore, as we are instructed, so abide in one mind, that it be not said of us, as it was of the Corinthians before us, ‘I hold of Paul, I of Apollos, I of Cephas, and I of Christ;’ [1 Corinthians 1:2;] but that all we, as we hold the name of Christ, and are called Christians, so may also abide in that wherein we are instructed, in one mind; that is, to follow love and charity in Christ Jesus, having always in our hearts the words of the apostle, saving, ‘One Lord, one faith, one baptism.’” “And now to be plain with you in that I have to say, I shall desire you not to be offended with me in uttering the truth as a friend unto you. ‘The words,’ saith Solomon, ‘of a wise man telling truth, be like to nails which be driven in deep:’ and truth for the most part breedeth enemies; and, therefore, though I am partly afraid, yet will I simply confess the truth unto you. Certes, this division of Christian unity amongst us, proceedeth of no other cause but only of the tyranny, oppression, and exactions of the church of Rome, who of a mother is become a stepdame, and hath put her children from her whom long time she nourished (after the manner of a ravening bird, which driveth her young from her); which children, how much the more humble and obedient they are to her, the less she esteemeth them, and treadeth them underfoot, not regarding the saying of the gospel, ‘Whoso humbleth himself shall be exalted’” [Luke 18:14.] “Let modesty, therefore, something temper you, and let the avarice of the court of Rome, although that cannot well out of the flesh which is bred in the bone, yet surcease a while, and let us together condescend to the trial of the truth; which truth being found out on both sides, let us constantly embrace the same.” “For why? we have been altogether sometimes, both Italians and Grecians,, in one faith, and under the same canons, having peace with each other, and defending one another, and confounding the enemies of the church. At what time, many flying out of the west parts (while the tyranny of the heretics endured) made their concourse to us, and were received; and part fled unto you, that is, old Rome, as to a strong tower of refuge, and so received they comfort in both places, and one brother was thus received into the bosom of another, by mutual love for their defense.” “Then, afterwards, when Rome had been often distressed by the barbarous and heathen nations, the Grecians were ever ready to rescue and deliver them. Did not Agapetus and Vigilius flee unto Constantinople by reason of the dissensions then at Rome, and being honorably received, were here defended under our protection? although the like kindness was never yet showed on your part to us again in our like necessities. Notwithstanding, we ought to do good to them also that be ungrateful; for so doth the sea participate her smooth and calm tides even unto the pirates, and so ‘God causeth the sun to shine upon the just and unjust.’ But, alas for sorrow, what bitter division is this, that hath thus sequestered us asunder? One of us detracteth another, shunning the company one of another, as the damnation of his soul. What a mortal hatred is this that is come among us? If you think we are fallen, then do you help to lift us up, and be not to us a stumbling-block to our bodily ruin, but helpers unto the spiritual resurrection of our souls; so shall we acknowledge ourselves bound unto you to give you condign thanks accordingly.” “But if the blame and first origin of all this offense proceedeth from Rome, and the successors of Peter, the apostle; then read ye the words of St. Paul to the Galatians, saying, ‘When Peter came to Antioch I withstood him to the face, because he was to be rebuked.’ [Galatians 2:11.] Howbeit this resistance was no cause of any discord, or breach between them, but the cause rather of further search and profounder disputations, provoking temporal agreement; for they were fast joined together in the bond of charity in Christ, agreeing in faith and conformity of doctrine, separated by no ambition or avarice, in which points, would God we also were like unto them!

    This to us, in our minds, gendereth a great offense, that you gaping so greedily after terrene possessions. scrape together all that you can scratch and rake. You heap up gold and silver, and yet pretend that you be the disciples of Him who said, ‘Gold and silver I have none,’ etc. [Acts in. 6.] You make whole kingdoms tributary to you, and kings and princes your vassals. You augment your money by usury, and by feats of merchandise. You unteach by your deeds that which you teach in words.” “Moderate yourselves, therefore, with more temperance, that you may be an example to us and to all the world. You see how good a thing it is for one brother to help another. Only God alone needeth no help or counsel, but men need to be holpen one of another. And were it not that I do reverence the blessed apostle Peter, the chief of Christ’s apostles, the rock of our faith; I would here put you in remembrance how greatly this rock was shaken and removed from the foundation at the sight of a silly woman; and Christ of his secret purpose permitted the same, who, by the crowing of the cock, brought him again to remembrance of that which was foretold him, and raised him from the slumber of desperation. Then he, being thus waked, washed his face with tears, confessing himself, before God and all the world, to be a true pattern of repentance, who before bare the keys of the kingdom, saying thus unto us, ‘May not he which falleth, rise again? Oh you which are fallen, rise up and behold me, and hearken unto me, travelling towards Paradise; the gates whereof to open I have received power.’” “And thus do I write unto you, not for any instruction, but only to put you in remembrance: for I know how God hath endued you with all wisdom and knowledge; as Solomon saith, ‘Give only occasion to the wise, and he will learn wisdom: teach the just man, and he will be glad to take instruction.’” “This one thing more I will say, and so make an end: There be great and mighty nations that are of like mind and opinion with us. First, the Ethiopians, who inhabit the chief part of the east. After that the Syrians, and others besides, of greater number than they, and more disposed to virtue, as the Hiberi, Alani, Gothi, Chazari, with innumerable people of Russia, and the kingdom of great victory, that of the Bulgarians. All these are obedient unto us as their mother church, persisting hitherto constantly in the ancient and true orthodox faith immoveable.” “The God of all holiness, who for our sakes became man, and who only is the head of his church and congregation, vouchsafe to gather us again together in unity, and grant that the Grecian church, together with her sister church of old Rome, may glorify the same Christ, the Prince of Peace, by the unity of fairly, to the restitution of sound and wholesome doctrine, wherein many years agone they have agreed and were united. God grant unto you brotherly charity, and the hand of the most mighty God govern you all, holy cardinals, till that ye joyfully arrive in the haven of everlasting tranquillity. The grace of God be with you all. Amen.” f674 Shortly after the sending a607 of these letters, pope Gregory prepared to send men of war, signed with the cross, to fight against the Grecians; whereupon the archbishop of Antioch, with the said Germanus, solemnly excommunicated the pope, after he first had excommunicated them. In the mean time, by the tenor of these letters of the patriarch sent to the pope and to the cardinals, it is evident to all men who have eyes in their heads to see: First, how the whole universal church of Christ, from the east parts to the west, in ancient times, was altogether united in one consent of doctrine, and linked together in brotherly charity, one church brotherly to help another, both with temporal aid and spiritual counsel, as the case required. Neither was then any one mother-church above other churches, but the whole universal church was the mother-church, and spouse of the Lord, to every faithful believer; under which universal church, in general, were comprehended all other particular churches in special, as sister churches together; not one greater than another, but all in like equality, as God gave his gifts, so serving one another, ever holding together the unity of faith and sisterly love. And so long was it, and rightly might so be called, the catholic church, having in it true unity, universality, and free consent. Unity in doctrine, universality in communicating and joining together of voices, consent in spirit and judgment. For whatsoever was taught at Rome, touching faith and salvation, it was no other than was taught at Antioch, Syria, etc.

    Secondly , how in process of time, through occasion of the tyranny and violent oppression of the bishops of Rome, this ring of equality, being broken, all flew in pieces, the east church from the west, the Greek from the Latin; and that which was one before, now was made two; unity turned to division, universality to singularity, and free consent to dissension.

    Thirdly , here is also to be noted, after this pitiful breach of equality, how many and what great nations departed from the communion of the church of Rome, and especially about this time above specified of pope Gregory IX., A.D. 1230; so that both before and after that time, many councils were holden, and many things concluded in the west church, whereunto the one half of Christendom, lying in the east parts, did never agree; and contrary, many councils holden by them, which in the Latin church were not received; so that the church now, as she lost the benefit of universal consent, so also she lost the name of ‘Catholic.’ Whereupon this question is to be asked, namely, whether, when the council of Lateran, a608 under pope Innocent III., ordained the doctrine of transubstantiation and auricular confession, here, in the west church, without the free consent of the east church, the same doctrine is to be counted catholic or not?

    Fourthly , in the departing of these churches from the bishop of Rome, here also is to be noted, that the same churches of the Greeks, notwithstanding they sequestered themselves, and fell out with the church of Rome, and that justly, yet they kept their unity still with their God, and retained still the true ojrqodoxi>an that is, the true and sincere doctrine of faith; ready to debate and try the truth of their religion by the Scriptures, as they here, in their own writings, desire to have the truth examined, according as ye have heard. Wherefore the church of Rome hath done them open wrong, which being offered so gently to try, and to be tried, by the truth of God’s word, not only would stand to no trial, nor abide conference, but also hath excommunicated those as heretics, who appear here to be more orthodox Christians than themselves.

    Fifthly , these things thus standing, then have we to conclude that the church of Rome falsely pretendeth itself to be catholic: for if the name of catholic must needs import an universal consent of the whole, how can that be catholic where the consent of so many famous and true Christian churches hath been lacking; and, furthermore, where the consent that hath been amongst themselves, hath rather been coacted than any true or free consent? Which is easy to be proved; for let these fires and faggots cease, let kings and princes leave to press their subjects with the pope’s obedience, let the Scripture and the bishops alone, every one in his own diocese, govern their flock after the rule of God’s word, and how few be there in this west end of the world, trow you, that would not do the same that these Grecians, Ethiopians, and Syrians, have done before us? And thus much of this patriarch’s letters, sent to pope Gregory, concerning the Greek church.

    When I consider the doings of these Grecians, as I cannot but commend their wisdom, and judge their state happy and blessed, in shaking off from their necks the miserable yoke of the pope’s tyranny; so, on the other hand, considering with myself the wretched thraldom of these our churches here in the west part of the world, under the bishop of Rome; I cannot tell whether more to marvel at, or to lament, their pitiful state, who were brought into such oppression and slavery under him, that neither could they abide him, nor yet durst cast him off. So intolerable were his exactions, so terrible was his tyranny, his suspensions and excommunications so much like a madman’s dagger, drawn at every trifle, that no Christian patience could suffer it, nor nation abide it. Again, so deeply did he sit in their consciences, they falsely believing him to have the authority of St. Peter, that for conscience’s sake neither king nor Caesar durst withstand him, much less poor subjects once mute against him. And although his takings and spoilings, namely, in this realm of England, were such, that neither the laity nor spirituality could bear them, yet was there no remedy; but bear them they must, or else the pope’s sentence was upon them, to curse them as black as pitch.

    In reading the histories of these times, any good heart would lament and rue to see the miserable captivity of the people; what they suffered under this thraldom of the bishop of Rome, whereof part hath been showed before; more, God willing, shall follow hereafter, and some part here presently I express.

    A BRIEF TABLE OR DECLARATION OF THE POPE’S UNREASONABLE GATHERINGS, EXACTIONS, AND OPPRESSIONS, IN THE REALM OF ENGLAND, IN THE DAYS OF KING HENRY III F676 And first, to begin with the elections of the bishops, abbots, deans, and priors within this realm: it cannot be told what mass of money grew to the pope’s coffers thereby, especially in this king’s days; forasmuch as in his time scarcely any election happened, either of archbishop, bishop, abbot, or any room of dignity, but, when the covent or chapter had chosen one to their mind, the king, who had married a stranger, and sought therefore to prefer strangers, would set up another. By reason of this, when the other part was fain to appeal to Rome, and there to plead the case, no small rivers of English money, besides expenses and travel by the way, went flowing to the pope’s see. And though the election went never so clear, yet the newly elect must needs respect the holy father with some gentle reward, and further, by his oath was bound every three years, either in his own person, or by another, to visit ‘limina apostolorum.’

    So in the house of St. Alban’s, a609 when John Hertford was elected abbot, their public election was not enough, but for the confirmation of the same, the monks were fain to send Reinold, the physician, and Nicholas, a monk, to Rome, with a sufficient bag of money, through the mediation whereof the election might stand, and the new abbot was sworn every third year, by himself or another, to visit the dorsels of the apostles.

    Another such contention a610 happened between the king and the monks of Winchester, about the election of William Pale, whom the monks had chosen, but the king refused, willing to place a stranger, and therefore sent to Rome his messengers, namely, Theobald, a monk of Westminster, and Master Alexander, a lawyer, with no small sum of money, to evacuate the election of the aforesaid William Rule; commanding, moreover, that the gates of Winchester should be shut against him, and that no man should be so hardy, there, as to receive him into his house. Whereupon the said William, being excluded, after he had laid his curse upon the whole city of Winchester, made his repair to Rome, where, for eight thousand marks promised to the pope, his bishopric (spite of the king’s heart) was confirmed, and he received. A.D. 1243.

    After the death of Stephen Langton, a611 archbishop of Canterbury, ye heard before how the monks had elected Walter, a monk of Canterbury.

    But the king, to stop that election, sent up his proctors, Alexander Savensby, bishop of Coventry, and Henry Sanford, bishop of Rochester, to the pope, to evacuate that election, and to place Richard chancellor of Lincoln. Which proctors perceiving at first how hard and unwilling the pope and cardinals were thereunto, and considering how all things might be bought for money, rather than the king should fail of his purpose, they promised on the king’s behalf to the pope, for maintaining his wars against Frederic, the emperor, a disme, or tenth part of all the moveables in the realm of England and Ireland. At the contemplation of this money, the pope, eftsoons, thinking to pass with the king, began to pick quarrels with the aforesaid Walter, for not answering rightly to his questions about Christ’s descending to hell, the making of Christ’s body on the altar, the weeping of Rachel for her children, she being dead before; also about the sentence of excommunication, and certain causes of matrimony; his answers whereunto, when they were not to the pope’s mind, he was put back, and the king’s man preferred, which cost the whole realm of England and Ireland the tenth part of their moveable goods, by reason whereof, what money was raised to the pope’s Gazophylaciun, I leave to the estimation of the reader. A.D. 1229. And yet, for all this, the said Richard, the costly archbishop of Canterbury, within less than two years after, falling out with the king about the castle and lordship of Tunbridge, went and complained of him to the pope; in the traverse whereof it cost the king a great piece of money, and yet missed he his purpose. In that journey the said archbishop, returning homeward, by the way, departed.

    A.D. 1231.

    Of the like dissension ye heard before, between the king and the covent of Durham, for not choosing Master Lucas, the king’s chaplain, whom the king offered to be their bishop; about the suit whereof, when much money was bestowed on both sides well-favoredly, the pope, defeating them both, admitted neither Master William a613 nor Master Lucas, but ordained the bishop of Sarma to be their bishop. A.D. 1228. f681 Between the monks of Coventry and the canons of Lichfield, arose another like quarrel, which of them should have the superior voice in choosing their bishop; in which suit, after much money bestowed in the court of Rome, the pope, to requalify each party with some retribution for their money received, took this order indifferently between them, that each party by course should have the choosing of their bishop. A.D. 1228. f682 What business arose likewise between Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, and the monks of Rochester, about the election of Richard Wendour, to be their bishop; and what was the end thereof? First, the archbishop was fain to travel himself to the pope, and so did the covent also send their proctors, who, probably being better moved, weighed down the cause, so that the good archbishop in that affair against the monks, and partly in another cause against the earl of Arundel, was condemned of the pope in a thousand marks, whereof the greatest part, no doubt, redounded, deal to the pope’s coffers. .A.D. 1238. f683 After the return of the said Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, from Rome, it chanced that the monks of Canterbury had elected their prior without his assent; for which he did excommunicate the monks, and evacuate their election. Not long after this, the pope’s exactors a614 went about to extort from the churchmen the fifth part of their goods to the pope’s use, fighting then against the emperor. This cruel exaction being for a great while resisted by the prelates and clergy, at length the aforesaid archbishop, thinking thereby to get the victory against the monks, was contented to yield to the said exaction; adding, moreover, of his own, for an overplus, eight hundred marks, whereupon the rest of the clergy were fain to follow after, and contribute to the pope’s exactors, A.D. 1240. f684 In the church of Lincoln (which see, before the Conquest, was at Dorchester, and afterwards by William Rufus translated from thence to Lincoln) rose a grievous contention between Robert Grosthead, then bishop, and the canons of the cathedral church, about their visitation, whether the bishop should visit them, or the dean; which matter being put to arbitrators, could not be composed before the bishop and the chapter, after their appeal made unto the pope, had both gone to Rome, where, after they had well wasted their purses, they received at length their answer, but paid full sweetly for it. A.D. 1239. f685 At what time the canons of Chichester had elected Robert Passelew to be their bishop, at the king’s request, the archbishop with certain other bishops, taking part against the king’s chaplain, repelled him, and set up Richard Witch. Upon this, what sending and going there was unto Rome, and what money bestowed about the matter, as well on the king’s part as on the bishop’s, read the story thereof in Matthew Paris. f686 Robert Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln (of whom relation was made before), having a great care how to bring the privileged orders of religious houses within his precinct under his subjection and discipline, went unto Rome, and there, with great labor and much effusion of money, as the story saith, procured of the pope a mandate, whereby all such religious orders were commanded to be under his power and obedience. Not long after, the monks, who could soon weigh down the bishop with money, not abiding that, sent their factors to the pope, who, with their golden eloquence so persuaded him, and stirred his affections in such sort, that soon they purchased to themselves freedom from their ordinary bishop. Robert Grosthead having intelligence of this, made up to Rome, and there complaining to the pope, declared how he was disappointed and confounded in his purpose, contrary to promises and assurance made to him before; to whom Pope Innocent, looking with a stern countenance, made this answer: “Brother,” said he, “what is that to thee? Thou hast delivered and discharged thine own soul. It hath pleased us to show favor unto them. Is thine eye evil, for that I am good?” And thus was the bishop sent away with a flea in his ear, murmuring with himself, yet not so softly, but that the pope heard him say these words: “O money! money! what canst not thou do in the court of Rome?” Wherewith the pope being somewhat pinched, gave this answer again: “O ye Englishmen!

    Englishmen! of all men most wretched; for all your seeking is how ye may consume and devour one another.” A.D. 1250. It happened moreover the same year that the said Robert Grosthead excommunicated and deprived one Ranulph, a beneficed person in his diocese, being accused of incontinency; who, after the term of forty days, refusing to submit himself, the bishop wrote to the sheriff of Rutland to apprehend him as one contumacious. The sheriff, because he deferred or refused so to do (bearing favor to the party), and being there-for solemnly excommunicated by the bishop, uttered his complaint to the King. Whereat the King taking great displeasure with the bishop for excommunicating his sheriff, and not first making his complaint to him, sendeth forth a substantial messenger, Master Moneta such as he was sure would speed, unto Pope Innocent; by virtue of whose words, the pope, easy to be entreated, sendeth down a proviso to the abbot of Westminster, charging that no prelate or bishop in the realm of England should molest or enter action against any of the king’s bailiffs or officers, in such matters as to the king’s jurisdiction appertained.

    And thus was the strife ended, not without some help and heap of English money; so that no wind of any controversy here stirred in England, were it never so small, but it blew some profit for the pope’s advantage. f688 A.D.1250. In like manner no little treasure grew to the pope’s coffers by the election of Boniface, the queen’s uncle, a Frenchman, to be archbishop of Canterbury, A.D. 1243, and of Ethelmare, the queen’s brother, to be bishop of Winchester, against the wills of the prior and covent there, A.D. 1250, besides many such other eschcats, which made England poor, and the pope rich.

    I come now something likewise to touch briefly of the pope’s disprensations, provisions, exactions, contributions, and extortions in England in this king’s days, for to discourse all, it is not one book will hold it.

    Simon Montfort, a615 earl of Leicester, had married Elenor, the king’ sister, and daughter of King John, who by report of stories had taken the mantle and ring; wherefore the king, and his brother Richard, earl of Exeter, were greatly offended with the marriage. The earl Simon seeing this, made a hand of money, and posting over to Rome, after he had talked a few words in Pope Innocent’s ear, the marriage was good enough; and letters were sent to Otho, the pope’s legate here, to give sentence solemnly with the earl. Notwithstanding, the Dominic friars, and others of the like religious fraternity, withstood that sentence of the pope stoutly, saying, that the pope’s holiness was therein deceived, and souls were in danger; that Christ was jealous over his wife; and that it could not be in anywise possible that a woman who had vowed marriage with Christ, could afterwards marry with another, etc. A.D. 1238. f689 As there was nothing so hard in the wide world, wherewith tire pope would not dispense for money, so, by the said dispensations, much mischief was wrought abroad; for, by reason thereof, the people relying upon the pope’s dispensation, little regarded what they did, what they promised, or what they swore. This well appeared in the case of this King Henry III.; a616 who, being as great an exactor of the poor commons as ever was any king before him or since, and thinking thereby to win the people sooner to his devotion, most faithfully promised them once or twice, and thereto bound himself with a solemn oath, both before the clergy and laity, to grant unto them the old liberties and customs as well of Magna Charta, as of Charta de Foresta, perpetually to be observed; whereupon, a fifteenth was granted to the king. But, after the payment was sure, the king trusting, by the pope’s dispensation, for a little money, to be discharged of his oath and covenant, went from what he had before promised and sworn.

    In like manner, the said king, another time, being in need of money, signed himself with the cross, pretending and swearing deeply in the face of the whole parliament, that he would himself personally fight in the Holy Land against the Saracens. But, as soon as the money was taken, small care was had for performance of his oath, it being put into his head by certain about him, that he needed not to regard that perjury, forasmuch as the pope, for one or two hundred pounds, would quickly discharge him thereof. f690 Out of the same corrupt spring of these popish dispensations, have proceeded also many other foul absurdities, for there were many young men in those days who enjoyed benefices, and yet were not priests; and when, by the procurement of Robert Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln, the said young men should be forced, whether they would or not, to enter orders, they, laying their purses together, sent to Rome, and obtained of the pope a dispensation to remain still as they were; that is, to have the fruits of benefices to find them at school or university, and yet being themselves neither ministers to take charge, nor yielding any service for their profits taken. Besides innumerable heaps of enormities more, proceeding from the pope’s dispensations, as dispensing one man to have sundry bishoprics, encroach on pluralities of benefices, making children parsons, legitimizing bastards, with other such things, the particulars whereof, for brevity’s sake, I do omit till further opportunity.

    THE INTOLERABLE OPPRESSION OF THE REALM OF ENGLAND BY THE POPE’S EXACTIONS AND CONTRIBUTIONS, AND OTHER SLEIGHTS, USED IN THE TIME OF KING HENRY III Although these emoluments, thus rising daily to the pope’s purse by simony and bribery, by elections and dispensations, might seem sufficient to satisfy his greedy appetite; yet so insatiable was the avarice of that see, that he, not yet contented herewith, over and besides all this, sent almost every year some legate or other into this realm to take for his advantage.

    Insomuch, that during all this king’s time, the realm was never long without some of the pope’s leaguers, with all violence exacting and extorting continual provisions, contributions, and sums of money to be levied out of cells, abbeys, priories, fruits of benefices, and bishoprics, and also laymen’s purses, to the miserable impoverishing both of the clergy and temporalty, as hereunder followeth.

    First, after Pandulph, was sent into this realm Cardinal Otho, procured by the king, without the assent of his nobles, to assist him in certain affairs he had to do. At receiving of this legate, great preparation was made; many rich and precious gifts in scarlet, in plate, in jewels, in money, and in palfreys, were given him; whom the king also himself went as far as the sea-side to receive, bowing down his head in low courtesy to the cardinal’s knees; to whom also the bishop of Winchester for his part gave, towards keeping his house, fifty fat oxen, an hundred semes a617 of wheat, and eight great vessels of pure wine. This legate, at his first coming, beginneth first to bestow such benefices as he found vacant upon those whom he brought with him, without respect to whether they were meet or unmeet, A.D. 1237.

    After this, the pope, hearing how the nobles and commons of the realm began to stomach the cardinal for his excessive procurations and exactions, sent for him home; but the king, because he stood in fear of his nobles, and thought to have a stay by the cardinal against all occurrents, entreated him to stay while he wrote to the pope to obtain further license for him to tarry; and so he did, not without some English money, ye may be sure.

    In this mean time of vacation, Otho, thinking to lose no time, but to gather also some crumbs in Scotland, made as though he would set things there in order, which were in the church of Scotland, to be reformed; and so cometh to the king of Scots, being then in York with King Henry, to have leave to enter. Unto him the king thus made answer, that he never saw to his remembrance, any pope’s legate in his land, neither was there any such need (God be praised)for such to be sent for. Matters there were well enough, and needed no help of his. And as he could never learn either in the days of his father, or any his predecessors, that any such entrance to any legate was granted; so he, for his part, would not now begin. “But yet, notwithstanding, forasmuch as I hear,” said he, “that you are a good man, this I tell you before, that if you will needs adventure in, do it warily, and take heed to yourself, lest it happen to you otherwise than I would wish; for they be a savage and unruly people, given muck to murder, and shedding blood, whom I myself am scarcely able to bridle; so that if they fall upon you, I shall not be able to help you; for how they also invaded me, and sought to expel ye from my kingdom, ye heard of late. And therefore I warn you before, take heed betime what you think best to do.”

    After the cardinal heard the king speak these words, he plucked in his horns, and durst proceed no further, but kept him still by the side of King Henry. Notwithstanding, shortly after, the same legate coming to the borders of Scotland, there called the bishops to him, and so, when he had well filled his bags, came back again. f694 It was not long before license came from Pope Gregory to his legate Otho, for his longer abode here in the realm (as welcome as water in the ship), with new authority also to proceed in the pope’s affairs; who, first showing the bishops and the clergy his letters of longer tarrying, required of them, forasmuch as no man, said he, warreth of his own charges, to be supported with new procurations; which was, to have, of every able church, four marks; and where one church was not able to reach thereto, that other churches should join withal to make up the said money.

    Notwithstanding, the bishops a great while stood in the denial thereof. f695 Besides he assembled together all the black monks of St. Benedict’s order, giving to them strict orders, which shortly after, for money, he released to them again. f696 Moreover, by the said Otho, and the pope’s other exactors, with special bulls directed down for the same, the collation of benefices being taken out of the hands of the patrons, they were given to light and vile runagates, coming from Italy and other places, such as it pleased the pope and his legate to bestow them upon; to the great prejudice of the ancient liberty and right of the true patrons thereof. Whereupon the earls, and barons, and nobles of the realm, addressed letters unto Pope Gregory IX. by Sir Robert Twing, knight, for redress of such wrongs and injuries; who otherwise should be forced, they said, to invocate the succor of their king, who both was able, and was no less willing, according to his duty, they trusted, to reform such enormities, and to defend the liberties of his realm. The tenor of the letters is to be read in Matthew Paris. f697 Not long after, A.D. 1240, came a new precept from Pope Gregory, by Peter Rubens, the popenuncio, to the aforesaid Otho, that all the beneficed clergy, as well in England as in France, should pay to the pope the fifth part of their revenues. Whereupon when the clergy made their complaint to the king, seeking to be relieved by him, the king answered them, that he neither would, nor durst stand against the pope in any case; and so without all hope of succor he sent them away. F698 Then were the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and prelates of the church commanded to assemble together at Reading, there to hear the pope’s pleasure and commandment concerning the payment of this fifth part, where, in the end, the matter concluded thus: the prelates desired a further time to be given them to advise upon the matter, and for that season the assembly brake up. Many excuses and exceptions were alleged by the clergy; first, that whereas the money was gathered to fight against the emperor, they ought not to contribute their money contrary to, the liberties of the church. Item, that forasmuch as they had paid a tenth not long before unto the pope, upon condition that no more such payments should be required of them, much less now the fifth part should be exacted of them, because an action twice done, maketh a custom. Item, that seeing they had oftentimes to repair unto the court of Rome, if they should give this money against the emperor, it would turn to their danger when going through his land. Item, that seeing their king had many enemies, against whom they must needs relieve the king with their money, they could not so do if the realm were thus impoverished. All these excuses, with divers others, notwithstanding, they were compelled at length to conform themselves to the pope’s good pleasure, through the example given by Edmund, a618 archbishop of Canterbury, who, to obtain his purpose against the monks of Canterbury, with whom he was then at strife, began first to yield to the legates eight hundred marks for his part, whereby the rest also were fain to follow after. f700 Furthermore, the same year, the pope agreed with the people of Rome, that if they would aid him against Frederic the emperor, whatever benefices were to be given in England, the same should be at their arbitrement to be bestowed upon their children. Whereupon commandment was sent to the aforesaid Edmund, archbishop, and to the bishops of Lincoln and Saturn, a619 that all the collations of benefices within the realm should be suspended, till provision were made for three hundred children of the citizens of Rome to be first served. Upon this so miserable request, the said Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, for sorrow to see the church so oppressed, departed the realm, and so continuing in France, died at Pontigny. This Edmund was afterwards made a saint, and canonized by pope Innocent IV.

    This done, Peter Rubens, the pope’s nuncio, and Ruffinus, went into Scotland, from whence they brought with them three thousand pounds for the pope’s use about All-hallow-tide the same year. At that time, moreover, cometh another harpy from the pope to England, named Mumelius, bringing with him three and twenty a620 Romans here into the realm to be beneficed. Thus, what by the king on the one side, and what by the Cardinal Otho, Peter Rubeus, Ruffmus, and Mutuelins, on the other side, poor England was in a wretched case. f702 Another pretty practice of the pope to prowl for money, was this: the aforesaid Peter Rubens, coming into religious houses and into their chapters, caused them to contribute to the pope’s holiness, by the example of this bishop and that abbot, pretending that he and he, of their own voluntary devotion, had given so much and so much, and so seduced them. Also the pope craftily suborned certain friars, authorized with full indulgence, that whosoever had vowed to fight in the Holy Land, and was disposed to be released of his vow, needed not to repair to Rome for absolution, but paying so much money as his charges would come to in going thither, he, resorting to the said friars, might be assoiled at home.

    A.D. 1240.

    Now all these troubles laid together, were enough to vex the meekest prince in the world, besides which, by way of access to the king’s molestation, he had much ado with the prelates and clergy of his realm, who were always tampering with his title, especially in their assemblies and councils; to whom the king, to restrain them from that presumption, did both send and write, as appeareth by the evidence of record, commencing, “Rex misit Galfridum de Langley,” etc. That is, the king sent Geoffry Langley to the archbishop of York and to other bishops purposed to meet at Oxford, to appeal for him, lest, in the said council there called, they should presume to ordain something against his crown and dignity. This was done A.D. 1241. In the same year came a commandment apostolical to the house of Peterborough, that they, at the pope’s contemplation, must needs grant him some benefice lying in their donation, the fruits whereof were worth at least an hundred pounds, and if it were more it should be the better welcome; so that they should be as the farmers, and he to receive the profits. In fine, the covent excused themselves by the abbot being then not at home. the abbot, when he came home, excused himself by the king being the patron and founder of the house. The king being grieved with the unreasonable ravening of these Romanists, utterly forbade any such example to be given. But what happened? The abbot, being for this accused to the pope by one of the legates, and coming up about four years after, in the time of Pope Innocent, to the council of Lyons, was so rated and reviled, and so shamefully thrust out of the pope’s court, that for sorrow he fell sick upon the same, and there died. f707 In the time of this council a621 of Lyons, pope Innocent IV., forasmuch as the instrument or obligation, whereby the realm of England stood tributary to the pope, was thought to be burned in the pope’s chamber a little before, brought forth either the same, or another chart like unto it; whereunto he straitly charged and commanded every English bishop there present at the council, severally to set his hand and seal. This unreasonable petition of the pope, albeit it went sore against the hearts of the bishops, yet (see in what miserable subjection the pope had all the bishops under him)none of them durst otherwise do, but accomplish the pope’s request therein, both to their own shame, and with prejudice to the public freedom of the realm. Amongst which bishops, the longest that held out, and last that put to his seal, was the bishop of London. This act, when the king and the nobility understood, they were mightily and worthily therewithal offended. A.D. 1245.

    After that time Cardinal Otho was sent for by pope Gregory in all haste to come to the general council; two others in his room here remained, whose names were Peter Rubeus and Petrus de Supino. Of whom the former, bearing himself for the pope’s kinsman, brought out his bills and bulls under the pope’s authority, to such an abbot, or to such a prior, or to such and such a bishop, and so extorted from them a great quantity of gold and silver. the other, to wit, Petrus de Supino, sailed to Ireland, from whence he brought with him a thousand and five hundred marks for the pope’s use, A.D. 1241. All which money notwithstanding, gotten by both the collectors, in the carriage of it up to Rome, about the death of pope Gregory, fell into the hands of Frederic, the emperor; who caused it to be restored, as nearly as he could, to those from whom it was taken. f710 After these came in Master Martin, a new merchant from the new pope Innocent IV. (A.D. 1244) armed with full power to suspend all prelates in England from giving benefices, till the pope’s kinsmen were first preferred; neither would he take the fruits of any benefice, unless it were above the value of thirty marks. At his first coming, he required prelates, and especially religious houses, to furnish him with horses and palfreys, such as were convenient for the pope’s especial chaplain and legate to sit upon; also with plate, raiment, provision for his kitchen and cellar, etc.; and such as refused, or made excuses, he suspended, as the abbot of Malmesbury, and the prior of Merton. All prebends that were void he sought out and reserved for the pope’s behoof; among which was the golden prebend of Sarum, belonging to the praecentor a622 of the choir, whom he preferred to the bishopric of Bath, and so seized upon the prebend, being void, against the wills both of the bishop and the chapter. Moreover, he brought with him blanks in paper and parchment, signed in the pope’s chamber with his stamp and seal; wherein he might afterward write to whom, and what he would, requiring, furthermore, of the king, in the pope’s behalf, to help his holiness with a contribution to be taxed amongst his clergy, of at least ten thousand marks; and, to the end that the pope might win the king sooner to his devotion, he writeth in the king’s behalf to the nobles and commons of the realm, that they should not fail, upon pain of his great curse, to confer such subsidy of money to the assistance of the king, as he then had demanded of them; but they stood stiff in not granting it him.

    While the insatiable avarice of the pope thus made no end in gathering riches and goods together in England; the nobles and barons, with the community as well of the clergy as the laity, weighing the miserable state of the realm, and particularly of the church, the clergy of which now neither had liberty left them to choose their own ministers, nor yet could enjoy their own livings, laid their heads together, and so exhibited an earnest intimation to the king; beseeching him to consider the pitiful affliction and oppression of his subjects under the pope’s extortion, living in more thraldom than ever did the people of Israel under Pharaoh.

    Whereupon., the king beginning at last to look up, and to consider the injuries and wrongs received in his realm, through the avarice of the court of Rome, directeth to pope Innocent IV. the following letter.

    KING HENRY’S LETTER a623 TO POPE INNOCENT IV F714 To the most holy father in Christ, and lord Innocent, by the grace of God, chief bishop: Henry, by the same grace, king of England, etc., greeting and kissings of his blessed feet. The more devout and obsequious the son showeth himself in obeying the father’s will, the more favor and supportation doth he deserve to find again at his father’s hands. This therefore I write, for that whereas both we and our realm have ever and in all things been, hitherto, at the devotion and commandment of your fatherhood; and that, although in some certain affairs of ours and of our kingdom, we have found your fatherly favor and grace sometimes propitious unto us, yet in some things again, as in provisions given and granted to your clerks of foreign nations, both we and our kingdom have felt no small detriment; by reason of which provisions, the church of England is so sore charged and burdened, that not only the patrons of churches, to whom the donations thereof do appertain, are defrauded of their right, but also many other good works of charity thereby do decay, for that such benefices as have been mercifully bestowed upon religious houses to their sustentation, are now wasted and consumed, by your provisions.

    Wherefore, forasmuch as your see apostolic ought to be favorable to all that be petitioners to the same, so that no person be wronged in that which is his right, we thought therefore to be suitors to your fatherhood, most humbly beseeching your holiness, that you will desist and surcease for a time from such provisions to be exacted.

    In the mean season, may it please your fatherhood, we beseech you, that our laws and liberties (which you may tightly repute none other but your own) you will receive to your tuition, to be preserved whole and sound, nor to suffer the same, by any sinister suggestion in your court, to be violated and infringed. Neither let your holiness be any whit moved there-for with us, if, in some such cases as these be, we do or shall hereafter resist the tenor of your commandments; forasmuch as the complaints of those who daily call upon us, do necessarily enforce us thereunto; who ought, by the charge of this our office and kingly dignity committed to us of Almighty God, to foresee that no man, in that which is his right, be injured, but truly to minister justice to every one, in that which duly to him appertaineth.—This letter was sent the eight and twentieth year of the king’s reign. f715 A man would think that this so gentle and obedient letter of the king to the pope, would have wrought some good effect in his apostolid breast, to withdraw his provisions, and to have tendered the king’s so reasonable and honest request: but, how little all this prevailed to stop his insatiable greediness and intolerable extortions and oppressions, the sequel well declareth. For, besides that shortly after the pope sent Master Martin with blanks, a624 being bulled for contribution of ten thousand marks, in all haste to be paid also, even immediately upon the receiving of this letter f716 it followeth in mine author, that the said pope Innocent IV., after all this great submission of the king, and such manifold benefits and payments yearly out of this realm received, was not ashamed to take of David, a625 prince of North Wales, five hundred marks a year, to set him against the king of England, exempting him from his fealty and obedience due to his own liege lord and king, to whom both he and all other Welshmen had sworn subjection before, as by the seals and obligations a626 as well of that David himself, as of other Welsh lords, in this behalf doth appear. f717 In the mean while Master Martin did not let sleep his business, in making up his market for the pope’s money of ten thousand marks, but was still calling upon the prelates and clergy, who, first excusing themselves by the absence of the king and the archbishop of Canterbury, afterwards being called again by new letters, made their answer by the dean of Paul’s, their prolocutor:

    First , That the poverty of the realm would not suffer them to consent thereto. Item, Whereas they had given before a contribution to cardinal Otho, for paying the pope’s debts, and knew the said money to be employed to no such end as it was demanded for, more cause they had now to misdoubt, lest this contribution in his hands, who was a much inferior messenger than the cardinal, would come to the same or a worse effect. Item, If they should now agree to a new contribution, they feared lest it would grow to a custom, seeing that one action twice done maketh a custom. Item, Forasmuch as a general council a627 is shortly looked for, where every prelate of the realm must needs bestow both his travel and expenses, and also his presence, to the pope, if the prelates now should be bound to this tax, they would not be able to abide this burden. Item, Seeing it is alleged, that the mother church of Rome is so far in debt, reason and right it were, that the mother so oppressed should be sustained by all her devout children meeting together in the general council; as by help of many, more relief might come than by one nation alone.

    Lastly , They alleged, that for fear of the emperor and his threatenings, they durst not consent to the said contribution.

    While these things were thus in talk between the pope’s priests and the clergy of England, cometh in John Mariscal and other messengers from the king, commanding, in the king’s name, that no bishop, that held his baronage of the king, should infief his lay fee to the court of Rome, which they owed only to him. f718 Not long after this (A.D. 1245), the whole nobility of the realm, by general consent, and not without the king’s knowledge also, caused an injunction to be laid on all the ports by the sea-side, that no messenger with the pope’s letters and bulls from Rome, should be permitted to enter the realm; whereupon, some were taken at Dover, and there stayed.

    Notwithstanding, when complaint thereof was brought to the king by Master Martin, the pope’s legate, there was no remedy but the king must needs cause these letters to be restored again, and executed to the full effect. f719 Then the king, upon advice, caused a view to be taken through every shire in England, to what sum the whole revenues of the Romans and Italians amounted, which, by the pope’s authority, went out of England: the whole sum whereof was found yearly to be threescore thousand marks, to the which sum the revenues of the whole crown of England did not extend. f720 The nobles, then, understanding the miserable oppression of, the realm, and being assembled together at Dunstable for certain causes, sent one Fulco, in the name of the whole nobility, unto Master Martin, the pope’s merchant, with this message: That he, without delay, upon the same warning, should prepare himself to be gone out of the realm, under pain of being cut all to pieces. At which message the legate being sore aghast, went straight to the king, to know whether his consent was to the same or not.

    Of whom when he found little better comfort, he took his leave of the king, who bade him adieu in the devil’s name, saith Matthew Paris, and thus was the realm rid of Master Martin. A.D. As soon as pope Innocent IV. had hereof intelligence by the complaint of his legate, he was in a mighty rage; and furthermore, remembering how the French king and the king of Arragon, not long before, had denied him entrance into their land, and being, therefore, in displeasure with them likewise, he began in great anger to knit his brows, and said, “It is best that we fall in agreement with our prince, whereby we may the sooner bring under these little petty kings (istos regulos), and so the great dragon being pacified, these little serpents we shall handle at our own pleasure as we list.”

    Immediately after this followed the general council of Lyons, to which the lords and states of the realm, with the consent of the commonalty, sent two bills; one containing a general supplication to the pope and the council; the other, with the articles of such grievances a628 as they desired to be redressed, whereof relation is made sufficiently before. The other bill of the supplication, because it is not before expressed, I thought here to exhibit for two causes: First, that men, now in these days, may see the pitiful blindness of those ignorant days, wherein our English nation here did so blindly humble themselves and stand on courtesy to the pope, whom rather they should have shaken off, as the Grecians did. Secondly, that the pride of the pope might the better appear in its true colors, who so disdainfully rejected the humble suit of our lords and nobles, when they had much more cause rather to disdain and stamp him under their feet. The tenor of the supplication was this.

    THE COPY OF THE SUPPLICATION a629 WRITTEN IN THE NAMES OF ALL THE NOBLES AND COMMONS OF ENGLAND, To Pope Innocent IV. in the General Council at Lyons, A.D. 1245.

    To the reverend father in Christ, Pope Innocent, chief bishop; the nobles, with the whole commonalty of the realm of England, send commendation, with kissing of his blessed feet.

    Our mother, the church of Rome, we love with all our hearts, as our duty is, and covet the increase of her honor with as much affection as we may, as to whom we ought always to fly for refuge, whereby the grief lying upon the child, may find comfort at the motherhand; which succor the mother is bound so much the rather to impart to her child, how much more kind and beneficial she findeth him in relieving her necessity. Neither is it to the said our mother unknown, how beneficial and bountiful a giver the realm of England hath been now of long time for the more amplifying of her exaltation, as appeared by our yearly subsidy, which we term by the name of Peter-pence. Now the said church, not contented with this yearly subsidy, hath sent divers legates for other contributions, at divers and sundry times, to be taxed and levied out of the same realm: all which contributions and taxes, notwithstanding, have been lovingly and liberally granted.

    Furthermore, neither is it unknown to your fatherhood, how our forefathers, like good Catholics, both loving and fearing their Maker, for the soul’s health as well of themselves, as of their progenitors and successors also, have founded monasteries, and largely have endowed the same, both with their own propel lands, and also with patronages of benefices, whereby such religious persons professing the first and chiefest perfection of holy religion in their monasteries, might with more peace and tranquillity occupy themselves devoutly in God’s service, as to the order appertained: and also the clerks, presented by them to their benefices, might sustain the other exterior labors for them in that second order of religion, and so discharge and defend them from all hazards: so that the said religious monasteries cannot be defrauded of those their patronages and collations of benefices, but the same must touch us also very near, and work intolerable grief unto our hearts.

    And now see, we beseech you, which is lamentable to behold, what injuries we sustain by you and your predecessors, who, not considering those our subsidies and contributions above remembered, do suffer also your Italians and foreigners, who be out of number, to be possessed of our churches and benefices in England, pertaining to the right and patronage of those monasteries aforesaid: which foreigners, neither defending the said religious persons whom they ought to see to, nor yet having the language, whereby they may instruct the flock, take no regard of their souls, but utterly leave them of wild wolves to be devoured. Wherefore, it may truly be said of them, that they are not good shepherds, whereas they neither know their sheep, nor do the sheep know the voice of their shepherds; neither do they keep any hospitality, but only take up the rents of those benefices, carrying them out of the realm, wherewith our brethren, our nephews, and our kinsfolks, might be sustained, who could and would dwell upon them, and employ such exercises of mercy and hospitality as their duty required, of whom a great number now for mere necessity are laymen, and fain to fly out of the realm.

    And now, to the intent more fully to certify you of the truth, ye shall understand that the said Italians and strangers, receiving of yearly rents out of England not so little as threescore thousand marks a year, besides other avails and excises, deducted, do reap in the said our kingdom, of England more emoluments of mere rents than doth the king himself, being both tutor of the church, and governor of the land.

    Furthermore, whereas at the first creation of your papacy we were in good hope, and yet are, that by means of your fatherly goodness we should enjoy our franchises and free collation of our benefices and donatives, to be reduced again to the former state; now cometh another grievance which we cannot but signify unto you, pressing us above measure, which we receive by Master Martin, who, entering late into our land without leave of our king, with greater power than ever was seen before in any legate, although he beareth not the state and show of a legate, yet he hath doubled the doings of a legate, charging us every day with new mandates, and so most extremely hath oppressed us: First, in bestowing and giving away our benefices, if any were above thirty marks, as soon as they were vacant, to Italian persons. Secondly, after the decease of the said Italians, unknown to the patrons, he hath intruded other Italians therein, whereby the true patrons have been spoiled and defrauded of their right. Thirdly, the said Master Martinus yet also ceaseth not to assign and confer such benefices still to the like persons; and some he reserveth to the donation of the apostolic see; and extorteth, moreover, from religious houses, immoderate pensions, excommunicating and interdicting whosoever dare gain-stand him.

    Wherefore, forasmuch as the said Master Martin hath so far extended his jurisdiction, to the great perturbation of the whole realm, and no less derogation to our king’s privilege, to whom it hath been fully granted, by the see apostolic, that no legate should have to do in his land, but such as he by special letters did send for: with most humble devotion we beseech you, that as a good father will always be ready to support his child, so your fatherhood will reach forth your hand of compassion to relieve us, your humble children, from these grievous oppressions.

    And, although our lord and king, being a catholic prince, and wholly given to his devotions, and to the service of Christ Jesus our Lord, so that he respecteth not the health of his own body, will fear and reverence the see apostolic; and, as a devout son of the church of Rome, desireth nothing more than to advance the estate and honor of the same: yet, we who travail in his affairs, bearing the heat and burden of the day, and whose duty, together with him, is to tender the presentation of the public wealth, neither can patiently suffer such oppressions, so detestable to God and man, and grievances intolerable, neither by God’s grace will suffer them, through the means of your godly remedy. which we well hope and trust of you speedily to obtain. And thus may it please your fatherhood, we beseech you to accept this our supplication, who in so doing shall worthily deserve of all the lords and nobles, with the whole commonalty of the realm of England, condign and special thanks accordingly. A.D. 1245. f722 This supplication being sent by the hands of a630 Sir R. Bygot, Knight, and W. de Powick, Esquire, Henry de la Mare, with other knights and gentlemen, after it was there opened and read, pope Innocent, first keeping silence, deferred to make answer thereunto, making haste to proceed in his detestable excommunication and curse against the good emperor Frederic.

    Which curse being done, and the English ambassadors waiting still for their answer, the pope told them flatly they should not have their request fulfilled. At this the Englishmen, departing in great anger, swore, with terrible oaths, that they would never more suffer any tribute, or fruits of any benefices (speaking of those whereof the noblemen were patrons) to be paid to that insatiable and greedy court of Rome, worthy to be detested in all worlds. f723 The pope, hearing these words, albeit making them no answer. thought to watch his time, and did. First, incontinently upon the same, during the said council, he caused every bishop of England to put his hand and seal to the obligation made by king John for the pope’s tribute, as is above specified; threatening, moreover, and saying, that if he had once brought down the emperor Frederic, he would bridle the insolent pride of England well enough. * But here, on occasion of this council at Lyons, that the reader may see upon what slippery uncertainty and variableness the state of the king did depend; it is material to interlace the form of a letter, sent by Henry Ill. to the prelates of his land, before they were transported over sea to Lyons; wherein may be gathered, that the king doubted they would be shoving and heaving at his royalty, and, therefore, directed these letters unto them, otherwise to prepare their affections,—the tenor whereof followeth. f725 CHARGE TO THE PRELATES OF ENGLAND ABOUT TO ASSEMBLE IN THE COUNCIL AT LYONS, THAT THEY SHOULD ORDAIN NOTHING TO THEIR KING’S PREJUDICE. “The king to the archbishops, bishops, and to all other prelates of his land of England, appointed to meet at a council at Lyons, greeting: you are, as you know, bound unto us by oath, whereby you ought to keep all the fealty that you can unto us, in all things concerning our royal dignity and crown. Wherefore we command you, upon the fealty and allegiance wherein you are firmly bound unto us, enjoining that you do your uttermost endeavor, as well to get as to keep, and also to defend the right of us and our kingdom; and that neither to the prejudice of us, nor of the same kingdom, nor yet against us or our rights, which our predecessors and we, by ancient and approved custom, have used, you presume to procure or attempt any thing in your council at Lyons: nor that you give assent to any that shall procure or ordain ought in this case, upon your oath aforesaid, and the loss of your temporalities, which you hold of us. Wherefore, in this behalf, so behave yourselves, that for your good dealing and virtue of thankfulness, we may rather specially commend you, than for the contrary by you attempted, which God forbid, reprove your unthankfulness, and reserve vengeance for you in due time. Witness ourself, etc. the nine and twentieth year of our reign.”

    In like sort wrote he to the archbishops and bishops, etc. of Ireland and Gascony* After this council ended, about the feast of St. Andrew a631 [Nov. 30th] pope Innocent came to Clugny, where was then appointed a secret meeting or colloquy between the pope and Louis, the French king (who was then preparing his voyage to Jerusalem), in which colloquy the pope sought all means to persuade the French king, in revengement of his injury, to war ‘contra regulum,’ as he termed it; that is, against the weak and feeble king of England; either to drive him utterly from his kingdom, or else so damnify him, that he should be constrained, whether he would or no, to stoop to the pope’s will and obedience; wherein he also would assist him with all the authority he was able. Nevertheless, the French king to this would not agree; first for the consanguinity that was between them, for their two queens were sisters; secondly, for the truce that they had taken; a632 thirdly, for fear of the emperor, lest he should take his part; fourthly, for that it could not be without the spilling of much Christian blood; and, lastly, because he was preparing his voyage to the Holy Land, where his coming was already looked for. And thus the French king, denying the pope’s bloody request, refused not only to enter upon a war with the king and the realm of England, but also, shortly after, concluded with him longer truce, A.D. 1246. a633 f726 Straight upon the neck of this followed the exaction of Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, a634 that he had bought of the pope; which was, to have the first year’s fruits of all benefices and spiritual livings in England for the space of seven years together, until the sum should come to ten thousand marks; whereat the king at first was greatly grieved, but in conclusion, he was fain at last to agree with the archbishop, and so the money was gathered. f727 Over and besides a635 all other exactions, wherewith the pope miserably oppressed the church of England, this also is not to be silenced; how the pope, sending down his letters from the see apostolic, charged and commanded the prelates to find him, some five, some ten, and some fifteen, able men, well furnished with horse and harness, for one whole year, to fight in the pope’s wars. And, lest the king should have knowledge thereof, it was enjoined them, under pain of excommunication, that they should reveal it to none, but to keep it secret to themselves for half a year. a636 f728 The pope still, notwithstanding, partly being belabored by suitors, partly of his own mind thinking it good to give somewhat to the king and people of England, as fathers are wont to give something to their babes to play withal to keep them still, sent down this releasement to the king, that hereafter, whensoever any of the pope’s nephews or cardinals were to be beneficed in any church of England, either he or the cardinals should first make the king privy thereto, and instantly crave his good will in obtaining the procuration, or else the same to stand as of no effect. Howbeit, all this seemed to be done but of policy, to get the king’s favor, whereby he might be suffered more freely to pass with greater exactions, as afterwards appeared. For when the aforesaid pope, Innocent IV., had knowledge, about that time, of certain rich clerks leaving great substance of money, who died intestate, as of one Robert Hailes, archdeacon of Lincoln, who died, leaving thousands of marks, and much plate behind him, all which, because no will was made, came to temporal men’s hands; also of Master Almarike, archdeacon of Bedford, who was found worth a great substance when he died; and likewise of another, one John Hotosp, archdeacon of Northampton. who died suddenly intestate, leaving behind hun five thousand marks, and thirty standing pieces of plate, with other infinite jewels besides: he sent forth upon the same a statute to be proclaimed in England, that whatsoever ecclesiastical person henceforth should decease in England intestate, that is, without making his will, all his goods should redound to the pope’s use. f730 Furthermore, the pope, not yet satisfied with all this, addresseth new letters to the bishop of Winchester, and to Walter, bishop of Norwich, a637 for gathering up, amongst the clergy and religious houses in England, six thousand marks to the behoof of the holy mother church, without any excuse or delay, by virtue of obedience. This tallage being greatly grudged by the clergy, when it came to the king’s ear, he eftsoons directeth contrary letters to all the prelates, a638 commanding them, on pain of forfeiting their temporalities to the king, that no such subsidy-money should be gathered or transported out of the realm. But the pope again, hearing hereof, in great anger writeth to the prelates of England, that this collection of money, upon pain of excommunication and suspension, should be provided, and brought to the new Temple, in London, by the feast of the Assumption next ensuing. a639 And furthermore, forasmuch as he perceived the king to go about to withstand his proceedings, taking thereat great disdain, he was, at the same time, about to interdict the whole land; to whom then one of his cardinals, called Johannes Anglicus, an Englishman born, speaking for the realm of England, desired his fatherhood for God’s sake to mitigate his moody ire, and with the bridle of temperance to assuage the passion of his mind: “which,” said he, “to tell you plain, is here stirred up too much without cause. Your fatherhood,” quoth he, “may consider that these days be evil.

    First, the Holy Land lieth in great perils to be lost. All the Greek church is departed from us. Frederic, the emperor, is against us, the mightiest prince this day in all Christendom. Both you and we who are the peers of the church, a640 are banished from the papal see, thrust out of Rome, yea, excluded out of all Italy. Hungary, with all coasts bordering about it, looketh for nothing but utter subversion by the Tartarians. Germany is wasted and afflicted with inward wars and tumults. Spain is fierce a641 and cruel against us, even to the cutting out of the bishops’ tongues. f731 France by us is so impoverished, that it is brought to beggary; which also conspireth against us. Miserable England, being so often plagued by our manifold injuries, even much like to Balaam’s ass beaten and bounced with spurs and staves, beginneth at length to speak and complain of her intolerable griefs and burdens, being so wearied and damnified, that she may seem past all recovery; and we, after the manner of Ishmael, hating all men, provoke all men to hate us.”

    For all these words of Johannes Anglicus, his cardinal, the pope’s choleric passion could not yet be appeased, but forthwith he sendeth commandment, with full authority, to the bishop of Worcester, that in case the king would not speedily surcease his rebellion against his apostolical proceeding, he would interdict his land; so that in conclusion the king, for all his stout enterprise, was fain to relent at last, and the pope had his money. A.D. 1246. f732 Ye heard before of the Greek churches, under the empire of Constantinople, how they sequestered themselves from the company of the Romish church, insomuch that Germanus II., the patriarch of Constantinople, and the archbishop of Antioch, did excommunicate the bishop of Rome: and after the said Germanus, another bishop of Constantinople at the council of Lyons protested, that whereas before there were thirty suffragans belonging to that province, now there were not three that held with the church of Rome. This breach, albeit it chiefly blast out in the time of Pope Gregory IX. (A.D. 1230) to open war and bloodshed, yet the same had begun, and so continued, long before, in such sort as in the time of pope Innocent III. if any priest had said mass in their churches, they would wash the altar afterwards; as appeareth by the acts of the Lateran Council. Wherefore pope Innocent IV. now (as his other predecessors had done before) bearing an old grudge against those churches of the Greeks, and neither willing by conference to try with them, nor able by learning to match with them, thought by force of arms to subdue them, and sent to the provincial of the Grey Friars, with other his associates of the same order, in England, his precept authentical, containing in it these articles: 1. That the said provincial, or his friars, should inquire about all usurers actually living, and of all such men’s evil-gotten goods gained “per usuriam pravitatem” should make attachment, for the use and preparation for this war against the Greeks; excommunicating all them by district censures of the church, a642 who repugned against it. 2. That all they who took the badge of the cross, for the recovery of the said empire of the Greeks, or who with their goods and cattle f737 would help sufficiently unto the same, should be absolved of all their sins. 3. That all the goods left in the testaments of them that were departed which had been gotten by usury, should be taken up to the subsidy of the empire aforesaid; all repugners and rebellers against the same to be excommunicated. 4. That such goods as in the testaments of the dead were left, or which should be left the next three years to come, for restitution of such goods as the dead had evil gotten, they should take up for the subsidy of the empire aforesaid; excommunicating, etc. 5. That such-goods as were left to be distributed in pious uses after the arbitrement of the executors of the wills of the dead, or were not in their wills deputed to any certain places or persons named, nor were of right due to any, nor were yet bestowed by the said executors to the aforesaid uses, they should collect to the use and subsidy aforesaid, and give certificate to the see apostolic of the quantity thereof; excommunicating all repugners and rebellers against the same. 6. That they should diligently inquire of goods evil gotten or evil come by, of such men as were alive, and them they should attach for the subsidy aforesaid, in case the parties, who ought to be satisfied for those goods evil gotten, could not be found; giving certificate thereof, and excommunicating, etc. 7. That the said provincial, or his friars, should have full power to absolve those that were excommunicated, who wittingly had done any fraud touching the collection aforesaid, so that the said persons did make due satisfaction to the deputies aforesaid. f738 What man, having eyes, is so blind, which seeth not these execrable dealings of the pope to be such as would cause any nation in the world to do as the wise Grecians did, and perpetually to abrenounce the pope, and well to consider the usurped authority of that see not to be of God? But such was the rude dullness then of miserable England, for lack of learning and godly knowledge, that they, feeling what burdens were laid upon them, yet would play still the ass of Balaam, or else the horse of Aesop, which, receiving the bridle once in its mouth, could afterward neither abide its own misery, nor yet recover liberty. And so it fared with England, under tike pope’s thraldom: as partly by these stories above hath been declared, partly by other in like case following is to be seen.

    For so it followeth in the history of Matthew Paris, how the pope taking more courage by his former abused boldness, and perceiving what a tame ass he had to ride upon, ceased not thus, but directed a new precept the same year (A.D. 1246) to the prelates of England, commanding by the authority apostolic, that all beneficed men in the realm of England, who were resident upon their benefices, should yield to the pope the third part of their goods, and that they who were not resident should give the one half of their goods, and that for the space of three years together; with terrible comminations against all them that did resist; and ever with this clause withal, “non obstante,” which was like a key that opened all locks.

    Which sum cast together was found to amount to sixty thousand marks; which sum of money could scarcely be found in all England to pay for King Richard’s ransom. The execution of this precept was committed to the bishop of London, who, conferring about the matter with his brethren in the church of Paul’s, as they were busily consulting together and bewailing the importable burden of this contribution, which it .was impossible for them to sustain, suddenly come in certain messengers from the king, Sir John Lexinton, Knt., and Lawrence Martin, the king’s chaplain,—straitly, in the king’s name, forbidding them in any case to consent to this contribution, which should be greatly to the prejudice and desolation of the whole realm. f740 This being done on the first day of December, in the year aforesaid, shortly after, in the beginning of the next year (A.D. 1247), February 3rd, the king called a parliament, where by common advice it was agreed that certain ambassadors should be sent to Rome, to make manifest to the court of Rome the exceeding grievances of tike realm, delivering, moreover, this letter to the pope in the name both of the temporalty and also of the clergy, as here followeth.

    ANOTHER LETTER SENT TO POPE INNOCENT IV., IN THE NAMES OF THE WHOLE CLERGY AND COMMONALTY OF ENGLAND, A.D.1247. F741 To the most holy father in Christ, and lord Innocent, by God’s providence chief bishop; the whole commonalty, both of the clergy and laity within the province of Canterbury, send devout kissings of his blessed feet. Like as the church of England, since she hath first received the catholic faith, hath always showed herself faithful and devout in adhering to God, and to our holy mother the church of Rome, studying with all kind of service to please and to serve the same, and thinking never otherwise to do, but rather to continue and increase as she hath begun: even so now, the same church, most humbly prostrate before the feet of your holiness, entirely beseecheth your clemency to accept her petition, in sparing this imposition of money, which so manifold ways for the subversion of other nations, by the commandment of your holiness, is laid up. on us; considering that not only it is importable, but also impossible which is enjoined us. For although our country sometimes yieldeth forth fruit for the necessary sustentation of the inhabitants, yet it bringeth forth neither gold nor silver, neither were able to bring forth, of long time, so much as now-a-days is required; which also being burdened and overcharged of late days with another such like imposition, but not so great as this, is not able any whit to answer unto that which is exacted.

    Furthermore, besides this commandment of your holiness, there is required of the clergy a subsidy for our temporal king, whose necessities neither possibly we can, nor honestly we ought, to forsake; whereby he may both withstand the invasion of the enemy, and maintain the right of his patrimony, and also recover again that which hath been lost; in consideration whereof, we have directed the bearers hereof to the presence of your holiness with our humble supplication, to explain to you the dangers and inconveniences which are like to ensue upon the premises, which by no means we are able to sustain, although notwithstanding we know ourselves by all bonds of charity to be obliged to your devotion and obedience. And, because our general community hath no seal proper, we have signed therefore these presents with the public seal of the city of London . f742 The like letters were sent also unto the cardinals to the same effect. The pope understanding these things, and perceiving that there was no striving against such a general consent, and yet loth to forego his sweet harvest, which he was wont to reap in England, craftily devised to send this answer again unto the king, much like to the same which he sent before, which was, that although the pope in time past, upon his own will and pleasure, to the importable grievance of the realm of England, hath every where, and without respect, through the whole land, made his provisions in giving their benefices unto his Italians, yet now, the Lord be praised, that tempest, said he, is overblown: so that hereafter, if the pope shall grant his provision for any of his nephews or cardinals, they shall come first and make their instant suit unto the king, without all enforcement, so that it shall stand wholly in the king’s free arbitrement to do herein what he thinketh good, etc. f743 This answer of the pope, albeit it was but a subtle shift for the time, yet neither did he long stand to what he had thus promised to the king; for shortly after, and within few days of the same, and in the time also of the said parliament holden at London, a645 the pope sent two English friars into the realm, whose names were John and Alexander, with full authority, after the largest sort, for new contributions; who, first pretending lowly submission to the king, while they had leave granted to range about the realm, but afterwards coming to the bishops and rich abbots, showed themselves forth in their full authority, in such sort as they became rather tyrants than extortioners.

    Among others, coming to Robert, bishop of Lincoln, who of all others bare special mind to the order of “Observants,” these two friars, as proud as Lucifer, bringing forth the terrible mandate with the pope’s bulls, required and eke commanded, under the pope’s mighty curse, to have the gathering in his diocese of six thousand marks. Likewise of the abbot of St. Alban’s they required four hundred marks, under great penalty, and that in short time to be paid.

    The bishop, although well liking, before, that order of friars, yet seeing the impudent behavior, and more impudent request of those merchants, thus answered to them again, ‘that this exaction, saving,’ saith he, ‘the pope’s authority, was never heard of before, and neither was honest, nor yet possible to be performed; and, moreover, was such as did not only concern him, but the whole public state of the clergy, and of the whole realm in general; and therefore it should be absurdly and rashly done of him to give them answer herein, before the king and the rest of the council, with others to whom the matter generally did appertain, were made privy thereunto,’ etc., and so for that time he shook them off. f744 Furthermore, as touching the abbot of St. Alban’s, when he also alleged the same causes, he pretended, moreover, that he would appeal, and so did, to the pope and his cardinals. Whereupon immediately was sent down from pope Innocent as his legate John the English friar beforementioned; who, bringing down a new special precept to the aforesaid abbot, a646 cited him either to appear at London the morrow after St. Giles’s day, or to disburse to the use of the pope the aforesaid four hundred marks. By reason whereof the abbot was driven to send his proctors again, with a new supplication, to the pope at Lyons; who in the end, through great instance of monied friends, agreed with the abbot for two hundred marks, besides his other charges borne; and so was that matter compounded, little to the abbot’s profit. f745 To recite all damages and grievances received from the bishop of Rome in this realm of England, neither is any history sufficiently able to comprehend, nor if it were, scarcely is there any that would believe it.

    Notwithstanding, to those above declared, this one I thought to commit likewise to memory, to the intent that they who now live in this age may behold and wonder, in themselves, to see into what miserable slavery, passing all measure, not only the subjects, but kings also of this realm were brought, under the intolerable yoke of the pope’s tyranny, which in those days neither durst any man east off, nor yet was able to abide, as by this example ensuing, with infinite others like to the same, may appear.

    After pope Innocent IV. had taken such order in the realm, that all prelates of the church were suspended from collation of any benefice, before the pope’s kinsfolks and clerks of Italy had been provided for; it happened A.D. 1248, a647 that the abbot of Abingdon had a commandment from the pope, to bestow some benefice of his church in all haste on a certain priest of Rome, which the abbot, as an obedient child unto his father, the pope, was pressed and ready to accomplish accordingly. But the Roman priest, not contented with such as fell next to hand, would tarry his time, to have such as were the principal and for his own appetite, having a special eye to the benefice of the church of St. Helen in Abingdon, which was then esteemed worth a hundred marks a year, besides other vails and commodities belonging to the same, the collation whereof the priest required by the authority apostolical to be granted unto him.

    As this passed on, the incumbent chanced at last to die and the benefice to be empty; which eftsoons being known, the same day cometh a commandment, with great charge from the king to the abbot, to give the benefice to one Ethelmare, the king’s brother by the mother’s side, who at the same time was possessed of so many benefices, that the number and value thereof was unknown. The abbot, here, being in great perplexity, and not knowing what to do, whether to gratify his king or to obey the pope, took counsel with his friends; who, well advising of the matter, gave him counsel to prefer the brother of his prince and patron, so that the king would undertake to stand in his defense against the pope, rather than the Romish priest, whom always he should have lying there as a spy and watcher of him, and like a thorn ever in his eve; and so the king assuring the abbot of his undoubted protection and indemnity against all harms, the benefice was conferred forthwith on the king’s brother.

    The Roman priest, not a little aggrieved thereat, speedeth himself in all haste to the bishop of Rome, certifying him what was done, and partly also (as the manner is of men) making it worse than it was; upon whose complaint the pope directly, in great anger, cited up the abbot personally to appear before him, to answer to the crime of disobedience. The abbot trusting to the king’s promise and protection (who neither could help him in that case, neither durst oppose himself against the pope), being both aged and sickly, was driven to travel up to the court of Rome, in great heaviness and bitterness of mind. Where, in conclusion, after much vexation and bitter rebukes, besides great expenses, he was fain to satisfy the pope after his own will, compounding to give him yearly fifty marks in part of making amends for his trespass of disobedience. a649 f747 To this also may be added another like fact of the pope, as outrageous as this, against the house of Binham. For when the benefice of Westle, in the diocese of Ely, was void by the death of the incumbent, who was an Italian, and one of the pope’s chamber, the donation of which benefice belonged to the priory of Binham; another Italian, who was a bastard and unlearned, born in the city of Genoa, called Heriggetto de Malachana de Volta, brought down the pope’s letters to Berardo de Nympha, the pope’s agent here in England, with strict charge and full authority, commanding him to see the said benefice, conferred in any case on Heriggetto. Yea, and though the benefice had been given already, yet, notwithstanding, the possessor thereof should be displaced, and the said Heriggetto preferred: yea, also, “non obstante,” that the said pope himself had before given his grant to the king and realm of England, that one Italian should not succeed another in any benefice there, yet, for all that, the said Heriggetto, upon pain of excommunication, was to be placed therein. f748 And thus much hitherto of these matters, through the occasion of the east churches and the Grecians, to the in, tent all men that read these stories, and see the doings of this western bishop, may consider what just cause these Grecians had to seclude themselves from his subjection and communion; for what Christian communion is to be joined with him who, so contrary to Christ and his gospel, seeketh for worldly dominion, so cruelly persecuteth his brethren, is so given to avarice, so greedy in getting, so injurious in oppressing, so insatiable in his exactions, so malicious in revenging; stirring up wars, depriving kings, deposing emperors, playing ‘rex’ in the church of Christ, so erroneous in doctrine, so abominably abusing excommunication, so false of promise, so corrupt in life, so void of God’s fear; and, briefly, so far from all the parts of a true evangelical bishop? For what seemeth he to care for the souls of men, who setteth in benefices boys and outlandish Italians; and further, one Italian to succeed another, who neither did know the language of the flock, nor would once abide to see their faces? And who can blame the Grecians then for dissevering themselves from such an oppressor and giant against Christ?

    Whose wise example if this realm had then followed, as they might, certes our predecessors had been rid of an infinite number of troubles, injuries, oppressions, wars, commotions, great travails and charges, besides the saving of innumerable thousands of pounds, which the said bishop full falsely had raked and transported out of this realm of ours. But, not to exceed the bounds of my history, because my purpose is not to stand upon declamations, nor to dilate common places, I will pass this over, ]caving the judgment thereof to the further examination of the reader. For else, if I listed to prosecute this argument so far as matter would lead me, and truth peradventure would require me to say, I durst not only say, but could well prove the pope and court of Rome to be the only fountain and principal cause, I say, not only of much misery here in England, but of all the public calamities and notorious mischiefs which have happened these many years throughout all these west parts of Christendom, and especially of all the lamentable ruin of the church, which not only we, but the Grecians also, this day do suffer by the Turks and Saracens. Whosoever well considereth by reading of histories the course of times, and vieweth withal the doings and acts passed by the said bishop of Rome, together with the blind leading of his doctrine, shall see good cause not only to think, but also to witness the same. Only one narration touching this argument, and yet not transgressing the office of my history, I mind (the Lord willing) to set before the reader’s eyes, which happened even about A.D. 1244, in the time of this king Henry’s reign.

    In that year a650 it chanced, that St. Louis, the French king, son to queen Blanche, fell very sorely sick, lying in a swoon or trance for certain days, in such sort that few thought he would have lived, and some said he was gone already. Among others, there was with him his mother, who, sorrowing bitterly for her son, and given somewhat, as commonly the manner of women is, to superstition, went and brought forth a piece of the holy cross, with the crown and the spear; which piece a651 of the holy cross Baldwin, emperor of Constantinople, whom the Grecians had deposed a little before for holding with the bishop of Rome, had sold to the French king for a great sum of money, and blessing him with the same, also laid the crown and the spear on his body, making a vow withal in the person of her son, that if the Lord would visit him with health, and release him of that infirmity, he should be croised or marked with the cross, to visit his sepulcher, and there solemnly to render thanks in the land which Christ had sanctified with his blood. Thus as she, with the bishop of Paris, and others there present, was praying, behold the king, who was supposed by some to be dead, began with a sigh to pluck to his arms and legs, and so stretching himself began to speak, giving thanks to God who, from on high, had visited him, and called him from the danger of death. As the king’s mother with others there took this to be a great miracle wrought by the virtue of the holy cross; so the king amending more and more, as soon as he was well recovered, received solemnly the badge of the cross, vowing for a freewill sacrifice unto God, that he, if the council of his realm would suffer him, would, in his own person, visit the Holy Land: forgetting belike the rule of true Christianity, where Christ teacheth us otherwise in the gospel, saying, that “neither in this mount, nor in Samaria, nor at Jerusalem, the Lord will be worshipped, but seeketh true worshippers, who shall worship him in truth and verity.” A.D. 1244. f749 After this was great preparation and much ado in France toward the setting forth to the Holy Land. For after the king first began to be croised, the most part of the nobles of France, with divers archbishops and bishops, with earls, and barons, and gentlemen, to a mighty number, received also the cross upon their sleeves. Amongst whom was a652 the earl of Artois, the king’s brother, the duke of Burgundy, the duke of Brabant, the countess of Flanders, with her two sons, the earl of Bretagne, with his son, the earl of Bar-sur-Seine, the earl of Soissons, the earl of St. Pol, the earl of Dreux, the earl of Retel, with many noble persons besides. Neither lacked here whatsoever the pope could do, to set forward this holy business, in sending his legates and friars into France, to stir the people to follow the king, and to contribute to his journey. Whereupon it was granted to the king to gather of the universal church of France, by the pope’s authority, the tenth part of all their goods for three years’ space together, upon this condition, that the king likewise would grant to the pope the twentieth part for so many years after, to be gathered of the said church of France.

    This was agreed to A.D. 1246. f750 Shortly after this, A.D. 1247, followed a parliament a653 in France, where the king with his nobles being present, there was declared how the king of the Tartars, or Turks, hearing of the voyage of the French king, had written a letter to him, requiring that he should become his subject. In that parliament the time was prefixed for taking their journey, which should be after the feast of St. John Baptist, the very next year ensuing. Also they that were croised were sworn to persist in their purpose, and the sentence of the pope’s great curse was denounced on all them that went from the same. Furthermore, for better speed in his journey, the king through all his realm caused it to be proclaimed, that if any merchant or other person had been injured at any time by the king’s exactors, either by oppression, or borrowing of money, let him bring forth his bill, showing how or wherein, and he should be recompensed. At this time William Longspath, a worthy warrior, with the bishop of Worcester and certain other great men in the realm of England, moved by the example of the Frenchmen, prepared themselves likewise to the same journey.

    The next year after, A.D. 1248, the French king yet still remaining in his purposed journey, lady Blanch, his mother, also the bishop of Paris, his brother, with the lords of his council, and other nobles, and his special friends, advertised him with great persuasions to alter his mind touching that so adventurous and dangerous a journey, for that his vow, said they, was unadvisedly made, and in time of his sickness, when his mind was not perfectly established: and what jeopardies might happen at home it was uncertain; the king of England being on the one side, the emperor on the other side, and the Poictevins in the midst, so fugitive and unstable: and as concerning his vow, the pope should friendly dispense with him, considering the necessity of his realm, and the weakness of his body.

    Besides all this, his mother, upon her blessing required him, and his brethren, of all love, desired him to stay at home, and not in his person to adventure; others might be sent in his room, with no less furniture to achieve that enterprise, and to discharge him of his vow, especially seeing at the making thereof that his senses were feeble, his body weak, and reason, through sickness and very death, almost decayed.

    To whom the king again said, “forasmuch as you say, that for feebleness of my senses I took this vow upon me: lo, therefore, as you here will me, I lay down the cross that I took.” And putting is hand to his shoulder, he tore off the badge of the cross, saying to the bishop, “Here, Sir, I resign to you the cross wherewith I was signed;” at the sight whereof there was no small rejoicing of all that were there present. To whom the king then, both altering his countenance and his speech, thus spake: “My friends,” said he, “whatsoever I was then in my sickness, now I thank God I am of perfect sense, and reason sound, and now I require my cross again to be restored unto me:” saying, moreover, that no bread should come into his mouth a654 before he were recognized again with the same cross, as he was before.

    At the hearing of this, all there present were astonied, supposing that God had some great matter to work, and so moved no more questions unto him.

    Upon this drew nigh the feast of John Baptist, which was the time fixed for the setting forth. And now being in readiness, the king, in a few days after, was entering his journey; but yet one thing lacked for the king, perceiving the mortal variance between the pope and good Frederic, the emperor, thought best first, before his going, to have that matter appeased, whereby his way both might be safer through the emperor’s countries, and also less jeopardy at home after his departure; and therefore, upon the same, he took first his way to Lyons, where the pope was, partly to take his leave, but most especially to make reconcilement between the emperor and the pope.

    Where is to be noted by the way, that as touching the good emperor there was no let nor stay; who rather sought all means how to compass the pope’s favor, and never could obtain it; insomuch that before he should be excommunicated in the council of Lyons, he not only answered sufficiently by Thadeus, his attorney, discharging himself against whatsoever crimes or objections could be brought against him, but so far humbled himself to the pope and the council, that for all detriments, damages, losses, or wrongs done on his part, what amends soever the pope could or would require, he would recompense it to the uttermost. This would not be taken.

    Furthermore, if the pope, he said, could not abide his tarrying in his own dominions and empire, he would go fight against the Saracens and Turks, never to return into Europe again; offering there to recover whatsoever lands and kingdoms did, at any time, belong to Christendom, so that the pope only would be contented that Henry, his son, who was nephew to Henry, then king here in England, should be emperor after him. Neither could this be admitted.

    Then he offered, for truth of his promise, to put in the French king and the king of England to be his sureties, or else for trial of his cause, to stand to their award and arbitrement. Neither would that be granted. At least he desired, that he might come himself and answer before the council; but the proud pope in no case would abide that, saying, that he did not yet find himself so ready and meet for martyrdom to have him to come thither to the council; for if he did, he would depart himself. f752 This obstinate rancor and devilish malice of pope Innocent and his predecessor against that valiant emperor and against the Grecians, what disturbance and mischief it wrought to the whole church, what strength it gave to the Saracens and Tartars, how it impaired Christian concord, and weakened all Christian lands, not only the host of the French king did find shortly after, but Christendom, even to this day, may and doth feel and rue. Neither can in stories be found any greater cause, which first made the Turks so strong, to get so much ground over Christendom as they have, than the pestilent working of this pope, in deposing and excommunicating this worthy emperor. For, as there was never no emperor of long time who more victoriously prevailed in bridling and keeping under these enemies of Christ, or would have done more against them, than the said Frederic, if he might have been suffered: so, after the deposing and excommunicating of him, when the French king neither would abide at home, as he was counseled, neither was yet able, without the help of others, to withstand the force and multitude of the said Saracens and Tartars being now joined together, neither yet could the emperor be suffered by the pope to rescue the king, it followed thereof, that the good king being taken prisoner, and all his army destroyed, the Turks thereupon got such a hand and such a courage against the Christians, that ever since they have brast in further upon us, and now have prevailed so far, as neither the power of the pope nor of all Christendom is able to drive them out; as hereafter by the sequel of my story is further to be declared.

    In the mean time, to return to where before we left, when the French king, coming thus unto the pope at Lyons to entreat for the emperor, could find no favor, he took his leave, and with great heaviness departed, setting forward on his journey to Marseilles, and so sailed to the isle of Cyprus, where he remained all that winter, and there falling into penury and lack of victual, he was fain to send to Venice, and other islands by, for help of provision. The Venetians gently sent unto him six great ships laden with corn, wine, and other victuals requisite, besides the relief of other islands more. But especially Frederic, the emperor, understanding of their want, so furnished the French camp with all plenty of necessaries, that it had abundance. Whereupon the French king, moved with the kindness of the emperor, wrote special letters to the pope in the emperor’s behalf; but the hard heart of the pope would not relent. Blanch, the king’s mother, hearing in France what the emperor had done to her son, sent him most hearty thanks, with presents and rewards manifold. f753 The French army lost many distinguished men on its way to Egypt.

    Particularly, the bishop of Noyon, who was earl Palatine and one of the twelve peers of France, died on board ship near Cyprus. The earl of St. Pol and Blois was accidentally killed with a stone at Avignon, before the embarkation: he had under him fifty bannerets, who were dispersed after his death. John earl of Drenx, a young officer of great promise, died at Cyprus, with many noble personages of both sexes, who fell sick from change of air and diet. f754 In this mean time, about the beginning of June A.D. 1249, the Frenchmen got Damietta, being the principal fort or hold of the Saracens in all Egypt.

    After the winning of Damietta, the prince and people of the Saracens, being astonished at the loss thereof, offered to the Christians great ground and possessions more than ever belonged to Christendom before, so that they might have Damietta restored to them again. But the pride of the earl of Artois, the king’s brother, would in no ease accept the offers of the Saracens, but required both Damietta and Alexandria, the chief metropolitan city of all Egypt, to be delivered unto them. The Saracens, seeing the pride and greediness of the Frenchmen, in no case could abide it: which turned afterwards to the great detriment of our Christians, as in the end it proved. f755 The next year ensuing, which was A.D. 1250, on Ash Wednesday, the Frenchmen, issuing out of their tents by the city of Damietta, dew upon the Saracens who besieged them, and so after a great number of the enemy slain, with victory and great spoils returned to their tents again. Now, within the city of Damietta was the queen with her ladies, and the pope’s legate and bishops, with a garrison of horsemen and footmen for the defense of the city strongly appointed. The next day, the Frenchmen supposing to have the like hand of the Saracens, as they had the day before, gave a fresh assault upon them; but in that conflict the Saracens had so strongly appointed themselves, that the Frenchmen lost ten times more than they got the day before, and so, after a great slaughter of their men, retired unto their tents again. Whereupon, the Saracens began to take great heart and courage against our men, stopping also the passages round about the city of Damietta, that no victuals could pass unto them. In like manner the Soldan also, gathering the galleys about Alexandria and all the land of Egypt, so enclosed the seas, that no intercourse should be to them by water.

    At length, after long talk and consultation between them on both sides, the Soldan advised them betimes to resign unto him the city of Damietta, with the furniture which they found therein, and they should have all the country about Jerusalem, with all the captives of the Christians, in a friendly manner restored unto them: wherewith the Christians, said he, ought to be contented, and to seek no further, but only to have the land of Jerusalem; which being granted to them, they should not encroach into other lands and kingdoms, to which they had no right. This form of peace, as it liked well the meaner sort of the poor soldiers, and divers others of the said council and nobility; so the proud earl of Artois, the king’s brother, in no case would assent thereto, but still required the city of Alexandria to be yielded to them; to which the Egyptians would by no means agree.

    From that time the French army, being compassed about by sea and land, began every day more and more to be distressed for lack of victuals and with famine, being driven to such misery that they were fain to eat their own horses in Lent-time, which should have served them for other uses; neither could any Christian, nor Frederic, being deposed by the pope, send them any succor. Furthermore, the more misery the Christians were in, the more fiercely did the Saracens press upon them on every side, detesting their forward willfulness, insomuch that divers of the Christian soldiers, not able to abide the affliction, privily conveyed themselves, as they could, out of the camp to the Saracens, who were gladly received and relieved; some were suffered still to keep their faith, and some married wives amongst them, and for hope of honor did apostate to their law, and so wrought no little harm to the Christians. The Soldan, being perfectly instructed by these fugitives of all things belonging to the king’s army, sent him word in derision, asking where were all his mattocks, forks, and rakes, his scythes, ploughs, and harrows, which he brought over with him, or why he did not use them, but let them lie by him to rust and canker? All this, and much more, the king with his Frenchmen were fain to take well in worth. It happened, shortly after, that this Soldan died, being poisoned by his own servants, which was to the Christians an aggravation of their miseries; for, albeit the said Soldan had been a cruel tyrant to the Christians, yet was he hated of his own people, whereby his strength was the less. After him succeeded another much more cruel; who, as he was better loved, so he became much stronger, by a general confederacy of all the Saracens who were in the east parts, joining now together; so that when the Christians desired now to have the form of peace before proffered, he flatly denied them. And so the French host, which at first began to be feared, by their pride and over-greediness growing more and more into contempt amongst their enemies, now were utterly despised.

    The Christians, thus seeing all things to go backward with them, and how the infidel Saracens daily did prevail, began to murmur against God, and some also, who were well settled before, to stagger in their religion, casting out these words of infidelity: “How is this,” said they, “that the Lord hath left us in whose cause we fight? How often within the time of remembrance have we been confounded by these Saracens and infidels, who, with shedding of our blood, have enjoyed great spoils and victories?

    First, this city of Damietta, which we Christians had gotten dearly, with effusion of so much Christian blood, afterwards we were constrained for nought to resign again. After that, the army of the Templars, fighting for the holy temple against the Saracens, near to Antioch, was vanquished, and the standard-bearer slain in the fields. Again, within these few years, our Frenchmen, fighting in like manner against the Saracens at the city of Gaza, were put to the worst, and many afterwards out of captivity ransomed by Richard, duke of Exeter, brother to Henry III., king of England. Then came in the Chorosmians, a656 sent by the Soldan of Babylon, who, by a wile, invaded the Christians in the city of Jerusalem, where almost all the Christian army in the Holy Land were destroyed And now here, our most Christian king, together with the whole nobility, is like to be in danger utterly to be overthrown. And how is it that the Lord thus standeth against us, and fighteth with them? Hath he more regard of them than of us? Such murmuring words of an unstable faith many there began to cast out, as taking displeasure on account of their sufferings: but not considering, on the other side, what idolaters they were, what pride and discord was amongst them, what cruelty and murder they had showed at home in persecuting the poor Albigenses, what superstition they first brought out with them, with what idolatry they proceeded, putting their trust in masses, in the pope’s indulgences, in worshipping of images, and in praying to saints. And what helps then could they look for at God’s hand, who had images in their temples, to fight against them who had none? or what marvel if the Lord of hosts went not with their army, committing such idolatry every day in their pavilions to their sacramental bread and wine as they did, and fighting with the strength of their own merits, and not by the power of their faith in Christ alone, which is the only victory that overcometh the world? [1 John 5:4.] Finally, having in their camp the legate of him whom the Lord taketh to be his enemy: as by example of Frederic, the emperor, may be well perceived; who, after he was accursed by pope Gregory a little before, coming the same time to war against the .Saracens in Palestine, God’s blessing wrought so mightily with him, that without any bloodshed he recovered Jerusalem, and set all the country about it in great quietness, till at last the popish Templars, who at the pope’s setting on, went about to betray him to the Soldan of Babylon, lost all again by their own malicious mischief, which the emperor before had gotten. f757 But let us proceed further in this holy progress. The French king with his army seeing himself distressed, and no good there to be done against the Soldan of Egypt, after he had sufficiently fortified the city of Damietta with an able garrison left with the duke of Burgundy, he removed his tents from thence to go eastward. In his army also followed William Longspath (of whom mention was made before), accompanied with a picked number of English warriors, retained unto him: but such was the disdain of the Frenchmen against this William Longspath and the Englishmen, that they could not abide them, but flouted them in opprobrious manner, with “English tails,” insomuch that the good king himself had much ado to keep peace between them.

    The original cause of this grudge between them began thus: there was, not far from Alexandria in Egypt, a strong fort or castle, replenished with great ladies, and rich treasure of the Saracens; this hold it chanced the said William Longspath, with his company of English soldiers, to get, more by good luck and politic dexterity, than by open force of arms; whereby he and his retinue were greatly enriched. When the Frenchmen had knowledge hereof, they, being not made privy thereto, began to conceive a heartburning against the English soldiers, and could not speak well of them after that. It happened, not long after, that the said William had intelligence of a company of rich merchants among the Saracens, going to a certain fair about the parts of Alexandria; having their camels, asses, and mules, richly laden with silks, precious jewels, spices, gold and silver, with cart-loads of other wares, besides victuals and furniture, whereof the soldiers then stood in great need. He, having secret knowledge hereof, gathered all the power of Englishmen unto him that he could, and so, by night, falling upon the merchants, some he slew with their guides and conductors, some he took, some he put to flight. The carts with the drivers and the oxen, and the camels, asses, and mules, with the whole carriage and victuals, he rook, and brought with him, losing in all the skirmish but one soldier, and eight of his servitors; some of whom, notwithstanding, he brought home wounded to be cared.

    This being known in the camp, forth came the Frenchmen, who all this while loitered in their pavilions, and meeting their carriage by the way, took all the aforesaid prey wholly unto themselves, rating the said William and the Englishmen, for so adventuring and issuing out of the camp without leave or knowledge of their general, contrary to the discipline of war. William said again, he had done nothing but what he would answer to, whose purpose was to have the spoil divided to the behoof of the whole army. When this would not serve, he being sore grieved in his mind, so cowardly to be spoiled of that for which he had so adventurously travailed, went to the king to complain. But when no reason or complaint would serve, by reason of the proud earl of Artois, the king’s brother, who, upon despite and disdain, stood against him, he, bidding the king farewell, said he would serve him no longer. And so William de Longspath with the rest of his company, breaking from the French host, went to Acre. Upon whose departure, the earl of Artois said, “Now is the army of Frenchmen well rid of these tailed people.” Which words, spoken in great despite, were evil taken of many good men that heard him. f758 Before the arrival of the French army in the land of Egypt, the Soldan of Babylon, having beforehand intelligence of their coming, committed the custody of Damietta to a certain prince of his whom he specially trusted, committing also to his brother the keeping of Cairo and Babylon. It followed now after the taking of Damietta, that the Soldan of Babylon accused the prince who had the custody thereof, before his nobles, of treason, as giving the city unto the Christians; who, notwithstanding, in judgment did sufficiently dear himself, declaring how he was certified that the king would land at Alexandria, and therefore bent all his power to prevent the king’s arrival there; but, by stress of weather, he missing his purpose, and the king landing about Damietta, by reason thereof the city was taken unprovided, he, notwithstanding, with his company resisting as well as they might, till they could no longer, and so departed, cursing (said he) Mahomet and his law. At these words, the Soldan, being offended, commanded him to be had away as a traitor and blasphemer, and to be hanged, albeit he had sufficiently purged himself by the judgment of the court. His brother, who was the keeper of Cairo and Babylon, being therewith not a little grieved, and bearing a good mind to the Christian religion, devised, in himself, how to give the said city of Cairo with Babylon to the French king; and so, in most secret wise, he sent to the king, showing his full purpose and what had happened: and, furthermore, instructing the king in all things how and what he should do; and, moreover, requiring the sacrament of baptism, meaning indeed good faith, and sending also away all the Christian captives which he had with him in prison. The king, being glad hereof, sent in all haste for William Longspath, promising a full redress of all injuries past, who upon hope of some good luck, came at the king’s request, and so joined again with the French power.

    THE LAMENTABLE OVERTHROW AND SLAUGHTER OF THE FRENCH ARMY FIGHTING AGAINST THE INFIDELS, THROUGH THE SINISTER COUNSEL OF THE POPE’S LEGATE.

    To make the story short, the king, setting forward from Damietta, directed his journey towards Cairo, slaying by the way such Saracens as were set there to stop the victuals from Damietta. The Soldan, in the mean time, hearing of the courageous coming of the French host, as being in great hope to conquer all, sent unto the king by certain that were next about him, offering to the Christians the quiet and full possession of the Holy Land, with all the kingdom of Jerusalem, and more; besides other infinite treasure of gold and silver, or what else might pleasure them, only upon this condition, that they would restore again Damietta, with the captives there, and so would join together in mutual peace and amity. Also they should have all their Christian captives delivered up, and so both countries should freely pass one to another with their wares and traffic, such as they chose to adventure. Furthermore, it was firmly affirmed and spoken, That the Soldan, with most of his nobles, was minded no less than to leave the filthy law of Mahomet, and receive the faith of Christ, so that they might quietly enjoy their lands and possessions. The same day great quietness would have entered, no doubt, into all Christendom, with the end of much bloodshed and misery, had it not been for the pope’s legate, who (having commandment from the pope, that if any such offers should come, he should not take them) stoutly “et frontose contradicens,” (as the words be of the story) in nowise would receive the conditions offered. f759 Thus, while the Christians unprofitably lingered the time in debating this matter, the Soldan, mean while, got intelligence of the compact between the tribune of Cairo and the French king; whereupon he sent in all haste to their city to apprehend the tribune till the truth were fully tried, which seemed to him more apparent, for that the Christian prisoners were already delivered. Hereupon the Soldan being in some better hope and less fear, refused that which before he had offered to the Christians; albeit, they with great instance afterward sued to the Soldan, and could not obtain it.

    Then the Soldan, being wholly bent to try the matter by the sword, sent to the east parts for an infinite multitude of soldiers, giving out by proclamation, that whosoever could bring in any Christian man’s head, should have ten talents, besides his standing wages. And whosoever brought his right hand should have five. He that brought his foot should have two talents, for his reward.

    After these things thus prepared on both sides to the necessity of war, the king cometh to the great river Nile, having gotten together many boats, thinking by them to pass over, as upon a sure bridge. On the other side the Soldan pitched himself to withstand his coming over. In the mean time happened a certain feast amongst the Saracens, in which the Soldan was absent, leaving his tents by the water-side. This being foreseen by a certain Saracen, lately converted to Christ, serving with earl Robert, the king’s brother, and showing them withal a certain shallow ford in the river Nile, where they might more easily pass over; the said earl Robert, and the master of the Temple, with a great power, amounting to the third part of the army, passed over the river, after whom also followed William Longspath, with his band of English soldiers. These, being together joined on the other side the water, encountered the same day with the Saracens remaining in the tents, and put them to the worse. After this victory, the French earl, surprised with pride and triumph, as though he had conquered the whole earth, would needs advance, dividing himself from the main host, thinking to win the spurs alone; to whom certain sage men of the Temple giving contrary counsel, advised him not so to do, but rather to return and take their whole company with them, and so should they be more sure against all deceits and dangers, which there might be laid privily for them.

    The manner of that people (they said) they better knew, and had more experience thereof than he; alleging: moreover, their wearied bodies, their tired horses, their famished soldiers, and the insufficiency also of their number, which was not able to withstand the multitude of the enemies, especially at this present brunt; in which the adversaries did well see the whole state of their dominion . now to consist either in winning all, or losing all; with other such like words of persuasion. When the proud earl did hear this, being . inflamed with no less arrogancy than ignorance, with opprobrious taunts he reviled them, called them cowardly dastards, and betrayers of the whole country; objecting unto them the common report of many, who said, that the land of the holy cross might be won to Christendom, were it not for the rebellious Templars, with the Hospitallers and their fellows.

    To these contumelious rebukes the master of the Temple answered again for himself and his fellows, bidding him display his ensign when he would, and where he durst, for they were as ready to follow him, as he to go before them. Then began William de Longspath, the worthy knight, to speak: desiring the earl to give ear to those men of experience, who had better knowledge of those countries and people than he had, commending also their counsel to be discreet and wholesome, and so turning to the master of the Temple began with gentle words to mitigate him likewise.

    The knight had not half ended his talk, when the earl, taking the words out of his mouth, began to fume and swear, crying out on these cowardly Englishmen with tails. “What a pure army,” said he, “should we have here, if these tails, and tailed people were purged from it?” With other like words of great villany and much disdain. Whereunto the English knight answering again, “Well, earl Robert,” said he, “wheresoever you dare set your foot, my step shall go as far as yours; and, as I believe, we go this day where you shall not dare to come near the tail of my horse:” as in the event proved true. f760 In the meantime a657 the French king, intending to set forward his army, thought best to send away such as were feeble and lacked amour unto Damietta, by boats. The Soldan, hearing thereof, prepared a great number of boats to be carried, by wain and cart, to the waterside; who, meeting them by the way, drowned and destroyed by wildfire every one, so that of all that company of our Christians, of whom some were burned, some slain, some drowned, not one escaped alive, save only one Englishman, named Alexander Giffard; who, although he was sore wounded in the chace in five places in his body, yet escaped to the French camp, bringing word unto the king what was done. And this was upon the water.

    Now upon the land: a658 seeing earl Robert would needs set forward, weening to get all the glory unto himself before the coming of the host, they invaded first a little village or castle which was not far off, called Mansor. The country boors and pagans in the villages by, seeing the Christians come, ran out with such a main cry and shout, that it came to the Soldan’s hearing, who was nearer than our men did think. In the mean while the Christians, invading and entering into the munition uncircumspectly, were pelted and pashed with stones by them that stood above; whereby a great number of our men were lost, and the army sore maimed, and almost in despair. Then, immediately upon the same, cometh the Soldan with all his main power; who, seeing the Christians’ army to be divided, and the one brother separated from the other, had that which he long wished for, and thus enclosing them round about so that none should escape, had with them a cruel fight. Then the earl began to repent him of his heady rashness, but it was too late; who, then seeing William the English knight doughtily fighting in the chief brunt of the enemies, cried unto him most cowardly to fly, “seeing God,” said he, “doth fight against us.” To whom the knight, answering again, “God forbid,” saith he, “that my father’s son should run away from the face of a Saracen.” The earl then, turning his horse, fled away, thinking to escape by its swiftness, and so taking the river of Thafnis, oppressed with harness, there sunk and was drowned. Thus the earl being gone, the Frenchmen began to despair and scatter. Then William de Longspath, bearing all the force of the enemies, stood against them as long as he could, wounding and slaying many a Saracen until at length his horse being killed, and his legs maimed, he could no longer stand; who yet notwithstanding, as he was down, mangled their feet and legs, and did the Saracens much sorrow, till at the last after many blows and wounds, being stoned of the Saracens, he yielded his life. After the death of him, the Saracens setting upon the residue of the army, whom they had compassed on every side, devoured and destroyed them all, insomuch, that scarce one man escaped alive, saving two Templars, one Hospitaller, and one poor rascal soldier, who brought tidings hereof to the king.

    These things being known, in the French camp, to the king and his soldiers; first of their drowning who were sent to Damietta, then of the ruin and slaughter of the army, with the king’s brother, near the town of Mansor, there was no little sorrow and heaviness on every side, with great fear and doubt in themselves what it was best to do. At last, when they saw no remedy, but they must stand manfully to revenge the blood of their brethren, the king, with his host, passed over the flood of the Nile, a659 and coming to the place where the battle had been, there they beheld their fellows and brethren, pitifully lying with their heads and hands cut off. For the Saracens, for the reward before promised by the Soldan or Sultan, unto them that could bring the head or hand of any Christian, had so mangled the Christians, leaving their bodies to the wild beasts. Thus, as they were sorrowing and lamenting the rueful case of their Christian fellows, suddenly appeareth the coming of the Soldan, with a multitude of innumerable thousands, against whom the Frenchmen eftsoons prepare themselves to encounter, and so the battle being struck up, the armies began to join. But, alack for pity! what could the Frenchmen here do, their number at first so maimed, their hearts wounded already with fear and sorrow, their bodies consumed with penury and famine, their horses for feebleness not able to serve them? In conclusion, the Frenchmen were overthrown, slain, and despatched; and, seeing there was no flying, happy was he that first could yield himself. In this miserable conflict, the king, with his two brethren, and a few that clave unto him, were taken captives, to the confusion of all Christian realms, and presented to the Soldan. All the residue were put to the sword, or else stood at the mercy of the Saracens, whether to be slain or to remain in woeful captivity. And this was the end of that sorrowful battle, wherein almost all the nobility of France were slain, and in which there was hardly one man of all that multitude who escaped free, they being either slain or taken prisoners.

    Furthermore, they that were slain or left half alive, had every one his head and hand cut off upon the Soldan’s proclamation above mentioned.

    The Soldan or Sultan, after the taking of the French king, fraudulently suborning an army of Saracens to the number of the French army, with the arms and ensigns of them that were slain, made towards Damietta, where the duke of Burgundy, with the French queen, and Otho, the pope’s legate, and other bishops and their garrisons were remaining; supposing, under the show of Frenchmen, to be let in: but the captains, mistrusting their hasty coming, and mis-doubting their visages, not like those of the Frenchmen, shut the gates against them, and so returned they, frustrated in their intent.

    The purpose of the Soldan was, if he might have gotten Damietta, to send the French king up higher into the east countries to the Caliph,’ the chief pope of Damascus, to increase the titles of Mahomet, and to be a spectacle or gazing-stock to all those quarters of the world. The manner of Caliph was, never to let any Christian prisoner come out, whosoever came once in his hand. But forasmuch as the Soldan missed his purpose, he thought, by advice of council, to use the king’s life for his own advantage in recovering the city of Damietta, as in the end it came to pass. For although the Icing at first was greatly unwilling, and had rather die than surrender Damietta again to the Saracens, yet the conclusion fell out, that the king was put to his ransom, and the city of Damietta was also resigned; which city, being twice won and twice lost by the Christians, the Soldan or Sultan afterwards caused it utterly to be razed down to the ground. The ransom of the king, upon condition that the Soldan should see him safely conducted to Acre (which I take to be Cesarea), came to a hundred thousand marks. a660 The number of Frenchmen and others who miscarried in that war, by water and by land, came to eighty thousand persons. a661 f763 And thus have ye the brief narration of this lamentable peregrination of Louis, the French king; in which, when the Frenchmen were once or twice well offered by the Soldan, to have all the kingdom of Jerusalem, and much more, in free possession; they, not contented with that which was reasonable and sufficient, for greediness to have all, lost all; having at length no more than their naked bodies could cover, lying dead upon the ground, and all through the original cause of the pope, and Otho, his legate.

    By their sinister means and pestilent pride, not only the lives of so many Christians were then lost, but also to the said pope is to be imputed all the loss of other cities and Christian regions bordering in the same quarters: forasmuch as, by the occasion hereof, the hearts of the Saracens, on the one side, were so encouraged, and the courage of the Christians, on the other, so much discomfited, that in a short space after, both the dominion of Antioch and that of Acre, with all other possessions belonging to the Christians, were lost, to the great diminishing of Christ’s church.

    During the time of this good king lying at Acre, or Cesarea, Almighty God sent such discord betwixt the Soldan of Halaphia and the Soldan of Babylon, for letting the king so escape, that the said Soldan or Sultan of Babylon, to win the king unto his side, entered league with him (whom both his brethren, and all his nobles almost, at home had forsaken), and remitted his ransom, and also restored unto him such prisoners as were in the said battle found to be alive. Thus the Lord worketh, where man commonly forsaketh. f765 Another cause, moreover, why the ruin of this French army may worthily be imputed to the pope, is this: for that when Louis, the French king, perceiving what a necessary friend and helper Frederic, the emperor, might be to him in these his affairs against the Saracens, was an earnest suitor for him to the pope to have him released, neither he, nor the king of England, by any means could obtain it. And, although the emperor himself offered to pope Innocent, with all humble submission, to make satisfaction in the council of Lyons, promising, also, to expugn all the dominions of the Saracens, and never to return into Europe again, and there to recover whatsoever the Christians had lost, so that the pope would only grant his son Henry to be emperor after him; yet the proud pope would not be mollified, but would needs proceed against him with both swords; that is, first, with the spiritual sword, to accurse him, and then with the temporal sword, to depose him from his imperial throne. Through the occasion whereof, not only the French king’s power went to wreck, but also such a fire of mischief was kindled against all Christendom, as yet to this day cannot be quenched; for, after this overthrow of the French king and his army, the Christians of Antioch and of other Christian regions thereabouts, being utterly discouraged, gave over their holds and cities; whereupon the Saracens, and after them the Turks, got such a hand over Christendom, as, to this day, we all have good cause to rue and lament. Besides this, where divers Christians were crossed to go over and help the French king, the pope for money dispensed with them to tarry still at home.

    But as I said, the greatest cause was, that the emperor, who could have done most, was deposed by the pope’s tyranny, whereby all those churches in Asia were left desolate: as touching the which emperor Frederic, because we have divers and sundry times made mention of him before, and for that his story is strange, his acts wondrous, and his conflicts tragical, which he sustained against four or five popes, one after another, I thought not out of story in a whole narration to set forth the same, for the reader to consider what is to be judged of this cathedral see of Rome, which hath wrought such abominable mischief in the world, as in the sequel of the story following, faithfully translated out of Latin into English, is to be seen. * Forsomuch as the story of Frederic is incident in the same time of this king Henry III., and containeth matter much worthy of memory, considering the utility thereof, after the tractation of our English stories I could not but also insert the whole narration of this tragical history of the said Frederic, which I have caused faithfully and amply to be collected and translated out of the Latin book of Nicholas Cisnerus, containing as followeth.”* f766 THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF FREDERIC II., EMPEROR.

    Frederic II. came out of the ancient house of the Beblins or Ghibellines; which Ghibellines came of the most famous stock of the French kings and emperors. He had Frederic Barbarossa to his grandfather, whose son, Henry VI., was emperor after him; who of Constantia, the daughter (or, as some write, the niece) of Roger I., king of Sicily, begat this Frederic II.

    This Constantia was fifty years of age before she was conceived with him; whom the emperor Henry VI., to avoid all doubt and surmise that of her conception and childing might be thought, and to the peril of the empire ensue, caused his regal tent to be pitched abroad in a place where every man might resort; and, when the time of his queen’s travail approached, Constantia, in presence of divers ladies, matrons, and other gentlewomen of the empire, a great number, was brought to bed and delivered of this Frederic, the seventh day before the kalends of January, A.D. 1194, who by inheritance was king of Naples, Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily.

    Henry, his father, shortly after he was born obtained of the princeselectors by their oath to him given, that they would choose his son Frederic for their emperor after his decease; and so they did, and immediately called him Caesar, being yet but in his cradle.

    This Henry when he died, which was shortly after the birth of Frederic, committed the protection of him to Constantia, his wife, to Philip, his brother, chief governor of Etruria, and to the bishop of Rome, A.D. 1197.

    Constantia, not long after the death of Henry, her husband, being sickly and growing into age, and thereby not so well able to govern the troubled and unquiet state of the empire, resigned; and willed by her testament the safety both of her son Frederic, and also of his dominions, to the protection and government of Innocent III., thinking thereby safely to have provided.

    This pope Innocent, as soon as he had the protection of the young emperor and his seigniories, became, instead of a patron and protector to him and his dominions, both an enemy and a conspirator. The examples are many: one is, a663 he persuaded Sibylla, the widow of Tancred, whom Henry put from the kingdom of Sicily, to endeavor to recover the same again, and that she should thereunto ask aid of Philip, the French king.

    Whereupon, with king Philip’s counsel, cooperation and aid, one Walter (who was sprung from the earls of Brenno, an ancient and illustrious house in the Terra di Bari, and who had married Alteria, king Tancred’s eldest daughter) in hope of obtaining the kingdom invaded Campania and Apulia.

    At which time, also, the same worthy protector, Innocent III., sent his legates with letters of excommunication against all those that would not admit and take the said Walter for their king.

    Another example is, that whereas the princes-electors and other nobles (as before is said) had promised by their oath to Henry, that they would make Frederic, his son, emperor after his decease, the pope, seeing them to put their endeavor thereunto to bring it to pass, absolved them all from the oath which they had taken and given for the election of Frederic, the emperor, as one not content he should obtain the same. And further, he raised slanders and defamations against Philip, whom the electors had chosen to govern the empire during the minority of Frederic his nephew.

    He wrote an epistle, which is yet extant, to Barthold duke of Zaringhen, inviting him to be emperor; and when the latter gave place to Philip, he went about to procure that Otho, the son of Henry Leo, should be made emperor, and that the princes-electors and lords of Germany should crown him forthwith a665 (after the manner) at Aix-la-Chapelle, and he deprived all such bishops as he knew to favor Philip as emperor, in the defense of his nephew’s right; but Philip, whose cause was better, his skill in martial affairs greater, and who in power and strength was mightier, after divers and great conflicts, to the marvelous disturbance and vastation of the whole empire, by God’s help put the other to the worse. All these calamities and mischiefs Conrad de Lichtenau, at that time living, in his Annals most pitifully complaineth of, and accuseth the bishop of Rome and his adherents to be the chief authors and devisers of this great and lamentable mischief, as such that, for to make themselves rich by the spoil thereof, sought by all means and desired the same.

    Not long after, a peace was concluded between Philip and Otho, and Philip reconciled again to the pope; which Philip, within a while after, was murdered in his chamber a666 and slain by Otho de Wittlespach. After this event Otho was raised by the nobles of Germany to the imperial seat, and consecrated at Rome for emperor by this Innocent III., his friend and patron; and so continued till a great variance and discord chanced to arise between the said Otho and the pope; whereupon Innocent sought by all means, how against Otho, likewise, he might work mischief, and bring him to his end. The occasion of this sudden change and alteration my author maketh no mention of, but that Otho (now being of great power) not only invaded and ravaged Flaminia, Picenum, Umbria, and Etruria, but also occupied most part of Campania and Apulia, which properly appertained to the inheritance of Frederic, A.D. 1211.

    Thus you see, first, how by the counsel and consent of Pope Innocent and by his instigation, besides his secret conspiracies, this good Frederic and his dominions were hurt and damaged; then, again, through his default what damage the said Frederic sustained by Otho, who was made so strong as he was by the pope and his means, notwithstanding the great trust he was put in, for the protection both of Frederic and his dominions.

    At this time Frederic was come unto the eighteenth year of his age; who in his youth, by the provision of Constantia, his mother, was so well instructed in letters and with virtuous principles so imbued, that at these years there appeared and did shine in him excellent gifts both of wisdom and knowledge. He was excellently well seen in Latin and Greek learning, which was just then beginning to emerge from the barbarism under which it had been long buried. He also acquired the German, the Italian, and the Saracen languages. He had also cultivated those virtues which nature had implanted in him by the precepts of piety, wisdom, justice, and fortitude, and by habitual practice. Insomuch that he might well be compared with the worthiest and most redoubted emperors and kings that have ever lived. a667 Being now called a668 to the empire by a deputation from the German princes, he immediately quitted Sicily and set out for Germany. On his way thither he stopped at Rome, where, according to Fazellus, he was honorably entertained by Innocent; who, nevertheless, would make him no promises, for that he mistrusted the name of Frederic, from recollection of the grandfather.

    Frederic then, quitting Rome, set forward for Germany. On reaching Trent, he learnt that the more easy and direct road was preoccupied by the enemy: he therefore with much pain fill travel crossed the Rhaetian Alps, and pushed along the tract of the ]Rhine, the cities all the way submitting to him. Otho, who had hastened out of Italy into Germany, intending to meet him at the Rhine and stop his passage, was thus disappointed of his object, and Frederic was crowned, first at Mentz, and afterwards (as the manner is) at Aix-la-Chapelle. Having subsequently held several diets, and Otho dying, he settled the empire and succeeded in appeasing almost the whole of Germany. And then, accompanied by all his nobles and princes, he returned to Rome, and of Honorius III. was with great solemnity consecrated and called Augustus, Nov. 22d, A.D. 1220. Which Honorius succeeded Innocent III. in the papal see, and was a great help to Frederic (although he loved him not) in this behalf, to revenge himself upon Otho.

    After his consecration, Frederic gave many great and liberal gifts, as well to the bishop of Rome himself, as also to the court of Rome besides. Also he gave and assured by his charter to the church of Rome the principality of Fondi; for by the insatiable covetousness of the Romish bishops this wicked use and custom grew, that unless the emperors, elect and crowned, would give them such-like great and large gifts, they could not obtain of them their consecration or confirmation, which for that intent they devised.

    Furthermore, Frederic, the emperor, willing to show himself more bountiful and liberal to the church, neither yet to restrain any privilege that might benefit the same, gave and admitted those constitutions which the pope himself would desire, and which are yet extant in the civil law; by which his doings he delivered to their hands a sword (as it were) to cut his own throat: for the bishops of Rome, now having even what they listed, and all in their own hands, might by the pain of proscription bring what emperor or king under “coram nobis, that them listed, and keep them by their own laws, as if it were bound in certain bands, out of the which they might not start. For whatsoever he were, who for the diminution of the liberties of the church was excommunicate and so continued a year’s space, he should be within the danger of this proscription, and should not be released before he had made satisfaction, and were admitted by the pope to the church and congregation of good men again. Whereby it came to pass, that whatsoever emperor, in the government of his dominions, should in any point displease or do contrary to the lust of the bishop of Rome, he then as enemy to the church was excommunicate; and, unless within a year he were reconciled to them again, by this their principal law he was in the proscription; and often it chanced that princes, to avoid the pain of this proscription, were ready to do whatsoever the pope would have them, and commanded them, to do.

    After the consecration of Frederic was with great solemnity finished, and that the pope and church of Rome in all ample manner (as is partly described) were gratified, and yet larger constitutions to them confirmed, he departed from Rome and went to Italy, there to set things in order and receive the homage of the cities and great towns which belonged to the imperial jurisdiction; a670 and from thence into his own provinces and dominions, where he heard of certain, who began to raise and make new factions against him; amongst others Thomas and Richard, brothers of Innocent III. and earls of Anagni, who held certain castles in the kingdom of Naples: these he discovered to have conspired with Otho, when he invaded that kingdom, in the hope of obtaining it for themselves. a672 He therefore seized their castles, and all he found therein.

    Richard he took, and sent as a prisoner into Sicily; but Thomas escaped, and came speedily to Rome; whither also repaired certain bishops and others who were conspirators against Frederic; as also such others as the fear of the emperor’s laws and their own guilty consciences caused to fly: all of whom were (that notwithstanding) by this bishop of Rome, Honorius III., to gratify again the liberality of the emperor bestowed upon him, under his nose succored, maintained, and defended. Which thing when Frederic understood, he began to expostulate with the pope, considering the unseemliness of that his fact; against whom the pope, on the other side, was so chafed and vexed, that he immediately, without further delay, thundereth out against him, like a tyrant, his curses and excommunications.

    Thomas Fazellus declareth the origin of this misunderstanding a673 between them, somewhat otherwise. There were (saith he) amongst those who were found traitors to the emperor certain bishops, who, fleeing to the pope, requested his aid: whereupon the pope sent his legates to the emperor, and requested him, that he would admit and receive to favor those bishops whom he had banished and put from their offices; and that he would not intermeddle with any ecclesiastical charge wherewith he had not to do: and said further, that the correction and punishment of such matters pertained to the bishop of Rome, and not to him; and, moreover, that the oversight of those churches in that kingdom, from the which he had expelled the bishops, pertained and belonged unto him.

    Whereunto Frederic thus replieth, “that forasmuch as now, for four hundred years and more, from the time of Charlemagne, all emperors and kings in their dominions might lawfully commit to apt and fit men for the same, such ecclesiastical functions and charges as within their territories and kingdoms fell, he looked to have the like privilege and authority also, that other his predecessors before him had.” And he further said, “that he had the same and like authority in the empire that his father Henry, and Frederic his grandfather, and other his predecessors before them had; neither had he so deserved at the hands of the church of Rome, neither of Honorius himself, to be deprived of those privileges which his ancestors before him had, and kept.” And further, Frederic being chafed and moved with these demands of the pope, breaketh forth and saith, “How long will the bishop of Rome abuse my patience? When will his covetous heart be satisfied? Whereunto will this his ambitious desire grow? with such-like words more, repeating certain injuries and conspiracies, both against him and his dominions, as well by Honorius as by Innocent III. Ins predecessor; as also other like injuries of popes to his ancestors practiced. “What man, saith he, “is able to suffer and bear this so incredible boldness, and intolerable insolency of so proud a bishop?” “Go,” saith he unto the legates, “and tell Honorius, that I will lay down the insignia of my empire and the crown of my kingdom, rather than I will suffer him thus to diminish the authority of our majesty.” a674 f775 Now, because much disquietness and controversy hath arisen, for the most part throughout all Christendom, in every kingdom and realm severally, for and about the authority of choosing and depriving of bishops (as may be seen by the example of this Frederic), which the pope only and arrogantly challengeth to himself, and not to appertain to any other, I thought good not with silence to overpass, but somewhat to say, and to prove the authority of Christian kings and princes, in this behalf, to be both sufficient and good.

    And first, by the holy Scriptures, a675 and by decrees of councils, as also by the ancient custom of the primitive church, it may easily be proved, that in the first age of the church the chief care and power of distributing ecclesiastical offices were vested in the Christian people, regard, however, being had to the counsels of the administrators of ecclesiastical concerns.

    Whereunto appertain certain places collected and gathered out of the ‘Decrerum’ of Gratian, and specially in these canons, the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, twenty-sixth, twenty-seventh, and thirtyfourth, of the sixty-third Distinction.

    Furthermore, when kings and princes began to embrace Christ’s religion, both for honor and order’s sake it was granted, that when the people desired such ministers as were by them thought meet, the princes should either confirm such as were so nominated, or else themselves should place fit men over the churches; who should then be presented for consecration to those who were chiefest in the ecclesiastical function and authority. So did the emperors of Constantinople (receiving the order and manner from Constantine the Great) use the right of bestowing ecclesiastical functions with the consent both of the people and of ecclesiastical persons; and long so retained they the same, as appears in the rescript of Honorius, the emperor, to Boniface, also, in the examples of Pelagius and Gregory the Great, of whom one was appointed bishop of the church of Rome in the reign of Justinian, the emperor, when Totila was governing Italy; and the other in the time of Maurice, the emperor, when the Lombards possessed Italy. f778 And whereas Gratian in the beginning of the ninety-sixth and ninetyseventh Distinctions doth declare, that the rescript of Honorius, the emperor, is void and of none effect, for that in determining a676 the election of the bishop of Rome he acted contrary to the authority of the holy canons, and because there can nowhere be read of any license given to the civil magistrate to meddle at all with ecclesiastical matters, still less with sacred orders—each man may plainly discern his great folly and want of understanding in so saying: as though at that time any holy canons existed which should debar emperors from the constituting of ecclesiastical ministers; or as though it were doubtful whether the emperors, at that time, had passed any laws touching matters of ecclesiastical discipline, or whether such laws were really in use; when the contrary most manifestly, both by the laws and histories of that age and time, as well of the church as of the empire, may appear. And not to seek far for the matter, this thing is sufficiently proved by reference to these titles, ‘De sacrosanctis ecclesiis,’ ‘Episcopis,’ ‘Clericis,’ besides other ecclesiastical chapters touching religion, which are to be seen in the books of the principal and chief constitutions, collected and set forth by Justinian; in which many of the chapters are attributed to Honorius and Theodosius: a677 so, in like case, the twenty-first canon of the sixty-third Distinction doth declare, that the Grecian emperors, who next ensued after Justinian, did observe that manner of ordaining and electing the bishops of Rome, although at that time “Interpellatum erat,” they somewhat spurned at it. The emperor of whom mention is made in that canon is Constantine IV., surnamed Pogonatus. f779 Charlemagne, in like manner, followed their steps in this particular; for (as in the twenty-second canon of the same Distinction is declared) at a synodal council in Lateran (Adrian I. being pontiff), where were assembled one hundred and fifty-three other bishops, it was decreed, that the right of electing and ordering the bishop of Rome and all other prelates should be in Charlemagne, as well in Italy as other his dominions and provinces; and that whosoever was not promoted and allowed by him should not be consecrated of any one; and that those who repugned and disobeyed this decree should be under anathema, and except they repented should incur the most severe punishment of proscription and confiscation of all their goods. a678 A most striking example of this is to be seen in a rescript, extant in the eighteenth canon of the same sixty-third Distinction. Yet notwithstanding, Stephen IV., the author of that rescript, in spite of the said decree, without the emperor’s consent was made bishop of Rome; who, to the intent he might elude the punishment in that case decreed, went into France to Louis the Pious, son of Charlemagne, to excuse himself, and at Rheims crowned he him with the imperial diadem. (A.D. 816.) Neither could this bishop here stay himself, but, spying the great lenity of the emperor, essayed to make frustrate the aforesaid constitution.

    For his purpose was, and so he brought to pass (as in the twenty-eighth canon of the same Distinction appeareth), that it should be lawful for the ecclesiastical order, with the senate and people of Rome, without the authority of the emperor, to choose the bishop of Rome; reserving, that he should not be consecrated without the will and consent of the emperor.

    Thus is it manifest, that the bishops of Rome themselves, not regarding but despising the strait penalty and sanction of the aforesaid decree of the Lateran council, were not only the first that brake the same, but also by contrary rescripts and constitutions labored and endeavored to extol and set up themselves above all others.

    After this, Lothaire, the grandson of Charlemagne, being emperor, and coming into Italy, there to dissolve the conspiracy and confederacy of Leo IV. about the translation of the empire, renewed and established again the synodal decree of Lateran, touching the jurisdiction of the emperor for the election of the bishop of Rome and other ecclesiastical persons; and hereof it came, that those epistles were written by Leo, which are extant in the sixteenth and seventeenth canons of the same Distinction; who also (as appeareth in the ninth canon of the tenth Distinction) made a profession, that he would always maintain the same imperial precepts. This Leo, when he was reproved of treason and other evils, pleaded his cause before Louis II., emperor of Rome, and son of Lothaire above recited. f780 But after this, as time grew on, the bishops of Rome nothing relinquishing their ambitious desires, Otho, the first emperor of that name, deprived and put from the see of Rome that most filthy and wicked bishop, John XII., a679 both for divers and sundry wicked and heinous acts by him committed, as also for his great treasons and conspiracies against his royal person, and did substitute in his place Leo VIII.; who, calling a synod at Lateran, in the same temple and place where the other before was kept, did promulgate a new constitution with consent of the senate and people of Rome concerning the emperor’s jurisdiction, which is contained in the twentythird canon of the sixty-third Distinction, whereby the old right and power of the emperor in the election of the bishop of Rome and other ecclesiastical prelates was again, with even a more weighty sanction, confirmed and ratified. By Otho III. again this right was re-asserted; by whom John XVIII. a680 (whom Crescentius the Roman, usurping the sovereign power, had made pontiff with the consent of the people of Rome and the ecclesiastical order), a681 having his nose cut off and his eyes put out, was hurled from the Capitol. But when, notwithstanding, the bishops of Rome would not alter their old accustomed disposition, but with all their industry endeavored to abrogate that jurisdiction of the emperor over the bishop of Rome (as people loath to be under subjection), Henry III. (Leo IX. being then bishop of Rome) did once again ratify the same, and caused that bishop, a682 who extolled himself at the council of Mentz (A.D. 1049) before all his fellow-bishops, to stoop and give place to the archbishop of Mentz.

    So after the death of the aforesaid emperor Henry III., a683 Nicholas II., although in his decree (which in the first canon of the twenty-third Distinction is recited) he gave the cardinals the primacy, in respect of other ecclesiastics and of the people of Rome, in the election of the Roman pontiff; yet he willed that his proper prerogative therein should be reserved to Henry IV., to whom the empire had devolved, but who was then a mere child.

    But after this, when Hildebrand, who was called Gregory VII., was elected pope (A.D. 1073), this prerogative of the emperors in the election, which the time before (in the creation of Alexander II.) had been neglected and broken, the bishop of Rome now not only did seek to diminish the authority thereof, but also to evacuate and quite undo the same; for he not only aspired to that dignity without the consent and appointment of the emperor, but also made restraint that no emperor, king, duke, marquis, earl, or any other civil magistrate, should assign and appoint to any man any ecclesiastical function and charge; and that no one should be so hardy as to take such preferment at any of their hands: as in Cause sixteen, Question seven, canons twelve and thirteen, may be seen.

    Yet notwithstanding, after that this horrible monster Hildebrand was proscribed and thrust out of the papal seat, and Clement III. put in his stead, Henry again challenged his imperial prerogative of election. But when the bishops who succeeded this Hildebrand, led on by his example, began to derogate from the imperial prerogative of election, and Henry, on the other side, by all the means possible sought to defend and maintain the same; by the subtle fraud and mischievous policy of the bishops, who set the son against the father and found means to steal from him the hearts of his nobles and subjects and to set them all against him, and especially the princes of Germany, he was deposed and disappointed of his purpose.

    And although Henry V., coming to Rome, brought Pascal II. (A.D. 1111) to that point, that he both in a public discourse, and in writing sealed and by oath confirmed, restored again to the emperors the prerogative of election and of giving ecclesiastical dignities; yet notwithstanding, after that Henry, the emperor, was gone from Rome, Pascal, the pope, greatly repenting and sorrowing that he had done (in allowing and confirming through fear the privileges of the emperors touching the giving and disposing of ecclesiastical functions), excommunicated the emperor, and in a synodal council at Lateran ordained and decreed, that he should be had and accounted a wicked enemy, who would take any ecclesiastical function or preferment at the hands of a civil magistrate; whereupon were made these decrees, Cause sixteen, Question seven, chapters sixteen, seventeen, eighteen, and nineteen.

    Therefore, when these decrees touching the designation of bishops in spite and contempt of the emperor were practiced and put in use, and when that now (especially by the means and procurement of the bishops) intestine and civil wars began to rise in the empire, the imperial jurisdiction in this matter was not only weakened and much debilitated, but also in a manner utterly broken and lost. For when Henry V., the emperor, was sharply of Lothire and his vassals, the bishops, beset and laid unto by the provocation of the pope, and was mightily by the bishops that took his part on the other side requested and entreated (in hope of public peace and tranquillity), that he would condescend and somewhat yield to the pope’s demands; he at length (the more was the pity), that he might be reconciled and have peace with Pope Calixtus II., in the city of Worms resigned that his prerogative or jurisdiction of giving ecclesiastical preferments to the pope and his prelates (A.D. 1122), which had been now more than three hundred years (from the time of Charlemagne) in the hands of the emperors of Rome, and until this time with great fortitude and princely courage conserved and kept; which resignation turned to no small detriment both of the church of Christ and the Christian commonwealth.

    Then first, and never before, the bishop of Rome obtained and quietly enjoyed that prerogative of election and bestowing of benefices, which he so long before with such great policies, now secretly, now openly and with force, had sought for. For the canons a684 by which Gratian would prove, that before this time the city of Rome enjoyed the prerogative of electing the pope without the emperor’s consent (as canons twenty-nine and thirty of the said sixty-third Distinction, and the ‘Palea’ added to the latter, and canon thirty-three), are plainly forged, and were introduced by Gratian himself, to flatter the papacy; as both Carolus Molinaeus sufficiently in divers places hath noted, and by the observation of dates may by any one ordinarily conversant with the French and German histories soon be spied and discerned. For, First, five bishops, a685 one after another, succeeded that Gregory IV. upon whom the said twenty-ninth canon is entitled or fathered, before you come to Adrian II. a686 mentioned in the canon, who certainly was made pope, the people having by force taken the election into their own hands; whereas Gregory (especially to be noted) would not take on him the papacy before that the emperor had consented to his election. Secondly, Molinaeus a687 opposeth the authority of Raphael Volateran to the thirtieth canon, which is to be suspected for this reason, that when Eugenius was pope, the successor of that Pascal I. with whom Louis the Pious is stated in the canon to have made a compact, the same Louis with his son Lothaire (in the capacity of king of the Romans) made laws at Rome, both for all the subjects of the empire, and also for the Romans themselves; to say nothing of Lothaire’s renewal of the decree of the Lateran synod, lately mentioned. Then again, how could Leo IV. write to Lothaire and Louis, the emperors, that ‘Palea’ (or counterfeit or forged decree) beginning with ‘Constitutio,’ etc., when in the same mention is made of Henry the Fowler and of Otho I., who did not come to the empire till more than threescore years after them and Leo IV. Thirdly, with what face dare this fond fellow Gratian make Otho I. to be the author of the thirty-third canon, when Otho deprived John XII. of the papacy, and not only subtracted nothing from the imperial jurisdiction over the city of Rome, or over the bishop of Rome, or over any other bishops subject to the Roman empire, but added somewhat more thereunto, as was said before. And yet notwithstanding, so shameless and senseless was this Gratian, that he durst in the compiling of his “Decreturn” obtrude and lay before the reader such manifest fraud and evident legerdemain, feigned and made of his own brains (being so necessary, as he thought, for the dominion and primacy of the Roman bishops), in the stead of good and true laws; not considering that the same must be detected by posterity, and that to his own great discredit. Where also by the way is to be noted, that as this graceless Gratian, to lease these holy fathers, and to erect their kingdom, would give so impudent an attempt to the blinding and deceiving of all posterities, inserting for grounded truths and holy decrees such loud lies and detestable doctrine, what may be thought of the rabble of the rest of writers in those days? what attempts might hope of gain cause them to work, by whom and such-like is to be feared the falsifying of divers other good works now extant, in those perilous times written?

    Thus, when the bishops had once wrested this authority out of the emperor’s hands, they then so fortified and armed themselves and their dominion, that although afterwards Frederic I. and his grandson this good emperor Frederic II., as also Louis of Bavaria, a688 and Henry of Luxemburg (as men most studious and careful for the dignities of the empire, unfeigned lovers and maintainers of the utility of the commonweal, and most desirous of the preservation and prosperity of the church) did all their endeavors, with singular wisdom and energy, a689 as much as in them lay, to recover again this lost authority of the imperial jurisdiction from the bishops of Rome, most cruelly and wickedly abusing their power to the destruction of the empire, the undoing of the commonwealth, and the utter subversion of the church of God; yet could they not bring the same to pass in those dark and shadowed times of perverse doctrine and errors of the people, and most miserable servitude of civil magistrates.

    The same and like privilege also in the election of their bishops and prelates and disposing of ecclesiastical offices as the emperor of Rome had, every prince and king in their several dominions had the like. For by the decree of the council of Toledo, which in the twenty-fifth canon of the sixty-third Distinction is mentioned, the authority of creating and choosing bishops and prelates in Spain was in the king of Spain. In like manner by the histories of Clovis, Charlemagne, Louis IX., Philip Augustus, Philip the Fair, Charles V., Charles VI., and Charles VII., kings of France, it is apparent and well known, that all these kings had the chief charge and government of the French church, and not the bishops of Rome.

    And by our English histories also, as you have heard, it is manifest, that the authority of choosing ecclesiastical ministers and bishops was always in the kings of England, till the reign of king Henry I., who by the labor and procurement of Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, was deprived of the same by Pascal II.

    Also, how the princes of Germany and electors of the emperor, till the time of Henry, had all (every prince severally in his own province) the same jurisdiction and prerogative, to give and dispose ecclesiastical functions at their pleasure; and how after that, it appertained to the people and prelates together; and how at length, in the reign of Frederic, the prelates got unto themselves alone this immunity; John Aventine, in the seventh book of his “Annales Boiorum,” doth describe.

    Also it is probable, that the kings of Sicily had the same faculty in giving and disposing of their ecclesiastical promotions and charge of churches; f786 and because Frederic defended himself against the tyranny of the bishop of Rome, therefore (as Fazellus saith a690 ) he was excommunicated by Honorius. That Platina and Blondus allege other causes wherefore he was excommunicate of Honorius, I am not ignorant: howbeit, he who will compare their writings with those of others who were contemporary with Honorius and him shall easily find, that they more sought the favor of the Roman bishops than truth. But now again to the history of Frederic.

    Nicolas Cisner affirmeth, that whilst Frederic the emperor was in Sicily, his wife Constantia died at Catania. In the mean time the Christians, who with a great navy had sailed into Egypt and taken the city formerly called Pelusium or Heliopolis, now commonly called Damietta, and were in good hope to drive the Sultan out of Egypt, had a great and marvelous overthrow by the conveying of the water of the Nile (which then overflowed into their camp), and were fain to accord an unprofitable truce with the Sultan for certain years, and to deliver the city again; and so departing out of Egypt, they were fain to come to Acre and Tyre, to the no small detriment and shame of the Christian commonweal. Whereupon John, surnamed de Brienne, king of Jerusalem, arrived in Italy, and prayed aid against his enemies of the emperor, in whom he had great hope to find a remedy for the evils and calamities before declared; and from thence he went to Rome to the pope, declaring unto him the great discomfit and overthrow past, as also the present peril and calamity that they were in, desiring also his aid therein. By means of this king John (as Cisner saith) the emperor and the pope were again made friends together: that king also gave the emperor in marriage Iole, his daughter by the daughter of Conrad, king of Jerusalem and marquis of Montferrat, with whom he had for dowry the kingdom of Jerusalem, she being right heir thereunto by her mother (whence those who afterwards obtained the kingdom of Naples and Sicily used the title of king of Jerusalem): after which he promised that as soon as possible he would make an expedition for the recovery of Jerusalem, and be there himself in person; which thing to do for that upon divers occasions he deferred (whereof some think one thing, some another), pope Honorius, unto whom he was lately reconciled, purposed to make against him some great and serious attempt, had he not been by death prevented; upon whom were made these verses: “O pater Honori, multorum nate dolori, Est tibi dedecori vivere, vade mori.’“ After whom succeeded Gregory IX. A.D. 1227, as great an enemy to Frederic as was Honorius; which Gregory came of the race whom the emperor, as before ye heard, condemned of treason which they wrought against him. This Gregory was scarcely settled in his papacy, when that he threatened Frederic, and that greatly, with excommunication, unless he would prepare himself to go into Asia, according to his promise (as ye heard before) to king John of Jerusalem; and what the cause was why the pope so hastened the journey of Frederic into Asia, you shall hear hereafter. In effect, he could not well bring that to pass which in his mischievous mind he had devised, unless the emperor were further from him. Notwithstanding, Frederic, it should seem, smelling a rat, or mistrusting somewhat (as well he might), alleged divers causes and lets, as lately and truly he did to Honorius.

    Fazellus saith, that the special cause of the emperor’s stay was, for the oath of truth and peace during certain years, which was made between the Saracens and Christians (as you heard), which time was not yet expired.

    The same Fazellus also writeth thus of king John of Jerusalem, that when his daughter was brought to Rome, the emperor and the pope were reconciled together. And being called up to Rome to celebrate the marriage, pope Gregory, as the manner of those proud prelates is, offered his right foot unto the emperor to kiss. But the emperor, not stooping so low, scarcely with his lip touched the upper part of his knee, and would not kiss his foot; which thing the pope took in very evil part, and was therewith marvelously offended. But for that no opportunity at that time served to revenge his conceived grudge and old malice, he dissembled the same as he might for that time, thinking to recompense at the full, as time would serve and fall out therefor.

    After this, the emperor hearing how the Christians were oppressed by the Sultan in Syria, and that by his instigation Arsaeidas had sent persons into Europe to assassinate the Christian kings, and that the French king had received letters warning him of the plot, he made the more haste, and was the more desirous to set forward his journey into Asia. Wherefore, assembling the nobility of the empire at Ravenna and Cremona, he gave in commandment to Henry, his son, a691 whom not long before he had caused to be created Caesar, that he should excite the nobles and princes of the empire: who all engaged to be ready to put their helping hands, in furthering this his journey and enterprise. This writeth Fazellus; howbeit, some others affirm that these things were done in the time of Honorius. a692 But howsoever the matter is, this thing is manifest; that Frederic, to satisfy the pope’s desire, who never would lin, but by all means sought to provoke him forward, gave him at length his promise, that by a certain time he would prepare an army, and fight himself against those who kept from him the city of Jerusalem (which thing he also confesseth himself in his epistles, and also how he desired and obtained of the peers and nobility of the empire their aid thereunto); and he also appointed a convenient time when they should be at Brundusium. f789 In the mean season, he with all his endeavor made speedy preparation for the war. He rigged and manned a puissant navy; he made a levy of soldiers through the whole kingdom, and made warlike provision and furniture for every thing that to such a voyage and expedition appertained. Neither was the matter slacked, but at the time appointed great bands both of German soldiers and others had, under the command of Louis, landgrave of Thuringia, and Sigibert, bishop of Augsburg, a693 assembled and mustered at Brundusium; where they for a long time lying and waiting for the emperor’s coming, who was let by infirmity and sickness, great pestilence and sundry diseases molested them, by reason of the great heat and intemperance of that country, and many a soldier there lost his life, among whom also died the landgrave of Thuringia, one of the generals. a694 The emperor, when he had somewhat recovered his health, with all his navy launched out, and set forward from Brundusium. And when he came to the straits between Peloponnesus and the island of Crete, and there for lack of convenient wind was stayed, suddenly the emperor (his diseases growing upon him again)fell sick; and sending forward all or the most part of his bands and ships into Palestine, promising them most assuredly to follow them so soon as he might recover, he himself with a few ships returned and came to Brundusium, and from thence went into Apulia.

    When tidings hereof came to the pope’s ear, he sent out his thundering curses and new excommunications against the emperor. The causes whereof I find thus noted and mentioned in his own letters; that is, for that, he had robbed and taken at Brundusium the deceased landgrave of Thuringia’s horses, his money, and very valuable baggage, and had then sailed for Asia, a697 not for the intent to make war against the Turk, but to conceal and convey away his prey that he had taken at Brundusium; and that, neglecting his oath and promise which he had made, and feigning himself to be sick, he came home again; and that by his default also Damietta was lost, and the host of the Christians sore afflicted. Fazellus, besides these causes spoken of before, doth write that the pope alleged these also; that he seduced a certain damsel who was in the queen’s nursery, and then whipped and put to death in prison his wife Iole, for declaring this mischievous act to her father king John. But all the writers, and also Blondus himself, declare, that this Iole died after the publication of the proscript and excommunication; wherefore the pope could not allege as the cause thereof the death of Iole: the settled belief a698 is, that she, of her son Conrad, died in childbed. Then Frederic, to refel and avoid the aforesaid slanders, sendeth the bishop of Brundusium and other ambassadors to Rome; whom the pope would not suffer to come to his presence, neither yet to the council of the cardinals, to make his purgation.

    Wherefore the emperor, to purge himself of the crimes which the pope did so falsely accuse him of, both to all Christian kings, and especially to the princes of Germany and all the nobles of the empire, writeth his letter (which is to be seen), that those things are both false and also of the pope’s own head feigned and invented; and showeth, how that his ambassadors with his purgation could not be suffered to come to the pope’s presence; also doth largely intreat, how unthankful and ungrateful the bishops of Rome were towards him for the great benefits which both he and also his predecessors had bestowed upon them and the Roman church; which letter, for that it is over-tedious here to place, considering the discourse of the history is somewhat long, the sum of the purgation is this:

    He protesteth and declareth universally, that he had always great care for the Christian commonwealth, and that he had determined even from his youth to fight against the Turks and Saracens; that he made a vow and promise on his coronation at Aix-la-Chapelle, that he would take the war upon him; and that afterwards he had renewed his promise at Rome, when he was consecrated of Honorius: since which he had married the daughter of the king of Jerusalem, who was heir to the same; so that it was become a matter of personal interest to him, that that kingdom should be defended from the injuries of enemies: a699 accordingly, he had prepared a huge navy, and gathered a strong army, neither had he neglected any thing that belonged to the furniture of war: but when the time was come, and his band was gathered together, his sickness would not suffer him to be there; and afterwards, when he had recovered from the same and had come to Brundusium, and from thence without injuring a700 any one had forthwith put to sea, he fell into the same sickness again, by the which he was let of his purpose, which thing (saith he) he is able to prove by sufficient testimony, that the pope, moreover, laid the losing of Damietta, and other things which prospered not well, to his charge unjustly; whereas he had made great provision for that journey, both of soldiers and of other necessary things. But he that will understand these things more plainly, among other epistles of Petrus de Vineis, a701 written in the name of Frederic, let him read those especially which begin thus: “In admirationem,” “Ut justitism, et innocentism,” and “Levate oculos.” And truly, even as Frederic the emperor declareth in his letters concerning this matter, all the old writers of Germany do accord and agree in the same.

    Matthew Paris also briefly collecteth the effect of another letter which he wrote to the king of England, complaining unto him of the excommunication of the pope against him, whose words are these:

    And amongst other catholic princes (saith he) he also wrote his letters unto the king of England, embulled with gold; declaring in the same, that the church of Rome was so inflamed with the fire of avarice and manifest concupiscence, that she was not contented with the goods of the church, but also shamed not to disherit emperors, kings, and princes, and bring them under tribute and subjection to herself; and that the king of England himself had experience thereof, whose father (that is to say, king John) she so long held excommunicate, till she had brought both him and his dominions under obligation to pay her tribute; also, that all men had example of the same by the earl of Toulouse and divers other princes, whose persons and lands she so long held under interdict, till she brought them also into like servitude. “I pass by” (saith he) “the simonies and sundry sorts of exactions (the like whereof was never yet heard of) which daily are used toward ecclesiastical persons, to notice their gross usury, so cloaked indeed hitherto to the simple sort, that therewithal they infect the whole world; also the fair speeches, sweeter than honey and smoother than oil, of these insatiable horse-leeches, saying, that the court of Rome is the church, our mother and nurse, whereas it is indeed the most polling court in the whole world, the root and origin of all mischief, using and exercising the doings not of a mother but of a wicked stepdame, making sufficient proof thereof by her manifest fruits to all the world apparent. Let the noble barons of England consider these things, whom, fortified by his bulls, Pope Innocent encouraged to rise and rebel against king John, as an obstinate enemy to the church. But, after that the aforesaid king had monstrously humbled himself, and, like an effeminate person, had enslaved both himself and his kingdom to the church of Rome; then the aforesaid pope, setting aside all shame of the world and fear of the Lord, trampled on those very barons when they were exposed to death and miserable confiscation, whom he had before maintained and stirred up, in order that, after the Roman manner, he might, alas! draw the fatness unto his own greedy, gaping jaws; by whose greedy avarice it came to pass, that England, the prince of provinces, was brought under miserable subjection and tribute. Behold the manners of our Roman bishops; behold the snares wherewith these prelates do seek to entangle us, one and all, to wring our money from us, to make slaves of freemen, to disquiet such as would live in peace, being clothed with sheep’s clothing when inwardly they be but ravening wolves, sending their legates hither and thither with power to excommunicate, suspend, and punish whom they list, not that they may sow seed, that is the word of God, to fructify, but that they may extort and gather money, and reap that which they never did sow. Thus cometh it to pass, that they spoil the holy churches of God, which should be a refuge for the poor, and the mansionhouses of saints; which our devout and simple parents for that purpose founded that they might be for the refection of poor men and pilgrims, and for the sustentation of such as were well disposed and religious. But these degenerate varlets, whose own letters alone prove them to be mad, do strive and gape to be both kings and emperors. “Doubtless the primitive church was built and laid in poverty and simplicity of life, and then as a fruitful mother begat she those her holy children, whom the catalogue of saints now maketh mention of; and verily no other foundation can be laid of any church, than that which is laid by Jesus Christ. But this church, as it swimmeth and walloweth in all superfluity of riches, and doth build and raise the frame in all superfluous wealth and glory, so is it to be feared lest the walls thereof in time fall to decay, and when the walls be down, utter ruin and subversion follow after. He who is the Searcher of all hearts knoweth how furiously these men rage against ourselves, saying, that I did not choose to cross the seas as I had promised at the term prefixed; whereas many unavoidable and arduous matters, pertaining to the pope himself, as well as to the church of God, and also to the empire, besides the annoyance of mine infirmity and sickness, did detain me at home, but especially the insolency of the rebellious Sicilians. For we did not think it sound policy as to our empire, nor expedient for the Christian state, that we should take our journey into Asia, leaving behind us at home an intestine and civil war; no more than for a surgeon to lay a healing plaister to a wound in which the weapon is still sticking.” In conclusion, he addeth an admonition to all the princes of the world to beware of like peril and danger to themselves from such avarice and iniquity, because that, as the proverb is, “It behoveth him to look about, that seeth his neighbor’s house on fire.” f793 But now, that Frederic the emperor might in very deed stop the slanders of the cruel pope, who did persist and go forward still in his excommunication against him; and that he might declare to the whole world, how that the last year he foreslowed not his journey by his own voluntary will, but by necessity; when he had devised and prepared all things meet for the war, and had again gathered a large army and refitted his fleet, he departed from Brundusium, a703 committing the government of his kingdom to the son of Reginald, duke of Spoleto, and to Anselm, baron of Justingen, a704 and came by sea to Cyprus, with his host.

    From Cyprus the emperor with his whole navy sailed to Joppa, which city he fortified: but, for that the passages by land were stopped and kept of the enemies, and by sea might he not pass nor travel by reason of the tempestuousness of the weather, thereby it came to pass, that within short space they lacked victuals, and were sorely afflicted with famine. Then fell they to prayer, and made their humble supplication to God; with whose tears his wrath being appeased, the long-continued foul and tempestuous weather ceased, whereby (the seas now being calm) they had both victual in great plenty and all other necessary things for their need brought unto them; whereby immediately it came to pass, that both the emperor and his army, as also the inhabitants of Joppa, a705 were greatly refreshed and animated, and on the other side their enemies, being disappointed of their purpose, were greatly discouraged; insomuch that the sultan of Egypt, who with a great power, accompanied by Scarapho, his brother, prince of Gaza, and the prince of Damascus, their nephew, with many other dukes and nobles, had encamped themselves within one day’s journey of Joppa, thinking to besiege the same, were contented, upon the coming of the emperor’s heralds to them, to treat of a peace; whereupon ambassadors were sent unto them with the emperor’s demands, right profitable to the Christian commonweal. The Saracens, immediately consulting upon the same, granted thereunto; so that a peace for ten years was concluded, and confirmed by solemn oath on the behalf of both princes, according to their several usages and manner: the form and conditions of which peace, briefly collected, are these: 1. That Frederic, the emperor, should be anointed king of Jerusalem, according to the manner of the kings of Jerusalem before him. 2. That Jerusalem itself, and all the lands and possessions which were situate betwixt, it and Ptolemais, and consequently, the greatest part of Palestine, and the crees of Tyre and Sidon in Syria, and all other territories which Baldwin IV. at any time had held, should be delivered unto him, only a few castles reserved. 3. That he might fortify what cities and towns, fortresses and castles, he thought good, in all Syria and Palestine. 4. That all the prisoners should be set at liberty without paying any ransom. And, on the other hand, that the Saracens might have leave, unarmed, to come into the church of the Lord’s sepulcher outside the city, and for purposes of devotion even into the Temple itself; and that they should hold and keep still Chrath, and the King’s Mount.

    Frederic now, for that he thought the conclusion of this peace to be so necessary and also profitable for all Christians, and had also gotten as much thereby as if the wars had continued, sent his ambassadors with letters into the West, to all Christian kings, princes, and potentates, as also to the bishop of Rome, declaring unto them the circumstance and success of his journey and wars, as partly ye have heard; requiring them that they also would praise and give God thanks for his good success and profitable peace concluded: and desireth the pope, that forasmuch as he had now accomplished his promise, neither was there now any cause wherefore he should be with him displeased, that he might be reconciled and obtain his favor.

    In the mean season, the emperor with all his army marcheth to Jerusalem, where upon Easter-day A.D. 1229 he was, with great triumph and comfort, of all his nobles and also of the magistrates of that kingdom (only the patriarch of Jerusalem, the clergy, the king of Cyprus’s ambassador, and Oliver, the grand-master of the Temple, with his knights, excepted) solemnly and with great applause crowned king.

    After this, he re-edifieth the city and walls thereof, which by the Saracens were beaten down and battered. After that, he furnisheth it with munition, he buildeth up the churches and temples that were ruinous, and fortifieth Nazareth and Joppa with strong garrisons, victual, and all other things necessary.

    Now see and behold, I pray you, whilst that Frederic was thus occupied in the kingdom of Jerusalem, what practices the pope had in Italy; not, I warrant you, any whit at all careful in the affairs of the Christian commonwealth, but studying and laboring what mischief and spite he might work against the emperor, whom of a set purpose ye may be sure (partly for hate, and partly to enrich himself), he had so occupied in Asia and Jerusalem, so far out of Italy. First, he caused the soldiers which the emperor sent for out of Germany to the maintenance of the holy wars to be stayed as they passed through Italy, hindering them of their journey, and taking from them and spoiling them of all such provision as they had.

    And not only this, but he sent secretly also his letters into Asia to those that were of his own faction, that is, to the patriarch of Jerusalem, and to the knights Templars and Hospitallers, a707 enticing and inciting them to rebel against the emperor, which thing Blondus himself, that popish parasite or historiographer, dissembleth not. Furthermore, he dissuaded the princes of the Saracens that they should make no league nor take any truce with Frederic, neither deliver up unto him the crown and kingdom of Jerusalem. Which letters, as they were manifest testimonies of his treachery and treason towards him whom God had instituted and made his liege lord and sovereign, and the mightiest potentate upon earth; so was it His will that he should come to the knowledge thereof, and that those letters should fall into his hands. And Frederic, in his epistle to the Christian princes just mentioned, declareth that he considered his discovery of the letters quite providential, and that he kept them for the more credible testimony thereof.

    Neither were the pope’s letters written to that leavened and factious sect in vain; for the patriarch of Jerusalem, and his allies the knights Templars, did mightily contend against Frederic. They raised a tumult in Ptolemais against him; they accused him and his ambassadors openly of treason; and did malapertly and boldly withstand the right worthy and good order he made amongst them. But as God would, by the help of the Pisans and the Genoese, and of the knights of the Teutonic order, a709 both their false accusations were refelled, and also their seditious purpose and tumult repressed. And for the same cause when all other men testified unbounded respect and gladness at the inauguration of Frederic, these were making complaints as of an iniquitous compromise, and detracting from his praise.

    The pope, when through perfidy he had laid these snares for Frederic, and had betrayed a710 the Christian emperor to the public enemy, could not, so soon as he had committed so great a crime, rest satisfied with one piece of wickedness, but must contrive another against him. For, by reason of those slanders (which a little before I mentioned) of the death and slaughter of his wife Iole, he incited John de Brienne, his father-in-law, to make war against him, who caused the subjects of his empire to withdraw from him their allegiance, as also the inhabitants of Picenum, and those of Lombardy.

    And thus, joining themselves together, they craved further aid of the French king, whereby they made a great power. That done, they divided their host into two armies, invading with the one the empire, and with the other the proper territories and ditions belonging to the inheritance of Frederic; John de Brienne and Pandulph Savellanus leading the one into Campania and the kingdom of Naples; the other with John Columna, cardinal and legate, and Thomas, before convicted of treason, Gregory sendeth into Picenum.

    Of this treason of the pope against Frederic during his wars in Asia doth also Matthew Paris a711 make mention, “who,” saith he, “purposed to have deposed him, and to have placed any other, he cared not whom (so that he were the child of peace and obedience), in his stead.” And for the more certainty thereof, the said Matthew Paris repeateth the letter which a certain earl sent unto him in Syria concerning the same, which letter hereunder ensueth word for word.

    To his most excellent lord, Frederic, by the grace of God emperor of the Romans,. and ever Augustus,. and most puissant king of Sicily, Thomas, earl of Acerra, his faithful and devoted subject in all things, health and victory over his enemies. After your departure, most excellent prince, Gregory, the bishop of Rome and the public enemy of your magnificence, gathering together a great host by John de Brienne, late king of Jerusalem, and other stout captains, whom he hath made generals of the same his host, in hostile mariner invading your dominions and the possessions of your subjects, aimeth against the law of Christianity to subdue you with the material sword, whom he cannot master with the spiritual sword, as he saith. For the aforesaid John de Brienne, gathering out of France and other countries adjoining a considerable army, in hope (if he can but master you) of getting the empire himself, is supplied with the money to pay his troops from the papal treasury. And furthermore, the same John and others, the captains of the apostolic see, invading your land, burn and destroy all as they go, and carry off for booty as well cattle as other things; and such as they take prisoners, they constrain, by afflicting them with grievous tortures, to ransom themselves for great sums of money; neither spare they man, woman, nor child, except such as may have taken sanctuary in the churches and churchyards; they take your towns and castles, having no regard to the fact that you be engaged in the service of Jesus Christ; and if any make mention of your majesty unto him, the aforesaid John saith, there is none other emperor but himself. Your friends and subjects, most excellent prince, and especially the clergy of the empire, do much marvel hereupon with what conscience or upon what consideration the bishop of Rome can do such things, making such bloody wars upon Christian men; especially seeing that Christ commanded Peter, when he struck with the material sword, to put up the same into the scabbard, saying, “All that strike with the sword, shall perish with the sword: equally do they marvel, by what right he almost daily excommunicateth pirates, incendiaries, and torturers of Christians, and separateth them from the unity of the church, when he is the patron and maintainer, of such himself. Wherefore, most .mighty emperor, I beseech you to provide for your own safety, for that the said John de Brienne, your enemy, hath placed in all the seaports this side the sea armed scouts in great number; that if (not knowing thereof) your grace should happen to arrive in any of them, he might apprehend and take you prisoner; which thing to chance, God forfend.

    Whilst the host of this hostile enemy the pope was thus encamped in the dominions of Frederic, he received the letters which Frederic by his ambassadors sent into Europe, as you heard, whereby he understood the good success he had in Asia; who not only took no delectation at all therein, but was also in a vehement perturbation therewith. Whereby manifestly it may appear, what was the cause and meaning of the pope, that he was so solicitous and urgent to have Frederic, the emperor, make a voyage into Asia. Doubtless even the same that Pelias had, when by his instigation he procured Jason, with all the chosen youth and flower of Greece, to sail into Colchis to fetch away the golden fleece; viz., that by the opportunity of his absence he might use, or rather abuse, his power and tyranny; and that Frederic might either be long afflicted and molested in the Asiatic war, or that he might perish and lose his life therein, was that he sought, and all that he desired.

    And when he saw that fortune neither favored his fetches, nor served his longing lust, he was as a man bereft of his wits, specially at these tidings of the prosperous success of the emperor. He threw his letters on the ground, and with all opprobrious words rebuked and reviled the ambassadors for the emperor their master’s sake; which thing also Blondus himself denieth not, though he writeth altogether in favor of the pope. And to the intent that he might cover this his rage and unbridled fury with some cloak and color of reasonable dolor, he feigned himself therefore so much to mislike the peace, as though the emperor therein had only respected his own private commodity, not regarding the utility of the Christians; for that the Saracens had license, although without armor and weapon, to have repair unto the sepulcher of Christ, and had left for them somewhat near the same a hostery or lodging place; for which cause, saith Blondus, the pope reviled the emperor to his ambassadors as a perfidious traitor. a712 Now go to, friend Blondus; by what strong arguments prove you and your lord pope, either that the peace which the emperor had concluded was against the Christian commonwealth, or that the emperor was a traitor? But who is it that seeth not these things, either by reading of old and ancient writers, or else partly by me who have gathered and collected the same out of divers monuments and histories, — I mean, the conspiracies and treasons of your good lord the pope, so notable and filthy, as also his manifest baseness a713 and infamy? What? there be divers that write how the pope commanded these ambassadors of Frederic to be made secretly out of the way, and also how he commanded divers soldiers, returning out of Asia, to be slain; to the intent that none should hear the report of those good news which were in Asia, nor any go thither to tell the fetches he had in hand at home. But I will make report of no more than of those things which all the writers, with most consent, agree upon. This is most certain, that the pope caused a rumor to be spread of the capture and death of the emperor, with the design of craftily obtaining the submission of those cities in the kingdom of Naples, which yet kept their allegiance unto Frederic, of whom they should now hope no longer for refuge. And of that doth the emperor, in his epistle entitled ‘Levate oculos,’ greatly against him complain.

    Great are these injuries of the pope against Frederic, and most wicked were these treasons. But herewith could not his cruel and tyrannical mind be contented, nor vet his lust satisfied, but it so far exceeded, as scarcely is credible that it could: for he presumed not only to set variance between Henry (whom Frederic his father had caused to be made king of Germany) and him, but also by his allurements he caused him to become an enemy to him. To whom when his father had assigned Louis, duke of Bavaria, to be his overseer and counselor (neither knew he amongst all the princes of Germany a man more faithful to him in his office and duty, or else more virtuous, or else more grave and apt to be in authority), Henry, fearing lest, if he should come to know of these secret counsels which he with the conspirators had in hand against his father, he would either utter the same to his father, or else would go about to dissuade him from what he was purposed to do, dismissed him from the court and from the senate. And this was the fetch a714 of all their policy, that together and at one instant, but in divers and sundry places far one from another, sharp and cruel war might be made against the emperor; so that his power being distracted by having several contests on his hands at once, a715 he might be the more easily overwhelmed.

    When the emperor now understood what stir the pope kept in all his dominions in his absence, having set every thing in order a716 in his kingdom of Jerusalem, and feeling that not a moment must be lost in defeating the pope’s purpose and confirming in their friendship those who in his absence had been steady to their allegiance, he left in Asia Reynaldus in charge of certain garrisons, and, ordering the rest of the army to follow, he himself came with all speed in two galleys to Calabria. a717 He tarried twenty days at Berletta, waiting for his army from beyond sea: during which time he assembled his friends and mustered what forces he could. Here he was joined by the duke of Spoleto; and at length moving thence, he came with all his host into Apulia, and removed John de Brienne, his father-in-law, from the siege of Calatia, and within short time by God’s help recovered again all his holds and dominions there. And from thence going into Campania he winneth Benevento, and as many other towns and holds as the pope had there, even almost to Rome, and so, after that, Umbria and Picenum. But even now, although the emperor had obtained the means of an immediate entrance upon the pope’s dominions, whereby he might have taken revenge of all the injuries done to him (being moved thereunto upon good occasion and upon the pope’s worthy desert); yet notwithstanding, because he preferred nothing before the tranquillity of Christendom, for the love of which he restrained his wrath so vehemently urged and kindled, he sendeth unto him ambassadors to entreat a peace, declaring unto him, that if he had no other conceived grudge towards him than that which he pretended, he promiseth that he would make to him a voluntary account of all things that ever he had done in his life, and that he would submit himself unto the church; and also that for this cause he willingly offered unto him both duty and observance. Furthermore, with a view to the entreatlug of this peace and investigating the causes of the controversies between himself and the pope, he sent to Rome the noblest and chiefest about him, as Barthold, the patriarch of Aquileia, and his brother Otho, f803 prince of Dalmatia and Istria, Everhard, archbishop of Saltzburg, Sifrid, bishop of Ratisbon, Sibot, bishop of Augsburg, Leopold, duke of Austria and Styria, and Bernard, duke of Carinthia.

    But yet so great was the insolency and pride of that stubborn pope, that by no gentleness or beneficence he of those princes could be brought that year to the profitable concord of the church and Christian commonweal. O worthy head! that challengeth all authority to himself in the church of Christ, and in respect of his own willful revenge setteth nothing by the health and utility of all Christendom! When, therefore, nothing could be done in the matter for that time, the most part of these noblemen departed from Rome. At length, in the following year, peace was made between them by the interposition and management of Leopold of Austria, Herman, master of the Teutonic order, and the archbishop of Messina. a718 The pope then absolving the emperor Frederic of his excommunication, took of him therefor one hundred and twenty thousand ounces of gold, restoring to him again the titles both of his empire, and also of his kingdoms. Now, considering the uncourteous dealing of the pope with Frederic the emperor herein, who can sufficiently muse and marvel at the unshamefastness of Blondus, who hath the face to write, that the pope, notwithstanding, had dealt more gently and courteously with Frederic than was meet, or beseemed him to do? Who is it that doth not see his manifest flattery, coloured neither with reason, nor secret dissimulation? But much more truly and better writeth Cuspinian concerning this matter, who saith, that the pope doth occupy very profitable merchandise, who for so much money selleth that he received freely, paying nothing therefor, if he had received it of Christ indeed, as he saith he had.

    And yet, although this peace which the emperor concluded with the pope was so unprofitable for himself, yet he performed those things that were agreed upon faithfully and diligently. But the pope, who thought it but a trifle to break his promise, would not stand to the conditions of the peace he made. For by the way, to pass over other things, neither had he restored, as he promised, his rights in the kingdom of Sicily, a719 neither yet the city Castellana, which he before the peace concluded between them did occupy and enjoy. And that doth both Frederic in his epistles testify, and also Fazellus in the eighth book of his ‘de rebus Siculis.’ Yet that notwithstanding, Frederic, for the quietness and utility of the commonwealth, purposed with himself to bear and suffer all these injuries, and further studied in all he might, as well by liberal gifts as otherwise, to have the pope to be to him a trusty friend. As, when the Romans and other of the ecclesiastical number made war against the pope for certain possessions which he kept of theirs, he, coming to him at Reati, offered his own son as a hostage for his fidelity to the church of Rome, a720 and as one that tendered the unity of the church, and thinking to help the pope in these matters, at his earnest request sent his ambassadors unto them, willing them to lay down their armor which against the pope they bare. And when that would not serve, at the pope’s further request and desire he levied an army against them at his own charge, and drove them from the siege of Viterbo; with other suchlike assured tokens of amity and friendship which he showed him: who, notwithstanding, as soon as the emperor was departed with a small company which he took with him into Sicily, leaving with him the greater and most part of his army for the maintenance of his wars, concluded a peace with the Romans unknown to the emperor, whom he had procured to travail and labor therein with great expenses; affirming, that without his will and commandment the emperor had expelled them, and driven them out of the territories of Viterbo. And hereof doth Frederic also himself make mention in his second and third epistles, where he complaineth of the injuries of the pope towards him.

    Therefore greater commendation had Blondus deserved, if he had acknowledged these treacheries of the pope, instead of asserting as he does a721 —both contrary to the tenor of his own narrative (forgetting himself, as unto liars it often chanceth), and contrary to the truth of Frederic’s history—that the Romans were incited to these tumults by his enticing and setting on. As though men of common understanding could not gather the contrary, both by the offering of his son as a hostage, by his great preparation for the war, and by the event especially of the thing itself. But too, too impudent, will Blondus needs show himself.

    Whilst that these things were passing in Italy and Sicily, great rebellions were moved in Germany against the emperor, Henry the Caesar, his own son, and Frederic duke of Austria, a722 being the chief authors thereof.

    For Henry, as ye heard, had been alienated from his father and perverted by the lord pope and those of his faction, and was secretly aiming at the empire. And for that cause, as before is said, he put from him Louis, whom he knew to be unto the emperor, his father, so loving and assured a friend; who as willingly (perceiving and smelling what mischief he went about) forsook his court, and went to Bavaria; who had not been there much above a year, when, as he walked abroad at Kelheim, he was wounded with a mortal blow, a723 and presently died, his servants being not far from him; of whose death divers diversely write. Notwithstanding, the sequel doth show them to write truliest, who affirm the assassin to be suborned by Henry the Caesar, who coming unto him in the habit of a messenger, delivered unto him certain letters, which he feigned to be sent from the emperor; and whilst Louis was reading the same, he stabbed him with a dagger, and gave him his mortal wound, and with speed fled upon the same. After whose death succeeded in that dukedom his son Otho, who, when solemnly according to the manner of the Bavarians he should have been created, was also let by the same Henry the Caesar, who forbade the assembly of the magistrates and citizens of the same. They notwithstanding, neglecting his unjust restraint, created him; wherefore he first besieged Ratisbon, and with another company sacked, burnt, and wasted Bavaria; with many more such great outrages and rebellions.

    When intelligence was brought of these things to the emperor, he sent his ambassadors, and commanded that both the Caesar, his son, and the other princes of Germany who had assembled their armies should break up and disperse the same; and because he saw and perceived now manifestly that his son made such open rebellion against him, and fearing greater insurrections to ensue in Germany, he thought good to prevent the same with all expedition; wherefore he determined to go in all haste into Germany with his army, from whence he had been absent now fourteen years, and hereunto he maketh the pope privy. The pope promised the emperor hereupon, that he would write his letters in his behalf to all the princes of Germany; but persuaded him to the uttermost of his power, that he should in no case go into Germany himself. For why? his conscience accused him that he had written to the nobles of Germany, even from the beginning of his papacy (for the hate and grudge he had against the emperor), that they should not suffer him neither any of his heirs to enjoy the empire; and, further, had stirred them all up to rebel against him, and had moved Henry, the emperor’s son, by his bribes and fair promises, to conspire against his father; and to conclude, he was the author and procurer of the conspiracy which the Lombards made then against him; and fearing lest these things should come now to the emperor’s ear, he was greatly troubled and careful. But the emperor not thinking it good at so needful a time to be absent, he (all doubt set apart) with his second son Conrad went speedily into Germany. Assembling there a council in the city of Mentz, Henry the Caesar, his son, after his conspiracy was manifestly detected, which he had in practice with the Lombards (whereof the pope was chief author), was by judgment and sentence of seventy princes condemned of high treason, and being commanded by his father to be bound, was as prisoner brought to Apulia, where, eight years after (A.D. 1242 he died in prison; in whose stead he ordained Conrad, his second son, Caesar, by consent of all the peers and princes. Furthermore, he proscribed Frederic of Austria, a725 for refusing obedience to his commands, and caused him to be proclaimed for an enemy to the public weal. And further, when he saw that punishment would neither cause him to remember himself, nor to acknowledge his offenses, the emperor, with a great army, accompanied by divers of the noblemen of Germany, took from him all Austria and Styrid, and brought them under his own obedience and fidelity.

    The same year the emperor married his third wife, named Isabella, the daughter of King John of England. Then, when he had set Germany in a stay and quietness, he left there Conrad the Caesar, his son, and with his host returneth again into Italy, there to punish such as with Henry, his eldest son, had conspired against him; whose treasons were all detected at the condemnation of Henry Caesar, his son, chiefly set on by the pope.

    When the pope had understanding that the emperor with warlike furniture marched toward Italy, although he feigned himself reconciled and to be a friend to Frederic, yet was he, notwithstanding, to him a most secret and infestive enemy; and, understanding that he brought with him such a power both of horsemen and foot-men to do execution of such as he understood to have been conspirators against him in the late tumult and rebellion, those who were faulty herein and guilty, and all other who took their parts, he admonished to join themselves together, and that they should furnish strongly their cities with garrisons, that they should send for aid to their friends, and that, with all the force they were able, they should prepare them for the war. The rest of the cities also in Italy, whether they were the emperor’s or his own, he endeavoureth to make them all his, and proper to himself.

    Furthermore, unto the emperor the pope sendeth his legates: to whom he gave secret commandment that they should prohibit his coming with an army within the borders of Italy, under pretense of preserving the peace which he had some time since proclaimed a726 to be observed throughout Christendom in order to help the holy war; and also to say, not by way of entreaty, but commandingly, that what cause of controversy he had with the Lombards, the same he should commit to him, and stand to his arbitrement. Whereunto the emperor replying maketh his legate this answer: “The very day,” a727 saith he, “the peace was made between the pope and me, he called me for a chief defense both of the church and himself against the Romans who made war with him; and at his request, with mine own proper charge I maintained that his war, and gave his enemies the overthrow.” He thence argued a728 that the pope would not now do well, through the pretense of peace, to be a hindrance to him from that which both by law and right he might and ought to do; viz. from putting himself in a condition with force to restrain and expel those who gathered themselves together as rebels, and to subdue and punish as they deserved those who had renounced their allegiance to him and his government, and had hindered soldiers and others whom he had sent for on the public service from getting to him, and had in many ways wickedly plotted his destruction. And touching that which the pope demanded of him, that he should commit and defer so great a cause, whereon the well-being and safety of the empire depended, to his arbitrement, by him to be determined, without any limitation of time or any condition annexed, or any saving clause in favor of his imperial dignity or the rights of the empire, a729 he could not (he said) but marvel, seeing that neither it appertained to his falling and faculty, nor to the benefit and commodity of the empire. To this effect writeth Frederic himself in his last epistle.

    And in the same his letter he showeth, that when the emperor at a certain time had been with the pope, at his going away he requested, that when he came again, he would come into Italy only with his household-band and family; for that if he should come as before he did accustom with his army, he should terrify them overmuch; “amongst whom,” saith he, “you may assure yourself to be in great safety, and find all things in rest and quiet;” when quite contrary, as the emperor for a certainty found, he had there all things ready and prepared for his destruction; so that when he pretended unto him greatest friendship, he was busiest in conspiring his death. The certain time when the pope had this exercise in hand against the emperor I cannot search out, neither may it be in his epistles easily found out, as they generally bear no date.

    The emperor then, as he had determined, prosecuted his purpose and marched into Italy, where he brought under his subjection those cities that against him rebelled, as Mantua, Verona, Treviso, Padua, and others. And then he afterwards set upon the great host of the Milanese, the Breschians, the Piacenzans, and other confederators, unto whom the pope’s legate, Gregory a730 Longomontanus, had joined himself; of whom he partly took prisoners, partly slew, ten thousand persons, and among the former their general, being the Podesta, or chief magistrate, of the city of Milan, named Petro Tiepolo, the son of the doge of Venice, and took their Caroccio f806 with all their ensigns. And in this campaign, especially at the recovering of the March of Treviso, he used the friendly aid of Actiolinus, A.D. 1239.

    The pope, now somewhat dismayed at this overthrow of his confederates and mates, though not much, began yet somewhat to fear the emperor; and whereas before, that which he did he wrought secretly and by others, now he goeth to work with might and main to subdue and deprive the emperor.

    But, although the emperor saw and perceived what inward hate and mortal malice he bare towards him, not only by that he so apertly stood with his conspirators against him, but also that on every side he heard and from all parts was brought him certain word how greatly he labored against him, with opprobrious words, and naughty reports and slanders, to the intent to pull from him the hearts and fidelity of his subjects, and make those that were his friends his enemies, neither that he meant at any time to take up and cease from such evil and wicked practices; yet notwithstanding, for that there should be no default in him found for the breach of the league and peace between them a little before concluded, he sendeth four ambassadors to the bishop of Rome, the archbishops of Palermo and Florence, the bishop of Reggio, and Thaddeus de Suessa, who should answer unto and refute those criminous objections which he laid unto him, as also make him privy to his purpose, and what he meant to do, thereby to declare his innocency towards him in such causes, and his simplicity.

    The pope, when he understood these ambassadors to be not far off from Rome, and knew the cause of their coming, thinking with himself, that in hearing the excuse and reasonable answer of the emperor, perhaps he might be provoked to desist from his purpose, and so degenerate from the example a732 of his predecessors, refuseth to speak with them; and at the day appointed pronounceth the sentence of proscription against him. depriving him of all his dignities, honors, titles, prerogatives, kingdoms, and whole empire. And, that the pope had no occasion hereunto, beside Pandolpho Colenuccio the emperor’s own letters plainly shew; in short he seems to have been bent on Frederic’s ruin. Looking about for suitable instruments, he cast his eye on Jacomo Tiepolo, doge of Venice, a733 whom, for the displeasure he must have conceived at the emperor’s imprisoning of his son, he doubted not to win over to his schemes:

    Blondus in fact asserts that this was the pope’s chief reliance amidst the troubles which surrounded him. He therefore wrote him a highly complimentary letter, in which he styles him lord of the fourth part of Croatia and Dalmatia, and of half the Roman empire, and solicits his aid against Frederic. Further, inviting the Venetians and Genoese, who were at variance touching some naval interests, to refer their dispute to him, he made peace between them, and covenanted with them upon this condition, a734 that at their joint charges they should rig and man five-andtwenty galleys, which should spoil and burn all along the sea-coasts of the kingdoms and dominions of Frederic.

    Further, when the pope saw the good will and fidelity which the Germans bare unto the emperor, and saw also what aid the emperor had of them, and that he was not likely to win them to his purpose, then had he recourse again to his old crafty practices and subtleties. Above all he resolved to sow dissension, if possible, among the German nobility. To this end, he devised to put forth an edict at Rome, addressed to the Christian world at large, the beginning whereof is, “Ascendit de marl bellica bestia;” wherein he declareth the causes wherefore he curseth and giveth the emperor to the devil of hell, and dejected him from all his princely dignity. He in the same accuseth him of so many and so huge a heap of mischiefs, as to nominate them my heart detesteth. For besides that he denies to his sovereign lord, the emperor, the very name of a man, he slandereth him of treason, perjury, cruelty, sacrilege, killing of his kind, and all impiety; he accuseth him for a heretic, a schismatic, and a miscreant; a735 and to be brief, what mischief soever the pope can devise, with that doth he charge him and burden him. “All this doth he,” saith the pope, “that when he hath brought our holiness and all the ecclesiastical estate to beggary, he might scoff at, and deride the religion of Christ.” This edict he sendeth by the hands of divers his creatures into Germany. And now, for that the pope had a great and special trust in one Albert Beham, dean of the cathedral at Passau (a man of good family, but as crafty an apostle as the best), a736 as one whom he saw ready to lean to his lust, to him the pope delivered, besides the aforesaid edict, also two mandates in separate letters, in which he commanded all bishops, prelates, and other of the clergy, that they should solemnly recite the said edict in their churches instead of their sermon, showing how he had excommunicate Frederic out of the fellowship of Christian men, and had put him from the procuration or government of the empire, and that he had released all his subjects from their allegiance and fidelity towards him; and furthermore chargeth them and all other Christian men, under pain of cursing and damnation, that neither they should succor the emperor, nor yet so much as wish him well. Thus he, being the pope’s special and trusty servitor, and made to his hand, caused a most horrible confusion and chaos of public quietness, as shall hereafter appear.

    Amongst all other noblemen of Germany at that time was Otho, the palatine of the Rhine and duke of Bavaria, both towards the emperor most serviceable, and also a prince of great honor, riches, and estimation. This prince, both with fair promises and also rewards, Albert seduced from him; for that he was made by him to believe, that Louis, his father, of whom we spake before, was by the emperor murdered and slain. And the same Otho again caused three other princes to revolt from the emperor to the pope, who were his neighbors and intimate friends, viz. Wenceslaus, king of Bohemia, Bela, king of Hungary, and Henry, duke of Poland and Silesia.

    To whom came also Frederic, ex-duke of Austria, a738 who, because he was proscribed or outlawed by the emperor and had his dukedom taken away from him, as you heard, a737 was easily won to the pope.

    These resolved to translate the empire unto the son of the king of Denmark, and requested of the pope to send his legates to an assembly which they would convene for that purpose.

    The emperor was at Padua when news was brought to him of what the pope had done at Rome. He therefore commanded Peter de Vineis, his secretary, on Easter-day to make an oration to the people of his great and liberal munificence to the bishops and church of Rome, and, again, of the injuries done by them towards him in recompense thereof; of his innocency also in that whereof he had been accused, and of the unseemliness of such treatment; of the right use of the ecclesiastical censure; and of the errors and abuses of the church of Rome. By which oration of his he so removed from many men’s hearts the cloud of blind superstition, and the conceived opinion of holiness of the church of Rome and bishops of the same, and also of their usurped power and subtle persuasion, that they both plainly saw and perceived the vices and filthiness of the church of Rome and of the bishops of that see, as also their fraudulent deceits and flagitious doings, most vehemently lamenting and complaining of the same. Alberic maketh mention of certain verses which were sent and written between the bishop of Rome and the emperor, which verses in the latter end of this present history of Frederic you shall find.

    The emperor, moreover, both by his letters and ambassadors, giveth intelligence unto all Christian kings, to the princes of his own empire, to the college of cardinals, and to the people of Rome, as well of the feigned crimes wherewith he was charged, as also of the cruelty of the bishop of Rome against him. The copy of which letter or epistle here followeth.

    THE EMPEROR TO THE PRELATES OF THE WORLD F812 In the beginning and creation of the world, the wise and ineffable providence of God (who asketh counsel of none) placed in the firmament of heaven two lights, a greater and a less, the greater to govern the day, and the less to govern the night, which two are so allotted to their proper offices and duties in the zodiac, that although oftentimes the one move obliquely to the other, yet the one does not run against the other; nay the superior doth communicate his light to the inferior. Even so, the same eternal foreknowledge hath appointed upon the earth two regiments, that is to say priesthood and kingly power; the one for knowledge and wisdom, the other for defense; that man, who in his two component parts had too long run riot, might have two reins to govern and bridle him withal, and so peace thereby and love might dwell upon the face of the earth, all excesses being restrained. But, alas! the bishop of Rome of our time, sitting in the chair of perverse doctrine, that pharisee anointed with the oil of iniquity above his fellows, is endeavoring to set aside the fact that he is but an inferior imitation of the celestial order, and fancies perhaps that he is to correspond in all particulars with those heavenly bodies on high which are impelled by their nature not by will. Accordingly, he purposeth to bring under an eclipse the brightness of our majesty, whilst that (substituting fable for truth) he sends his papal letters, stuffed with lies, into sundry parts of the world; out of his own ill temper, and upon no reasonable cause, discrediting the purity of our religious character. For this—pope in name only—hath declared us to be “the beast rising out of the sea full of names of blasphemy and spotted like a leopard.” But we say, that he is himself that beast of whom we thus read:” And there went forth another horse that was red out of the sea, and he that sat on him took peace away out of the earth, that the dwellers upon the earth should destroy one another.” For since the time of his promotion, he, acting as a father not of mercies but of discord, and as a promoter of desolation instead of consolation, hath excited all the world to commit offense. And, to take his own allusions in their right sense and interpretation, he is that “great dragon that deceived the whole world;” he is that Antichrist, of whom he hath called us the forerunner; he is another Balaam, hired for money to curse us; the chief among those princes of darkness, who have abused prophecies: he is that angel leaping out of the sea, having the vials filled with bitterness, that he may hurt both the sea and the land. For this counterfeit vicar of Christ hath inserted among his other fables that we do not rightly believe in the Christian faith, and that we have said that the world is deceived by three impostors. But God forbid that such a thing should have escaped our lips; seeing that we openly confess the only Son of God, coeternal and coequal with the Father and the Holy Ghost, our Lord Jesus Christ, begotten from the beginning and before the worlds, and in process of time sent down upon the earth for the succor of mankind; not by delegated, but by his own, power; who was born of the glorious Virgin Mary, and after that suffered and died as touching the flesh; and that, by virtue of his godhead, the other nature which he assumed in the womb of his mother rose from death the third day. But we have learned that the body of Mahomet hangeth in the air beset by devils, and that his soul is in hell-torments; whose works were contrary to the law of the Most High. We hold also, being taught by the page of truth, that Moses was the familiar friend of God, and that he talked with God in Mount Sinai; unto whom the Lord appeared at the burning bush (Exodus 3:4), by whom also he wrought signs and wonders in Egypt, and delivered the law to the Hebrew nation; and that afterwards he showed him in glory with the elect. In regard of these and other things our enemy and envier of our state, bringing a scandal on a true son of Mother Church, hath written against us venemous and lying slander, and hath sent the same to the whole world. But if he had rightly followed the Apostle’s mind, and had not preferred passion, which beareth such sway with him, before reason, he would not have written such things, at the suggestion of men who call light darkness and evil good, and who suspect honey to be gall; and all for the opinion they have conceived of a place in the prophecies of scripture, which indeed is both weak and infirm for their purpose, since by opinion truth may be converted into falsehood and vice versa. But surely men ought not to be splitting opinions, which may be true or false and cannot be made matters of faith, at the very door (as it were) of the pope’s conscience.

    Seeing all these things, we are compelled not a little to marvel, and it doth also much disquiet our minds, when we perceive that you, who are the foundations of the church, the pillars of righteousness, the assessors of Peter, the senators of the great city, and the hinges of the world, have not qualified the motion of so fierce a judge; as do the planets of heaven in their kind, which to mitigate the passing swift course of a great orb draw a contrary way by their opposite movings. In very deed, imperial felicity hath always from the beginning been spurned at by papal envy. As Simonides, being demanded why he had no enemies and enviers of his estate, answered and said, “because I have had no good success in any thing that ever I took in hand;” so, for that we have had prosperous success in all our enterprises by the blessing of God (especially in the overthrow unto death of our rebellious enemies the Lombairds, to whom in their good quarrel he had promised life), this is the cause wherefore this apostolical bishop mourneth, and now goeth about with the aid of your counsels to impugn this our felicity. But perhaps he vaunteth himself in his power of binding and loosing.

    Wherever virtue, however, is wanting to power, there presently doth abuse take place: this we see exemplified in him who was so mighty a king and so eminent a prophet, and yet had to crave the restitution of God’s Holy Spirit, when he had polluted the dignity of his office. But as things which ought not to be loosed are not to be loosed, so things that ought not to be bound are not to be bound: which thing is manifestly proved from that passage of holy scripture, “they slay the souls that should not die, and save the souls alive that should not live.” Therefore God is able to humble and bring down those that are unworthy of power, as much as him pleaseth and when him pleaseth, for God can do all things.

    Doubtless, if this bishop of Rome were a true pontiff indeed, he would keep himself “harmless, undefiled, and separate from sinners:” he would not then be an offerer of dissentious sacrifice, but a peacable offerer of love and charity; and he would cense, not with the incense of grief and hatred, but with the sweet-smelling incense of concord and unity; neither yet would he alter “suum pontifieium in maleficium,” that is, make of a sanctified office an execrable abuse. If he were a true pontiff, he would not wrest the preaching of the word to produce contention. Nor will we be accused of being an enemy to mother church in so saying, which mother church is holy in herself, whom with all reverence we worship and with honor we embrace, so beautified and adorned with God’s holy sacraments. Some individuals notwithstanding, who are slaves of corruption though they have gone out from the midst of her, we utterly reject. And forsomuch as the injuries wherewith our majesty is continually molested are not transitory, and that we cannot quietly abide them, nor ought we in very deed to relax our authority, therefore we are enforced to take revenge upon them. You, therefore, that are men of better counsels, and have the excellent gift of wisdom and understanding, restrain you that roaring enemy of ours from these his proceedings, whose beginnings are so wicked and detestable; wisely forecasting from preceding cases the consequences which must follow in the present instance. Otherwise you that are under our subjection, as well in the empire as in our other dominions, shall feel and perceive what revenge by sword Augustus shall take, both of his chief enemy and persecutor, and also of the princes that are his fautors and adherents.

    This done, he commands, by proclamation, a solemn parliament or council of all the princes, and other nobility of the empire, to assemble at Aegra; whither came Conrad the Caesar, the archbishop of Mentz, the Saxon dukes, the lords of Brandenburgh, Misnia, and Thuringia, and the representatives of all the nobles of Brabant, to aid the emperor. But Wenceslaus and Otho a739 refusing to attend, and offering through their ambassadors to mediate between the contending parties (in which offer the Austrians likewise joined), the council became divided in opinion, and separated without doing anything for the emperor. Then Frederic of Austria a740 (whom the emperor had deprived, as ye heard) by the aid of the Bavarians and Bohemians recovered again the dukedoms of Austria and Styria, putting to flight and discomfiting the emperor’s bands and garrisons which he had there.

    But though the pope’s agents a741 (especially that honest man, Albert Beham, the Bohemian) had allured to the pope Otho the duke of Bavaria, as ye heard, and divers other noblemen of Germany; yet notwithstanding, certain prelates in Bavaria, as Everhard, archbishop of Saltzburg, and Sifrid, bishop of Ratisbon, being at that time the emperor’s chancellor, Rudiger, bishop of Passau, Conrad, bishop of Frisinghen, and the heads of the religious houses, forsook not the emperor. All which the aforesaid Albert not only did excommunicate, but also by process sought to bring them up to Rome before the pope, giving commandment to their collegioners and cloisterers, that they should deprive them of their offices, and choose such others in their stead as would obey the pope. All which things a742 the pope (understanding by Albert of their fidelity to the emperor) corroborated and confirmed, commanding their inferiors to choose other bishops and prelates in their stead. But the bishops and prelates with one consent contemning the pope’s mandates and writs, and also the curses and threatenings of Albert, accused, reproved, and greatly blamed his temerity, and the tyranny which he practiced against the churches of Germany, and especially against the good emperor; that he durst be so bold as to meddle in churches committed to the emperor’s government without his consent, against the old and ancient customs; that he had excommunicated the emperor without just cause; and that he had condemned the emperor’s faithful subjects as enemies to the church, for standing with their liege and sovereign prince (which allegiance they might not violate without horrible iniquity), and had sought to disquiet them likewise in their charges and administrations; and they solemnly appealed to the emperor for redress. a743 They also accused and condemned Albert himself for a most impudent impostor and wicked varlet, and they devoted him to the devil, as a most pestiferous botch and sore of the Christian commonweal, and as a ruinous enemy, as well of the church, as of his own natural country; and further declared their opinion, that he and all the rest of the pope’s pursuivants ought to be driven out of Germany, as being most wicked devisers of all kinds of mischief.

    This done, they make relation hereof to the emperor by their letters; and further, they advertise all the princes of Germany (especially those who were of the pope’s faction or rebellion, and were the favorers of Albert), that they should take heed, and beware in any case of his subtle deceits and pernicious deceivable allurements, and that they should not assist the pope, for all his words, against the emperor. And doubtless a744 (chiefly by the counsel and persuasion of the archbishop of Saltzburg, primate of Bavaria) Frederic of Austria was again reconciled to the emperor; from whose friendship and alliance he would never after that be detached by any promises, threatenings, bribes, or pains, no, nor for the execrable curses of the pope’s own holy mouth. But Albert a745 prosecuteth still his purposed mischief, alluring and inciting by all means possible friends to the pope, and enemies to the emperor, and that not amongst the lowest but the highest classes of his subjects, the nobility and gentry. Unto some he gave the tithes to fight against the emperor, to other some he gave the glebe-lands of benefices, and to other some he gave the spoil of such colleges and monasteries as took not part with the pope; and to some other also he gave the colleges and monasteries themselves. And Aventine f818 actually names the individuals to whom the ecclesiastical tithes were given that they might espouse the pope’s cause, and the colleges and monasteries pillaged and sequestrated, and the glebe-lands seized, and the doers therein. Hereby was there a window opened to do what they listed, every man according to his ravening and detestable lust, and all things lay open unto their greedy and insatiable desires. Who listeth to hear more hereof, let him read Aventine, who largely treateth of the same in his book before noted, and there shall he see what vastation grew thereby to the whole state of Germany, but specially in Bavaria. a746 While these things were thus working in Germany, Frederic, leaving in Lombardy Actiolinus with a great part of his host, and passing with the rest by the Apennines, came to Etruria and set the same in a stay, after that he had allayed certain insurrections there; and from thence to Pisa, where he was with great amity and honor received and welcomed. This city was always steady and faithful to the emperors of Germany. The pope, understanding of the emperor’s coming into Etruria, and knowing what a large part of his troops he had left in Lombardy, with a great army besieged the city of Ferrara, that always loved the emperor full well; which city when the pope’s legate had assaulted sharply the space of five months, and could not win the same, he devised with himself to send for Salingwerra out of the town by way of a parley, pledging, his faith and truth to him for his safe return; who by the persuasion of Hugo Rambartus, that said he might do the same without peril (it being but by way of parley), came to the legate; who, intercepting a747 his return, took him prisoner, contrary to good faith and justice. And thus gat he Ferrara, and delivered the keeping thereof to Azo, marquis of Este. And that the pope’s legate thus falsified his truth, and circumvented the captain and old man Salingwerra, the same is confessed of the historians friendly to the pope, yea, commended of them as a stroke of warlike policy. But to return again. About the same time also the Venetian navy, at Monte Gargano, chased twelve galleys of the emperor’s, which were appointed to the keeping of that coast, and spoiled, burned, and wasted all the region; and, further, took one of the emperor’s great ships, being driven by tempestuous weather into the haven of Siponto, fraught with men and munition.

    Frederic again, getting on his side the cities of Lucca, Volterra, Sienna, and Arezzo, and most of the cities of Etruria, to help his own dominions came from Pisa to Viterbo, a748 which took part with him. Blondus and Platina and some others say, that the names and factions of Ghibellines and Guelphs sprang from Frederic at this time; for that a749 having sent his spies through all the towns and cities of Italy, to ascertain which took part with and favored the pope, and which the emperor, he called the one by the name of Ghibellines, and the other by the name of Guelphs. But, for that they bring no sufficient proof thereof but only slender conjecture, I rather cleave to the opinion of Nauclerus, Herman Contract, Antoninus of Florence, Castiglioni, and others, who say, that these names had their first beginning in Italy, when Conrad, uncle of Frederic I., was emperor; and that those who were devoted to the pope were called Guelphs from Guelph, youngest brother of Henry the Proud, while the emperor’s partisans were called Ghibellines from Vaiblingen, the native place of Conrad or his son. But to our purpose. a750 The pope, when he understood that Frederic was come to Viterbo, was much alarmed, for that he feared he would come still nearer to Rome, the good will of which city the pope much mistrusted. He therefore ordered litanies, and caused the heads a751 of Peter and Paul (if we are to believe them genuine) to be carried round in procession; and having in a sharp and abusive oration attacked the emperor, he promised everlasting life, and gave the badge of the cross, to as many as would take up arms against the emperor, as a most wicked enemy of God and his church. Now when the emperor, drawing near to Rome gates, beheld those, whom the pope by his goodly spectacle of St. Peter and St. Paul and by his promises had stirred up against him, coming to meet him with the badge of the cross; disdaining to be accounted for an enemy of the church, when he had been thereunto so beneficial, giving a fierce charge upon them he soon dispersed them; and as many as he took prisoners he put to excruciating torture a752 by burning or cutting the mark of the cross in their flesh. From thence marching into Campania and his own kingdoms, he levied a great mass of money, and mustered new bands, and augmented his army; and in these bands he retained the Saracens also. And to the intent he might find the Saracens the more trusty to him, he appointed them a city named Luceria to dwell in. For which thing although the papistical writers do greatly blame and opprobriously write of Frederic, yet notwithstanding, Nicholas Machiavelli doth write, that for this cause he retained them,—lest, through the pope’s execrable curses, he should be quite destitute of soldiers, as was Frederic Barbarossa, his grandfather, a little before, when of pope Alexander III. he was excommunicated, as ye have heard. f819 After a753 this, when the emperor had severely punished the pope’s ecclesiastical consorts, such as conspired with the pope against him, and had wasted and destroyed Benevento, Monte Cassino, and Sora (because they took part with the pope against him), and had founded the new city of Aquila, a754 he marched forth with a great host both of horsemen and footmen to Picenum, that he might vanquish his enemies in Italy, and besieged Ascoli, a fortified city belonging to the adverse faction. a755 He there, having understanding of what the pope’s emissaries a756 had done with the princes-electors, and other princes of Germany, especially with Wenceslaus, king of Bohemia, and Otho the Palatine, writeth his letters unto them. In these he first showed, how those contumelies and spiteful words, which the pope blustered out against him, applied rather to himself; and how the bishops of Rome had taken to them of late such heart of grace a757 and were become so lofty, that they not only sought to bring emperors, kings, and princes under their obedience, but also to be honored as gods; and impudently affirmed that they cannot err, a758 neither yet be subject to or bound by any obligation however sacred; and that it was lawful for them to do all things what they list; neither that any account was to be sought or demanded of their doings, or else to be made of them to any: and further, that they imperiously a759 commanded (and that under pain of damnation), that men believe every thing they say, how great a lie soever it be; insomuch that, by reason of this inordinate ambition of theirs, all things were going backward, and the whole state of the Christian commonweal was subverted, neither could there any enemy be found more hurtful or perilous to the church of God than they. He wrote unto them, furthermore, that he (to whom the greatest charge and dignity in the whole commonweal was appointed and committed), seeing and perceiving their good hearts, wills, and practices towards him in his great peril, would with all the power and ability that God had given him do his endeavor, that he who in the likeness of the shepherd of the flock, and the servant of Christ, and chief prelate in the church, showed himself so very a wolf, persecutor, and tyrant, might be removed from that place, and. that a true and faithful shepherd of God’s flock might be appointed in the church. Wherefore he exhorted them, that if they desired the safety and preservation both of the empire and of Christendom in general, they should be unto him no hinderers, but furtherers of his purpose and proceedings; lest, otherwise, they also should happen to fall under the same yoke of servitude to the bishop of Rome. a760 .And further, he gave them to know, that if the pope should attain a761 to that he sought for (that is, to be an emperor and king over kings), yet would that be no stay of his insatiable desire, but he would be as greedy and ravenous as now he is; therefore, if they were wise, they would withstand him betimes, lest hereafter, when they would, it would be too late, neither should they be able to withstand his tyranny. ¾ The effect of this epistle I took out of Aventine, who also writeth, that the emperor’s legates, when they delivered it, enlarged on the same subject in a speech. a762 Wenceslaus, somewhat relenting at this letter, promiseth to accomplish the emperor’s biddings and precepts, and forthwith gathereth an assembly of princes and nobles at Aegra; where, by common consent, they think to renovate with the emperor a new league and covenant. And furthermore, they decree Otho of Bavaria, the author of this defection (who was absent, and would not be at this their assembly), to be an enemy to the commonweal. Otho then, seeing himself not able to stand against the Caesar and the other princes with whom he was associated, desiring aid of the pope by his letters, came with all speed to Wenceslaus, his kinsman, and entreated him not to desert, the party, but could not prevail; he obtaineth, notwithstanding, thus much at their hands, that the league and covenant which they were in hand to make with the emperor should for a time be deferred, and that another assembly should be called, whereat he also would be, and join himself with them. In the mean season, the pope sent his rescript unto Wenceslaus and to Otho, tending to this effect; that in no case they should either forsake him or else the church, to take the emperor’s part. And so much a763 prevailed he by the means of Bohuslaus and Budislaus (who were the chief of the senate regal, and whom by his fair promises and bribes he had previously gained to his interest), that a day was appointed for a new assembly to be held at Lebus, for the express purpose of electing a new emperor, in contempt and defiance of Frederic, the true emperor, and his son and heir Conrad. And whilst that this was thus in hand, Conrad the Caesar casteth Landshuta, the wife of Otho (then absent), in the teeth, for the great benefits and possessions which her husband had and possessed by his ancestors; and threateneth that unless her husband took a better way with himself, and showed his obedience to the emperor, his father, he should not enjoy one foot of that land which now he had by his ancestors. The preferments and dignities which Otho had by the ancestors of Conrad the Caesar came thus: Frederic Barbarossa, at a parliament holden at Wurtzburg A.D. 1180, condemned Henry Leo of high treason, and deprived him of his dominions of Bavaria and Saxony, and gave Bavaria to Otho of Wittlespach, because he had done him so faithful service in his Italian wars. After that, Louis, the son of that Otho, obtained of this emperor Frederic II., in recompense of his assured and trusty fidelity, the palatinate of the Rhine in reversion; also Agnes, the daughter of Henry, the living earl-palatine, to be given to Otho his son in marriage. But this Henry was the son of Henry Leo, the traitor; unto whom Henry VI. (the father of Frederic II.), having given him in marriage his niece Clementia, the daughter of his brother Conrad, Palatine of the Rhine, gave him also the palatinate itself on precarious tenure, And as touching the government of Bavaria, that had also formerly been held by the ancestors of Otho of Wittlespach. But to our purpose again.

    At the same time, the archbishop of Cologne a764 revolted to the pope; who not long after, in a skirmish with the earl of Brabant, was vanquished and taken prisoner. But Frederic of Austria, after he was received into favor again with the emperor keeping most constantly his promise and fidelity renewed, during this time made sharp war upon the Bohemians and Hungarians, who took part with the pope, and greatly annoyed them. As these things thus passed in Germany, the emperor, when he had gotten Ascoli and led his host into Flaminia, having taken Ravenna, from thence came to Faenza, which city never loved the emperor (the circuit of whose walls is five miles in compass), and pitched his camp round about it. And although the siege was much hindered by the severity of the weather (it being in the very depth of winter), still notwithstanding, through the great fortitude and incredible exertions of the soldiers, to whom he represented that it would be no little disgrace for them to retire from the enterprise unsuccessful, he surmounted all difficulties. a765 And therefore, when now the winter (so extremely cold and hard) was well near ended, and the spring-time now hard at hand, and when by long battery he had made the walls in divers places assaultable, the citizens (being greatly discouraged, and in despair of maintaining the defense thereof) sent ambassadors to the emperor, craving pardon for their offense, and that he would grant them their lives, and so yielded themselves to his mercy.

    The emperor, having against them good and sufficient cause of revenge, yet for that his noble heart thought it to be the best revenge that might be, to pardon the offense of vanquished men, considered it better to grant them their requests, and to save the city and citizens with innumerable people, than by arms to make the same his soldiers’ prey, to the destruction both of the city and great number of people therein. So doth this good emperor in one of his epistles, “Adaueta nobis,” confess himself. Which epistle, to declare the lenity and merciful heart of so worthy a prince (if with great and marvelous provocations and wrongs he had not been incited), I would in the midst of the history here have placed, but that I have kept you long herein, and yet not finished the same.

    In this siege the emperor, having spent and consumed almost all his treasure, both gold and silver, caused other money to be made of leather, which on the one side had his image, and on the other side the spread eagle (the arms of the empire), and made a proclamation, that the same should pass from man to man for all necessaries instead of other money; and therewithal promised, that whosoever brought the same money unto his exchequer when the wars were ended, he would give them gold for the same, according to the value of every coin limited; which thing afterwards truly and faithfully he performed, as all the historiographers do accord.

    When the pope had thus, as before is said, stopped his ears and would not hear the emperor s ambassadors who came to entreat fort peace, but rejected and despised his most courteous and equitable demands, and yet found that he, with his confederates, could not, prevail against him in open warfare, although he had left no means untried; a766 he, by his legates, inviteth to a council to be held at Rome all such prelates out of Italy, France, and England, as he thought to favor him and his proceedings; that hereby, as his last shift and only refuge, he by their helps might deprive Frederic of his empire, as an utter enemy to God and to the church. All which things Frederic having understanding of, and knowing that these persons were about to assemble under the pope’s influence for his ruin, he determined to hinder their passage to Rome, as well by sea as by land, in all that ever he might. Accordingly, having preoccupied all the passages by land, he commanded his son Henry, king of Sardinia (whom the Italians call Encio), to take some galleys with him and go to Pisa, and with the Pisans (whom he had likewise ordered to equip a fleet) to meet and intercept (if possible) the pope’s partisans on their way to Rome. The pope’s partisans, understanding that they could not safely repair to Rome by land, procured forty galleys, with the Genoese navy f824 under the command of Guilelinus Braccius for their convoy; thinking that hereby, if they should fortune to meet with any of the emperor’s galleys which might lie in wait for them, they should be able to make their part good, and give them also the repulse. For the emperor, in like manner, Encio and Hugolinus (the commodore of the Pisan fleet) launched forth to sea with forty galleys; and within the isles of Giglio and Monte Christo, which lie between Leghorn and Corsica, they met with the Genoese navy and straightways attacked it; and when Gulielmus the admiral, contrary to the wish of the ecclesiastics, who were for flight, attempted to resist the attack, three of his ships having been boulged and sunk, the rest (twentytwo in number) with all that they contained fell into the emperor’s hands.

    In these were taken three legates of the pope’s, viz. Iacomo Colonna, cardinal-bishop of Pales-trine, Otho, of the noble house of the marquisses of Montferrat, cardinal of St. Nicholas, and Gregory de Romania, all cruel enemies against the emperor; and many prelates were taken with them, besides a great number of delegates and proctors of cities, with a countless rabble of priests and monks, besides also more than four thousand Genoese soldiers, with the officers of the navy, and the admiral himself who was of patrician rank.

    Pandolpho Colenuccio, in describing the circumstances of the great loss and misfortune of these partisans of the pope by sea, amongst the rest declareth, that besides the great prey and booty which the takers had from them, they also found many writings and letters against Frederic, which much helped them in the defense of that cause wherein the others labored against him. Another like mischance, also, about the same time happened on the pope’s side, by the emperor’s soldiers who lay in the garrison at Pavia, thus: There went forth upon a time out of Pavia into the borders of the Genoese certain bands, to give them alarms in the country; which bands the scurriers of Milan (where lay a great garrison of the pope’s) descrying, told the captain of the town, that now there was a very opportune and fit time to give an assault to Pavia; “since,” say they, “the greatest part are now gone foraging.” Whereupon they immediately calling together the captains and such as had charge, set their soldiers in array, and marched forward to Pavia. And now, when they were come almost thither, the Parian bands (whom they thought to have been far off foraging) returned and met with them, and fiercely gave a full charge upon them: who, being dismayed at the suddenness of the matter, fought not long, but gave over and fled. In which skirmish were taken, besides those that were slain, three hundred and fifty captains, who were brought prisoners into Pavia with all their ensigns.

    News a767 hereof was brought to the emperor not long after, who then was on his march from Faenza to the city of Bologna, thinking to destroy the same. But upon the hearing of this happy success, he altereth his purpose, and, thinking by a decisive blow to end the contest, leadeth his army towards Rome; and in the way he admitted to terms the city of Pesaro.

    But Fano, because the townsmen shut their gates and would not suffer the emperor to come in, he took by force and destroyed. For the emperor, seeing that neither by petition made to the pope, nor yet by his lawful excusation, he could do any good with him, thought that by his sudden coming thither, and with fear of the peril imminent, he might be brought to reasonable terms, and caused to leave off his accustomed pertinacity. And although the emperor was too strong for him, yet, for that he regarded nothing more than the public tranquillity of the empire, and that he might then take the Tartarian wars in hand if he could by any means conclude a peace, he refused not so to treat with him, as though he had been both in force and fortune much the pope’s inferior.

    Whilst that this ruffle was betwixt the emperor and the pope, Ochodarius, son and successor of Ghengis the first emperor of the Tartars, sent a large and well-appointed army to invade the neighboring countries, and bring them into subjection to him. a768 Who, almost without opposition, subdued the Russians, Podolians, Moldavians, Wallachians, Poles, and Prussians, laid waste the fields, and plundered, burnt, ruined, and destroyed cities, towns, villages, and buildings of every description; killing man, woman, and child, and sparing none of any sex or age. (A.D. 1205.) At whose sudden invasion the people were in such fear and perplexity, that not a single band, garrison town, or even walled city, dared to resist; a769 but all hastened to leave all they had, and disperse themselves into woods, and flee to marshes and mountains, or wheresoever else any succor did offer itself to them. They had now come as far as Breslau, when Henry, duke of Poland and Silesia, went forth with an army to meet them; who, for the inequality of the number of his forces, had soon an overthrow, and almost all his army being destroyed, he himself was taken and slain with an ax. From thence they came to Moravia, and from thence to the kingdom of Bohemia, which countries, while the king kept himself in strong defenced forts and durst not come abroad, they invaded, and destroyed all Hungary; putting to flight and vanquishing Colman, the brother of Bela IV. king of Hungary, also making great spoil in both the Pannonias, both the Moesias, Bulgaria, and Servia. When Bela, king of Hungary, had gotten to Pola (which is a city of Istria) unto Otho, the duke of Dalmatia and Istria, he sent ambassadors to Frederic, the emperor; promising that if he would send him aid, so that the Tartars might be expelled, Hungary should ever after be under the jurisdiction of the emperor; which thing if he should refuse to do, that then Hungary would be in great danger of being subjected to the Tartars, to the no little peril of the whole empire:and said further, that the cause wherefore he with more instance required the same, was, that so many Christian men and countries made such pitiful lamentation in this their great ca]amity and misery, and that there was none able to help them; “which,” saith he, “is as great shame as possible to the whole Christian commonweal;” and also said, that if’ the malice of this barbarous people were not suppressed, then he thought they would make invasion upon the empire itself and the provinces of the same.

    The emperor, although he thought it very requisite that with all convenient speed this mischief should be remedied and prevented, yet notwithstanding, his great enemy the pope, with his confederates, was the only let a770 and hindrance thereof. When, therefore, he perceived that he himself could do no good, and only labored in vain in seeking peace with the pope, he gave commandment to Wenceslaus and Otho of Bavaria to entreat and persuade with him, that, considering the imminent peril like to ensue by reason of such civil dissension to the whole state of Christendom, he would take up and conclude a peace, and mitigate somewhat his fierce and wrathful mood. When, however, he saw further, that neither by that means of entreaty, a771 nor any other, the pope would desist from his stubborn malicious and froward purpose, he writeth back to the king of Hungary that he was right sorry, and greatly lamented their miserable state, and that he much desired to relieve the need and necessity that he and all the rest stood in. But, as the cause why he could not redress the same nor stand him then in any stead, he blamed greatly the bishop of Rome; who refusing all entreaty of peace, he (the emperor) could not without great peril to himself depart out of Italy, lest that, when he should come to the aid of him, by the pope’s mischievous imaginations he should be in peril of losing all at home. Notwithstanding, he sent orders a772 to Conrad the Caesar, to the king of Bohemia, and to other princes more of Germany, to go and meet the enemy’ and a great number of those who had taken the cross in Germany were offering their services against the Tartars, when they received orders from Albert, the pope’s factor, a773 to stay at home, until they should be called out by him against the emperor. To conclude, such was the loving zeal and affection of the pope and his adherents in this time of calamity towards the Christian state and commonwealth, that he had rather bend his force and revenge his malice upon the Christian and good emperor, than either himself withstand the Tartar, or suffer and permit by conclusion of any profitable peace that this most bloody and cruel enemy should be let and restrained from such havoc, spoil, and slaughter of the Christian men: and yet, forsooth, these men will seem to have the greatest regard of all other to the preservation of Christendom, and think to have the supremacy given therein! What thing else is this, than manifest mockery and deceiving of the people? One good effect, however, came of this spoil and havoc of Poland, Bohemia, and Hungary, viz. that the conspirators did not meet at Lebus (as had been determined) about the deposing of the emperor and the creation of another. a774 But now, notwithstanding the provident foresight and wise policy of the emperor (as you heard before) in restraining the passages both by sea and land, who gave most strict charge and had special regard thereunto, that none should pass without privy search and examination, as one having sufficient trial, as well in his own person as by the example of his predecessors, what great mischief and dissension by their legates every way sent out the popes had procured both to the imperial state and dignity and to the whole country of Germany; yet found they such means and wrought such policies, that they had not only secret passage and repassage with their letters and spies into all Christendom where they listed, but also so labored the matter and handled the same, that the longcontinued league of amity between the French king and the emperor, whose predecessors, as also they themselves, had many years reverently observed it in Christian concord and unity, was by this seditious prelate and arrogant vicar of Satan now either utterly infringed, or else in variable suspense; as by their letters to each other, and hereunder ensuing, is to be read and seen; which, for the more probability of this history of Frederic (not being long or greatly tedious), I thought meet here to intext and place.

    THE EPISTLE OF THE FRENCH KING TO FREDERIC THE EMPEROR, TOUCHING THE IMPRISONMENT OF CERTAIN CARDINALS OF FRANCE F828 Hitherto, noble emperor, hath our confidence been maintained unshaken, that, owing to the mutual affection which has subsisted for a long course of time between the empire and our realm, no matter could arise to hatch hatred and offense between us.

    Especially seeing that all the kings of France, our predecessors of blessed memory, have even to our own times taken a warm interest in the honor and dignity of your empire; and also that we, whom God hath placed to reign in succession after them, have been no otherwise minded. None otherwise also, on their part, have the ancient as well as the more recent emperors of the Romans esteemed their empire and the kingdom of France as one, and have preserved the unity of peace and concord; insomuch that there hath not chanced between them so much as one spark of dissension. We therefore cannot but greatly marvel, and not without good cause are troubled, that, without any cause or ground of offense given on our part, you have caused prelates of our realm to be apprehended at sea, making their repair to the apostolic see (to the which as well by their faith as by their allegiance they stood bound, neither could they refuse its mandates), and that you do still detain the, same in your custody: whereat (we do your highness to wit) we are more hurt’ than perhaps you may imagine. For by their own letters we understand that they had contemplated nothing prejudicial to your imperial highness, although the pope should have prosecuted therein further than became him to do. Wherefore, seeing that there is no cause in them why you should detain them, it becometh your highness to set at liberty the said prelates of our realm; whereby also you shall appease our grudge, who account the injury you do to them as done to ourselves. For why? It were a great dishonor to our noble realm, if we should wink hereat and overpass the same with silence. If you will not a775 attend to the above considerations, it will perhaps weigh with you, that when the cardinal-bishop of Palestrine and other legates of the church came imploring our aid to your prejudice, we gave them a flat refusal; neither could they obtain in our kingdom any thing at all which seemed to be against or prejudicial to your majesty. Let therefore your imperial providence ponder in the balance of judgment those things which we write unto you, neither let our lawful request unto you be frustrated or made in vain. For our kingdom of France is not so weak as that it will allow itself to be trampled under your feet. Fare ye well.

    THE RESCRIPT OF THE EMPEROR TO THE SAME LETTER OF THE KING OF FRANCE F829 Our imperial excellency hath perused the letters of your royal serenity, wherein if we had not found manifest self-contradiction, they might peradventure have obtained at our hands all that they required. But even as with a little leaven a whole lump of dough is soured, so a single particular falsely alleged destroyeth the whole argument of your letter. For it is apparent that your grace’s letter wanteth the virtue of the middle part in the conclusion of the same, as we will evidently prove to you from facts which are notorious to all. It is notorious then, and to all the world revealed, in what sort the apostolic father hath attacked our innocency, as well with the one sword as with the other; for whilst we, at his commandment, took our journey beyond the seas, the same our adversary and enemy invaded our kingdom of Sicily, and wasted the same, not in one place or two but in divers and sundry parts thereof. After this, when with great entreaty and by the mediation of the princes of Almain on our return from Asia we had concluded a peace with him, and he had again accepted our proffered devotion; although valuable services were actually rendered him, yet the said apostolic father, that notwithstanding, hath since that time rather aggravated his displeasure towards us; and further, hath devised all he could to our deprivation and subversion, no cause in all the world given of us to provoke the same; and further, he hath promulgated, as well by his letters as legates, the sentence of excommunication against us unto all nations, to our great defamation and shame. Lastly, aspiring to supplant our imperial state, that he might raise a tower of Babel against David (God’s anointed) he hath called unto a privy council for that purpose all the prelates he could get, as one that meaneth to set all the whole world together by the ears. But the marvelous providence of God by whom we live and reign, beholding the wicked purpose he went about, confounding the crafty in their craftiness hath given into our hands cardinals and prelates, as well of your realm of France, as of other regions and provinces; all whom we imprison and detain as our enemies and adversaries. For where there wanted not a persecutor, there ought not to want a defender also; especially seeing that the imperial majesty transcendeth all mankind, and that every animal shuddereth if it behold but the print of the lion’s foot.

    Let not therefore your kingly highness marvel, if Augustus detaineth “in angusto” your French prelates, who have themselves endeavored to drive us “in angustias.” Fare ye well.

    When Frederic now saw there was none other remedy, and that in vain he labored to have peace with the pope, he prosecuteth his war to the uttermost. Todi opened its gates to him, and was admitted to terms, but he destroyed the towns of St. Gemini and Narni, and gave the spoil of them to his soldiers: he well treated Tivoli, which surrendered to him, but wasted all the country about Rome. The pope overwhelmed by so great misfortunes, a776 and troubled that the council which he had called at Rome was prevented, and his designs against the emperor not succeeding to his wish, being in despair of obtaining his purpose, died for very anger and thought, August 21st, A.D. 1241.

    What opinion the prelates of Germany at that time had of this Gregory is to be seen by the oration (yet extant) of Everhard, archbishop of Saltzburg, which he made to the nobility of Bavaria in the parliament at Ratisbon, written by John Aventine in his seventh book. Doubtless he not only brought great and ruinous calamities to the whole Christian commonwealth and also the empire, whilst he sought thus to depress and bridle the emperor and advance his papal see and dignity, but he also brought into the church of God much horrible impiety, blasphemy, and wickedness, whereof both Blondus, Platina, Bale, and others make mention; and, amongst others, that most detestable cantilene ‘Salve Regina!’, in the which he attributeth the honor and worship only due to Jesus Christ unto the Virgin, his mother. This is he in whose name the book of the Decretals was set out, which (to omit the opinion of divers other learned men) John Bale calleth ‘the sink or puddle of foolishness and impiety!’

    Doubtless Carolus Molinaeus ( a man of singular judgment both in the civil and canon law a777 ) hath taught us what to think of that work when he saith in his ‘Annotations on Platina’s life of Raymond Pennafort, the collector of the Decretals of Gregory IX.’—“Doubtless divers chapters in the same book of Decretals be mutilated and curtailed, on purpose to conceal offensive matter.” For as the popes, when once the ambitious desire of reigning like kings took them, studied nothing else but how to enlarge their dominion by weakening other kingdoms and by successive encroachments on the imperial prerogatives, so they kept the same end in view in their constitutions; a778 examples whereof Molinaeus giveth from sundry cases of French and English kings; but many more may be gathered from the history of the emperors and of the princes and the various orders of the empire, whereof to speak more convenient place shall serve hereafter.

    In the stead of this Gregory was placed Celestine IV. (Geoffry de Castiglioni, a Milanese); who, as Blondus declareth, by feigned promises offered a league with Frederic, a779 and the eighteenth day after he was created pope died.

    When the author of all this conspiracy was thus gone, Frederic now thinking himself free from those dangers on the side of Italy, for fear of which he had not dared to leave Italy, with all his endeavor levieth an army, and prepareth his furniture and other necessaries for the delivery of the Christians, so mightily oppressed, as ye heard, by the Tartars. Who, hearing of the coming of the emperor and of the death of their own emperor, departed through Hungary, the way which they came, and returned by the river Danube to the Crimea, and so along the shore of the sea of Azof, and across the river Don, into Asiatic Tartary. When the cardinals had now a long time delayed the creation of the pope, and would not agree upon the same, the emperor put them in remembrance of their duty, and blameth them for their disagreeing, and exhorteth them to be more careful for the Christian commonwealth. Two epistles of his touching this matter are extant; whereby appeareth, that only for the care and desire of peace he had to the Christian unity and state he did the same, and for that, peradventure, the cardinals refused to make peace with him before they had created a new pope. the one, for more brevity, I have omitted, and have here inserted the other.

    AN EPISTLE INVECTIVE OF THE EMPEROR UNTO THE CARDINALS, BECAUSE THEY COULD NOT AGREE UPON THE CREATION OF THE POPE F831 This word is to you, O ye children of Ephraim! who ill have bent your bows, and still worse have shot your arrows, basely turning your backs in the day of battle: this word is to you, O ye children of Belial, the so-called assessors of the great judge, but (as being without a head) more like “scattered sheep which have no shepherd!” this word is to you, O ye dissentious cardinals, whom the world doth hate; this word, I say, is to you, whom the whole world with open mouth speaketh ill of. Doubtless, I cannot speak unto you but to your detraction, because though immund I am yet mundane; and being of the world, I must think and act with the world, as the part with its whole, which cannot write discordantly or contrarily to itself. Attend ye, therefore, to my rude and unskillful epistle, wanting the dignity of an exordium. For my provoked tongue, accelerated by its own velocity, brasteth forth into words, before my conceiving spirit had commissioned the same, and so, not waiting for the command of its superior, hasteneth to express things not fully conceived or premeditate; for a troubled mind oftentimes doth beget unordered and unseasonable talk. This, therefore, is the common opinion in men’s minds, and the common topic of their discourse, that not the Mediator between God and man, Jesus Christ, who came from the highest heaven to make peace upon the earth, the Master and Lord of the apostles ¾ not he, but Satan, is in the midst of you, ministering to you; that blustering prince, who is divided against himself; that persuader of discord, that murderer, that father of lies, and spirit of darkness; who hath divided your tongues, and rent asunder your unity. You do not consult for your own good, nor yet the good of the world, which is brought by you into so perilous a state; and the poor ship of Peter, which is tossed upon the sea by the vehement winds, without oars or rowers, you no longer regard; which ship, though it doth not indeed for itself fear foundering, yet suffereth it many perilous tempests and shipwrecks of her company.

    Doubtless, if ye diligently considered how the nations and people whom ye are wont to judge, in scorn shake their heads at you, every one of you would turn pale. Nor could any argument be found sufficient to screen you from universal execration and opprobrium; for whilst every one of you aspireth to the chair, no one consenteth to his fellow; and whilst not one of you can consent to another, none is promoted; and whilst none is promoted, the dignity of the see vanisheth. And thus by your discord the concord of the church is confounded, and the perfection of the faith, wherein is your life, perisheth. And surely, through your lack of a head it cometh to pass, that whereas nature hath given you senses, yet you are reputed as a sort of monster with deformed limbs, and defective in all your senses. And no marvel, for your vision seems obscured, your hearing is impaired, and that sound of your mouth which shrilly was heard to the ends of the earth, is utterly dumb, or become a self-mocking echo. For why? the thunderings of Peter and Paul are now no more heard, the preachers are become dumb dogs, and are enjoined silence. Perhaps you have hands ready to receive, but there be no gifts; for why? those that were wont to come from Saba, bringing gold with them, now come no more, for they cannot find the Lord in the manger, the celestial star refusing to be their guide. Moreover, ye want feet to walk withal, for until a gift forceth you, you will not move six paces for any man’s entreaty.

    Fie, shameless people! the least reptile may learn you wisdom, for the birds have their captain, and the silly bees their king; but you toss about on the waves without a pilot to steer you, exposing mother church to the rude chance of whatever may fortune.

    The emperor yet after this, at the request of Baldwin the emperor of Constantinople, who came to Frederic at Parma, released the cardinals out of prison, thinking not only to gratify the emperor Baldwin, but also thinking that thereby things would the better grow to public tranquillity on every side. When the cardinals were all assembled at Anagni, they made Sinibald, a Genoese, pope, whom by a contrary name (for that he had determined, as I suppose, to be hurtful to the commonwealth) they called Innocent IV. Of which election when Frederic understood, he was well pleased therewith; and for that he had in all this troublous time been his friend, the emperor well hoped that the Christian commonwealth should by him have been brought to much peace and concord. Wherefore he sent both his ambassadors and letters gratulatory unto him, letting him to understand how well it contented and pleased him that he was made pope; and what peace and quietness thereby he promiseth (as it were) to himself, he maketh full relation thereof; offering again unto him observance, help and aid in all things, and commending to his fatherly protection a780 both himself and his empire.

    He also wrote his letters to Otho, duke of Bavaria, who a little before was reconciled to the emperor, that he who was elected pope was a good man, a lover of peace, and studious as well for the tranquillity of the Christian commonwealth, as of the empire.

    The ambassadors of Frederic, also, with the furtherance of Baldwin, labored very diligently with the pope for peace; and all men were most fully expecting the pacification of Christendom. But far otherwise fell the matter out and contrary to all their expectations, for the pope, set on and encouraged by the cardinals and other against Frederic, secretly, and amongst themselves, wrought contrary to that they openly pretended, and not a little disappointed both Frederic and others of their expectation and good opinion they had of the pope’s holiness. For, whilst the emperor’s ambassadors awaited his answer to their proposals of peace, Rainerus, the cardinal, went secretly to Viterbo a781 with a certain number of soldiers and took the town, which before was on the emperor’s part.

    The emperor having understanding hereof, mustereth his bands, and with a sufficient power entereth the pope’s dition, again to recover Viterbo: but yet (taking this war so in hand, as not thinking thereby to expel all chance of peace) at the request of certain of the cardinals he was contented to leave Viterbo, and, having fortified the town of Falari and furnished it with necessaries, came to Acqua-pendente. From thence he sent again other ambassadors to Rome, and with them also the emperor of Constantinople, with the earl of Toulouse, who he thought were able to do much with the pope in the prosecuting of peace. But although at the time of Easter the matter seemed to have been got through, and peace concluded, for that the emperor’s ambassadors had sworn by his command and in his name that he would submit himself to the pope, and for that, on the other hand, the cardinals and others commonly called and named him ‘Frederic, the Christian Prince,’ yet all this was no more but for a fetch, not that they meant indeed to conclude any peace with him, or to go through therewithal, but that through this dissimulation and likelihood of peace, which they understood the emperor much desired, he should set free and open the passages, which he straitly kept, that no man could pass and come to Rome, whither a great multitude had been wont daily to resort for religion’s sake. But when all came to all, and that the ambassadors perceived that no conclusion of peace was simply purposed on their behalf, they began to despair of the matter, letting the emperor so to understand. The emperor, yet notwithstanding, doubted not, but if he might himself speak with the pope, he upon reasonable conditions should well enough accord with him; wherefore he by his ambassadors and letters desired him to appoint a time and place when and where the emperor might resort to him. The pope seemed to be contented herewithal, and appointed a day at Cas-teliana when they should talk together, and promised that he would be there before him, and await the emperor’s coming. But the pope in this while had made a confederacy with the French king against Frederic; and, having previously arranged with the Genoese that some galleys should be waiting in readiness for him at Civita- Vecchia, secretly in the night, with his company, hastening thither in post speed, he took ship, and first came to Genoa, and from thence to Lyons in France: where he, calling a council, with a loud voice ‘summoned Frederic, and, appointing him a day, commanded him there personally to plead his cause.

    And yet, although he understood that the sudden departing of the pope out of Italy made plain demonstration of no conclusion or meaning of a peace; and although a782 it was plain that a council so called by the pope, in which he was to be both plaintiff and judge, and which was to be packed with his own creatures, could only be meant for the emperor’s destruction—notwithstanding these and other such evident demonstrations of the pope’s hateful heart towards him, yet the most modest emperor, relying on the innocency and uprightness of his cause, and as one most desirous of peace and Christian concord, sent the patriarch of Antioch, who lately was come out of Syria, the archbishop of Palermo, and Thaddeus of Suessa, the president of his court, a most skillful and prudent civilian, to the council at Lyons; who signified unto them that the emperor would be there for the defense of his own cause; but as the day was very short, he required a time more convenient for him thither to repair. The emperor, also, being onward on his way, and come as far as Turin, sent before other ambassadors, as the master of the Teutonic order a783 and Peter de Vineis, to give them understanding of his coming, and to entreat that they would prorogue the day of hearing, till he might conveniently travel thither. But for any thing that could be either said or done, or upon how just cause soever required, the,pope would not give so much as three days’ space, in the which time the ambassadors assured them of the emperor’s presence; as though there had been no common proviso for every man, in that ease, by the law to have used upon any reasonable let!

    When the day by them appointed was come, the pope with his confederates (whose support he had secured by money and promises)— against God’s law, against Christian doctrine, against the prescript of the law both of nature and of reason, against the rule of equity, against the order of law appointed, against the constitutions of emperors and. also the decrees of the empire, without any observation of the law, or granting dilatory days, without probation of any crime, or his cause suffered to be pleaded unto or heard what might be answered therein-the pope, taking upon him to be both adversary and judge, condemned the emperor being absent, and in his full heat of fury and malice denounced him accursed, and moreover deprived him of his imperial dignity, charging him with the heinous crimes of perjury and sacrilege, writing also letters and libels of defamation to all kings, princes, and potentates. What more wicked sentence was ever pronounced? What more crueler fact, considering the person, might be committed? Or what thing more brutish and beastly could have been imagined or devised? And yet hereat were these bishops nothing ashamed; but, meaning to leave their doings in writing, as an impudent testimony to their posterity, established the same for a law to continue.

    But mark what vengeance God took upon this wicked judge. The historians of the time record, that when Frederic, the emperor, and Conrad his son, the Caesar, were both dead, the pope gaping for the inheritance of Naples and Sicily, and thinking by force to subdue the same, came to Naples with a great host of men; where was heard in the pope’s court manifestly pronounced this voice, “Veni miser ad judicium Dei.” “Thou wretch, come to receive thy judgment.” And the next day after, the pope was found dead in his bed, all black and blue, as though he had been beaten with bats; as hereafter, in our history of bishop Grosthead, a784 is declared. f832 When the emperor had understanding of this cruel and tyrannical sentence of the pope passed and pronounced against him, considering his furious purpose and mind therein, he thought good by his letters to let all Christian princes and potentates understand, as well what injuries and manifold displeasures he had sustained by all the four popes in their times, as also the cruelty and tyranny of this pope in pronouncing the sentence of judgment and condemnation against him, passing the bounds both of justice, equity, and reason; which letter, as he wrote the same, hereunder followeth to be seen.

    THE LETTER OF THE EMPEROR TO THE FRENCH KING AND OTHER PRINCES, In consequence of the Sentence given against him in the Council of Lyons by the Pope and Cardinals f833 Although we suppose not the contrary, but that information of the real merits of our cause hath reached your serene highness by common rumor and the testimony of many true witnesses; yet for that: “Segnius irritant animos demissa per aures, Quam quae sunt oculis subjects fidelibus” that is, “more credit is commonly given to what the eye seeth, than to what the ear receiveth,”—we thought good to lay before you the simple and naked truth, to wit, the processes which sundry popes have carried on against us. For the full and attentive perusal whereof, I beseech your gentleness, out of the much time and the many days devoted to your own affairs, to indulge us with some fit and convenient time. And if you will condescend to attend to our royal counsel, consider, I pray you, carefully the following points:

    Whether our predecessors have been destitute or not of zeal for righteousness: whether we may not lawfully right ourselves in regard to so many and teat injuries as have been wrought against us: whether Christ’s vicar hath performed Christ’s will; and whether Peter’s successors have imitated Peter’s example. Consider, also, what right that process, which hath been carried on against us, hath to be deemed a valid process, and by what term it is to be called; and whether that may be said to be a sentence, which is delivered by an incompetent judge. For although we acknowledge without reserve, that the Lord hath given plenary power in spiritual things to the bishop of the holy Roman church, so that, however great a sinner he may be(which God forbid), yet whatsoever he bindeth upon earth is bound in heaven, and whatsoever he looseth is loosed; still, we nowhere read of power being given him, either by divine or human law, to translate empire at his pleasure, or that he may give judgment to punish kings and princes temporally, by depriving them of their kingdoms. For although our consecration belongeth unto him by ancient right and custom, yet our deposition and deprival doth no more belong to him than to any other prelates of other realms, who do customably consecrate and anoint their respective sovereigns. Or be it so (barring any prejudice to ourselves), that he hath such power; is it that by the mere plenitude of that power, without observing any order of law, he may inflict a sentence on any persons whom he may assert to be subject to his jurisdiction? For he hath proceeded of late against us (as we have said), but not by the order of accusation, forsomuch as neither any sufficient accuser did appear, neither went there any bill of indictment previously; neither did he proceed by way of denunciation, forsomuch as there wanted a lawful denouncer; neither yet by the way of inquisition, for that there went before no formal impeachment by a clerk of arraigns, and for that no copy of articles of inquiry was furnished us, whereas some such are wont to be publicly adduced by the judge in such case, as preliminary to an inquisition. He asserreth, indeed, that all the things which he layeth against us were notorious; but that we flatly deny, neither have they been proved to be notorious by the legal number of witnesses. In this way any judge, by merely affirming what he listeth to be notorious, setting aside all order of law, may of himself condemn whom he listeth. ‘Tis true, there arose against us in the council certain false witnesses, though not many, of whom the bishop of Carinola was one; who, on account of his brother and nephew having been by us lawfully condemned for treason to be hanged, may reasonably be supposed to have a grudge against us, and therefore may well be rejected as a witness in the cause to such-like effect prosecuting the rest of his epistle, which for brevity’s sake I omit.

    After this, Frederic had retired a785 for a little repose to Grosseto, a town on the coast near Sienna; where he discovered a conspiracy against his life, which he defeated by putting to death the chief persons engaged in it: they confessed at their death that they had been set on by the pope.

    The pope then contrived to form a considerable party against him in Germany: Henry, landgrave of Thuringia, he persuaded that his brother had been treacherously slain by Frederic at Brundusium, and he consented to be named Caesar: but he died the next year. The pope then induced the rebels to take up William, earl of Holland, who was accordingly named Caesar in opposition to Conrad.

    This policy the pope used, to vex and disturb both the country of Germany and the whole empire; and not so only, but also utterly to destroy and subvert the same, by the ruinous decay whereof, the pope and his prelates thought to make up their mouths. And thus, whilst that Germany was now newly again divided, some taking part with Frederic the emperor, and his son Conrad the Caesar, and other nobles and princes of the empire; some, with those who should, by the pope’s procurement, be the electors of the new emperor; other some, with neither of both, as men not minding nor tending the public utility, but to serve their own purposes, armed themselves; and thus was the public peace and quiet broken and disturbed, and altogether in tumult and hurly-burly. For whilst the one part labored by all force to retain the dominion by public and common consent first to him committed, the other part in like sort endeavored themselves, with all their force and power, to use and occupy the same, according to the decree of the bishop of Rome, and to take it from Frederic. And thus great conflicts grew on all parts.

    By these civil wars, Germany suffered no little calamity; in every place was manslaughter and murder, the country spoiled, the towns and villages set on fire and burnt, the churches and temples wherein the husbandmen had put their goods and substance, violated and robbed: houses were pulled down, the goods divided, and every man’s cattle driven away. To conclude, in this turmoil and contention of deposing one and choosing another emperor, this quarrel of princes, this license of a state of warfare of hurting and sinning with impunity, the impudent boldness of divers private soldiers, and especially of the horsemen (then counted the better sort of soldiers), was so great, and their unbridled and unsatiable desire in robbing, spoiling, and taking of booties, catching and snatching all that came to hand, was such, that nothing could be sure and in safety that any good man enjoyed. Wherefore, a little before the death of William, king of the Romans (A.D. 1256), threescore cities and towns joined themselves in a league with Louis, palatine of the Rhine and duke of Bavaria (Otho’s son), and other princes, of whose names Aventine in the seventh book of his “Annales Boiorum” maketh mention, for the expelling of these rebels, and repressing of their so great injurious rapine and slaughter of men; of which army the said Louis being captain, he chased and drove the whole rout of them to the uttermost parts of Germany, and pulled down and overthrew their castles and fortresses, and every other place where they had intrenched themselves.

    Meantime Otho, duke of Bavaria, most constantly keepeth his promise and faith made before to the emperor Frederic and Conrad, his son; whereupon Philip, archbishop of Saltzburg, Albert, bishop of Ratisbon, Conrad, bishop of Frisingen, and their confederates, calling a council at Meldorf a786 by the pope’s commandment sent for Otho unto them, unto whom they opened the pope’s pleasure and commandment. To all which Otho answered: “I cannot marvel at some of you enough, that whereas heretofore you persuaded me to leave and forsake the part I took with the bishop of Rome, whom you yourselves affirmed to be Antichrist, and that I should take part with the emperor and his son, now you yourselves will not keep your fidelity and promise made unto those good princes:” and he said that he perceived in them a great inconstancy and levity in their thoughts, words, and deeds, who now call that wicked, unjust, and violent wrong, that but lately they thought equal, just, and right. He said further, that they were overcome with pleasures, corrupted with superfluity, won with bribes, gaping for honor and estimation; and that they neither regarded honesty, godliness, nor their duty and office, but studied how to make dissension and commotions, and longed after war and bloody battle.

    He said further, that for his part he would obey God and his prince, to whom he had sworn fidelity; and that he nought regarded the pretended curses of the pontiffs. He said he believed in Christ, and would trust in his mercy; and that he believed how those whom they cursed and gave to the devil, were in greatest favor with God. Howbeit, and notwithstanding those prelates seemed to take in good part this expostulation of Otho, and to bear no malice or grudge for what he had said, but to be desirous of peace and unity; yet, not long after, Otho was cursed as black as all the rest, and counted as bad as was the best.

    But the aforesaid Albert, bishop of Ratisbon, a787 not only played rex amongst the citizens, but also bethought him of a mischievous device against Conrad the Caesar, the emperor’s son. When by fraud and subtilty he had apprehended many of the rich burgesses and citizens of Ratisbon who bare the emperor good will, and had sent them prisoners to Stadt-am- Hof, Conrad, joining with other noblemen of the empire, after he had spoiled and wasted much of his lands and those of his companions, drove him so near, that upon certain conditions he released the aforesaid citizens.

    Soon after, Conrad, going with an army to Ratisbon, and having been according to ancient custom received as a guest at the monastery of St.

    Emeran, a788 Albert, with certain of his confederates, by the help of Ulric, the abbot, came in the dead time of the night into the chamber, where he knew that the Caesar with a few servants were lodged, and falling upon them, some they took and other some they slew; and finding no other person in the chamber, they thought that the Caesar had been slain amongst the rest. But he, hearing the noise, had left his bed and hidden himself under a bench, and so escaped their hands. The next day he outlawed or proscribed the bishop and his mates, and also the abbot, for treason, and seized upon all the goods of the house. But, at the suit of the guiltless monks, he released all to them again, taking by way of fine one hundred pounds. Ulric lost his office, and Albert, for punishment, was forced to take upon him the habit of a monk. a789 One Conrad of Hochenfels, who was the murderer of these men, although he escaped the punishment of man’s hand, yet the vengeance of God for the fact he escaped not. For as he rode in the day time abroad, he was suddenly stricken with a thunderbolt and died.

    During all this busy and contentious time, it may well be gathered that Frederic, the emperor, lay not still, but had his hands full: who, notwithstanding, by God’s help overcoming and suppressing these or the greater part of these rebellious popish tumults, and having done strait execution on those especially who had conspired against his person, called a council, and setting in some stay the troublesome affairs of his kingdom, and having committed a certain number of troops to his son, prince Frederic of Antioch, governor of Etruria, Richard, earl of Umbria and governor of Flaminia, and Encio, king of Sardinia, his lieutenant in Lombardy, retired to Cremona. Thither he assembled round him the wisest, most virtuous, and best learned men that there were, sending for them out of every part, thinking with them to have gone himself to Lyons to the pope, and there to have with him communication, as well concerning the sentence definitive, as also about the conclusion of any peace, if by any means he might. And when all things were prepared and ready, he took the journey in hand, and came to Turin, having with him both a great army of soldiers, and also a great company of legates and ambassadors.

    From thence sending his carriages before, within three days’ journey of Lyons he was certified that a band of refugees in the pope’s interest, from Breschia and Piacenza and other Ghibelline cities, had, with the assistance of the pope’s legate, seized Parma. Which when he understood and that the pope herein was the only and chief doer, he saw manifestly it should little prevail to attempt any further the thing he went about; and then, at length, when he saw none other remedy, putting from him all hope of peace, he determined himself to the wars with all his force and might. Thus altering his purpose and journey, he took the straightest way into Lombardy, and, with an army of sixty thousand men, besieged Parma. And to the intent he might more aptly and near the town plant his siege and battery without disturbance, first he intrenched his camp, and fortified the same about with bulwarks and other defensible munition. After that, he caused divers victualling-houses and taverns in his camp to be slightly built of timber; he also marked out certain spots for public markets, whither buyers and sellers might resort; and embellished the place with handsome dwelling-houses and a temple; and altogether it had more the appearance of a wooden city than a camp. All which things when he had finished, which was not long in doing, for a happy omen and in confidence of a prosperous issue he named it Victoria, and fondly hoped that the same would take the place of the city of Parma, which when taken, he purposed to level with the ground. And at first, both there and elsewhere, all things prospered well with Frederic, and had good success; for he sharply attacked and hard pressed those who defended the city of Parma; and further, Robert de Castiglioni, who was the emperor’s lieutenant in Picenum, near unto Osimo discomfited the pope’s army, and slew of them more than four thousand, and took many such as were of the confederate cities prisoners.

    Also, when the factions et the Ghibellines and Guelphs in F1orence were at controversy, and the emperor’s son Frederic, prefect of Etruria, came to the relief of the Ghibellines (who had sent to him for aid), the Guelphs therewith dismayed fled from thence to Bologna, whose goods and substance came all to the emperor’s coffers, and Florence also itself to the emperor’s obedience. But this good success and prosperous fortune lasted not long, for as once on a time Frederic, to recreate himself (who seldom had his health), rode about the fields with certain of his horsemen to hawk and hunt, the greater part of his soldiers, thinking of nothing less than of any enterprise to be attempted of the poor starvelings within the town Parma, wandered and ranged unarmed out of their city Victoria about the fields. The soldiers in Parma, having this occasion offered, with all force and speed possible entered the emperor’s camp or town Victoria, at a part which was less strongly fortified than the rest, and where one of the gates chanced to be left open. The sudden strangeness of the matter much abashed the soldiers, and they rang out their larum-bell. Against the first assault, however, the marquis of Malaspina made a brave stand; a790 whom when the emperor, returning in all haste, found to be hard beset, he had thought to have rescued him; but when that was perceived of the enemy, they bent all their force together on that side, insomuch that the emperor was forced to take to the trench, lest he should have been of the enemy environed. And from thence he retired into the city or camp, where he had thought to have gathered further aid; but the enemy, not giving him sufficient time therefor, with all force entered the city Victoria. The emperor, seeing them in the very heart of his city, fled and came to St.

    Domino: the enemy, when they had killed and slain a great number of the emperor’s soldiers, and had burnt and destroyed the said city of Victoria, returned to Parma. The emperor then suspecting this thing to be wrought by treason, whereby the enemy had understanding as well of the emperor’s absence as also of the negligence of his soldiers, imprisoned certain of the chiefest about him, amongst whom also was Petrus de Vineis. Yet, whilst he was at St. Domino, endeavoring to rally the remains of his broken army, Encio getteth a great victory of the Mantuans, who coming to the rescue of Parma lost fifty of their ships, and all that they had in them. After this also, Richard, in another conflict in Picenum, discomfited the pope’s soldiers and slew their captain Hugolinus, besides two thousand others slain and taken prisoners.

    When now Frederic had gathered again and new mustered his bands at St.

    Domino, he marched forth to Cremona; and, notwithstanding that there he understood of the good success and victory that Encio had at Reggio, yet for that he perceived the defection and backsliding of all or most part of Lombardy from him, he determined to take his journey into Apulia, purposing, when he had there levied a strong and sufficient power, to make his speedy return again into Lormbardy. Therefore, in his journey through Etruria into Apulia, he joined with his son Frederic who was besieging Caprese, and took the same, and led with him divers of the chiefest captains prisoners; and after that, subduing St. Miniato de Tedesco unto the obedience of the empire, he came into Apulia.

    When news was brought him thither, that Encio his son (in going to aid the Modenates against the Bolognese) was taken prisoner two miles off from Modena, and that in his absence the pope’s captains with their bands and garrisons were running about Lombardy, Aemilia, Flaminia, and Etruria, to stir and procure the cities to revolt from the obedience of the emperor, and not without success, partly by subtle policies, and partly by force and sinister means, bringing them to his purpose; he determined with himself, with all the force and power he might by any means procure and make, to begin afresh, and prosecute this war to the uttermost. Neither was it to be doubted (as Pandolpho Colenuccio writeth a792 ) but that he would have wrought some marvelous exploit and great attempt, but that he was of this his purpose (whereunto he was both willing and bent) prevented by unlooked-for death. For when he fell into a fever, being at a certain castle of his in Apulia, called Castel Fiorentino, and saw by the extremity thereof his time to be but short, he remembered that which was once showed him, how he should die at Florence; whereupon he made his last will and testament; wherein he devised an immense sum of money to pious uses a791 (as they are called), and appointed Conrad and his other sons his heirs and successors in the empire and in his other dominions, giving to each according to his age. Having done this, he departed this wretched and miserable world, December 13th, A.D. 1250.

    Pandolpho writeth, that Frederic was very willing to die, and that they who were present at his death felt satisfied that his soul on departing was translated to heavenly joy and felicity. The same tiling also Gulielmus Puteanus, Andreas Pandalus the Venetian, and Manardus bishop of Imola, being Italian writers, do all affirm; of whom this last writeth, that he assuredly believeth Frederic to be one of the number of God’s elect.

    The writers, notwithstanding, are of sundry judgments and opinions touching this good emperor’s death. Some write that he was traitorously poisoned a793 by his cup-bearer, being hired thereunto by the pope. Most say that he was strangled with a pillow by Manfred, his natural son. But Pandolpho, as good a writer as the best, maketh no mention of any poison that was given him, but only that he died of a fever.

    The last opinion, touching Manfred, a794 he manifestly refuteth, and showeth that there is no manner of likelihood of the same; and further, that the contrary is affirmed by divers other writers who were of that time. He died A.D. 1250, a795 the thirteenth day of December, in the six and fiftieth year of his age, and six and thirtieth year of his reign, whose corpse was brought to Palermo, and there entombed.

    Frederic had three wives, the first was Constantia, the daughter of the king of Arragon, of whom he begat Henry, the duke of Suabia, and king of the Romans: the second, Iole, the daughter of John de Brienne king of Jerusalem, whence the kings a796 of Sicily and Naples to this day insert Jerusalem in their style; of whom he begat Conrad, duke of Suabia, king of Jerusalem and Naples, and Caesar: the third Isabella, the daughter of John king of England, by whom he had a son named Henry, who is said to have died in his childhood. This Frederic had not his peer in martial affairs and warlike policies to be compared unto him, amongst all the princes of that age: a wise and skillful soldier he was, a great endurer of painful labors and travails, boldest in greatest perils, prudent in foresight, industrious in all his doings, prompt and nimble about that he took in hand, and in adversity most stout and courageous. But as in this corruption of nature a797 none there be that attain perfection, neither yet is there any one of such selfgovernment and godly institution both in life and doctrine as is required of them, so neither was this Frederic without his fault and besetting sin; for the writers impute to him some fault of concupiscence, wherewith he was stained and spotted. And it appeareth that he was not all clear thereof, forasmuch as by sundry concubines he had sundry bastard children; as Encio, king of Sardinia, Manfred, prince of Taranto, and prince Frederic of Antioch These particulars I find in the description of Frederic by Colenuccio, a798 which he affirmeth that he gathered out of good and probable authors. But as touching the heinous acts and flagitious deeds which the pope burdeneth him withal, and in his sentence against him maketh mention of, not only Frederic purgeth himself thereof, but also most historians (as well Italian writers as German) affirm the same to be false, and of the pope’s own brains, to do him skath and teen withal, invented, I have thought good to translate from the Italian what Colenuccio saith on this subject, in the passage following his commendation of Frederic; whose words be these: “Albeit the emperor Frederic was endued with many goodly gifts and virtues, yet notwithstanding was he accounted an enemy of the church and a persecutor of the same: of which both Innocent IV. in his sentence hath pronounced him guilty, and the same sentence have other popes registered in the Sixth book of Decretals, and established the same for a law: so that, it seems, he ought to be taken for no less. Therefore, peradventure, it should not become me to falsify or call in question that which others have confirmed, or even to dispute and argue much of that matter. Yet notwithstanding, so far as his acts and deeds declare, and the books of the best authors affirm, as also his own epistles do testify, I am inclined to think that the bishops of Rome counted him an enemy to the church, either for that he was somewhat too bold in speaking and telling them but the truth, a799 and reproving the ecclesiastical order of their great abuses; or else, for that he would have had them go somewhat more near the conditions and lives of the ancient fathers of the primitive church and disciples of Christ; or else, for that he contended and stood with them for the prerogative and dignities belonging to the empire; or else, for that they stood in fear and awe of the great power he was of in Italy, which thing indeed Gregory IX. in a certain epistle of his confesseth: but of these things let them judge and discern, who shall read the monuments and histories of Frederic. Truly,” saith he, “when I consider with myself that Christ (whose vicars the Roman bishops boast themselves to be) said unto his disciples, that they should follow him, and also imitate his example, as of their master and teacher; and commanded them, furthermore, how they should not draw the sword, but put up the same into the scabbard; and further gave them in precept, that they should not only forgive injuries seven times, but seventy-times seven times, to those that offended them; and when I now compare the lives of the bishops of Rome with these precepts, a801 and consider so many and great conspiracies, treasons, rebellions, disloyalties, lyings-in-wait, and treacherous devices, so many legates of the popes, being ecclesiastical persons, who will needs be called the shepherds of Christ’s flock, to be such warriors and captains of soldiers in all parts of Italy, Campania, Apulia, Calabria (being the emperor’s dominions), in Picenum, Aemilia, Flaminia, and Lombardy, to be sent out against him; and also when with myself I meditate the destruction of so many great and famous cities, the subversion of such commonweals, the slaughter of so many men, and the effusion of so much Christian blood; and lastly, when I behold a802 so victorious, prosperous, and fortunate emperors to be, and so many miserable, unfortunate, and vanquished popes put to flight,—I am persuaded with myself to think and believe, that the judgments of God are secret and marvelous, and that to be true, which Aeneas Sylvius in his history of Austria writeth, that there is no great and marvelous injury, a803 no notorious and special calamity, that hath happened either to the public weal or else to the church of God, of the which the bishops of Rome have not been the authors. Nicholas Machiavelli also saith, ‘That all the ruinous calamities and miserable chances, that the whole Christian commonweal and also Italy hath suffered, have been brought in mainly by the popes and bishops of Rome.’” “Many epistles of Frederic there be, which he wrote unto the bishops of Rome, to the cardinals, and to divers other Christian princes, all which I have read; and in them is to be seen nothing contrary unto Christian doctrine, nothing wicked and ungodly, nothing injurious to the church of God, nothing contumelious or arrogantly written of Frederic. But indeed I deny not that they be fraught and full both of pitiful complaints a800 and lamentations, touching the avarice and ambition of the ecclesiastical persons, and pertinacity of the bishops of Rome, and that they would receive and take no satisfaction nor yet excuse, nor tolerate his defense of the rights and privileges of the empire; also touching their manifold conspiracies, which they practiced both secretly and openly against him; they are also full of his admonitions which he gave to the whole multitude and order ecclesiastical, to attend upon and discharge their functions and charges. And those who are still further desirous to know and understand the truth, and who covet to search out the renowned virtues of magnificent princes, let them read the epistle of Frederic, addressed to all Christian princes, which thus beginneth, ‘Collegerunt principes, pontifices, et Pharisaei concilium:’ and another, wherein he exhorteth a804 the college of cardinals to take up the dissension between the emperor and the pope, which beginneth, ‘In exordio nascentis mundi;’ and also another which thus beginneth, ‘Infallibilis veritatis testem;’ besides yet another, ‘Ad Reges et principes orbis Christiani;’ with divers others more, wherein may well be seen the princely virtues of this worthy emperor; all which epistles collected together in the Latin tongue the learned sort I wish to read, where-out they may pick no little benefit and commodity to themselves.

    In his epistle last recited these are his words: ‘Think ye not that we so earnestly desire or crave this peace at your hands, as though our majesty were terrified with the pope’s sentence of deprivation; when as God, the judge of our conscience, whom we trust in and invocate, is our witness, that when we went about to reform the ecclesiastical state, but especially the ringleaders of the same, and would restrain their power, and extirpate their great tyranny, and reduce the same to the state and condition of the primitive church, we looked for no less at their hands.’—For these causes peradventure, those who held the places of chief dimity in the church a805 decreed and pronounced Frederic to be an enemy to the church: which (as I have said) I leave to others to judge thereof.” Hitherto Pandolpho Colenuccio.

    And doubtless examples to the contrary do appear, that Frederic was no enemy to the church of Rome, for that he both gave large and great gifts thereunto, and also franchised the same with great privileges and immunities; which things by his own constitutions, statutes, and customs, may be perceived and understood. But it would appear, on the other hand, that the bishops of Rome most filthily recompensed again the same his great liberality and princely benevolence, which he gave and bestowed upon the same, as partly in the discourse of this history you have heard; who notwithstanding they so molested and tired him with such and so many injuries as you have seen, he nevertheless, forgiving and pardoning all the same, for the great zeal he had to the Christian commonwealth, whereof he more forced than else of any other thing, sought by all the means he might for to have peace, although it were to his own great hindrance. Therefore, seeing he was of necessity by the bishops of Rome provoked to that war, if he did them any skath in revenge of his imperial dignity, let them thank their own selves, who might otherwise have remedied the same. Notwithstanding, divers both Italian and German writers, a806 both of those and of subsequent times, even down to our own age, who sought for fat benefices and studied in their writing by flattery rather to obtain from the pope that which they hunted for, than to bear true and faithful testimony of things as they were indeed, have taken great occasion hence to slander this good emperor. But let us pass over these parasites, and return to those who, although they themselves were of that calling, I mean of the ecclesiastical order, yet notwithstanding, for that they were more swayed by love of truth and respect for worth, than by the authority of the pope and a base disposition to flatter, have greatly extolled and commended this good emperor Frederic. So did Nicolas of Cusa, a cardinal, in his writings affirm this emperor to be another Charlemagne, both for his wisdom and also diligent regard to the commonweal. So also writeth Gilles, archbishop of Bourges, in his book ‘De Regimine Principum,’ which he wrote for the French kings, exhorting them and all others to take pattern of this most worthy and excellent prince: in commendation of whose worthy praise and virtue these verses are written on his tomb: Si probitas, sensus, virtutum gratia, census, Nobilitas ortus, possent resistere morti, Non fore, extinctus Fredericus, qui jacet in,us.

    Wherefore, inasmuch as it appeareth by the approved writers of whom I have made mention, who and what manner of prince this emperor Frederic was, and that because he diligently labored, as well in the preservation of the Christian commonweal, as in the conservation of the imperial dignity, he procured to himself the great hatred and displeasure of the Roman bishops (who have been to all the good emperors for the most part utter foes and enemies), and with what wicked slanders and other injuries both by them, and by their ministers he was continually molested ¾ this lesson ought to be ours, that having the same in our memory, we imitate and follow his virtues, hating and detesting the wicked and flagitious doings of those holy fathers that will so be called, the bishops of Rome: desiring God that he will so guide the hearts of all kings and princes, that they may, by his grace, advance and set forth his glory, and reform the corrupt and vicious manner and order of the church to all sincerity and purity both of life and doctrine.

    These verses which here ensue were sent and written between the emperor and pope Innocent IV., which, because to the learned they are both commodious and profitable, at the end of this history I thought good to place.

    FREDERICUS IMPER. INNOCENT IV. PAPOE. Fata monent, stellaeque docent, aviumque volatus, Totius subito malleus orbis ero:

    Roma diu titubans longis erroribus acta Corruet, et mundi desinet esse caput.

    INNOCENT. PAPA FREDERICO IMPER. Fata silent, stellaeque tacent, nil praedicat ales, Solins est proprium nosse futura Dei:

    Niteris incassum navem submergere Petri:

    Fluetuat, at nunquam mergitur ilia ratis.

    Fama refert, scriptura docet, peccata loquuntur, Quod tibi vita brevis, poena perennis erit.

    Quod divina manus potuit, sensit Julianus; Tu succedis el, to tenet ira Del.

    Fre. fremit in mundo, De. deprimit alta profundo, Ri. mala rimatur, cus. cuspide cuncta minatur.

    FREDERICUS INNOCENTIO. Fata monent, stellaeque docent, aviumque volatus, Lapsurum to mox ad stygis antra nigrae.

    Cymba Petri non est, sed Christi, quae natat undis:

    Fluctuat, at nunquam mergitur ilia ratis.

    Fama refert, tua scripta docent, peccata nefanda Interitum ostendunt, exitiumque tuum.

    Strangulat Adrianurn musca; annon ira Tonantis Cogitat et de to sumere supplicium?

    Carcere suspendit sese Benedictus, et alter, In stupro captus, saucius ense perit:

    Sylvestrum extinguit Satanas sceleratior ipsc:

    Ergo tuis factis praemia digns fetes.

    Innocuum to vote notas, cum sis nociturus Orbi terrarum Christianoque gregi.

    FREDERICUS INNOCENTIO DE INTEGRO. Esses si membrum, non to caput orbis et urbis Jactares, cum sis orbis et urbis onus.

    Nunc membrum non es, sed putre cadaver et ulcus, Ense recidendum, ridiculumque caput.

    A Daniele bdelugma nefasque caputque malorum, Diceris, a Paulo filius exitii.

    Nos so]urn Christum nostrum caput ease: malorum Totius orbis to caput ease facia.

    Et caput eat unum, quod Paulus dicit ubique; Tu, vetors balatro, dic mihi quale caput?

    Corpotis ergo caput monstrosi, monstra parisque, Monstra paris monachos, scorta nefanda fores.

    Eat tua religio., stuprum, ira, superbia, caedes, Error, deliciae, fulmina, turpe lucrum.

    Ex his ergo liquet Christum to spenere: Christo Hostem esse invisum, dedecorique Deo.

    Rex tandem veniet coelo delapsus ab alto, Tuna non defendent to astra, missa, cruces; Non in sublimi surgentes vertice cristae, Non diploma potens, non tua sacra cohors; Nec diadema triplex, nec sedes sanguine parts, Nullus honos solii, purpura nulls, tui.

    Triginta argenteis Christum vendebat Iudas, Tu Christi vendis corpora plura tui.

    Corpora tu vendis Christi parvo aere, polumque, Coelestes genioa, sidera, jura, Deos.

    As ye have heard of the iniquity and raging pride of the popish church against their lawful emperor, so now shall ye hear (Christ willing) how God beginneth to resist and withstand the corruption of that whorish church, by stirring up certain faithful teachers in sundry countries; as in the country of Suabia about the time of this emperor (A.D. 1240), or near upon the same, where were many preachers mentioned in the Paraleipomena of Urspergensis, and also in Crantzius, who preached freely against the pope. These preachers (as Crantzius saith) ringing the bells, and calling the barons together at Halle in Suabia, there preached that the pope was a heretic, and that his bishops and prelates were Simoniacs and heretics; and that the inferior priests and prelates had no authority to bind and loose, but were all seducers: Item, that no pope, bishop, or priest, could restrain men from their duty of serving and worshipping God, and therefore such cities or countries as were under the pope’s curse might, notwithstanding, lawfully resort to the receiving of sacraments as well as before: Item, that friars, Dominic and Franciscan, did pervert the church with their preaching. And that, as the indulgence of the pope and his popelings was of no regard, so that remission which they themselves did preach unto men, they preached it not from the pope, but as from the Lord. And thus much I thought here to recite, whereby it may appear how the resisting of the pope’s usurped power and corrupt doctrine is no new thing in these days in the church of Christ.

    And not long after these aforesaid rose up Arnold de Villa Nova, a807 a Spaniard, and a man fatuously learned and a great divine (A.D. 1250); whom the pope with his spirituality condemned among heretics for holding and writing against the corrupt errors of the popish church. His teaching was that Satan had seduced all the world from the truth of Christ Jesus: Item, that the faith which then Christian men were commonly taught, was such a faith as the devils had; meaning belike (as we now affirm) that the papists do teach only the historical faith, which is the faith ‘Historiae, non fiduciae:’ Item, that Christian people (meaning belike, for the most part) are led by the pope into hell: Item, that all cloisterers are beyond mercy a808 and damned: Item, that all men do falsify the doctrine of Christ: Item, that the divines do evil in mixing philosophy with divinity: Item, that masses are not to be celebrated: Item, that they ought not to sacrifice for the dead. Certain erroneous opinions there are, likewise, which the slanderous sects of monks and friars do attribute unto him; but rather (as they are wont to do) by enviously taking, than of any just cause given. f843 And as this Arnold was condemned, so also at the same time Johannes Semeca, the gloss-writer on Gratian’s “Decretum,” and provost of Halberstat, was excommunicated and deprived of his provostship for resisting pope Clement IV. exacting the tenths throughout Germany; and therefore he appealed from the pope to a general council, and had many great men on his side, when behold, both the pope and he died.

    Consequently in this order and number followeth the worthy and valiant champion of Christ, and adversary of Antichrist, Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, a doctor of Paris, canon of the church of Beauvais. This Gulielmus in his time had no small ado in writing against the friars and their hypocrisy, but especially against the begging friars, both condemning their whole order, and also accusing them, as those that did disturb and trouble all the chrches of Christ by their preaching in churches against the will of the ordinary pastors, by their hearing of confessions, and executing the charges of curates and pastors. All the testimonies of Scripture that describe Antichrist and his ministers, he applieth to the pope’s spiritualty.

    The same Gulielmus is thought to be the author of the book, which is attributed to the school of Paris, and entitled, ‘De periculis Ecclesiae;’ wherein he proveth by nine and thirty arguments, that the begging friars be false apostles.

    Moreover, he doth well expound this saying of Christ, “If thou wilt be perfect, go and sell away all thou hast, and come follow me,” declaring there, poverty to be enjoined us of Christ, ‘non actualem, sed habitualem;’ not in such sort as standeth in outward action, when no need requireth, but in inward affection of heart when need shall require. As though the meaning and precept of our Lord were not that we should cast away actually all that we have; but that, when the confession of the name of God and the glory of Christ shall so require, then we be ready to leave and relinquish what things soever for the sake of him, etc. As when he requireth of us, after the like phrase, the hatred of father and mother, and of our own lives, he biddeth us not to dishonor father or mother, much less to hate them; but that then, when case shall require, we set all things behind the love of Christ. a810 Many other worthy works he compiled, wherein albeit he uttered nothing but what was truth, yet, notwithstanding, he was by Antichrist and his rabble condemned for a heretic, exiled, and his books burnt; whose heretical arguments, as they called them, that thou mayest better judge thereof, hereunder I thought good to place. Against false prophets, with signs to know them by, these his words do follow:

    For because these seducers (saith he) name themselves to be apostles, and say that they are sent of God to preach, to absolve and dispense with the souls of men, by means of their ministry, read the saying of the apostle: [2 Corinthians 11:11.] “For such apostles are subtle and crafty workmen, disguising themselves to belike the apostles of Christ.”

    Therefore, we mean to show some certain infallible and probable tokens, by the which false apostles may be discerned from the true preachers and apostles of Christ.

    The first sign or mark is, that such as be true preachers do not enter into simple women’s houses laden with sin, and take them as it were captive, as many of the false preachers do; as in the second epistle of St. Paul to Timothy, the third chapter, is manifest, saying, “Of those sorts are they, which enter into women’s houses,” etc. Therefore those preachers who come into women’s houses, to the intent they may take them captive, be not true preachers, but false apostles.

    The second sign and token is, that those that be true preachers do not deceive simple men with painted and flattering words, whereby they prefer their own trash and tradition, as all false prophets do, as in the last chapter to the Romans appeareth, saying, By their, pleasant and. sugared talk, and by their blessing and crossing, they deceive and beguile the hearts of innocent men and women.” f846 Glossa: —“With gay glorious words they extol and set forth their traditions, whereby they deceive simple men.” Very greatly do they deceive the souls of simple men, who cause them to enter into their sect, which they term religion. And they who before led a naughty life, by reason of their ignorance or simplicity, after their entrance, become subtle and false deceiving hypocrites, entering together with the rest into poor men’s houses; yea, and oftentimes they become worse than the others. Whereupon, [St. Matthew 22:15,] “Woe be unto you Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites, which go about,” etc.

    Therefore they who do this, are no true messengers, but false apostles.

    The third sign is, that the true apostles, if they be reproved, suffer the same patiently, saying, “The tokens of my apostleship are accomplished among you, in all patience and sufferance;” [2 Corinthians 12:12] meaning that patience which pertaineth to the manners of the preachers. Therefore they, who suffer not correction or punishment, be no true apostles, but rather show themselves to be no Christians at all; “No man can say that Jesus is the Lord, but by the Holy Ghost. [1 Corinthians 12:3.] Glossa: —It is meet that Christians should be humbled, to the intent that they may suffer themselves to be reproved, and not to be holden up with yea and nay.” And also such men do show themselves to be carnal, and not spiritual at all, although they feign themselves to be spiritual. “Therefore am I become an enemy unto you.” [Galations 4:16.] Notwithstanding the Glossa saith:— “No carnal man will be reproved, although he err.” Wherefore, those preachers who utter not correction, seem not to be true apostles, but false prophets.

    The fourth sign is, that true apostles commend not themselves [2 Corinthians 10:12]. “For we dare not join ourselves, nor yet compare ourselves unto others which commend and boast of many of their acts, when God alloweth none of them at all.”

    Also true preachers, although they be indeed praiseworthy for their good deserts, in the consciences of men are they praiseworthy, and not to the outward show alone; “We commend ourselves,” saith the apostle, “to the consciences of all men.” [2 Corinthians 4:2.] Then they do not commend themselves in comparison of others.

    Wherefore the Glossa saith, upon the same place, “Those that deserve no commendation, but in comparison of others, do challenge to themselves other men’s deserts and praise.” Wherefore it is said, “Even as our well-beloved brother Paul, according to the wisdom that God hath given unto him, hath written unto you.” [2 Peter 3:15.] Glossary: “The chiefest of the apostles hath here forgotten his papal authority, and also his keys that were delivered unto him; for he is astonted as it were at the great wisdom given unto his brother Paul.” For indeed it is the manner of the elect children of God, to be more in love with the virtues of other men, than with their own.

    Wherefore it is written, “Let those that are superiors esteem of themselves in all humility.” [Philippians 2:2.] They therefore that do the contrary, saying, ‘That their state or doings be better than other men’s,’ although they be preachers, yet are they no true apostles indeed, but false prophets.

    The fifth sign is, that true apostles need no letters of commendation; nor yet desire to have themselves praised by men, as saith the apostle, “We need not the letters of commendation of any man,” [2 Corinthians 3:1,] that is to say, of false prophets.

    The sixth sign is , that true apostles do not preach unless they be sent, as “How shall they preach, unless they be sent?” [Romans 10:15.] Glossa: “There be no true apostles, but those that be sent: for they have no need of signs who are true witness-bearers, but those that be not sent and do preach are false prophets.”

    The seventh sign is, forasmuch as false prophets have their authority in their own names; wherefore it is written, “For we dare not boast of ourselves, or make comparison.” [2 Corinthians 10:12.] Glossa: “That is to say, with those that be false prophets, not taking their authority from God, but usurping the same, desirous to bear rule, claiming in their own name their authority.” And, therefore, although peradventure by presumption, they say that they are sent of God, as all heretics will say; yet, notwithstanding, unless they shall prove their sending either by spiritual prophecy, as John the Baptist did, saying, “I am the voice of a crier in the desert;” as out of the prophet Isaiah, in John’s gospel is alleged [chapter 1:23], or else by miracles, as Moses did, who turned his rod into a serpent, and again, from a serpent to a rod [Exodus 7:10,12], they ought to be excommunicated, till such time as they cease from preaching. Yet notwithstanding, a miracle ought not to be a sufficient testimony of their sending, forasmuch as they be done oftentimes, and that of evil and wicked men, (1 Quaest. 1.) we may perceive towards the end. But miracles ought to be suspected, forasmuch as our Savior saith, “Then shall false prophets arise,” etc. [Matthew 24:11.] Therefore they who do challenge authority in their own name, forasmuch as they have not their authority from God, are not true apostles, but false preachers.

    The eighth sign is, that false prophets, pretending great wisdom and holiness to be in superstition, have named their own traditions to be religion, which are rather to be counted sacrilege or church robbery, and do usurp unto themselves, for due deserts of other men, by boasting and bragging among strange and unknown,, people.. Wherefore the apostle speaking of false prophets [Colossians 2:8], saith, According to the precepts of men, which having a face of wisdom consist in superstition, interlaced with humility.” Glossa: —“That is to say, mingled with feigned religion, that it might be called religion, when in very deed it is nothing else but sacrilege, because it is contrary to all authority;” that is, contrary to God himself, that any man should desire to have government of a multitude without public commandment, as [Deuteronomy 23,24], “Thou hast entered into thy neighbor’s vineyard.” Glossa: “That is to say, into the church of another bishop.” May a man warn and admonish others, or else correct that congregation which is not lawful for him to govern, nor yet to take so great a charge upon him? No. And that it is not lawful to enter into another bishop’s diocese, it is apparent, because it is not lawful for the archbishop so to do. To this effect appertaineth that which is read [6 Quaest. 3.] And also it is written [9 Quaest. 2] throughout.

    Therefore those preachers, who, against God and his divine Scriptures, do call their own traditions religion, are not apostles, but false prophets.

    The ninth sign is, by the authority which they have: for although they be no preachers of the gospel or ministers of the sacraments, yet they will live by the gospel, and not by the labor of their own hands, contrary to the text, [2 Thessalonians 3:8.] “Neither have we eaten any man’s bread for nought, or of free cost.” Glossa: “Then those false prophets ought much more to live by their labor, who have not that authority which we ought to have; that is to say, to live by the gospel.” And St. Augustine speaketh of this more expressly, in his book De opere Monachorum, in these words: “Those our brethren do claim to themselves (very rashly as me thinketh) that they have any such authority, to live by the gospel. If they be preachers of the gospel, I grant that indeed they have such authority; if they be ministers of the altar, if they be disposers of the sacraments, they cannot well but take to themselves this authority, as also manifestly to challenge the same; if, at least, they have not wherewithal to sustain this present life, without labor of their hands.” As though he would have said, if they be not such manner of men, then have they no authority to live by the gospel. Therefore those preachers who have not authority to live by the gospel, or minister the sacraments, because they have no congregation whereby to take charge of souls, and yet, for all that, will needs live upon the gospel; they be no true apostles, but false prophets.

    The tenth sign is, that false teachers rejoice more to be commended themselves, than that the word of God should have the commendation and praise. But they that are true preachers and apostles are far otherwise minded, “Not seeking the praise of men,” etc. [1 Thessalonians 2:4.] And herein he toucheth those false prophets, who desire rather to be commended themselves, than that the word of God which they preach should have the commendation: but he is an apostle, who not seeking the glory of this present world, but for the glory to come, doth abase himself, to the intent that the preaching and word of God might be commended and exalted. They, therefore, who desire to have praise and to be commended of others, rather than that the word of God should have the praise, be not true apostles, but false prophets.

    The eleventh sign is, that true apostles preach only for God’s cause, and for the health of souls, and for, no temporal gain, as St.

    Paul saith, [2 Corinthians 2:5] “We preach not ourselves, etc.” Glossa: “Our preaching tendeth not to our glory and gain, but only to the glory of Christ.” But the preaching of Christ, by those that are false prophets, tendeth to the contrary. Whereupon it is said, [Philippians 1:18] “Whether it be upon occasion given, or else for the verity’s sake, let Christ be preached, etc. Glossa: False prophets do preach the gospel upon some occasion, as either by seeking some commodity at the hands of men, or else because of getting good’s, honor, or praise among men.”

    Notwithstanding, however, that they be ready and willing, as it should seem, to bear and sustain injuries, yet they seek not so much the health of him to whom they preach, as in very deed they do their own commodity and gain. Whereupon St. Paul saith, [2 Corinthians 12:14,] “Because I seek not the things that be yours.” Glossa: “That is to say, not your treasure, as gold and silver, but only you yourselves.” For, otherwise, it could by no means be gathered that they should understand him to speak or mean of their substance, because he more esteemeth them than their money, to the intent that they might understand his great good will towards them. Therefore these evil and naughty preachers who preach for worldly gain or honor, or else for the praise and commendation of men, be no true apostles, but false prophets. But it may be asked, how shall men understand when these good fellows preach for their own vain-glory’s sake? It may be answered thus, when they preach before they be called [2 Corinthians 10:17], “Whosoever boasteth, let him boast and rejoice in the Lord.” Glossa: “Which thing he cannot by any means do that hath not his authority from God.” For if any such prophet preach, he seeketh his own glory, and that may easily be perceived. Because he is not called of God, he hath no such authority of him; that is to say, of his church or congregation, as [Hebrews 5:4], “No man taketh to himself any dignity, but he that is called of God, as Aaron was.” Glossa: “He is called of God, that is, lawfully chosen of the congregation.”

    The twelfth sign or token of a false prophet is, because such prophets do counterfeit themselves to have greater care and love to men’s souls, than they have that be their very governors and pastors, although they have no charge at all of them; against whom the apostle speaketh [1 Thessalonians 2:7], “We are become meek and loving towards you, even as the nurse which giveth her child suck.” Glossa: “A woman nurseth other men’s children for wages, and not for love alone; but she giveth her own suck of very love without respect of money.” Therefore those preachers who feign themselves to have a greater love and affection to the souls of men, than they that have the charge over them, seem not to be true apostles. The apostles study neither for eloquence, nor for the curious placing of their words, but false prophets do both, as [1 Corinthians 14:23], “If the simple and ineloquent man,” etc. Glossa: “The apostles were not eloquent, but false prophets are full of curious eloquence.” Also upon the same subject another gloss: “The Corinthians were led away from the gospel by over nice eloquence.” [2 Corinthians 6:4.] “Let us show ourselves before all men as the ministers of God.”

    Glossa; “The ministers of God do not flatter as false prophets do.”

    And for this occasion those that be true apostles have not their abiding in princes’ courts and noblemen’s houses, knowing this saying of Christ [Matthew 11:8], “Behold, those that are clothed with silks dwell in kings’ courts.” Glossa: ”And therefore true apostles are not conversant in princes’ courts, and noblemen’s houses.” Hard and strait life with the preaching of the gospel loveth not to come near princes’ palaces, and noblemen’s houses. Oftentimes it cometh to pass that courtiers are found great flatterers; therefore those preachers that have their abode in princes’ courts, or that in any other place are used to flatter, are not true apostles, but false prophets.

    The thirteenth sign is, that true apostles or messengers do not circumvent or subtlely go about to deceive men, that they should give unto them their goods, either in their lifetime, or else at the time of their death, as [2 Corinthians 7:2], Glossa: “We have falsely deceived no man.”:—By the subtle and deceitful getting away of your substance, as false prophets do, who get away from you those things that be yours under pretense of great friendship.”

    Also [Matthew 23:14], “Woe be unto you, Scribes and Pharisees, you hypocrites, which spoil widows’ houses by your long prayers;” who mean nothing else by your superstition, but that you may spoil and rob the people. [Luke 20:47], “Which devour widows’ houses by dissembling of your long prayer.” Glossa: ‘Who make over-long prayers, to the intent they may seem more devout, and that they may get both money and great commendation of all such as be sick and troubled with the burden of their sins; whose prayers he turned into sin, which neither are profitable for themselves nor any other, but rather shall have for making those prayers greater damnation, forasmuch as by the same they deceive others.” For by this, that they receive and take both gold and silver, it appeareth that they preach not for souls’ health sake, but only for filthy lucre and gain sake. [Matthew 10:9], “Be ye possessors neither of gold nor silver.” Glossa: “If they then have these things, they cannot seem or be thought to preach for the health of the soul, but for lucre’s sake.”

    And so saith Jerome upon the prophet Malachi, “Because some prophets took money, their prophecy became divination;” that is to say, their prophecy appeared not to be prophecy, but divination, or enchantment: that is, that such prophecy proceedeth not from God, but from the devil. And this appeareth in [1 Quaest. 1.] having this beginning, “Nunquam Divinatio,” etc. Therefore those preachers who circumvent and beguile men, to the intent that they should give them their goods, either in their lifetime, or after their death, are not true apostles, but false prophets.

    The fourteenth sign is, that false prophets, when any verity is preached, with which for the most part they are not acquainted, or that toucheth them, them begin they to chase and bark against the same. Whereupon the apostle [Philippians 3:2], saith, “Behold the dogs,” etc. Glossa: “Understand you that they are not dogs by nature, but by their usage and conditions, barking against the truth, which they were never acquainted with.” And so he compareth them right well to dogs, because dogs follow rather custom than reason; so false apostles do keep the custom of the law, and do bite and bark against the truth, as though they were without the gift of reason.

    Also [2 Timothy 4:3], “They get them instructors according to their own desires.” Glossa: “Which may teach them what things they themselves are willing to hear, because the truth seemeth nothing pleasant unto them.” Therefore those preachers who bark against the late revealed truth, which toucheth them very near, and therefore cause the same to be hidden and kept under, are not true apostles, but false prophets.

    The fifteenth sign is, that the true apostles do not force any to receive or hear them who be unwilling, but send them away rather, lest they should seem to seek after some earthly and transitory thing. [Matthew 10:14], “Whosoever will not receive you, get you out of that city, and shake the dust from off your feet,” etc. Glossa: “That you may thereby show that the desire of earthly things hath no power in you.” Therefore those preachers who strive and wrestle, as it were, to the intent they would be received and heard, are not true apostles, forasmuch as the apostle saith [1 Corinthians 11:16], “If any man appear among you to be over-contentious or full of strife, such custom have we none, nor yet the congregation of Christ.”

    The sixteenth sign is, that the apostles did not procure the indignation of those princes, by whom they were esteemed and regarded, against such persons as would not receive them and hear them; as we read in the lives of Simon and Jude, the apostles. The chief ruler, being very angry, commanded a very great fire to be made, that the bishops might be cast into the same, and all others who went about to defame the doctrine of the apostles of Christ.

    But the apostles fell down before the emperor, saying, “We beseech you, sir, let not us be the authors or causers of this destruction or calamity; nor let us who are sent to be the preservation of men, and to revive those that are dead through sin, be killers of those that be alive.” Therefore those preachers who seek to stir up the displeasure of princes, against those whose favors now they enjoy, who will not receive and hear them, or rather, whom they themselves hate, are not true apostles, but false prophets.

    The seventeenth sign is, that the apostles of Christ have not only the knowledge of those things which God hath already done, but also of those things which he will hereafter do, as in the Apocalypse [chap. 4:6.], “The beasts were full of eyes both behind and before. Glossa: “Obtaining the knowledge of those things which God had done, as also what he would do, hereafter, in the end of the world.”

    Therefore those that say they know not the perils of the church in the latter time which are prophesied before, or that they care not for them, or else, if they know them, have not eyes behind and before, are no true apostles; therefore when they call themselves apostles, they are false prophets.

    The eighteenth sign is, that true apostles do not desire the riches and goods of them to whom they preach, whereby they are discerned from wolves, that is to say, from false prophets. [Acts 20:8.] “I have desired no man’s gold nor silver.” Glossa: “By this are wolves discerned, for they desire such things.” And again in the same place; “For those things which I have need of, and those which were with me, these hands have ministered. Glossa: This example also of laboring is a spectacle for bishops whereby they are discerned from wolves.” For such as ask or beg of those to whom they preach, or set any other to ask or beg in their names, do seem to commit simony, like Gehazi, of whom it is read [2 Kings 5:20], that he craved certain apparel of Naaman, the Syrian, to whom his master Elisha had restored the benefit of health, not-withstanding he had gotten those garments unwitting to his master. Whereupon Gregory Nazianzen saith, [1 Quaest. 1] “Qui isti debetur.” But some man perhaps will say, cannot the preacher ask money, or money’s worth, of those to whom he preacheth? Or at the least, may not he beg? To this may be answered; if the preacher by authority preach and feed his flock as a true pastor with the food of God’s word, he may take money or money’s worth; but then it is not begging or craving, but it is by authority, as [2 Timothy 2:6], “It is meet that the husbandman that tilleth the ground, should first and after others, receive the commodity of his increase.” Glossa: “He putteth the virtuous preacher out of doubt, not preaching for the intent to make merchandise of the gospel, and giveth him to understand, that it is lawful for him to take of them whom he feedeth as his flock what things soever he hath need of, and doth it not in begging or craving, but by good authority.” It is manifest that it cannot in any place of the holy Scripture be found, that the preacher ought to beg. But begging is forbidden of all the apostles of Christ, and is abhorred by Solomon and by St.

    Augustine, and reproved by divers other holy men. Therefore it is manifest that the true apostles do not desire the temporal goods of them to whom they preach, neither do they beg nor crave the same.

    They, therefore, that require any thing of them to whom they preach, or else set any other man to ask for them, or in their names, do not seem to be true apostles, but false preachers.

    The nineteenth sign is, that true apostles are patient in tribulation, neither do they render evil for good. [Matthew 10:16.] “Behold, I send you as sheep among wolves.” Glossa: “They, that occupy the place of preaching, ought not to procure any evil toward their brethren, as the example of Christ teacheth” [1 Peter 2:23], “Who, when he was reviled, reviled not again, but did submit himself to him that judgeth justly.”

    They therefore that suffer not injury, but rather do wrong themselves, are not true apostles, but false apostles.

    The twentieth sign is, that true apostles at their first coining are evil entertained, as the Lord saith [Matthew 24:9], “Ye shall be hated of all men for my name’s sake.”

    But at length such get the victory, according to that saying. [1 John 5:8] “Every thing that is of God overcometh the world.”

    They, therefore, that in the beginning rejoice and are well entertained, but in the end are rejected, seem not to be true apostles, but false.

    The twenty-first sign is, that true preachers go not to preach unto those who have preachers appointed unto them, because they have not to rejoice of a company belonging to another man’s charge; as [Romans 15:20], “I have preached the gospel where Christ was not before preached, lest I should build upon another man’s foundation.”

    And again St. Paul saith [2 Corinthians 10:15], “We are not boasters, nor busy in other men’s matters.” Glossa: — “Where another man had laid the foundation.” Likewise in the same chapter [16], “Not having pleasure to boast of other men’s labors,” that is to say, of those which he committed to the government of another man. Likewise Augustine saith; “Honor ought to seek thee, and not thou honor.” Also Chrysostom; “Authority is in love with such a man as refuseth her, and yet abhorreth her not.” They therefore that procure and have a desire to preach unto the people committed to another man’s charge, which is an office of honor, especially in councils, synods, and great assemblies, also in kings’ and princes’ courts, and prelates’ palaces, are not true apostles, but false teachers.

    The twenty-second sign is, that true apostles, when they know themselves to do much good in the church and congregation of God, yet, notwithstanding, are not puffed up with pride [Ezekiel in. 9]; “O son of man, I have made thy face as an adamant stone.”

    The adamant stone, when it draweth iron unto it, is not thereby either lifted up or altered. Likewise a true preacher, when he draweth unto him, by his preaching, sinners whose hearts are as hard as iron, is never the more lifted up or higher minded therefore.

    But as in Luke [chap. 17:10], “When ye have done all that ye can, and as well as ye can, yet say that you are unprofitable servants;” and in Psalm 45. “Not unto us, Lord, not unto us, but to thy name be given the glory.”

    They therefore that do arrogantly boast themselves of their fruit, and of the benefit they have done in the church of God, saying, “We have given light to the universal church, which was blind before our time, and we have put out the flame of sin in the church of God” (when perhaps they have more furthered hypocrisy than either truth or verity), they are not true prophets, but false, of whom it is spoken in the Psalms, “The mouth of them that speak proud things,” etc.

    The twenty-third sign is, that true apostles do not seek the favor of the world, nor yet how to please men, as [Galatians 1:10], “If I should please men,” that is to say, “if I had a desire to please men, I should not be the servant of God.” Whereupon the apostle says to the Colossians [chap. 3:22], “Not as men-pleasers.” Glossa: — “Seeking to please, because we have not the pleasing Spirit.” Therefore those preachers that seek the favor of the world, and do labor to this intent that they might please men, are not true apostles, but false.

    The twenty-fourth sign is, that true apostles, when they have meat and drink, they are contented, neither do they desire overdainty fare, according to the saying in Luke [chap. 10:8], “Eating and drinking those things that are set before you.” \\Glossa: — “The gospel condemneth not altogether costly and delicate fare, yet it so alloweth the same, that if we have meat and drink, we ought not to grudge, but to be therewith content.”

    Therefore those preachers, who, although they neither be sent, nor have authority to preach, are yet offended when they have not fine and delicate fare, are not true apostles, but false preachers.

    The twenty-fifth sign is, that true apostles do love more the law of God than their own estimation amongst their neighbors; according to that in the Proverbs [chap. 7:2, 3], “Keep my law as the apple of thine eye, and bind the same upon thy fingers, and write the same in the table of thy heart.”

    Whereupon also the Psalmist [Psalm 69,72], “The law of thy month is dearer unto me than thousands of gold and silver.” Glossa .— “Charity doth more love the law of God, than the desire of gold and silver a thousand fold.” He, therefore, that seeth the gospel of Christ trodden under foot, which is the eternal glad tidings, to be taken away by that cursed one, and doth neglect and contemn the same, or else, peradventure, consenteth unto the same to the outward appearance of the world; and yet, because he will keep his temporal dignity and estimation, refuseth not to stir up strife and contention about the same, and so to be evil spoken of, seemeth not to be an apostle of Christ, but rather a false prophet, if he be a preacher.

    The twenty-sixth sign is, that true apostles seek not after such fine lodgings and wealthy habitations, where they may have all things at their commandments; but rather such honest resting places where they may have necessary things for themselves, with their good wills of whom they have them. And they take nothing of such whom they see to be so ready and liberal in giving, nor think that they do him more pleasure in receiving the gift, than the others do in giving them the same; according to that in Matthew [chap. 10:11], where it is said, “Into what city or town soever ye shall enter, inquire out those that be of good report in the same. and abide you with them so long as you tarry in the same city or town.” Glossa: —“Your host, with whom ye lodge, ought to be chosen by the good. report of neighbors, lest your preaching be evil spoken of, by reason of his infamy; neither ought such men to run from house to house.” But whom shall we call “worthy of good report?” Glossary : “Him who knoweth better to do other men good, than to receive a good turn of another;” and this is he which giveth willingly, for Christ’s cause, and not in respect of any commodity.

    Also true apostles receive nothing of such their sins, but rather of those that are washed and cleansed from their sins; men as he weltering in whereupon that saying [2 Corinthians 8:5], “They have given themselves first to the Lord.” Glossa: — “Because they now, amending their old errors and vicious manners, have vowed themselves unto the Lord, and afterwards gave of that which they had to their brethren; for otherwise they ought not to have taken any thing of them, because gifts do blind the eyes; but those that give, where there is no cause of reproof in their doings, have no just cause to give.” Therefore those preachers that seek how to come by dainty fare, and do receive bribes and rewards of naughty men that have this world at will, to the intent that those preachers may cover and hide their faults, and who get of others what they can by subtlety, or who give indeed to remove the shameless importunity of the craver, or else for avoiding of present shame, rather than for any love they have to God, are not true apostles, but false prophets; according to that in the Corinthians [2 Corinthians 9:7], “The Lord doth love a willing giver.” Glossa: — “He that giveth for present shame, or else that he may be free from the importunacy of him that asketh, doth lose his substance and merit: wherefore he that hath respect to these things, doth not seek the fruit and profit of the giver, but the gift itself as saith the apostle [Philippians 4:17], “Seek not the girl, but the fruit or benefit of the giver.”

    The twenty-seventh sign is, that true apostles do not endeavor themselves to seek and enjoy the fruit of other men’s labors that they may be fed thereby, because that the belly is such men s god, according to those words [2 Thessalonians 3:2], “We have heard of some amongst you which walk inordinately, not laboring at all, but living delicately, or idly.” Glossa: “On other men’s labors;” and deserve they to be fed? The discipline of the Lord cannot away with that doing; for the belly is their god, which provide to have more than necessary dishes of meat. Therefore those preachers who so do, are not true apostles, but false.

    The twenty-eighth sign is, that true apostles do not rejoice only on account of the miracles or other excellent works which the Lord doth by them, but they rather rejoice for the salvation which they look for from the Lord, than that by doing those miracles they desire any honor; according to that which is written in Luke [chap. 10:20], saying, “Rejoice ye not for that the spirits be subject unto you, but because your names are registered in heaven.”

    They therefore that boast of their own miracles, or of any that belong unto them, for this cause, that they are saved by the doing of them, as many do say, seem not to be true apostles, but false.

    The twenty-ninth sign is, that the true apostles do never seek their own glory in this life, but the glory of Christ. “He that speaketh of himself doth seek his own glory; but he that seeketh the glory of him which sent him,” that is, of whom he is sent, “is a true apostle.” [John 7:18.] Therefore those who seek the things that pertain to the glory of this world, of the which one is ‘O be assistant to those that bear rule and authority, or according to the saying of Boetius, ‘De consolatione;’ “Those that do desire to be extolled,” either they reign and bear rule themselves, or else do desire to be near about them that have such dominion. Another is, they desire to have the fame and victory of that for which they have nothing at all deserved before God; whereupon is written that saying of the apostle [Galatians 5:26], “Let not us become desirous of vain-glory.” Glossa: — “To be desirous of vain-glory, is to have victory without any merit or desert;” and those, I say, that do such things, seem not to be true apostles, but false.

    The thirtieth sign is, that true apostles care not for the solemnities of men, neither for their salutations, nor feastings, nor any other benefit of theirs. They therefore who love and seek the company and fellowship of men, their feastings, and other their commodities, do not seem to be true apostles, but false.

    The one and thirtieth sign is, that true apostles do not commonly resort to other men’s tables, lest they should, for a meal’s meat, become flatterers [2 Thessalonians 3:9], “That we should give an example to follow us.” Glossa: — “He that cometh oftentimes to another man’s table, being given to idleness, cannot choose but flatter him that feedeth him.” But Christ’s religion calleth men to liberty and to no such bondage; they therefore that resort oftentimes, and that of their own minds, to other men’s tables, living idly, are not true apostles, but false.

    The two and thirtieth sign is, that true apostles do not hate their enemies, and such as hate them; which doctrine the Lord taught [Matthew 5:44], saying, “Love your enemies, do well to them which hate you;” but false prophets do hurt and defame their neighbors, as saith Jeremiah [chap. 12:10, 11], “The prophets of Jerusalem have defiled the whole earth.” Glossa: — “They are not contented to hurt their neighbors only, but also whom they before this time have hated, they defame and speak evil of in every place they come to.” Therefore those preachers who hate them whom they think are their enemies, and that defame them, are not true apostles, but false preachers.

    The thirty-third sign is, that false prophets, when they are examined and proved whether they be true apostles or liars, take that very grievously, and persecute all those that can prove them to be so, and also do stir up and provoke others to persecute the same men; who also join themselves together by secular power, even as certain false prophets did in the primitive church against the bishop of Ephesus, to whom, the Lord said [Revelation 2:2,3], “I know,” that is to say, [ do allow, “thy works and thy labor;” that is, thy tribulation, “because thou canst not away with those that be evil men.” Glossa: “But, that thou hast a desire to amend them, or else to expel them, and hast examined these which say that they are apostles, and are but liars, and also hast suffered this patiently.” Glossa: —“The evils which these false prophets, joined together by secular power, do bring in, are not the doings of true apostles, but false prophets.”

    The thirty-fourth sign is, that true apostles go not to preach to those who are converted already by other men, but rather do convert those who are not yet converted, test that they should build upon another man’s foundation; as St. Paul [Romans 15:20] saith; “I have labored so, that from Jerusalem to Illyricum, I have replenished the gospel in every place.” Glossa: — “That is, I have preached the same abundantly, in whom the great virtue of the Holy Ghost appeareth, because so many nations (that is, the Gentiles), have received the gospel by my preaching.” “But I have preached the gospel there where Christ was not preached before, lest I should build upon another man’s foundation.” Glossa: —”I should not preach to those that were converted by another man.” Also [2 Corinthians, 10, 15], “We are not such. as boast and glory in other men’s labors.” Glossa: — “Where another man lad the foundation, for that should be to boast inordinately.” Also in the same place, “not thinking to boast where another man hath government, but in those things which are put in experience.” Glossa: — “Of other preachers;” because the apostle did preach to those to whom the gospel was never preached, that he might get praise by his own proper labor. Therefore, those preachers who go not to that people who have need to be converted, but to those who are converted already, who have apostles of their own, that is to say, bishops and priests, and yet do boast over another man’s flock, are not true apostles, but false prophets.

    The thirty-fifth sign is, because true apostles, when they are sent, go to their own diocese, and not to another man’s diocese, even as Paul being sent, went to the Gentiles when he purposed to preach [Acts 13:2], “Separate Paul and Barnabas for the business which I have chosen them unto.” Glossa: “According to the appointment and decree of James, Cephas, and John, went he forth to be a teacher unto the Gentiles.”

    But those preachers that stand upon their feet, that is to say, those preachers which have but small worldly substance, for which cause they are more ready to go which way soever it shall please the Lord to send them, I say the Lord hath sent them to preach, not to those that be sufficiently learned, but to those that are infidels; as we read in Ezekiel [chap. 2:2, 3], “After that, the Spirit of the Lord set Ezekiel upon his feet,” In quam spem situs unus tangitur, “and he said unto him, O son of man, behold I send thee to the nations which have start back from their profession, which have gone from me;” that is, to the Jewish heretics, and to those nations that sometimes have been Christians, as the Egyptians, the Babylonians, and all those that observe the law of Mahomet. Therefore, if such go to those that are already instructed, having both apostles, bishops, and priests of their own; they go not into their own diocese, but into another man’s diocese, and are not true apostles, but false preachers. And it is greatly to be feared, lest the church be in hazard and danger by such, unless they be thrust out of the same betimes; even as Jonas, when he was sent to Nineveh, by the Lord, which is interpreted, large or wide, and leadeth to the hill, that is, to the infidels we spake of before.

    They go not to those infidels according to the commandment of the Lord, but they turn another way, and take their journey into Tarshish, which is interpreted, seeking after joy and pleasure; that is, they go unto those who receive them with joy and gladness, and do well provide for them, that is to say, to godly and devout Christians; and, therefore, it is to be feared lest the ship in which they be (that is, the church) be in great peril, unless they be thrown forth. And therefore the apostle spake of such false prophets not without good cause [2 Timothy 2:16], “And shun thou those.” Glossa: “That is, such men as those be.”

    The thirty-sixth sign is, because true apostles do not boast, neither do they attribute unto themselves any thing, but that God hath wrought the same by them. Paul [Romans 15:18], saith, “I dare not say any thing-but that which Christ hath wrought and accomplished by me. Glossa: That is, I speak only those things which by me (that is, by my ministry) Christ hath wrought.

    They therefore that boast of many things, and do attribute much unto themselves which, they never, did are not true apostles, but false prophets.

    The thirty-seventh sign is, that true apostles do not apply themselves, or lean to logical or philosophical reasons. Therefore those preachers who do endeavor themselves to such kind of reasons, are not true apostles, but false prophets.

    The thirty-eighth sign is, that true apostles do not love carnally, or after the flesh, but hate what thing soever doth resist them in the service of God. “He that doth not hate his father and mother, his son and sister, and also himself, he cannot be my disciple.” Luke 14:26. Glossa: — “That is, he that doth not hate whatsoever doth resist or let him in the service of God, is not worthy to be a disciple, neither can he abide in that office.” Therefore forasmuch as true preachers are the true disciples of the Lord, it must needs follow that the preachers who do promote their nephews and.. kinsfolk (how unworthy soever they be) to ecclesiastical promotions and livings, contrary to the will of God, or do any other thing that letteth or hindereth them in the service of God, are not true apostles, but false prophets.

    The thirty-ninth sign is, that true apostles do not hunt for the friendship of this world, for he that is the friend of this world is the enemy of God; therefore those preachers, who purchase the friendship of this world, are not true apostles, but false prophets; and forasmuch as the Scripture is infallible, saying at [Matthew 24:35], Heaven and earth shall perish, but my words shall endure for ever;” and the Holy Ghost, which spake by the apostles, cannot lie; (for prophecy, for the most part, is not spoken by the will of man, but holy men of God spake by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, as it is read in Peter. [2 Peter 1:21], it remaineth, that all men who are bound to defend the church, may rise up in the defense of the same, according to that in the Proverbs [chap. 24:11 ], “Deliver those that are led to death, and cease thou not to rescue those who are drawn to destruction.”

    Neither may he allege vain accusations, because it is said in the same place, “If he say he is not able or strong enough, he that beholdeth the thoughts of men’s hearts, shall know it,” etc.

    Whatsoever perisheth in the church of God for want of preachers, all that shall be demanded of them at the day of judgment; as Jacob confesseth to Laban, whose sheep he fed [Genesis 31:39], “I did restore all thy loss, and that which was stolen I made answer for.” “I will demand his blood at thy hands.” Ezekiel 3:24. This is said to the pastor or prelate. But if the other things, which we have spoken of before, could not move the prelates and cardinals, this at least should move them; because that then the spiritual power which doth consist, for the most part, in the exercise of preaching, in hearing confessions. and in enjoining of penance, shall be taken away from them by little and little (for by piece-meal doth the wolf devour the poor and needy man) [3 Quaest. 1], when the authority ecclesiastical, therefore, shall be quite taken from them and disposed to others, such as either by their order, or apostolical grant do challenge to have the same; then doubtless shall neither the jurisdiction of civil causes and pleadings, nor any authority that such prelates have yet remaining, neither yet the possessions of the temporal goods of the church any longer remain amongst them.

    Shall such have the temporal goods of the church who minister not the spiritual treasure thereof? [1 Corinthians 9:13], “Know ye not that they which kill the sacrifice ought to eat of the sacrifice? and they that serve at the altar are partakers of the altar?”

    For as the body without the soul cannot stand; so corporal things without spiritual things cannot continue [1 Quest. 1] if any shall take away the same.

    Thus have you had the thirty-nine arguments, for which the said Gulielmus was condemned, and his books burned. In his days there was a most detestable and blasphemous book set forth by the friars (mentioned also in Matthew Paris), which they called ‘Evangelium aeternum,’ or ‘Evangelium Spiritus Sancti;’ that is, ‘The everlasting gospel,’ or ‘The gospel of the Holy Ghost.’ in which book many abominable errors of the friars were contained, so that the gospel of Jesus Christ was utterly defaced, which, this book said, was not to be compared with this everlasting gospel, no more than the shell is to be compared with the kernel, or than darkness to light. Moreover, that the gospel of Christ shall be preached no longer than to A.D. 1260, and that then this ‘everlasting gospel’ should rule the church. Item, that whatsoever was in the whole Bible, was in the said ‘gospel’ contained. At length this friar’s ‘gospel’ was accused to the pope, and so six persons chosen of the whole university to peruse and judge of the book, viz. Christianus, canon of Beauvais, Odo of Douay, Nicolas de Bar-sur-Aube, a813 Johannes de Sicca-Villa, an Englishman, Johannes Belin, a Frenchman, together with this Gulielmus, who mightily impugned this pestiferous and devilish book.

    These six, after the perusing of the book, were sent up to Rome; the friars likewise sent their messengers withal. Where they were refuted, and the errors of the book condemned; a812 but so, that the pope, with the cardinals, commanded the said book to be burned, not publicly but in secret wise (tendering the estimation of the religious orders, as of his own most chief champions), and the following year the same pope ordered the books of the aforesaid Gulielmus to be burnt withal. f849 Besides other his books, two sermons we have of his yet remaining, one upon the parable in St. Luke of the Pharisee and the Publican, being the gospel for the day; the other preached on May-day: where in the first, he resembleth the Pharisees to our monks, and that he proveth by all the properties of the Pharisees described in the gospel: the Publican he resembleth to the laity, such as, for because they are the sooner reduced to acknowledge their sins, the more hope have they of mercy: the other, because they stand confident in their own righteousness, are therefore further from their justification. In the latter sermon he setteth forth and declareth, what perils and dangers are like to fall upon the church by these religious orders of monks and friars, for that they were ministers of Antichrist and perverters of the people. f850 Among the other besides of that age who withstood the bishops of Rome and his anti-christian errors was one Laurence, an Englishman, a divine of Paris; another was Petrus Johannes, a minorite. Of whom the aforesaid Laurence was about A.D. 1260, who in his teaching, preaching, and writing, did stoutly defend the part of the aforesaid Gulielmus, and the rest of his side, against the friars. Against the which friars he wrote two books, one in the defense of Gulielmus afore-mentioned, the other upon this argument and title, ‘To beware of false prophets,’ etc. Certain other things also he wrote, wherein by divers proofs and testimonies he argued and proved, that Antichrist was not far off to come. The other, Petrus Johannes, was about A.D. 1290, who taught and maintained many things against the pope, proving that he was Antichrist, and that the synagogue of Rome was great Babylon. He wrote upon Matthew, upon the Epistles, and upon the Apocalypse. Mention of this Petrus Johannes is made in Nicolas Eymericus, in his book of the Inquisition; who saith, moreover, that from him Michael Cesenas (of whom, Christ willing, shall follow hereafter) derived his opinions; and because the pope could not burn him alive, after his death he caused his bones to be taken up and burned. f851 To these and with these above specified is to be added Robertus Gallus, who being born of a right noble parentage, for devotion’s sake was made a Dominic friar, about the same year (A.D. 1290). This man, as appeareth by his writings, had divers and sundry visions, whereof a part is printed with the visions and prophecy of Hildegard. His visions all tend against the spiritualty of Rome; where, in the fifth chapter a815 he plainly calleth the pope an idol, who having cars heareth not the loud wailings of them that go down to hell, though louder than a trumpet and the roaring thunder; and having eyes seeth not neither listeth to see the abominations of his people, and their excessive voluptuousness, except he may thence heap up treasure for himself; and having a mouth speaketh not, but saith, ‘I have set good teachers over them, and it is sufficient, whether I do them good by myself or by another.’ And it followeth in the same chapter, “Woe to that idol! woe to the mighty and proud! who in all the earth shall be equalled to that idol? He hath exalted up his name in the earth, saying, Who shall bring me under? Is my house compared with those of the mighty ones of the earth? I am far more dainty than they in my feasts; prancing knights are my servitors; and that honor which my fathers before me had not, that is done to me. My house is paved with silver, and ornamented with gold and jewels.”

    Again, in the twelfth chapter, and also in the first, under the name of a serpent he painteth out the pope, whom he declareth to extol himself above measure, and to oppress the few that be godly, and to have many false prophets about him; whose charge it is, neglecting the name of God and of Christ, to preach and extol him only, obscuring the name of Christ.

    The church of Rome and the pope he describeth in these words: “I was praying,” saith he, “on my knees, looking upward toward heaven, on the right side of the altar of St. James in Paris, and saw in the air before me the body of a certain high bishop, all clothed in white silk; who, turning his back on the east, lifted up his hand towards the west, as the priests are wont to stand in celebrating their mass, but his head was not visible. And as I was considering advisedly, whether he had any head or no, I perceived a head all dry and withered, as though it had been of wood. And the Spirit of the Lord said to me, ‘This signifieth the state of the church of Rome.’” Moreover, the same author describeth by an apt similitude shewn him in a vision the manner of the monks and school sophists and sorbonists, in this wise: “Another day, as I was in like contemplation as before, I beheld in spirit; and behold, I saw a man apparelled like to the other before, who went about having fine bread and excellent wine on his shoulders and hanging down on both sides of him; and the same, having in his hand an oblong and very hard flint-stone, was gnawing upon the same as a famishing person is wont to do upon a loaf of bread; out of the which stone came out two serpents’ heads; and the Spirit of the Lord instructed me, saying, ‘This stone purporteth the frivolous and curious questions, wherein the famishing people do weary themselves, leaving the substantial food of their souls.’ And I asked what those two heads did mean? And he said, ‘The name of the one is Vain-glory, a816 the name of the other is Mar-religion.’” a816 Also, concerning the reformation of the church, this vision he declareth: “It happened, as I was (saith he) in the same city in the house of a certain nobleman of Bretagne, and was there speaking with certain, I saw a cross of silver very bright, much like to the cross of the earl of Toulouse. But the twelve apples, which did hang beside on the arms of the cross, were very vile, like to the apples which the sea is wont to cast up. And I said, ‘What is this, Lord Jesu?’ And the Spirit answered me, ‘This cross which thou seest is the church, which shall be clear and bright in pureness of life, and shall be heard all over the world through the shrill voice of the preaching of sincere verity.’ Then, being troubled with the apples, I asked what these apples so vile did signify? And he said, ‘It is the humiliation of the church.’” This godly man did forewarn (as in a certain chronicle is declared) how God would punish the simony and avarice of the clergy, with such a plague, that rivers should run with blood. It is said, that there is remaining a great volume of his visions which are not yet abroad; for these that be abroad, are but a brief extract out of his visions and revelations.

    After that we have thus long strayed in these foreign stories of Frederic, and in the tractation of other matters pertaining to other countries, it is time that we return to our own country again.

    THE STORY OF ROBERT GROSTHEAD, BISHOP OF LINCOLN.

    Following the continuation of time and course of the church, we will now join to these good fathers and writers, the history of the learned bishop of Lincoln, named Robert Grosthead, a man famously learned, as that time served, in the three tongues, both Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, also in all liberal sciences; whose works and sermons even to this day are extant, which I have seen in the library of the queen’s majesty at Westminster, wherein is one special sermon written and exhibited in four sundry scrolls addressed to the pope, and to other four cardinals, beginning “Dominus noster Jesus Christus.” Nicholas Trivet, in his Chronicle, writing of this bishop, affirmed that he was born in Suffolk, in the diocese of Norfolk: who giving him the praise of being a man of excellent wisdom, of profound doctrine, and an example of all virtue, witnesseth that he being master of arts, wrote first a commentary on the latter books of Aristotle; also that he wrote tractations concerning the spheres, and the art of computations, and that he set forth divers books concerning philosophy. Afterwards, being doctor in divinity, and expertly seen in all the three tongues, he drew sundry treatises out of the Hebrew glosses, also translated divers works out of the Greek, as the testament of the twelve patriarchs, and the books of Dionysius, commenting upon the new translation with his own gloss. f854 This godly and learned bishop, after divers conflicts and agonies sustained against the bishop of Rome, after the example of Frederic, of Guilelinus de Sancto amore, of Nicholaus Gallus, a817 and others after named, at length, after great labors and travails of life, finished his course, and departed at Bugden in the month of October, A.D. 1253. Of his decease thus writeth Matthew Paris, “Out of the prison and banishment of this world (which he never loved) was taken the holy bishop of Lincoln, Robert, at his manor of Bugden, in the evening of St. Denis’s day; a818 who was an open reprover of the pope and of the king, a rebuker of the prelates, a corrector of the monks, a director of the priests, an instructor of the clerks, a fautor of scholars, a preacher to the people, a persecutor of the incontinent, a diligent searcher of the Scriptures, a mall to the Romans, and a contemner of their doings.” What a man he was to the Romans, in the sequel hereof (Christ willing) shall appear. The story is this:—It so befel, among other daily and intolerable exactions wherein pope Innocent IV. was grievous and injurious manifold ways to the realm of England, he had a certain cousin or nephew (so popes were wont to call their sons) named Frederic, being yet young and under years, whom the said Innocent the pope would needs prefer to be a canon and prebendary in the church of Lincoln, in this time of Robert, bishop of the said church; and upon the same, the pope directed down a letter to certain of his factors here in England, for the execution thereof; a copy of which letter by chance—yet not by chance but by the opportune sending of God—came to my hands as I was penning this present story, written in the end of an old parchment book, and otherwise rare (I suppose) to be found; which aforesaid letter is thus in English.

    THE POPE’S UNREASONABLE LETTER TO HIS FACTORS IN ENGLAND. a819 Unto our well-beloved sons, the archdeacon of Canterbury, and to Master Innocent our scribe abiding in England, greeting and apostolical benediction. Forsomuch as our well-beloved son G., deacon-cardinal of S. Eustace, a820 upon our special commandment hath given and granted to our well-beloved son Frederic de Lavania, a clerk and our nephew, a canonry in the church of Lincoln, with full power and grant of the same, investing him therein corporally and presently with his own ring, to be from thenceforth canon of Lincoln, and to have full right and title to the said canonry in that church; also a prebend in the same church of Lincoln, if any shall have fallen vacant since our letters concerning this reception and provision a821 to be given him in the said church were presented to our right-reverend brother, the bishop of Lincoln; but if not, hath reserved to our apostolic donation the next that shall fall vacant, to be conferred on our said nephew, making void and frustrate anything which may be attempted concerning the said prebend by any one else, and also denouncing the sentence of excommunication against all that shall rebel and gainsay the same, as in the letters of the said cardinal is more fully contained: We, therefore, condescending to the devout supplications of the said Frederic, ratifying and approving that which hath been done by the said cardinal in the premises, have thought good by our apostolic authority to confirm the same. Wherefore, by these our letters apostolic we desire your wisdom to induct by our authority the said Frederic (or his proctor in his behalf) into corporal possession of the said canonry and prebend, and also to defend him when so inducted, denouncing the sentence of excommunication (without power of appeal) against all such as shall gainsay the same:

    Notwithstanding any customs or statutes to the contrary, corroborated by the oaths or confirmations of the apostolic see; or any flaw in the case whatsoever, as, that the said Frederic was not personally present to take the oath for observing the usual customs of the said church; or, that an indulgence hath been granted by the said see to the aforesaid bishop, or to the chapter of the said church, jointly or severally, or to any other persons whatsoever, as that they shall not be forced to admit or make provision for any man against their will, or, that they may not be interdicted, suspended, or excommunicated by letters apostolic, obtained or to be obtained hereafter, under whatever form of words, yea, although the whole tenor of such indulgences be inserted word for word in the said letters: Notwithstanding, also, any other indulgences granted, or to be hereafter granted, by the apostolic see to what persons soever, of what estate, dignity, or place soever, under whatever form of words, by the which indulgences the effect of this provision might be m any way hindered or deferred; nay, we deliberately will, that they lose all their force in regard to the provision made, or to be made, for the said Frederic in the said church of Lincoln. And if any shall presume to oppose the aforesaid Frederic (or his proctor) touching the premises or any of them, we will that you cause them to be cited peremptorily in our behalf to appear before us in person within the space of two months from your citation, to make answer to the said Frederic touching the premises according to law: Notwithstanding any privileges and indulgences whatsoever to the contrary, granted by the aforesaid see, either generally-to persons of the kingdom of England, or specially to any person, or dignity, or place whatsoever, under whatever form of words; as, that they are never to be cited up to trial beyond sea or beyond their own city or diocese by letters apostolic, under whatever form of words obtained; all which privileges and indulgences we deliberately will to be of no avail what ever to the said parties: Notwithstanding, also, the constitution made in the last general council allowing citations to the distance of two days’ journey Moreover, the day and form of the citation we will you faithfully to intimate unto us by your letters containing the tenour thereof; and if both of you cannot be present at the execution hereof, yet we will, notwithstanding, that one of you do execute the same without fail.

    Given at Perugia, 7:Cal. Feb. in the tenth year of our popedom. [Jan. 26th, A.D. 1253.] As there is no man who hath any eyes to see, but may easily understand in reading this letter of the pope, how unreasonable his request is, how impudently he commandeth, how proudly he threateneth, how wickedly he oppresseth and racketh the church of God, in placing boys and strangers in the ministry and cure of souls, and also in making them his provisors, to raven up the church goods; so is it no great marvel, if this godly bishop, Robert Grosthead, was offended therewith; who, in my mind, deserveth herein a double commendation, not only that he so wisely did discern error from sincerity and truth; but also that he was so hardy and constant to stand to the defense thereof against the pope, according as in this his answer to the pope again may appear, as followeth.

    THE ANSWER OF BISHOP GROSTHEAD TO THE POPE. a822 a823 Salutem. May it please your prudence to understand, that I devoutly and reverently, and with filial affection, obey apostolic precepts, but am also an utter enemy to all such as contradict the character of apostolic precepts, as a child jealous of his father’s honor. And truly, I am bound by the commandment of God to do no less. For apostolic precepts neither are nor can be other than consonant and conformed the doctrine of the apostles and of our Lord Jesus Christ, who is the master and lord of the apostles, and whose type and person the lord pope seemeth especially to bear in the hierarchy of the church: for our Lord Jesus Christ saith, “Whosoever is not with me, the same is against me;” therefore, the most divine sanctity of the apostolic see neither is nor can be against him. To apply this: the character of your present letter is not consonant to apostolic sanctity, but utterly dissonant and at variance with the same. First, for that the clause “non obstante,” which comes over and over again in this and many other of your letters, introduced upon no necessity of any natural law to be observed, must be an endless source of uncertainty, boldness, licentiousness, impudency, lying, and deceiving, and of mutual mistrust between man and man; and not only of these, but also of innumerable other mischiefs which follow upon the same; unsettling and disturbing the purity of the Christian religion, as also the public tranquillity of society. Moreover, next after the sin of Lucifer, which shall be in the latter time, (to wit, of Antichrist, that “son of perdition, whom the Lord will destroy with the breath of his mouth”), there is not, nor can be, any kind of sin so repugnant and contrary to the doctrine of the apostles and to holy Scripture, and so hateful, detestable, and abominable to our Lord Jesus Christ himself, as to destroy and kill men’s souls, by defrauding them of the benefit of the pastoral office and ministry. And yet it is plain, by most evident testimonies of Scripture, that those persons are guilty of this sin, who, being invested with the charge of the pastoral ministry, secure to themselves the stipend of the pastoral office and ministry from the milk and wool of the sheep of Christ, who are to be quickened and saved by their means, and yet do not discharge its duties; for the mere non-administration of the pastoral ministry is, by the testimony of the Scripture, equivalent to the slaughter and destruction of the sheep. Two enormous evils are in this way committed, which (although after a differing way) far exceed all other kind of wickedness, for that they are directly contrary to two things which (although not equally or similarly) are, and are said to be, most excellent; for “pessimum est, quod optimo contrarium,” i.e. “that which is contrary to the best is the worst.” As much then as lieth in the said offenders, they sin, in one respect, directly against the Deity, who of himself is essentially and supernaturally most excellent; in another, against the image and likeness of God in man, which, as produced by the gracious participation of the divine ray, is essentially and naturally most excellent. And because, as in things that are good the cause of good is better than its effect, so again in evil things the cause of evil is worse than its effect; hereby it is manifest, that the introducers into the church of God of such wicked destroyers of God’s image and likeness in the sheep of Christ are worse than the worst of those destroyers, and approximate nearer than they to Lucifer and Antichrist, and are so much the more pre-eminent in this gradation of wickedness, for that they in consequence of their larger and more god-like power, given them for edification not for destruction, were the more bound to exclude and extirpate such wicked destroyers out of the church of God.

    It is impossible, therefore, that the most holy apostolic see, to whom by the most holy Lord Jesus Christ all power hath been committed for edification not for destruction, can command, bid, or in any way attempt anything tending toward so great wickedness, so odious, detestable, and abominable to the Lord Jesus Christ, and also so pernicious to mankind. For this should be a great waste, corruption, and abuse of his most holy and plenary power, and an utter separation of him from the glorious throne of our Lord Jesus Christ, to be co-assessor with the two aforesaid princes of darkness in the chair of pestilence amid the pains of hell. Neither can any man who is subject and faithful to the said see, and not cut off by schism from the body of Christ and from the said holy see, with a sincere and unspotted conscience obey such instructions and precepts, or favor such attempts as these, from whatever quarter emanating, yea, though it were from the highest archangels, but rather ought of necessity with all their might to withstand and rebel against the same. Wherefore, my reverend lord, upon my bounden duty of obedience and fidelity which I owe to both the parents f860 of the most holy apostolic see, and for the love of union with her in the body of Christ, I must regard the instructions contained in your aforesaid letter as more honored in the breach than the observance, and I hereby refuse and utterly resist them; and especially because they tend (as is before touched) to such manifest wickedness, so abominable to the Lord Jesus Christ, so repugnant to the holiness of the apostolic see, and so contrary to the one only catholic faith.

    Neither for this cause can your discretion take any harsh step toward me, because all my doing and gainsaying in this matter is no resistance nor rebellion, but a filial honor due by the divine precept both to my Father and to you. Briefly recapitulating, therefore, I assert that the sanctity of the apostolic see cannot do any thing but to edification, and nothing at all to destruction: for this is the fullness of power, to be able to do all things to edification. But these provisions (as they are called) be not to edification, but to most manifest destruction. The blessed apostolic see, therefore, neither can nor ought to attempt any such thing, because flesh and blood, which cannot enter into the kingdom of God, hath revealed the same, and not the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ who is in heaven. f862 Then followeth it in the story both of Matthew Paris, and of Florilegus, that when this epistle came to the knowledge of the pope, he, fuming and fretting with anger and indignation, answered with a fierce look and proud mind, saying, “What frantic old dotard is this, who so boldly and rashly judgeth of my doings? By St. Peter and St. Paul, were it not for our innate generosity and good nature, I would throw him into such confusion, as should make him a bye-word, an astonishment, an example, and a prodigy to all the world. For is not the king of England our vassal? nay, more, our manciple” (to use the very words of mine author), “who only needs a nod from us, to imprison him and put him to utter disgrace?” When the pope, in his great fury and rage, had uttered this amongst his brethren the cardinals, who were scarcely able to appease the furious violence of the pope, with mild moderation of words they said unto him, that it would not be expedient to proceed against the bishop in a rigorous manner. “For,” said they, “to confess the truth to your holiness, it is but very truth that he affirmeth. We cannot condemn him. He is a catholic man, yea, and a most holy man; more religious and more holy than ourselves; a man of a more excellent spirit and more excellent life; so that it is believed he has not his superior or even his equal among all the prelates. Both the French and English clergy are well aware of this, neither would it be of any avail for us to contradict it. the statements, moreover, of this his epistle perhaps are known by many to be true, and, were he to be harshly treated, might stir up many against us: for he hath the name of being a great philosopher, and is singularly seen both in Latin and Greek learning, a824 zealous in the cause of justice, a reader of divinity in the schools, a preacher amongst the people, a lover of chastity, and a persecutor of simony.” These words spake Giles, a825 a Spanish cardinal, and others besides, moved by their own conscience to speak. And this counsel they gave to the pope, that he should dissemble and wink at these things, as one not seeing or regarding them, lest otherwise perhaps some tumult might rise and spring thereupon; especially seeing there was a manifest conviction among all men, that at last there must needs come a defection and secession from the church of Rome. f864 Not long after this, the canicular days being past, this reverend and godly Robert, bishop of Lincoln, lying at his manor place at Buckden, fell grievously sick. Whereupon, he sent for a certain friar of the Preaching order, named Master John of St. Giles, a826 a man expert and cunning both in physic and divinity, partly to receive of him some comfort of his body, and partly to confer with him in spiritual matters. One day, the bishop conferring with the aforesaid Master John, and reciting to him the doings and proceedings of the pope, did grievously rebuke and reprehend his fellows, the Preaching friars, not sparing either the other order of the Minorites; that, whereas their orders were planted in wilful poverty, viz. poverty of spirit, a827 on purpose that they might with the more freedom carp at and reprove the vices of the mighty, and not flatter or spare them, but severely censure and gravely reprehend the same; the said friars, contrary to their profession, did not boldly cry out and inveigh against the abuses of their superiors and men of power, nor did uncover or detect their faults and wickedness; and “therefore,” said the bishop, “I judge you to be no better than manifest heretics.” “For what is heresy?” added the bishop, demanding of Master John that he should give him the true definition thereof. Whereat when the friar did stay and pause, not remembering any approved a828 definition of that matter, the bishop thereupon inferreth, giving a definition in Latin by a faithful interpretation of the Greek: “Haeresis est sententia humano sensu electa, scripturae sacrae contraria, palam edoeta, pertinaciter defensa: haeresis enim Graece, electio est Latine.” a829 “Heresy is a sentence taken and chosen of man’s own brain, contrary to holy Scripture, openly maintained, and stiffly defended.” And this definition given, consequently he inferred (sharply reprehending the prelates, but especially those of Rome, who committed the charge of souls unto their kinsfolks, being both in age unqualified, and in learning insufficient) thus:— “To give,” saith he, “the charge of souls unto a boy, a830 is a sentence of a certain prelate chosen and taken of the man’s own head, only for some carnal and earthly respect; and also it is contrary to holy Scripture, which forbiddeth any such to be made shepherds, as are not able to drive away the wolves; it is also openly maintained, because an instrument commanding the same, sealed with wax, or imbulled with lead, is openly produced; and finally, it is stiffly defended, for if any man shall presume to withstand the same, he is suspended and excommunicated, and a holy war proclaimed against him.

    Now that person to whom the entire definition of a heretic doth apply, he certainly is a heretic. But every faithful Christian man ought to set himself against a heretic as much as he may. Wherefore, he that can resist him and doth not, he sinneth, and seemeth to be a favorer of such, according to the saying of Gregory; ‘He is not without conscience of secret partnership, who forbeareth to resist open iniquity. a831 But the friars, both the Minorites and Preachers, are specially bound to withstand such, seeing both of them have the gift of preaching committed to them by their office, and are more at liberty to do it by reason of their poverty; and therefore they do not only offend in not resisting such, but also are to be counted maintainers of the same, according to the saying of the apostle to the Romans, ‘Not only they which commit such things, but also they that consent, are worthy of death.’ Wherefore it may be concluded, that as well the pope, unless he cease from this vice, as also the said friars, unless they show themselves more earnest and studious in repelling the same, are alike worthy of death, I mean, eternal death. Nay, the Decretum itself saith, ‘That upon such a vice as this of heresy, the pope himself both may and ought to be accused.’” f868 After this, because the nights were getting longer, and that the bishop felt his weakness and infirmity to grow upon him, the third night before the feast of St. Dionisius he willed certain of his clergy to be called to him, thereby to be refreshed with some conference or communication. Unto whom the bishop, mourning and lamenting for the loss of souls through the avarice of the pope’s court, sighing, said on this wise, as by certain aphorisms.

    CERTAIN APHORISMS OR ARTICLES OF ROBERT GROSTHEAD AGAINST THE BISHOP OF ROME 1. Christ came into the world to win souls; ergo, he that feareth not to destroy souls, may he not justly be called Antichrist? 2. The Lord created the universe in six days, but in restoring lost man he labored more than thirty years; is not therefore a destroyer of souls justly to be counted the enemy of God, and Antichrist? 3 . The pope is not ashamed impudently to disannul, by the obstacle “non obstante,” privileges granted by the holy Roman pontiffs, his predecessors; which is not done without their manifest injury and prejudice, for in so doing he doth reject and destroy that which so many great and holy men had built before. And what a contemner, then, must he be of the saints! but he that contemneth shall justly be contemned, according to the saying of Isaiah, Woe to thee who despisest, shalt not thou thyself be despised. Who, in time to come, will respect privileges of his granting? 4. The pope, indeed, in answer to this defendeth his error by saying, “No one hath power over his equal: therefore,, no former pope can brad me, who am a pope as well as he. To which I reply, “It does not appear to me, that he who is yet sailing on the perilous sea of this world and he who is arrived safe in the haven are equals; for grant that some particular pope is saved (far be it from us to say the contrary); yet our Saviour saith, “He that is least in the kingdom of heaven is greater than John the Baptist, a greater than whom did never arise among those born of women.” Is not therefore the said pope, as a giver and confirmer of privileges, greater than the living pope? truly, methinks, he is greater, and therefore hath power over his inferior; who, consequently, ought not to despise his predecessors. 5. Doth not the pope, speaking of most of his predecessors, say, “Such or such an one, our predecessor, of pious memory;” and frequently, “We, following in the steps of our holy predecessor?” and why then do later popes destroy the foundations which their predecessors had laid? 6. Many apostolic men have afterward confirmed a particular privilege piously granted by their predecessors: and are not, then, many bishops who are already saved by the grace of God to be counted greater and better than one who is yet militant? 7. Again, our ancient apostolic fathers take the precedency of others who are subsequent in time, and those whom the estimation of antiquity doth extol we are bound to esteem venerable. This principle the holy Benedict, a man himself replete with the spirit of the saints and venerable for his virtue, had respect to in his rule, wherein he gives the preference to the first acceders, whatever they were, before others who might afterwards become members of his society, how worthy soever they might be, and directeth that the former should have precedence and veneration. Whence, therefore, cometh this intolerable rashness of revoking and canceling the privileges granted by many ancient saints? 8. Moreover, though many other popes have afflicted the church, yet this pope hath more grievously enslaved it than others, and hath multiplied the inconveniences: for example; the Caursini a832 are notorious usurers; and our holy fathers and doctors, whom we have ourselves seen and heard (namely, the learned Master Fulco, the famous preacher in France; also Eustace, abbot of Flay, of the Cistercian order; Master Jacobus de Viteri; Master Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, when in exile; and Master Robert de Curcon), expelled them by their remonstrances from the parts of France: but the present pope hath brought them into England, where the pest was before unknown, and there protected them; and if any one presume to open his mouth against them, he immediately becomes obnoxious to trouble and damage, witness Roger, late bishop of London. f870 9. Every body knows, that usury is counted a detestable thing in both the Testaments, and is forbidden of God. But now the pope’s usurers or exchangers, to the disgust even of the Jews, are openly allowed to exercise their usury in London to the great damage and oppression of all ecclesiastics, but especially the religious, compelling the needy to tell falsehoods and to put their signature to lying documents, which is no less than to commit idolatry by renouncing truth, that is, God himself. For instance, I borrow one hundred marks for a year for one hundred pounds; and I am compelled to draw and sign a writing in which I acknowledge that I have borrowed and received one hundred pounds to be repaid at the year’s end: but if it shall chance me within a month after, or a few days only, to acquire the principal, and I wish to repay it to the pope’s usurer, he will, nevertheless, accept nothing short of his full hundred pounds; which outrageous usury is far worse than the Jewish; for whenever you bring the principal to a Jew, he will kindly take it, requiring only such interest with it, as is proportioned to the time you have had his money. 10. Moreover, we have known the pope instruct and command the friars Preachers and Minorites to inquire diligently after dying persons, and to go to them and use every means to persuade them to make their wills for the benefit and relief of the Holy Land; so that when they recover, they may wring something from them for a dispensation, or if they die, they may receive or force it from their executors. 11. He also sells men that have taken the cross to laymen, just as formerly sheep and oxen were sold in the temple. We have actually seen, too, an instrument of his in which it was inserted, that they who devised money for the benefit and relief of the Holy Land, or took the cross, should receive indulgence proportioned to the sum they gave. 12 . Over and besides all this, the pope in many of his letters hath commanded prelates to provide in some ecclesiastical benefice, such as the party himself should choose to accept, some alien, though absent, and wholly disqualified as being both illiterate and ignorant of the language of the parishioners, and therefore unable to preach, or to hear confessions, or so much as keep residence to refresh the poor and harbour travelers. 13. We also know that the pope actually wrote to the abbot of St.

    Alban’s, to provide in some competent benefice one John de Camezana, whom he had never seen. Shortly after, provision was made for the party in a rectory worth upwards of forty marks by the year: but he, not being therewith contented, complained to the pope, who writing to the aforesaid abbot commanded him to provide better for the aforesaid clerk, reserving to himself, however, the presentation to the first benefice. 14 . Again, not many days after, there came to the abbey two despicable fellows bringing with them letters from the pope, in the tenor whereof the abbot was commanded, incontinently upon the sight thereof to give “these noble persons” ten marks in hand, without demur, for the expedition, and despatch of their business; and the men blustered and threatened him so, that he was fain to make up the matter with them as well as he could. 15. Again, of those holy and learned men, who for the better serving and imitation of God had left the world by a course which was never to be retraced, the pope appointeth his tolners, to cajole men out of their money; which charge sore against their wills they undertake, only lest they should seem dis- obedient; and thus they become more worldly than ever they were, and their homely chimmers and scapillers prove a complete imposture, while under the garb of poverty there lurketh the spirit of pride and elation. Again, whereas a legate ought never to come into England unless the king himself desire it, a836 the pope evadeth this by a quirk, and sendeth many legates, not robed indeed in purple, but armed with mighty powers; neither would it be difficult to produce an instance, nay, so frequently do these concealed emissaries come, and so numerous are they, that it would be tedious to hear their names recited. 16. Lastly (what is quite a novelty), the pope, for some worldly respect, will grant a man a bishopric without his ever being consecrated, but only an elect from year to year; which is as much as to say, that he is to have the milk and wool of the sheep, not driving away the wolves, but only receiving the stated revenues of the bishopric.

    And when this godly bishop had thus expressed his detestation of such practices, and of many other enormities which prevailed in the court of Rome; as, all kinds of avarice, usury, simony, and extortion, all kinds of filthiness, fleshly lust, gluttony, and sumptuous apparel; insomuch that the proverb concerning the said court is truly verified— ‘Ejus avaritiae torus non sufficit orbis, Ejus luxuriae a835 meretrix non sufficit omnis;’ ‘All the world cannot suffice, their greedy covetous mind, Nor all the drabs and naughty packs, their filthy lusting kind;’ afterwards he went about further to prosecute, how the aforesaid court, opening its jaws so wide, that the flood of Jordan might run into its mouth, aspired to usurp the goods of them that died intestate, and legacies bequeathed without due form of law; and how, in order that they might practice this with the greater freedom, they would associate the king as sharer and partaker with them in their rapine. “Neither,” saith he, “shall the church ever be delivered from this Egyptian servitude, but with the edge of the bloody sword. Albeit,” saith he, “these be as yet but light matters; yet, shortly, within the next three years, more grievous things than these shall come to pass.”

    At the end of this his prophetic speech, which he scarcely could utter for sighing, sobbing, and weeping, his tongue faltered, and his breath began to fail, and so, the organ of his voice being stopped, he made an end both of his speech and life. f876 And, forasmuch as mention hath been made before of the insatiable avarice of the pope’s court by his inordinate provisions and reservations, it is testified by Matthew Paris, that the aforesaid Robert Grosthead, being bishop of Lincoln, caused to be viewed and considered diligently by his clerks, what the revenues of foreigners and strangers within England, set in by the pope, came to by the year; and it was found and evidently tried, that this pope now present, Innocent IV., did impoverish the universal church throughout Christendom more than all his predecessors from the time the pope first began, so that the revenues of foreigners and clerks, placed by him here in England, mounted unto the sum of threescore and ten thousand marks and above, whereas the mere revenues of the crown came not to a third of that sum. f877 Of this Robert Grosthead writeth Cestrensis (lib. 7.), that partly for that it grieved him to see the intolerable exactions of the pope in this realm; and, partly, because he refused to admit a certain young nephew of the pope to be canon of his church (as hath been before recited), he, therefore, writing unto the pope, and signifying that he could not admit any such persons into his church, who neither knew themselves, nor the tongue of the people, nor the charges committed unto them, was called up to Rome, and there excommunicated; who, then appealing from the pope, shortly after departed, A.D. 1253. It chanced, within two years after his decease, that the said pope Innocent being asleep, a certain bishop, apparelled bishoplike, appeared unto him, and striking him with his staff on the left side, said, “Surge miser, veni in judicium:” that is, “Rise, wretch! and come to thy judgment.” The next day, the pope was found amazed, as a man stricken on the side with the stroke of a staff. This Robert, though he was greatly commended for his sanctity and (as Cestrensis saith) for his miracles, yet was he not permitted in the court of Rome to be inscribed in the catalogue of saints. And thus much out of Cestrensis concerning this matter.

    Matthew Paris, and the author of Flores Historiarum, prosecuting this story more at large, add this unto it, and say that pope Innocent the year following (which was A.D. 1254), being passing angry, contrary to the mind of his brethren the cardinals willed to have the bones of this bishop of Lincoln cast out of the church, and, to bring him into disgrace with the people, that he should be counted an ethnic, a rebel, and a disobedient person, throughout the whole world; and thereupon caused he a letter to that effect to be written and transmitted to the king of England, knowing that the king would gladly serve him therein, to have the spoil of the bishop and of his church. But, in the night following, the said bishop of Lincoln appeared unto him arrayed in his pontificalibus, and approaching him as he lay restless on his bed spake to him with a severe countenance, stern look, and terrible voice, at the same time striking him a violent blow on the side with the point of his pastoral staff, and thus said, “Sinibald, thou most wretched pope! hast thou purposed to cast my bones out of the church to the shame of me and of the church of Lincoln? Whence could such rashness come into thy head? It were more meet for thee, advanced and honored by God as thou art, to make much of the zealous servants of God, although departed. The Lord, however, will not suffer thee henceforth to have any power over me. I wrote unto thee in the spirit of humility and love, that thou shouldst correct thy manifold errors; but thou, with a proud eye and disdainful heart, hast despised my wholesome admonitions. Woe to thee that despisest, shalt not thou also be despised?”

    And so, bishop Robert retiring left the pope half dead, groaning with the anguish of the wound which (as was said) he had received in his side, which was just as if he had been pierced with a lance, and sighing and crying out lamentably. The gentlemen of his bedchamber, hearing these things, asked him in astonishment what all this meant. He replied with groans and sighs, “The terrors of the night have much disturbed me, and I shall never recover, so as to be myself again. Oh! my side, how it pains me! I have been. struck with a lance by a spirit.” Neither did the pope eat or drink all that day, pretending to be ill of a high fever. And yet, even so, the wrath and vengeance of God had not done with him. For after this, the pope not regarding these wholesome admonitions given to him by God through his servant, but giving his mind wholly unto military and secular affairs, yet, with all his labors, counsels, and expenses bestowed upon them, never prospered after that day in what he went about; for the pope at that time having war with the Apulians, his army fighting under the command of the pope’s nephew was routed, and to the number of four thousand slain, including their commander; whose lamentable slaughter all the country of the Romans did much bewail. The pope, afterwards, directeth his journey towards Naples, although sorely pained in his side, like a man sick of a pleurisy, or rather smitten with a spear; neither could cardinal Albus, his physician, relieve him; “for Robert of Lincoln,” a837 saith the story, “did not spare Sinibald of Genoa; who, for that he would not hear the other’s gentle reproofs being alive, did feel his stripes when he was dead; so that he never after that enjoyed one good day or night.” And so continued he until his death, which shortly after ensued, he being at Naples, A.D. 1255, or as Nicholas Trivet recordeth, 1254. And thus have ye the whole discourse between Robert Grosthead and pope Innocent. f879 In this story is to be noted, gentle reader, that although in Cestrensis, Matthew Paris, and Flores Historiarum, it is expressly testified and reported, that the pope was smitten with the staff of Robert, the aforesaid bishop of Lincoln, yet thou must wisely understand, that, howsoever God’s hand dealeth here in this world in punishing his enemies, or howsoever the images of things not seen but fantasled offer themselves to the secret cogitation of man (his senses being asleep), by the operation or permission of God working after some spiritual influence in our imaginations, certain it is, that no dead man materially can ever rise again or appear before the judgment-day to any man, with his staff or without his staff, to work any feat, after he have once departed this life.

    After the death of this Robert Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln, there was great dissension between Boniface, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the canons of the said church of Lincoln, about the right of giving prebendships, and about the revenues of the said church, the bishop’s see being then vacant; which right and power the archbishop claimed to himself, but the canons of that church, maintaining the contrary side, stood against him; and, for the same, were excommunicated of the archbishop.

    Among whom, one Master Wolfe, resisting the archbishop to the face, in the name of all the other canons, made up his appeal to Rome, where much money on both sides was spent. At length, after this Grosthead, Henry Lexinton was elected to the see of Lincoln.

    About this time the wicked Jews at Lincoln had cruelly crucified, whipped, and tormented a certain child, named Hugo, of nine years of age, A.D. 1255, in the month of August. At length the child being sought and found by the mother, being cast into a pit, two and thirty of those abominable Jews were put to execution. Of this Matthew Paris reciteth a long story. The same or like fact was also intended by the Jews at Norwich, twenty years before, upon a certain child, whom they had first circumcised, and detained a whole year in custody, intending to crucify him; for which the Jews were sent up to the Tower of London, of whom eighteen were hanged, and the rest remained long in prison. Of this wicked Jewish people I find also in the book Flores Historiarum, that about this year they began first to be expelled out of France, by the commandment of the French king, he being then in Palestine, warring against the Turks; on the occasion of its being objected by the Turk, against him and other christian princes, that they retained the Jews among them, who did crucify our Savior, and warred against those who did not crucify him. Of the Jews here, moreover, king Henry the same year exacted to be given unto him eight thousand marks, on pain of hanging; who, being much grieved therewith, and complaining that the king went about their destruction, desired leave to be given them by the king, that they might depart the realm, never again to return. But the king committed the doing of that matter unto earl Richard, his brother, to enforce them to pay the money whether they would or not. Moreover, mention is made in the story entitled ‘Eulogium’ of the Jews at Northampton, who had among themselves prepared wildfire, to burn the city of London; for which divers of them were taken, and burned in the time of Lent, in the said town of Northampton. This was two years before, or about A.D. 1253. And forasmuch as mention here is made of the Jews, I cannot omit what some English stories write of a certain Jew, who not long after this time (about A.D. 1257), fell into a privy at Tewkesbury upon a sabbath day; who, for the great reverence he had to his holy sabbath, would not suffer himself to be plucked out. And so lord Richard, earl of Gloucester, hearing thereof, would not suffer him to be drawn out on Sunday for reverence of the holy day. And thus the wretched superstitious Jew, remaining there till Monday, was found dead.

    Further, to note the blind superstition of that time, not only among the Jews, but also among the Christians; to omit divers other stories, as of Walter Gray, archbishop of York, who coming up to the parliament at London, A.D 1255, with inordinate fasting did so overcharge nature, and pined himself, and (as the story mentioneth) did so dry up his brain, that he, losing thereby all appetite of stomach, going to Fulham, there, within three days, died, as by the compiler of Flores Historiarum is both storied and reprehended; let this only be added, which, by the aforenamed author, and in the same year, is recorded of one named Peter Chaceporce, who, dying in France, A.D. 1255, left by bequest in his testament six hundred marks for lands to be purchased to the house of Merton, for God to be served there perpetually, “Pro anima ejus et omnium fidelium;” that is, “For his sours health, and all faithful souls.” As one who would say, christian faith were not the ordinary means sufficient to salvation of faithful souls, without the choir service of the monks of Merton.

    Ye have heard it often complained of before, how the usurped power of the pope hath violently and presumptuously encroached upon the church of England, in giving and conferring benefices and prebends to his Italians and strangers, to the great damage and ruin of Christ’s flock in manifold ways. This violent injury and oppression of the pope, as by no lawful and gentle means it could be reformed, so, by occasion and means inordinate, about this time it began somewhat to be bridled. The matter whereof was this, a840 as it is by the collector of Flores Historiarum recited under the forty-fourth year of the reign of this king Henry III. The late bishop of London, named Fulco, had given a certain prebend in the church of St. Paul to one Master Rustand, the pope’s nuncio here in England; who entering into the profession of the Grey friars, and shortly after dying on the other side of the Alps, a839 the pope immediately conferred the said prebend to one of his specials, a like stranger, as the other was before.

    About the same instant it befel, that the bishop of London deceased, whereby the bishopric, now vacant, fell into the king’s hands, who, hearing of the death of the aforenamed Rustand, gave the said prebendship, given of the pope before, to one John Crakehale, his treasurer; who with all solemnity took his installation, unknowing as yet that it was bestowed by the pope before. Not long after, as time grew, this being noised at Rome, forthwith cometh down a certain proctor, named John Gras, with the pope’s embulled letters, to receive the collation of the benefice, by his commission procuratory given by the pope, wherein John Crakehale had been already installed, as is aforesaid, by the king’s donation. This matter coming in traverse before Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, he, after inquiring and searching which donation was the first, and finding the pope’s grant to be the former, gave sentence with him against the king; so that, in conclusion, the Roman clerk had the advantage of the benefice, although the other had long enjoyed the possession thereof before. Thus the pope’s man being preferred, and the Englishman excluded, after the party had been invested and stalled after the use and manner, he thinking to be in sure possession of his place, attempted to enter the house belonging to his prebend, but was not permitted so to do; whereupon the pope’s clerk, giving place to force and number, went to the archbishop to complain. This becoming known to those inside the house, they pursued him; and he being so compassed about, one in the thickness of the throng, being never after known, suddenly rushing upon him, a little above his eyes so pareth off his head that he fell down dead; the same also was done to another of his fellows in fleeing away. This heinous murder being famed abroad, strait inquiry thereof was made, but the deed-doer could not be known; and although great suspicion was laid upon Crakehale, the king’s treasurer, yet no proof could be brought. But most men thought that bloody fact to be done by certain ruffians or other light persons about the city or the court; disdainlug perhaps that the Romans were so enriched with Englishmen’s livings, by whom neither came relief to any Englishman, nor any godly instruction to the flock of Christ. And, therefore, because they saw the church and realm of England in such subjection, and so much to be trodden down by the Romans and the pope’s messengers, they thought thereby something to bridle, as with a snaffle, the pope’s messengers from their intemperate ranging into this land. f883 Here, by the way, is to be noted, that until the death of this aforesaid Fulco, bishop of London, continueth the history of Matthew Paris, monk of St. Alban’s, which was to the year of grace 1259. The residue was continued by another monk of the same house, but not with such like commendation, worthy to make any authentic story; as I have seen it noted in a written book.

    It were too curious and tedious to prosecute in order what happened in every year, through this king’s reign; as how it was provided by the king, that whosoever could expend fifteen pounds from land by the year, should be bound to find the king a soldier; that watch should be kept every night in cities; that whosoever was robbed, or otherwise damnified in any part of the country, he that had the custody thereof should be compelled to make up the loss again, or else to pursue the malefactor. (A.D. 1258). Item, how the king making his voyage into Gascony, his expenses were reckoned to amount to two hunded and seventy thousand marks, beside thirty thousand marks bestowed upon his brethren by the mother’s side, and besides other great gifts given abroad. By reason of this, great taxes, and tolonies, and tenths were required of his subjects; especially of the churchmen, who, being wont to receive tithes of others, now were constrained to give tithes to the laity. (A.D. 1254.) Item, how in the year following, the Londoners, offering one hundred pounds for a gift to the king, with a precious cup of gold, at his return out of France, were shortly after compelled by the king to pay three thousand marks for the escape of a certain prisoner, being a clerk condemned; which clerk being granted by the king to the bishop, and he having no prison sufficient for him, borrowed of the Londoners the prison of Newgate, to have him kept therein; who escaping, there was demanded of them, as it is said, this recompense (A.D. 1255.) Item, how the king, greatly complaining of his debts the same year, required the whole tenths which should be gathered in three years, to be taken up all at once; at whose request the nobles and commons agreed to strain themselves, so that the charter of their liberties and customs might be ratified, and fully by him confirmed; and so for that year they were Item, how pope Alexander IV., to destroy the city Nuchera, with king Manfred, the son of Frederic the emperor, sent forth the same year Octavian, his cardinal, with a puissant army; who, coming to the city with his siege, through the counsel of the marquis of Hoemburgh, one of the chief captains, discharged a great part of his host; whereby the most of the pope’s army was slain and destroyed, almost all, save only the family of the marquis, A.D. 1255.

    Many other things during the time of this king might be heaped together, as the rising of Llewellyn, king of Wales, and of the Welshmen against Henry III., and wasting the land unto the town of Chester, who destroyed divers of the English horsemen taken in the marsh; with whom at length they came to agreement by means of Octobonus, that his successors should only be called princes of Wales, and should do the king homage, and that Henry should receive of him three thousand marks. And this being established in writing, was confirmed by the pope’s seal, A.D. 1257. f888 About the same time such famine and lack of victuals oppressed the land, that a somme of corn was then sold for six and twenty shillings; insomuch that the poorer sort were forced to eat nettle-roots, thistle-roots, and whatsoever they could get. Some authors, however, refer this to A.D. 1262.

    Hereunto, moreover, might be added, how pope Alexander, abusing and mocking the king’s simplicity, made him believe that he would make his son Edmund, king of Apulia, so that he would sustain the charges and cost thereof, to maintain the war which thereto should appertain; whereby the king, cast in a sudden hope, caused his son incontinently to be proclaimed king of Apulia; and upon the same sent up to the pope all the riches he could well procure in his realm. And thus was the realm, in manifold ways, miserably impoverished to enrich the pope. About this season, Richard, earl of Exeter, the king’s brother, was made king of Almain by the electors.

    Here might be showed, moreover, and added to the stories above, how the next year (A.D. 1259), as Nicholas Trivet writeth, the king entering into France, required the restitution of such lands in Normandy and Anjou as of old right were due to him, and wrongfully withholden from him. But the French king again alleged, saying, that the country of Normandy, in old time, was not given away from the crown of France, but was usurped, and by force extorted, by Rollo, etc. In conclusion, the king, fearing and suspecting the hearts of his nobles, and looking for nothing but rebellion at home, durst not try with them, but was compelled to agree with them upon such conditions of peace as he could get; which were these: that he should have of the French king three hundred thousand small Tours pounds, a847 with so much lands else in Gascony, as came to the value of twenty thousand pounds in- yearly rent; so should he resign fully and purely to the hands of the French king, all such lands and possessions as he had in France, Whereby the king giving over his style and titles which he had in those parts, ceased then to be called duke of Normandy, or earl of Anjou.

    Albeit, if it be true that Gisburn writeth, the king, afterward repenting of his deed, did never receive the money all his life, neither did he cease during his life to entitle himself in his letters duke of Normandy; but after him, his son and successor Edward in his letters left out the title to be called duke of Normandy. f892 Besides many other matters omitted, here I overpass also the sore and vehement conflict, not between the frogs and the mice of which Homer writeth, but the mighty pitched field, fought A.D. 1259, between the young students and scholars of the university of Oxford, having no other occasion, as I read in Matthew Paris, but only the diversity of the country where they were born; for the Northern men joining with the Welshmen, to try their manhood against the Southern, fell together in such a broil, with their ensigns and warlike array, that in conclusion divers on both sides were slain. This heavy and bloody conflict during and increasing among them, the end was this: that the Northern lads with the Welsh had the victory. After that fury and fiery fierceness had done what it could, the victors bethinking at length with themselves, partly what they had done, partly how it would be taken of the higher powers, and fearing due punishment would fall upon them, especially seeing the brother of Llewellyn, prince of Wales, and son of Griffin, was newly dead in prison; drawing their counsel and helps together, they offered to king Henry four thousand marks, to Edward, his son, three hundred, and to the queen two hundred, to be released of their trespass. But the king answered them again, that he, setting more price on the life of one true subject, than on all which by them was offered, would in no wise receive their money. And so the students without hope of peace went home with small triumph, learning what the common proverb meaneth, “Dulce bellum inexpertis.”

    Notwithstanding, the king being then occupied in great affairs and wars, partly with Llewellyn and the Welshmen, partly inwrapped with discord at home with his nobles, had no leisure to attend to the correction of these university men. Likewise, concerning the dissension following in the next year (A.D. 1260) in the university of Paris, between the students there and the friars, the number of whom then did so much increase, that the commons were scarcely able to sustain them with their alms. Also, between the universities both of Oxford and Cambridge, for a certain prisoner taken out of prison by strength, and brought into sanctuary the same year, as is testified in Matthew Paris. (A.D. 1259.) In like manner touching the variance between the archbishop of Canterbury, and the chapter of Lincoln. Again, between the said archbishop of Canterbury, and the chapter and bishop of London; and how the said bishop at his consecration would not make his profession to the archbishop but with this exception, “Salvis jure et libertate ecclesiae Londinensis, quae pro posse meo defendam in omnibus,” etc. All which wranglings and dissensions, with innumerable others reigning daily in the church in those days, if I had leisure enough to prosecute them as I find them in stories remaining, might sufficiently induce us to understand what small peace and agreement were then joined with the doctrine and religion of those days, during the state and reign of Antichrist.

    These, with many such other matters, which here might be discoursed and storied at large, being more foreign than ecclesiastical, for brevity I do purposely contract and omit, cutting off all such superfluities as may seem more curious to write upon, than necessary to be known.

    This that followeth, concerning the pitiful and turbulent commotion between the king and the nobles, which lasted a long season; because:it is lamentable and containeth much fruitful example both for princes and subjects to behold and look upon, to see what mischief and inconvenience groweth in commonweals, where study of mutual concord lacketh, that is, where the prince regardeth not the offending of his subjects, and where the subjects forget the office of christian patience in suffering their prince’s injuries by God’s wrath inflicted for their sins: therefore, in explaining the order and story thereof, I thought it not unprofitable to occupy the reader with a little more tarriance in perusing the full discourse of this so lamentable a matter, and so pernicious to the public weal.

    And first, to declare the occasions and first beginning of this tumult, here is to be understood, that which before was signified, how king Henry married with Elenor, daughter of the earl of Provence, a stranger, which was about A.D. 1236; a848 whereupon a great door was opened for strangers, not only to enter the land, but also to replenish the court, to whom the king seemed more to incline his favor, advancing them to more preferment than his own natural English lords; which thing to them was no little grievance.

    Moreover, before was declared how the king, by Isabel, his mother, who was a stranger, had divers brethren, whom he nourished up with great livings and possessions, and large pensions of money; which was another heart-sore to divers, and also an hindrance. Over and besides hath also been declared, what unreasonable collections of money from time to time, as quindecims, subsidies, tenths, amercements, fines, payments, loans, and taxes, have been levied by the king, as well on the spirituality, as on the lay sort, partly for maintaining the kings wars against Wales, Scotland, and France, and to recover Normandy; partly for helping the king’s debts, voyages, and other expenses; partly for the kingdom of Apulia, which was promised the king’s son by the pope; partly for moneying and supporting the pope in his wars against the emperor: by reason of all which sundry and importable collections, the commonwealth of the realm was utterly excoriate, to the great impoverishment of poor Englishmen; neither did it a little vex the people, to see the king call in so many legates from Rome every year, who did nothing else but transport the. English money into the pope’s coffers. Besides all this, what variance and altercation have been between the king and his subjects about the liberties of Magna Charta and De Foresta, granted by king John, and after confirmed by this king in the former council holden at Oxford, hath been before declared.

    Perhaps this might be also some piece of a cause, that the king, considering and bearing in mind the old injuries done of the lords and barons to his father king John before him, did bear some grudge there-for, or some privy hatred unto the nobility, to revenge his father’s quarrel; but of things uncertain I have nothing certainly to affirm. This is certain by truth of history, that the year of our Lord 1260, thus writeth Nicholas Trivet: That the king’s justices, called Itinerarii, being sent to Hereford to execute their office, were from thence repelled: the cause being alleged by those who were against the king, that they were proceeding and enterprising against the form of the provisions enacted and established a little before at Oxford.

    It befel, moreover, in the same time above other times, as Walter Hemingford writeth, that a great number of aliens coming out of France and other countries resorted to England, and had here the doing of all principal matters of the realm under the king; unto whom the wardships and reliefs and other emoluments of the land did most chiefly redound.

    Which thing to see, did not a little trouble and vex the nobility and baronage of England, insomuch that Simon Montfort, earl of Leicester, offering to stand to death for the liberties and wealth of the realm, conferred together with other lords and barons upon the matter; who then coming to the king after an humble sort of petition declared to him, how all the doings of his realm and his own affairs were altogether disposed by the hands and after the wills of strangers, neither profitably unto him nor to the weal public, forsomuch as his treasures being wasted and consumed he was in great debt, neither was able to satisfy the provision of his own house, but was driven to tally for his own estes, to no small dishonor unto his own state. “And now, therefore,” said they, “pleaseth your highness to be informed by our advice, and to commit your house to the guiding and government of your own faithful and natural subjects, and we will take upon us to discharge your whole debt within one year of our own proper goods and revenues, so that we within five years may clear ourselves again.

    Neither will we diminish your family, but rather increase it with a much greater retinue; providing so for the safety, and seeing to the custody, of your royal person, as your highness shall find and understand our diligence most trusty and faithful unto you in the end.”

    To these words, so lovingly declared, so humbly pretended, so heartily and freely offered, the king as willingly condescended, assigning unto them both day and place where to confer and to deliberate further upon the matter, which should be at Oxford, one month after Pentecost [June 11th]. a850 At which day and place all the states and lords, with the bishops of the realm, were summoned to appear at the said town of Oxford, for the behalf of the king and the realm convented together; where, first of the king himself, then of the lords, an oath was taken, that what decrees or laws in the said assembly should be provided to the profit of the king and of the realm, the same universally should be kept and observed to the honor of God, the utility of his church, and the wealth of the realm. Besides these lords and the king were also nine bishops, who swearing to the same did excommunicate all such as should gainstand the said provisions there made, the king holding a burning taper in his hand, and the lords openly protesting to rise with all their force against all them that should stand against the same.

    There were at that present in the realm four brethren of the king’s (most part of them by the mother’s side) who would in no case agree hereunto, but in anger departed privily unto Winchester. The nobles hearing thereof, in all speedy wise pursued them, fearing lest they should take the city of Winchester, and forcibly keep the same. Wherefore the lords preventing their purpose, and seeing them stiffly to persist in their stubborn sentence, wrought no other violence against them, but, returning to Oxford again, prescribed to them these conditions: That they, departing the realm, a851 should repair to their own lands and possessions which they had beyond the sea; and that forthwith they should put this injunction in execution.

    Notwithstanding that the king made for them great intercession, yet it took no place. And because this should seem to proceed of no special displeasure against them, they enacted, moreover, that all strangers and aliens, of what state or condition soever, should forthwith avoid the realm on pain of death. Divers other provisions the same time were ordained and established; that if any did hold of the king in whole or in part, and should chance him to depart, his heir being under age, the wardship of him should belong to the king, as hath partly before been specified.

    Moreover, it was there decreed, that the wool of England should be wrought only within the realm, neither should it be transported out to strangers. Item, That no man should wear any cloth, but which was wrought and made only within the realm. Item, That garments too sumptuous should not be brought in nor worn. Item, That all excessive and prodigal expenses, wasted upon pleasure and superfluity, should be eschewed of all persons.

    Many other laws and decrees, saith the author, in this assembly were ordained, wherein they continued the space of fifteen days; and many of them were impoisoned, of whom was the abbot of Westminster, a man in that order much commended. Also William, brother to the earl of Gloucester: also the earl himself, being impoisoned, hardly escaped with life, his hair and nails falling off his body; whereof the author not long after was taken, and duly executed at Winchester. In the mean time, the nobles considering those dangers and jeopardies, were constrained to break off for that time, appointing the thirteenth a852 day of October next following to convent together at London with weapon and harness, to prosecute and finish the residue that was in the said council to be concluded. All which, at the time and place appointed, was fully accomplished, and the acts thereof in order of writing promulgated, and so committed to execution.

    After the promulgation whereof, many things therein displeased the king, and it began to repent him of his oath. But because he could not at that present otherwise choose, he dissembled for a season. Thus, time passing on, three years after (A.D. 1261) the king, seeing himself more and more to grow in debt and not to be relieved according to promise made, but especially being egged (as may be thought) by his brethren, taking it to stomach, sent up to the pope, both for him and his son Edward to be released of their oath a853 made before at Oxford. The benefit of which absolution being easily obtained or rather bought at the pope’s hand, the king, stepping back from all that was before concluded, calleth a parliament at Winchester, a854 where he before the lords and nobles declared, how in the late council of Oxford they had agreed among themselves for the common utility of the realm and of the king, as they pretended, for the increasing of his treasure, and his debt to be diminished; and thereupon bound themselves with an oath, causing also himself and his son Edward to be bound unto the same. But now, by experience proving and trying the matter to be otherwise than their promise was, and that they, contrary to their covenant made, sought not so much the profit of him and of the realm, as their own, taking-him not as their lord, but going about to bring him under their subjection as an underling; and for that, moreover, his treasure greatly decreasing, his debts increased, and his princely liberality was cut short and trodden under foot—they should not marvel therefore, if he henceforth would be no more ruled by their counsel, but would provide himself with some other remedy, such as he might. And moreover, as touching the oath wherewith he and his son stood bound unto them, he had sent already to Rome, and had obtained absolution and dispensation of the same, both for him and his son Edward also, and for all others that would take his part. And therefore he required of them to be restored again to that state and condition he had enjoyed in times past.

    To this again gave answer the state of nobility on the other side, being in the same place present; in the number of whom was a855 Simon Montfort, earl of Leicester, Richard of Clare, earl of Gloucester, Humphrey de Bohun, and the earl Ferrets, with a great number of barons, as lord John Fitz-John, lord Hastings, lord Geffery Lucy, lord John Vescy, lord William Segrave, Hugh le Despencer, lord Robert Vipount, with divers and many more; whose answer to the king again was this: That the provisions made at the council of Oxford, whereunto they were sworn, they would hold, defend, and maintain to their lives’ end; forsomuch as they did sound, and also were agreed upon, both to the honor of God, to the profit of the prince, and the stable wealth of the realm. And thus both sides discording betwixt themselves would so have departed, had not certain of the bishops, coming between both, labored to make up the matter. By whose means (saith Walter Gisburn) and procurement the determination of the cause was brought in compromise and referred to Louis, a856 the French king, to judge betwixt them, who, hearing both the allegations (saith he), like no equal judge but a partial friend, inclined wholly and fully to the king’s sentence, and condemned the nobles. But the author of Flores Historiarum saith, that by the mediation of certain discreet men, two were chosen, one for one side, the other for the other, to whom a third also was annexed, who hearing, as well what was brought of the king’s part, as also what was answered of the other, should define between them both; and so peace was between them concluded a857 till the coming of Edward. All this while the pope’s absolution for the king, although it was granted and obtained at Rome, yet was it not brought down in solemn writing, neither was prince Edward as yet returned out of France into England. In this year it pleased the king, after suit to him made, to license a university or academical school to be planted in the town of Northampton; and of a special favor which he pretended to bear (and like enough did indeed) unto the scholars that went there to seat themselves, and to prosecute the exercise of studies, he wrote his letters mandatory unto the chief officers and others of the said borough in the said students’ behalf; the tenor whereof followeth agreeing with the record:

    THE KING’S LETTER TO THE MAYOR, BAILIFFS, And others the Inhabitants of Northampton, in the behalf of certain Scholars minded to plant themselves there, as in a University. f900 The king to his beloved and trusty the mayor, bailiffs, and other honest men, his subjects of Northampton, greeting: Whereas certain masters and other scholars do purpose to tarry in your town corporate, there to exercise scholarly discipline, as we hear: we, regarding the glory of God, and the great profit of our kingdom hereby, take in good part the coming thither of the said scholars, and the king well their abode there, do will and grant that the said scholars may safely and securely abide in the said town corporate, under our protection and defense, and there exercise and do such things, as to such scholars appertain. And therefore we command you and straitly charge you, that when the said scholars shall come unto you, to tarry in your said corporate town, you receive them courteously, and treat them as becometh the state of scholars, not doing or suffering to be done unto them any impediment, molestation, or grievance. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters patent to be made. Witness the king, at Windsor, the first day of February, in the five and fortieth year of his reign. [1261.]* At length, the writing of the king’s absolution being brought from Rome, the king eftsoons commanded the same to be published a857A throughout the realm, and sendeth to the French king and other strangers for help; moreover, he seizeth all his castles into his own hand, rejecting the counsel of the lords, to whose custody they were before committed; also removing the former officers, as the justices and the chancellor, with others placed before by the lords, he appointed new in their stead.

    To this aforesaid absolution procured from Rome for the king and his son, Edward, returning out of France at that time, did not give his consent, but held with the lords; who then putting themselves in arms, with a great power repaired to London, keeping there in the suburbs and places about, while the king kept within the tower, causing the city gates to be watched and locked, and all within the said city, being above the age of twelve years, to be sworn unto him. But, at length, through the means of certain coming between, this tumultuous perturbation being somewhat appeased, at least some hope of peace appeared; so that the matter was taken up for that time without war or bloodshed. Notwithstanding, some false pretensed dissemblers there were, who secretly disclosing all the counsels and doings of the lords unto the king, did all they could to hinder concord, and to kindle debate; by the means of whom the purpose of the lords came not to so good effect, as otherwise it might. f901 f902 In this year the archbishop of Canterbury, with his suffragans (after their wonted manner), standing against the king, had made their appeal to Rome: whereupon the king was fain to answer by proxy, as appeareth by this brief note, drawn out of record: “Rex constituit Johannem Hemingford procuratorem suum in causa appellationis,” etc. “The king hath appointed and made John Hemingford his proctor in a cause of appeal which is moved in the court of Rome, between the king on the one part, and the archbishop of Canterbury with his suffragans on the other, about certain ordinances, constitutions,, and decrees lately in a council provincial at London by them pubished, to the prejudice of the king’s right,, his dignity royal, the liberties, laws, and customs of his kingdom.” f903 This matter no doubt was labored very diligently by the said John Hemingford, who was to that end authorized by the king to make his abode at Rome, during the time that any manner of process was held and maintained against him to the impeaching of his royalty; whereof the king had a special regard, perceiving the waywardness of his own clergy, or rather rebelliousness in daring to decree and ordain laws against him, and therefore he was the more careful to have all matters depending in the court of Rome concerning him and his to be earnestly followed, insomuch that he joined to the aforesaid Hemingford, in the charge of procuration, one Roger Lovel: unto which two, residing at Rome, the king sent his letters, charging them so to manage his affairs, as that nothing might pass to the derogation of his royal title. The copy of the said letter followeth, agreeing with the prototype or original.

    A LETTER OF THE KING SENT TO HIS PROCTORS AT ROME, CONCERNING A CASE OF HIS IN THE SAID COURT DEPENDING F904 The king to Master John of Hemingford, and Roger Lovel, his proctors, pleading in the court of Rome, greeting: Forasmuch as upon you, our trusty. and vowed servants, the defense of our right and honor cloth lie; and, as we hear, certain of our realm, pleading in the court of Rome, do move divers matters to the prejudice of our right and honor, presuming and intending to prevail against us, we command you, and straitly charge you, that on our behalf you straitly forbid all and every of them, that they presume not any further to undertake such things as tend to the hurt of our majesty, and the derogation of our honor, but wholly forbear so to do, as they will avoid our indignation, and the peril of them and theirs.

    This inhibition also we will by you all and every of you (so often as you shall see needful) to be made known, and thereupon by you or some of you to be certified of the contemners of the same.

    Witness the king at Westminster, the six-and-twentieth of March, in the six-and-fortieth year of his reign.”

    In this present year also (as affirmeth the forenamed author) it was rumored abroad that all the bishops of England went about to recover again out of the hands of religious men all such churches and benefices, which were to them impropriated or appropriated; and that they, for the expedition of the same, had sent up to Rome both messengers and money, nothing misdoubting to obtain their purpose. But as little good fruit in those days used to spring out of that see, so I do not find that godly suit and labor of the bishops to take any fruitful effect.

    The same year a858 died pope Alexander, after whom succeeded pope Urban IV. Of the which pope Urban, the next year, the king also obtained (or rather revived) a new releasement from his oath made to the provisions and statutes of Oxford; which being granted, he commandeth incontinently all the aforesaid laws and provisions through England to be dissolved and broken. This done, the king with the queen taketh his voyage into France, where he fell into great infirmity of sickness, and the most part of his family were taken with the quartan fever, of which many died; in the number of whom was Baldwin, earl of Devonshire. About the same time died in Kent Richard, the worthy earl of Gloucester and Hertford, after whom succeeded Gilbert Clare, his son. f907 The Welshmen this year (A.D. 1262), breaking into the borders of England, did much annoyance in the lands of Roger lord Mortimer, but mightily again by him were expelled, not without great slaughter of the invaders. About which time, the king, through some discreet counsel about him, inclined to peace and concord with his nobles, granting, of his mere voluntary will, the constitutions and provisions of Oxford to take place in the realm, directing his commandment to every shire. Albeit, the realm yet was not altogether pacified for all that.

    In the latter end of this year, the king’s palace at Westminster was burnt, and for the most part was all consumed with fire, which seemed to many an evil prognostication against the king. f908 In some English chronicles it is also recorded, that the same year five hundred Jews at London were slain for taking usury more than two pence a week for twenty shillings, being before forbidden by the king to take above that rate by the week.

    After this followeth the year 1268, in which the barons of England, confederating themselves together for maintaining the statutes and laws of Oxford, and partly moved with old grudge conceived against the strangers (maintained by the king and the queen, and Edward their son, in the realm of England), joined powers in all forcible wise, and first invaded the said strangers, namely, those who were about the king. Their goods and manors they wasted and spoiled, whether they were persons ecclesiastical or temporal; among whom, besides others, was Peter a Burgundian, bishop of Hereford, a rich prelate, with all his treasure apprehended and spoiled: also his countrymen, whom he had placed to be canons of the same church.

    With like order of handling, other aliens also, to whom was committed the custody of divers castles, as Gloucester, Worcester, and Bridgenorth, were spoiled, imprisoned, and sent away. Briefly, whatsoever he was in all the land that could not utter the English tongue, was of every rascal disdained, and happy if he might so escape; by reason whereof it so came to pass, that a great number as well of other foreigners, as especially religious men, and rich priests (who here had gathered much substance), were urged to that extremity, that they were glad to flee the land; in the catalogue of whom was one most principal, named John Maunsel, a priest notoriously grown in riches and treasures not to be told, having in his hand so many and rich benefices, that ne’er no bishop of this realm might compare with him in riches: who, notwithstanding he kept with the king at London, yet was compelled privily to void the realm, and was pursued by Henry, the son of Richard king of Almain. Certain other strangers there were, to the number of two hundred and more, who, having the castle at Windsor, there immured and entrenched themselves, to whom at length prince Edward also adjoined himself.

    In the mean time, while this stir was abroad, the king keeping then in the tower, and seeing the greatest part of his nobles and common with the Londoners to be set against him, agreed to the peace of the barons, and was contented to assent again to the ordinances and provisions of Oxford; f910 albeit the queen, by all means possible, went about to persuade the king not to assent thereto; who, as it seemed, was a great worker in kindling this fire of discord between the king and the barons: insomuch that, when the said queen Elenor should pass by barge from the Tower to Windsor, the Londoners standing upon the bridge, with their exclamations, cursing and throwing of stones and dirt at her, interrupted her course, causing her to return to the Tower again. Notwithstanding, the peace yet continued between the nobles and the king, the form whereof was this: First, that Henry, the son of Richard king of the Romans, should be delivered up by the king and queen: secondly, that the castles again should be committed to the custody of Englishmen, not of strangers: thirdly, that the provisions and statutes decreed at Oxford should as well by the king, as by all others, inviolably be observed: fourthly, that the realm henceforth should be ruled and governed not by foreigners, but by personages born within the land: fifthly, that all aliens and strangers should void the land, not to return again; except only such, whose abode should by the common assent of the king’s trusty subjects be admitted and allowed.

    Thus the king and the nobles, joining together after this form of peace above prefixed, although not fully with heart, as after appeared, put themselves in arms, with all their power to recover the castle of Windsor out of the strangers’ hands. But Edward, in the mid-way between London and the castle meeting with his father and the barons, entered communication upon the matter; which being finished and he thinking to return into the castle again, by the policy of the earl of Leicester, and Walter, bishop of Worcester, was mitted to re-enter: whereupon the strangers within the hold (destitute of all hope to withstand the great force approaching) rendered the castle unto the king and the barons, upon this convention: that with horse and harness they might be suffered safely to depart the land, not to return any more. This being granted, certain of the barons conducted them in their journey towards the sea side, and there they left them.

    In the same year, about the beginning of October, the king and queen ro,tale over to France, with Simon Montfort and other nobles, to hear and stand to the arbitrement of Louis, a862 the French king, concerning the controversy between the states of England; and all through the procurement of Elenor, the queen. For she, not forgetting the old contumely of the Londoners, exclaiming against her upon the bridge, wrought always what revenge she could against them. “Manet alta mente repostum Judicium Paridis.” f912 Concerning the arbitrement of this matter referred to the French king, part hath been said before, and more shall be said (Christ willing) hereafter.

    Some stories do add, moreover, that the king continuing long in France, word was sent to him out of England, that unless he returned again to the realm, they would elect a new king; whereupon the king, returning out of France to Dover, would have entered the castle, but was stopped.

    Wherefore the king, in fierce anger and great indignation, prepared his power towards London, where Simon Montfort, the worthy earl of Leicester, through a subtle train, was almost betrayed and circumvented in Southwark, by the sudden pursuing of the king’s army, had not the Londoners, with more speed, breaking bars and chains, made way to rescue him; by the means of whom the earl at that time escaped the danger.

    Now to come to the sentence of the French king: a863 Forasmuch as the arbitrement of this matter was committed to him, as hath before been specified, he, with a great assemblage both of French and English persons about him, considering and poising the cause on both sides, between the king and the nobles, clearly and solemnly pronounced on the king’s side against the barons; ordaining that the king of England a864 all this while had suffered wrong, and that he should be restored again;o his pristine state, notwithstanding the provisions made at Oxford, which he ordained to be repealed and abrogated. f913 The sentence of the French king thus awarded, as it gave to the king of England with his retinue no little encouragement, so it wrought in the nobles’ hearts great indignation; who, notwithstanding that partial decreemerit of the French king, sped themselves home out of France to defend themselves with all their strength and power. And not long after followeth also the king, by whose train Simon Montfort, earl of Leicester, a865 as is above recited, was well nigh circumvented in Southwark. Then the king calling his council together at Oxford a866 (from whence he excluded the university of students for a season, who were then at Northampton, as you heard before) there consulted, conferring with his friends and counselors, what way was best to be taken.

    And hearing that the barons were assembled in great numbers at the town of Northampton, a867 he went thither with his host and with his banners displayed, a868 accompanied by Richard, king of Almain, and William de Valence, his brothers, also by Edward, his son, John Comyn of Scotland, with many other Scots, John de Balliol, lord of Galloway, Robert de Bruce, lord 6f Annandale, Roger de Clifford, Philip de Marmion, John de Vaux, Roger de Leyburne, Henry Percy, Philip Basset, Roger de Mortimer, and many others. Therefore the king commanded the barons that were within, to yield unto him presently the city and the pledges, or else he would immediately destroy them. But they, counseling with the younger Simon de Montfort, who, by his father’s commandment, had got the residue thither to take counsel together (for his father and the earl of Gloucester were not yet come), boldly and with one mind answered, that they would not obey the king’s will, but would rather defend themselves and the city, if need were, even to the death. The noblemen of the king’s part hearing this, sent word again, that at least they should come to the wall of the city to speak to the king, if, by any means, peace might be made. They, suspecting no deceit, followed their counsel, and leaving their holds, came to the wall towards the meadow, for there lay the king and his strong host hard by. But, in the mean space, whilst divers matters were reasoned and treated of between the king and the lords, the lord Philip Basset, who before was appointed to work that feat, with mattocks and other instruments of iron, and with men prepared for the onset, near to the monastery of St. Andrew, did undermine the wall of the city; and by this means the wall soon fell down, and there was made a great plain, so that in one forefront there might have gone together on a row forty horsemen. Of this subtlety the alien monks that were there were thought to be the workers, because they made way and entrance for them that came in; but when they that passed by saw this, and that the king’s banners were erected ready to enter in, there was a great howling made, and the noise of the people came to the ears of the barons, and they made speed to resist them; but it was all in vain, because they were already prevented by a great compan of their enemies But Simon Montfort the younger, after he had valiantly fought a while in the midst of his enemies, with Peter Montfort, and a few that were with him, when Edward the king’s son came, was by his commandment taken and led away prisoner. But the clerks of the university of Oxford ( which university by the king’s commandment was translated thither a869 ) did work against the king’s men more hurt than the other barons, with their slings, long bows and cross bows; for they had a banner by themselves, and that was set up on high against the king. Wherewithal the king being greatly moved, sware at his entering in, that they should all be hanged; which when they heard, many of them shaved their crowns, and they that were able ran away as fast as they could, and when the king entered the city, many fled in their amour into the castle, others left their horse and harness, and ran into churches, and a few were slain, and those were of the common people; but there was not much bloodshed, because all things were done as upon the sudden. When the city was at length set in quiet, the king commanded his oath to be executed upon the clerks. But his counselors said unto him, “This be far from thee, O king! for the sons of thy nobles, and of other great men of thy kingdom were there gathered together into the university; whom if’ thou wouldst cause to be hanged or slain, even they that now take thy part would rise up against thee, not suffering, to the uttermost of their powers, the blood of their sons and kinsfolks to be shed.” And so the king was pacified, and his wrath against the clerks was staid.

    In the same day, after little more than an hour, the king’s host assaulted the castle, and the new hold-keepers were afraid, for that they had not victuals and other things necessary for their resistance; therefore they sent immediately messengers unto the king, and yielded themselves to the king’s mercy. There were taken that day these knights and barons under written: a870 William earl Ferrets, lord Peter Montfort, companion of the said Simon de Montfort the younger, lord Baldwin de Wake, lord Adam de Newmarch, lord Roger Bertram; lord Simon Fitz-Simon, a valiant warrior, who first erected his banner against the king; lord Berengarius de Water-vile, lord Hugh Gubion, lord Thomas Mannsel, lord Roger Boutevilein, Nicholas Wake, lord Robert de Newton, lord Philip de Driby, and Grimbald de Pauncefoot. All these aforehand did the king take prisoners, and many more, of whom he committed some to the lord Nicholas of Haversham, to be kept in the same castle well defended; some he led away with him; and some he sent to divers castles; and appointed Simon Montfort to be cast into Windsor Castle. And all these things, as touching the taking of Northampton, were done on the Saturday before Passion Week, a871 being the fifth of April, A.D. 1264: and the king went forward even to Nottingham, burning and wasting the manors of the lords and others his enemies; and there he gathered together his nobles, and greatly increased his number.

    When this ill luck was told, of them that were run away, to the earl Simon, who was coming towards Northampton with a great host, he was in a great rage, and yet was not discouraged; but immediately going to London, he caused a chariot to be made after the manner of litters or couches, wherein he might ride as though he were sick; for he feigned himself to be feeble and weak, whereas he was indeed a stout and valiant warrior; and there gathered to him other noblemen that were confederate with him, earls and barons, every one bringing with them their several arms, and preparing their engines of wood, they went to besiege Rochester; for the earl of Warren, a872 in the king’s behalf, kept both the town and castle. When they had gotten the first gate and the bridge, they were partly wounded and compelled to retire; and there that valiant knight, Roger de la Bourn, was wounded, and very ill handled. Whilst they continued siege there awhile, it was told them that the king was coming towards London with a mighty host; and they said one to another, “If the king at his coming should take London, we shall be shut in as it were in a strait corner; let us, therefore, return unto London, that we may keep in safety both the place and the people.” Therefore, appointing certain persons to keep the siege, they returned to London. At length when the king came, they went forth with the citizens to meet him, not with flowers and palms in their hands, but with swords and spears. The king shunned them, and after he had seized the castle of Kingston, which was the earl of Gloucester’s. he went from thence to Rochester; where, after he had killed a few, he brake the siege, and from thence the king went to Tunbridge, and the town and castle now being given up to him, he took there the countess of Gloucester, and put her into an abbey, not to be kept in hold, but to go at liberty whither she would. And he left for the custody of the castle and city a great part of his host, to the number of above twenty picked out bannerets, a873 for that it was commonly said that the earl of Gloucester would come out of hand to assault them. Which being done, he continued on his journey to Winchelsea,874 where he received to peace the seamen of the Cinque ports. And three days after, upon the Saturday a875 following, he came to the town of Lewes, and was received into the abbey, and his son Edward into the castle. Then the barons sent letters to the king the twelfth day of May, the tenor whereof followeth.

    LETTER OF THE LORDS TO THE KING.

    To their most excellent Lord Henry, by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, and duke of Aquitaine, his barons and others his faithful subjects, being willing to keep their oath and fidelity to God and him, send greeting and due obedience with honor and reverence. Whereas by many experiments it is manifest, that some of your grace’s assistants have reported to your majesty many lies of us, working mischief, as much as in them lieth, not only against us, but against you also, and your whole realm: Be it known to your highness, that we have been always willing to defend the health and safeguard of your person, with all our power and fealty due to your grace, purposing to vex to the uttermost of our power and estate, not only our ill-willers, but also your enemies, and the enemies of your whole realm. If it be your good pleasure, give no credit to them; we shall be always found your faithful subjects. And we, the earl of Leicester, and Gilbert of Clare, at the request of the others, for us and them have put to our seals.

    These letters being read and heard, there was a council called, and the king wrote back to them, and especially to the two earls of Leicester and Gloucester, in manner and form following:

    THE ANSWER OF THE KING TO THE LORDS Henry, by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Aquitaine, etc., to Simon Montfort, and Gilbert de Clare, and their confederates. Forasmuch as by the war, and general disquietness by your means raised up in our whole realm, and also the burnings and other hurtful enormities, it appeareth manifestly, that you keep not your fidelity to us ward, nor care any thing for our health and safety; and for that ye have unorderly grieved our nobles, and others our faithful subjects sticking faithfully and constantly to us, as you have certified us; we, accounting their losses as our own, and their enemies as ours, and seeing these my aforesaid faithful subjects, for the keeping of their fidelity, do assist us manfully and faithfully against your unfaithfulness: we therefore care not for your fidelity or love, but defy you as our and their enemies. Witness myself, at Lewes, the day and year aforesaid.

    Also Richard, king of Almain, and lord Edward, the son of king Henry, wrote to the barons in this wise:

    A LETTER OF RICHARD, KING OF ALMAIN, AND PRINCE EDWARD, TO THE BARONS Richard, by the grace of God, king of the Romans, always Augustus, and Edward, eldest son of the king of England, and all the other barons and nobles constantly and faithfully in heart and deed cleaving to the aforesaid king of England: to Simon Montfort, and Gilbert de Clare, and to all and singular others their adherents in their conspiracy. By your letters which you sent to our lord, the noble king of England, we have understanding that you defy us; although before any such word, your defiance towards us was apparent enough by your cruel persecution, in burning our possessions and spoiling our goods. We therefore give you to wit, that we all and every one of us, as your enemies, do defy you all.

    And further, that we will not cease, wheresoever it shall lie in our power, to the uttermost of our force and might, to subvert your persons and all that you have. As touching what you lay to our charge, that we give neither faithful nor good counsel to our lord the king, you say not the truth. And if your lord Simon Montfort or Gilbert de Clare, will affirm the same in our lord the king’s court, we are ready to get safe conduct for you to come to the said court, to try and declare the truth of our innocency, and the falsehood of you both, as foresworn traitors, by some man equal with you in nobility and stock. All we are contained with the seals of the aforesaid lords, the lord Richard and the lord Edward. Dated the day aforesaid.

    Both which letters being read, they drew near to the king; for they were not far distant from Lewes. And because there was wanted to the king’s store, provision for their horses, it was commanded them, on the Tuesday, to go forth to seek for hay and provender; who, when they were gone forth, were prevented by their enemies, and most of them killed; but the residue returning, saw their enemies coming, very early on the Wednesday morning, and making outcries, stirred up the king and his host to arm themselves. Then the barons, coming to the full plain, descended there, and girding and trimming their horses, made fit their harness to them. And there the earl Simon made the earl of Gloucester, and Robert de Vere, and many others new knights. Which being done, he divided and distincted his host into four several battles, and he appointed noblemen to guide and govern every battle; and over the first battle were ordained captains a876 Henry Montfort, the eldest son of the earl Simon, and Guido, his brother, lord John de Burgh the younger, and lord Humfrey de Bohun; over the second battle lord Gilbert of Clare, earl of Gloucester, lord John Fitz-John, and lord William of Montchensi; and over the third, in which the Londoners were, at their request the lord Nicholas Segrave was assigned, who required also very instantly that they might have the first stroke in the battle, at the adventure, come what would; but over the fourth battle the earl himself was captain, with the lord Thomas of Pilveston. In the mean season came forth the king’s host, preparing themselves to the field in three battles; of which Edward, the king’s son, led the first, with the earl of Warren, a877 and Valence the king’s brother; and the second the king of Almain guided, with his son Henry; but the king, with his nobles, guided the third; and the fourth legion the king appointed not, by reason that he had left many of his bannerets a878 behind him, to keep the castle and town of Tunbridge against the earl of Gloucester; there also were most of the young men of the king’s army, a879 for the king thought not that his barons had been come so nigh to hand. Their armies being on both sides set in array and order, they exhorted one another on either part to fight valiantly; and after they had buckled together, the battle was great, and many horsemen were overthrown, even in a moment. But by and by Edward, the king’s son, with his band, as a fierce young gentleman and valiant knight, fell upon his enemies with such force, that he compelled them to recoil back a great way, so that the hindmost (thinking by reason of their giving back, that the foremost were slain), ran many of them away; and taking water to pass over, almost threescore soldiers were drowned, and a few of them being slain, all the rest fled. Straightway the Londoners, who had asked the first fight, knowing not how the battle went, took to their heels, whom Edward pursued with his band, killing the hindmost of them, for the space of two or three miles; for he hated them because they had rebelled against his father, and disgraced his mother when she was carried by barge upon the Thames, from the Tower to Windsor, as is before recorded.

    Whilst prince Edward was thus in chase of the Londoners, who had the vanguard of the barons’ battle; in the mean time, the main battle of the barons set upon the king’s main battle, of which the king of Almain, the brother of king Henri, had the leading; who being soon discomfited, and he with his son Henry, Robert de Bruce, and John Comyn, with divers other captains taken prisoners, the rearward, wherein the king himself fought, being immediately so hardly beset, and he, seeing his knights and soldiers on every side about him beaten down and slain, and divers others of his soldiers to forsake the field and shift for themselves, thought good to take again to the town; and so retired into the abbey from whence he came, shutting and tampering up the gates, and caused the same to be strongly warded with soldiers. To be brief, the barons thus getting the field, after long fight, and many men on either side slain, entered also the town of Lewes, pursuing in chase such soldiers as thither fled for succor.

    In the mean time, prince Edward returning from the chase of the Londoners, as ye heard, who desired to give the first onset, and espying the chariot of the earl Simon (which he caused purposely to be made for him), and the horses in the same, without either waggoner, or any other to govern the same, fell immediately upon the chariot, and brake it all in pieces, and slew two burgesses that were within the same. But when he came near to the place where the bloody battle had been fought, and saw the great discomfiture and overthrow, which, in his absence, with great mortality and slaughter, had happened, his heart was much dismayed, and his countenance altered. Yet notwithstanding, comforting and encouraging his knights and soldiers, of whom he had a valiant company, in battle array, he marched toward the town, against whom came the barons again with all their power; and thus was begun betwixt them a fresh field and a new battle, and many men were slain on either side. At length the earl de Warren, with the king’s two brothers, forsook the field and fled; after whom went more than seven hundred chosen soldiers, who were of their house and family, who the same day came to Pevensey, and there took shipping over the sea. Also Hugh Bigot, with divers others, fled, and left the valiant prince fighting in the field; which thing he also perceiving, took to the town; and when he found not the king his father, at the castle, he went from thence to the abbey where he was. In the mean season, the town was in complete confusion, both parties fighting, a880 spoiling, and getting of booties, while scarcely one of them could know and discern another, whether he was friend or enemy. But when, within a while, the barons had assembled some company, they gave an assault upon the castle, thinking to have rescued John Gifford and others, whom the king’s soldiers had taken prisoners, and put therein. But the soldiers within manfully defended the same, and in throwing out balls of wild-fire, which for the defense thereof they had, they also fired part of the town. Then the barons retired and left the castle, and purposed to have set upon the abbey, where the king and prince Edward, his son, were, which also was set on fire by the assault given to the castle; but yet it was shortly recovered and quenched. Then Edward, the king’s son, perceiving the bold enterprise of the barons, prepared with the courageous knights and soldiers yet remaining and within the abbey, to issue out, and to give a new charge upon them. But the barons, perceiving that, sent unto the king messengers to entreat a truce for that day, and on the morrow to talk of and conclude a further peace between them. This battle was fought upon the fourteenth day of May. a881 The next day, which was Thursday, there were sent on either side two preaching friars, between the king and the barons, with certain articles and demands of peace, so that with certain others, these conditions were agreed on: that on the morrow, being Friday, the prince should give himself as hostage for the king, his father, and others of his party, and that Henry, the king’s son of Aim in, should also give himself in like manner for his father; that those things which should be concluded upon for the benefit and commodity of the realm, and peaceable quietness thereof might be performed, and that all such prisoners as were taken on either side, should be freely ransomed and sent home.

    The next day, which was Saturday, the king discharged all his soldiers, and others that were with him in the abbey, licensing them to depart whither they listed. And furthermore, by the advice of his son and the barons, he gave commandment to those whom he had appointed to the keeping of Tunbridge, that they should make no attempt to the prejudice or hurt of the barons; but in hope of the peace which was now on the point of being concluded, they also should depart every man to his house and habitation.

    But they, giving no credit thereunto, went with their furniture to Bristol, where they kept themselves in garrison, until the escaping of Edward the king’s son, out of prison. But first, before that, when they heard at Tunbridge that the king was vanquished in battle, and that the Londoners in the fore-ward were put to flight by prince Edward (by a messenger that escaped from the same), and that also the same Londoners were at Croydon, they set upon them in the evening tide, and taking from them much spoil, slew also many of them.

    But when thus Mortimer’s part began to decrease, and Simon the earl’s part on the other side to increase, the earl bare himself more stout, for that both the king and all that was his did depend upon his good will and favor; and he led with him the king and the king’s son to such holds and castles as he thought to be most strong, till almost all of them were in his hands; and he kept the hostages more straitly than was usual, insomuch that when it was blown abroad that the king’s son was kept as prisoner, divers that were his friends counseled him, that he should desire to disport himself at the barriers, that the people might have a sight of him. But he, being narrowly guarded as he knew, and fearing some tumult to arise, thought good to refuse their counsel, and so did. a882 In this troublesome year, which was A.D. 1264, as the Londoners with the nobles were thus occupied in war and dissension, the malignant Jews, thinking to take vantage of that time, with privy treason conspired against the whole city and state of the nobles; who being taken with the manner, were almost all slain that dwelt in the city of London. * In this year also, Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, the son of Peter, earl of Savoy, and a stranger, having been certain years beyond the seas in disgrace with the king of England, upon occasion of some misdemeanour belike ( for he was, as Matthew Parker writeth of him, a883 “Ut moribus gestisque peregrinus, sic nomine ipso et appellatione caeteris archiepiscopis dissimilis”), howbeit the king being of a relenting nature, and bearing much with clergymen’s insolencies, which for a while he might perhaps gainstand, but at last bare with them as supported by the court of Rome, did consult with his nobles about the return of the said Boniface into England conditionally, as followeth.

    ACTS PASSED IN THE KING’S COUNCIL, TOUCHING THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY’S RETURN INTO ENGLAND, UNDER CERTAIN CONDITIONS. F915 In the year of our Lord 1264, in the month of March, it was enacted in the presence of the renowned king of England, by the counsel of the peers and states of the said realm, that the reverend father Boniface, by the grace of God archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, should return into England, and abide in the realm peaceably, upon the conditions under-written:

    First , therefore, it is enacted, that the archbishop at his return, do without any difficulty release in form of law his sentences of excommunication, published against all persons whatsoever, on occasion of the late troubles in the realm of England; but yet so, that they who should be found excommunicate be ready to make satisfaction for their excesses, and for the same receive the canonical commandments of the archbishop, in form hereunder in the next article contained.

    Secondly , it is enacted, that in making amends for excesses done to the churches and churchmen within such places as are immediately subject unto his jurisdiction, the archbishop do arbitrate according to the counsel of all his suffragans, or the greater and sounder part; and of weighty affairs belonging to the church and realm of England, do in time to come after his return order and dispose likewise by their counsel, and the counsel of other discreet men of the realm.

    Thirdly , it is enacted, that he bring with him Master Henry Mortimer, archdeacon of Canterbury, and Pont Sabler, his familiar clerks or household chaplains; and that these be the only clerks, being strangers born, whom he shall keep and retain of his council and household.

    Fourthly , it is enacted, that any other clerks whatsoever, beneficed in the church of England, wilting to return with the archbishop, may safely return and abide on their benefices, and shall expend the church goods within the realm as they are bound; carrying or sending nothing out of the realm, unless necessary occasion, allowed of the king’s council, do so require.

    Fifthly , it is enacted, that the archbishop or the clerks coming with him, shall bring nothing with them in letters, message, or commandment, nor shall procure any thing else, during their abode in this realm, either by themselves, or by others, whereby any damage, danger, or prejudice, may redound to the king, or to any of his realm.

    And for memory of the premises, the seal of the said renowned king of England is hanged unto these presents. By the whole council.

    Notwithstanding this conclusion, the archbishop did not presently return, but continued in Provence and elsewhere, behaving himself imperiously as a prelate of the right Romish stamp. In the mean time many matters incident to this place, were omitted and neglected, which personally by him should have been executed; but by reason of his absence the same were despatched by deputation, and the same ordered likewise according to his own fancy, which he preferred before the king’s authority and commandment. The copy of a letter describing the contumacy of the said Boniface doth sufficiently testify this to be true, the same being set down agreeable to the prototype.

    A LETTER OF THE KING TO BONIFACE, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, CHARGING HIM TO RETURN INTO ENGLAND, THERE PERSONALLY TO DISCHARGE HIS ARCHIEPISCOPAL FUNCTION F917 The king to Boniface, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, greeting. Although hitherto by patience we have suffered oftentimes bishops elect, abbots, and other prelates in our realm, for the benefit of their confirmation to be obtained, to pass over beyond sea unto you, we thought not to receive at your hands any such reward, as that against the right and custom of our realm (to the which we mean not by this our patience, that prejudice shall any way be procured or bred), you should attempt this to be followed. We do marvel therefore, and are moved that you, at the request of us, have refused to commit the examination of the election of our well-beloved in Christ, Master Walter Gifford, late of Bath and Wells bishop elect, and the confirmation of the same election, unto some discreet persons of our realm; we having detained, and as yet detaining, the same Gifford against his will, that he might not repair personally unto you: whereunto common right and the very custom of the realm ought to have led you unrequested, whilst you abide out of the realm. Lest, therefore, our too much patience might breed in you a contempt, we will you to understand, that henceforward we mean to bear less with such dealing, especially in these days, wherein there is no safe passage for Englishmen unto you through the parts of France, as it is reported. Wherefore we thought good to desire your fatherhood, and also to admonish you, giving you, moreover, in charge and commandment, and upon the fealty wherein you are bound unto us, firmly enjoining, that in respect of the aforesaid election and other ceremonies, you come personally into England, to execute your office and charge, or send some other in your room; or at least procure and cause some discreet persons of our realm, whom you shall repute more meet for this matter, to serve the turn for you in this behalf: lest, if with contumacy you refuse to hear our requests and commandments the second time, which you are by duty bound to obey, we be compelled to take indignation against you, as a contemner of the rights, the liberties and the customs of our kingdom, and so to proceed against you more sharply by way of revenge: neither will we suffer, if you should do otherwise, that the revenues of your said archbishopric shall henceforth be conveyed unto you out of our realm; but as you refuse the burden, so will we in like sort do what we can to withdraw, hereafter, the profits and commodities from you during your abode out of our land. Finally, we, if need shall be, are ready to give you a sure and safe conduct.

    Witness the king at St. Paul’s of London, the twenty-fifth of June, and the forty-eighth year of our reign.

    Now after all this ado, we read that at last Boniface returned, and becoming more holy towards his end, he went with other bishops to the king, requesting him, that being mindful of the decay of his kingdom, by ecclesiastical livings bestowed upon strangers, he would hereafter prefer learned and godly men of his own nation. To whom the king answered that he would willingly do it. “Wherefore,” said he, “I think it meet that you, who are a stranger and unlearned, and also my brother Ethelmer, bishop of Winchester, whom I have preferred to such dignities only for kindred’s sake, should first give examples to others, and forsake your churches, and I will provide other learned men to serve in them.” This answer of the king so pierced this Boniface, that he always after lived a wearisome life in England; wherefore, perceiving himself to be misliked of the king and the people, he desired to return into his country, and thereupon, first felling and selling the woods, letting out the archbishopric, taking great fines of his tenants, and making a great mass of money of the clergy of his province, he went, with the curse of all men into Savoy; where, in the castle of St. Helen’s, after he had misgoverned the see six and twenty years, six months, and sixteen days from his consecration, a885 being nine and twenty years from his first election, he died the fifteenth of the kalends of August. And so ceased the troubles between the king and the said bishop, whose contumacy, with that of others of the like brood, doth largely appear in this book.

    But to leave Boniface now dead, note ye this,* that in this year, died pope Urban IV., a886 after whom succeeded (A.D. 1265 pope Clement IV.; which Clement, as affirmeth Nicholas Trivet, was first a married man, and had a wife and children, and was the solicitor and counselor to the French king; then, after the death of his wife, was bishop of Le Puy, after that archbishop of Narbonne, and at last made cardinal; who being sent of pope Urban in legacy for reformation of peace in England, a887 in his absence was elected pope by the cardinals. About this time flourished Thomas Aquinas, a888 reader at Paris among the Dominic friars, and Bonaventure among the Franciscan friars. f918 f919 Now, after all the aforesaid tumults and broils of the king and his barons, to the vexation of the whole land, it was thought meet and necessary that all parties at variance should be reconciled; whereupon, it was concluded amongst them as followeth.

    A FORM OF PEACE BETWEEN THE KING AND HIS BARONS F920 This is the form of peace allowed by the king our lord, by the lord Edward his son, by all the prelates and peers, and by the whole commonalty of the realm of England, with common consent and agreement: To wit, that a certain ordinance or decree made in a parliament holden at London about the feast of the nativity of St.

    John Baptist last past, for the maintaining and keeping of the peace of the realm, shall continue all the days of the said king our sovereign lord, and the time of the lord Edward, after he shall be received as king, even till the end and term that shall be thought meet and convenient. The said ordinance or decree’s this:

    For the redressing of the state of the realm of England, let there be chosen or named three discreet and trusty persons of the realm, who may have authority and power from the lord the king to choose or name, in the king’s behalf, nine counselors; of which nine, three at least, by course or turns, may always be present in the court. And let the lord the king, by the counsel of the said nine, order and dispose of the keeping of castles, and the managing of all the affairs in his realm. Let the lord the king also, by the advice of the aforesaid nine, appoint justices, chancellors, treasurers, and other officers, greater and lesser, in those matters that pertain to government of his court and realm.

    The choosers or namers shall swear first, that according to conscience they will choose or name such counselors as they verily believe will be profitable and trusty in respect of God’s honor, the church, the lord the king, and his realm. The counselors likewise, and all the officers greater and lesser in their creation shall swear, that to the uttermost of their power they will faithfully execute their offices to the honor of God and of the church, and to the profit of the lord the king, and his realm, without bribe or gift; meat and drink, which are commonly wont to be set upon the table, excepted. And if so be that the aforesaid counselors, or some or any of them, in the charge to them committed (whether they be he or she), have behaved themselves ill, or that upon some other occasion such officers are to be changed; the lord the king, by the counsel of the three former choosers or namers, may remove such as he shall see meet to be removed; and in their rooms by the same men’s advice may appoint and place other persons trusty and serviceable.

    And if so be that either the greater officers, or the lesser, do disorderly demean themselves in their offices, the lord the king, by the counsel of the aforesaid nine, may displace them, and without delay by the same advice set others in their room. And if so be that the three first or chief choosers or namers, in the choice or naming of counselors, or perhaps the counselors in the creating of officers, or in other affairs of the lord the king and the realm to be ordered or done, shall be at disagreement, then, whatsoever by consent of two parts shall be concluded or decreed, let the same be firmly kept and observed; so that of those two parts, one be a prelate of the church in the business belonging to the church: and if it so happen, that two parts of the said nine in some matter disagree, then shall they for their variance stand to the ordinance of the three first choosers or namers or the greater part of them. And if so be it seem expedient to all the prelates and barons, by consent, that some or one, in place of some or one of the three first namers be put and appointed, then let the lord the king, by the counsel of all the prelates and barons, ordain some others, or one other. And let the lord the king do all the premises by the advice of the said nine in manner above mentioned, or let them do it in the lord the king’s behalf and by his authority, by this present ordinance to continue and hold out till such time as this agreement, made and afterwards sealed by the parties, be perfected by consent, or some other proviso be had, which the parties by consent shall judge allowable.

    This ordinance was made at London, by the consent, will and commandment of the lord the king, and also of the prelates and barons, with the commonalty then and there present. In witness whereof R. Bishop of Lincoln, and H. Bishop of Ely, R. Earl of Norfolk and marshal of England, Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford, Humphrey de Bohune, William de Montchensi, and the mayor of London, to this writing have set their seals. Acted in the parliament at London in the month of June A.D. 1264.

    It is also ordained, that the state of the English church shall be reformed into a state meet and convenient.

    It is also ordained, that the three choosers above named and counselors, of whom mention is made in the said ordinance at London, and the keepers of castles and others the king’s bailiffs be homebred. And as for strangers born, let them come, tarry, and depart peaceably, as well laymen willing to dwell upon their possessions, as clergymen residing upon their benefices.

    Merchants also, and all others, to further and see to their affairs, shall come freely, and tarry peaceably; but yet conditionally, so they come without armor and a suspected multitude. And that none of them be received in any sort into any office or bailiwick in the realm, or otherwise in the king’s house and service be entertained. As for the charters of general liberties and forests granted unto the homebred of late by the king, and the statutes made upon revoking of grievances, which the lord the king, the third year past, in every shire by his letters patent hath caused to be published, with the commendable customs of his realm, and a long time allowed let them be for ever observed: and that it might be provided how they may be better and more soundly observed, it is also provided, that the lord the king, and the lord Edward, the barons and those that stand with them, let go all injury and rancour, so that they neither grieve, nor suffer to be grieved by any of theirs, any one of them by occasion of things done in the hurlyburly past, and also cause all their bailiffs at the undertaking of their bailiwicks, that they shall grieve none by the occasion aforesaid, but shall do justice and right to everybody with equality.

    And let there be good security provided how all these things may he firmly observed.

    When this agreement was despatched, to set the realm in some quietness, a little leisure was allowed to look into the losses and damages of the church, whereupon it was provided as followeth.

    OF THE REPAIRING OF TRESPASSES COMMITTED AGAINST THE CHURCH.

    It is provided by common assent of the king, of the prelates, ears, and barons of the land, that the trespasses which are committed against the church of England, by reason of the tumults and wars that have been in this realm of England, shall be reformed and amended in this manner.

    There shall be chosen by the earls and great estates of the land, with the liking and assent of the prelates, three bishops authorized and having full power to establish and provide for such reasonable amends, as are to be made for the aforesaid trespass committed against holy church, so far forth as shall be fit and convenient.

    Those that shall be found excommunicated, shall be absolved in form of right by such as have power and authority so to do.

    The authority of the prelates shall be established in this manner:

    First, it shall be faithfully undertaken by the earls, justices, and the other laymen of the king’s council, and other great barons of the realm, that all those things which the prelates that shall be chosen shall reasonably ordain and appoint by way of reformation, they themselves shall observe and fulfill, and shall do their endeavor faithfully to cause the same to be observed by others, and thereof they shall deliver their letters patent.

    Moreover, unto the prelates, after they shall be chosen, full power shall be granted by the king, and the commonalty, the earls, barons, and great men of the land, to ordain those things which are needful and profitable to the full reformation of the estate of holy church, to the honor due to the fealty of our lord the king, and to the profit of the realm. And that the promise made by the king, and by the earls and barons aforesaid, and by the other great men of the land, may appear to be made in good faith, they shall thereof make their letters patent, to wit of things that have been done a year past before the last Easter.

    If any be found that will not stand to the ordinance and appointment of the prelates in the causes, and according to the form aforesaid, he shall be compelled thereunto by doom of holy church; yea, if need be, he shall be thereunto forced by the secular power. And that it may the better be done. the justice shall have a hundred or more of choice men at arms, or serjeants, soldiers elect, to distrain the malefactors when by the said prelates he shall be required. Those soldiers to be sustained of the common goods of holy church, during the time they shall be employed in that business. And this ordinance shall continue for a year or two, till such time as matters be quieted, and that the provisions of the prelates, and the peace of the land be well observed.

    Provided always, that the profits of benefices of holy church belonging to aliens, and others that have been enemies to the land, shall be collected and safely kept in the hands of the prelates, until such time as order be taken by common advice what is to be done therewithal. And for the more assurance and further testimony hereof, the king and the high estates of the land have unto this writing set their seals.

    Besides all this it was considered, that non-residency being a default blameworthy, deserved reformation. To this the king having special regard, wrote his mind to the bishop of Hereford for the redress of the same; whose letter, because it is memorable, and convenient matter is therein contained for non-residents of our time, we have here introduced according to the record.

    A LETTER OF KING HENRY III., DIRECTED TO THE BISHOP OF HEREFORD, CONCERNING HIS NON-RESIDENCE a889 F921 The king to the bishop of Hereford sendeth greeting. Pastors or shepherds are set over flocks, that by exercising themselves in watching over them day and night, they may know their own cattle by their look, bring the hunger-starved sheep into the meadows of fruitfulness, and the straying ones into one fold by the word of salvation, and the rod of correction; and to do their endeavor that unity indissolubly may be kept. But some there be who, damnably despising this doctrine, and not knowing to discern their own cattle from others, do take away the milk and the wool, not caring how the Lord’s flock may be nourished; they catch up the temporal goods, and who perisheth in their parish with famishment, or miscarrieth in manners they regard not; which men deserve not to be called pastors, but rather hirelings. And that even we, in these days, removing ourselves into the borders of Wales to take order for the disposing of the garrisons of our realm, have found this default in your church of Hereford, we report it with grief; for that we have found there a church destitute of a pastor’s comfort, as having neither bishop nor official, vicar nor dean, who may exercise any spiritual function and duty in the same. But the church itself (which in time past was wont to flow in delight, and had canons that tended upon days’ and nights’ service, and that ought to exercise the works of charity), at their forsaking the church, and leading their lives in countries far hence, has put off her stole or robe of pleasure, and fallen to the ground, bewailing the loss of her widowhood, and none among all her friends and lovers will comfort her. Verily while we beheld this, and considered it diligently, the prick of pity did move our bowels, and the sword of compassion did inwardly wound our heart very sorely, that we could no longer dissemble so great an injury done to our mother the church, nor pass the same over uncorrected.

    Wherefore we command and straitly charge you, that all occasions set aside, you endeavor to remove yourselves with all possible speed unto your said church, and there personally to execute the pastoral charge committed unto you in the same. Otherwise we will you to know for certainty that if you have not a care to do this, we will wholly take into our own hands all the temporal goods, and whatsoever else doth belong unto the barony of the same church, which goods, for spiritual exercise’ sake therein, it is certain our progenitors of a godly devotion have bestowed thereupon. And such goods and dues as we have commanded hitherto to be gathered and safely kept and turned to the profit and commodity of the same church, the cause now ceasing we will seize upon, and suffer no longer that he shall reap temporal things, who feareth not irreverently to withdraw and keep back spiritual things, whereunto by office and duty he is bound; or that he shall receive any profits who refuseth to undergo and bear the burdens of the same. Witness the king at Hereford, the first of June, in the forty-eighth year of our reign. [A.D. 1264.] About this time (as appeareth by course of record, and thereby may well be gathered) a redress of certain sects was intended; among which one by name especially occurreth, and called the Assembly of Harlots; a kind of people of a lewd disposition and uncivil. Of their manners and life the king having been informed, addressed his letters to the sheriff of Oxfordshire, a place which they haunted, and wherein they practiced their evil conversation; whose letter here followeth.

    A LETTER OF KING HENRY III. TO THE SHERIFF OF OXFORDSHIRE, CONCERNING THE BANISHMENT OF AN UNLAWFUL ASSEMBLY CALLED HARLOTS, OUT OF THAT COUNTRY F922 The king to the sheriff of Oxfordshire sendeth greeting. Because we understand that there be certain vagrant persons who call themselves Harlots, maintaining idleness in divers parts of our realm, most shamelessly making their meetings, assemblies, and unlawful matches against the honesty of the church and good manners, which abuse we will not, neither ought we to suffer; we charge thee that on our behalf thou forbid the said Harlots henceforth in the said countries to make any more such meetings, conventicle, or contracts; or to presume according to their lewd manner and wonted fashion to rogue about our realm; and hereto thou shalt (if need be) bind them, as by law may be done. Wherein so behave thyself in this behalf, as we may commend thy diligence.

    Witness the king at Reading the twenty-third of November, in the forty-eighth year of our reign. [A.D. 1263.] What manner of persons these were, or what their conversation was, it doth not further appear; nevertheless by the premises it may seem to be some pretended order of religion. And it is most probable that the reproachful name of harlot had its beginning from hence.

    To conclude with special matters of the church, wherein we have made somewhat the longer delay, by occasion of such necessary records as came to hand, and brought with them their necessary use, this one remembrance, notwithstanding, remaineth, no less worthy of note than the rest, and falling within the revolution of the forty-eighth year of this king’s reign, a year of great trouble, as by the premises may be gathered.

    You are therefore to note that at this time the prelates of England stood upon their pantofles, and jolly fellows (I tell you) they would be known to be. For in an inquisition made after the death of one Alfred of Lincoln, being, as is supposed, a baron of this realm, there is found, among other things, as followeth: “The beforenamed Alfred held a certain piece of the park of Dunetish a890 and they of the abbot of Cerne, by service of holding his stirrup when the abbot should take horseback, and to give him place in the shire at such time as he should be present.” the circumstances hereof being considered, together with the time when it was done, give probable cause to conjecture that the occasion of this matter came by this means: viz. That whereas the said Alfred was desirous to enlarge his park, and could not so do but by purchasing part of some other ground next adjoining, whereof the said abbot was owner, he was therefore constrained either to lack that he liked, or to admit such conditions as pleased my lord abbot; who, like a lord, as you see, was content to let him have his land, reserving such service as is above said. Wherein should be noted the pomp of prelates in those days, and how near they drew in imitation to the pope, in whose footsteps they trod.

    But leaving these affairs of the church and churchmen, into which we have gone somewhat largely, we will now enter into other troubles of the temporal state. You heard before of a pacification concluded between the king and his barons, A.D. 1264; the same having been admitted by mutual and common consent of the temporalty and clergy. Nevertheless, as a sore not well searched and tented, but superficially and overly skinned, cloth break out into a more dangerous botch, so it came to pass among the lords and barons; betwixt whom no such firm reconciliation was made as was likely long to last; whereupon ensued, after secret grudge and privy hatred, open arms and conflicts.* For in this year, the sons of Simon the earl, to wit, Henry, Simon, and Guido, being all puffed up, and with the pride of their success elevated, did things which nothing contented the earl of Gloucester; insomuch that he challenged Henry the eldest son of the earl Simon Montfort at the barriers to be tried at Northampton. But that challenge was taken up, lest some further inconvenience might have risen thereof. But the earl of Gloucester, being moved therewith in his mind, sent unto his father the earl, that he should deliver him such prisoners being noblemen, as he had captured with his own hands at the battle of Lewes; amongst whom the king of Almain was named. first. But he by countermand answered him and said, that it might content and satisfy him, that he had saved and preserved to him his lands, that day the battle was fought at Lewes. The earl Simon, therefore, would not send him such prisoners as he demanded, but himself kept the more noble in the castle of Dover. Among them was Philip Basset, who undermined and brast down the walls of Northampton at that conflict, as is said before and specified. f926 The earl of Gloucester being herewith displeased, as soon as he heard this answer, sent incontinently to the lord Roger Mortimer, who had always taken the king’s part, desiring that they two might talk together touching the benefit and commodity of the king. Who, doubting some deceit, desired sureties and pledges for his safe return, and he would come and talk with him. When they met, and had a while talked familiarly, the earl of Gloucester showed him all that he was purposed to do. and that further, he lamented he had so much and so greatly offended the king; and that he would with all his power and ability make amends for that offense, in the restitution of the king again to his kingly dignity, as much as he possibly might. Therefore they sent secretly to Thomas, the brother of the earl of Gloucester, who was near about the earl Simon, and, informing him of this coalition, begged him to watch some opportunity and procure the escape of the king’s son. Roger Mortimer, also, sent to the king’s son a horse excelling all others in footmanship, unto which he might be sure to trust, when he saw convenient time thereunto. After which things thus contrived, prince Edward desired leave of the earl to prove the coursers against such time as he should ride at the tilt, as they had sometime wished him to do. As soon as he had got leave, and that with galloping and ranging the field he had wearied divers of their horses, at the last getting up upon the horse which for that purpose was sent, and spying a servant on horseback coming towards him with two swords, he turned about to his keeper, whose name was Robert de Ros, and to others his attendants that were with him, saying, “My loving lords, thus long have I kept you company, and have been in your custodies; and now not purposing to use your companies any longer, I bid you adieu!” a891 And quickly turning his horse about, put to the spurs, and away went he. The others pricked after apace, but yet came far enough behind, and overtake him they could not. ‘At last, when they saw Roger Mortimer coming from his castle of Wigmore, accompanied with many armed men, to meet him, as before it was appointed, they returned home again as wise as they came forth. And when this a896 the prince’s escape was divulgated, much people came forth unto him out of every quarter, with great joy thereof; amongst whom, the first was the earl of Gloucester, and then other partisans of the king, who had long now lain at Bristol and thereabouts; and within a short space he had a great and a mighty host.

    Which thing when the earl Simon understood, he much doubted and mistrusted himself; and sending into Wales, he got from thence a great many men, and augmented his power as strongly as he might from every part of England. He sent also Simon, his son, to the noblemen of the north parts, that with all possible speed he might bring them with him; who with a great company came with him, and at Kenilworth awhile they staid, and there pitched their tents. But leaving Kenilworth for a certain time, they went to Winchester, and spoiled the same, and then returned again to Kenilworth. And when this was by a certain spiall declared to Edward the king’s son, who was then at Worcester (which place, as well as Gloucester, he had won a little before), he prepared himself with his soldiers that very night to go to the place where the spy should bring him, which was into a deep valley, near unto the place where Simon and his company had pitched. And when in the morning they were very early about to arm themselves and prepare their horses, they heard a great noise of their enemies coming towards them. Then, thinking that the latter had prepared themselves against their coming and so had themselves been betrayed, they set forth in battle array, a897 marching forwards, till they met certain large baggage-wagons of their enemies going a foraging, and to procure victuals: which they took, and with the fresh horses new horsed their own soldiers who had their horses tired with long travel, and so marching forward came very early in the morning upon their enemies, whom for the most part they found sleeping; and laying lustily about them, they slew divers, some they took, the rest they put to flight, and fifteen of their chiefest bannerets they took, with many rich spoils. But young Simon himself had lodged that night in the castle, and so with a few escaped being made prisoners.

    And this was the fourth day before the nones of August, A.D. 1265.

    Prince Edward immediately returned to Worcester. a898 But when Edward heard that earl Simon was coming toward Kenilworth, to join with his son’s battle, he marched forward and met him the third day after at Evesham, where he divided his host into three battles, he himself having the leading of one, the earl of Gloucester of the second, and Roger Mortimer of the third, which took them in the rear. The king’s son Edward came from the northward, as though he were coming from Kenilworth to Evesham; and because he would not be descried, he caused his own standards and ensigns to be taken down, and young Simon’s, which he had taken before, to be advanced. The earl Simon’s scurier, whose name was Nicholas, showed the earl that such bands and companies were marching towards him, and thought the same to be his son Simon’s power, not knowing of the overthrow which he had just had. The earl thought the same, but advised caution; wherefore the said Nicholas, the better to descry them, went up the abbey steeple of Evesham, a899 whence he might plainly discern them all and their standards. By this time they were mounted the hill, which they had made a push to attain, a900 thinking to have that vantage when they should give their charge as they had purposed; and Edward had advanced again his own standards, and had pulled down Simon’s, whereby they were the more easily descried and known. Then the aforesaid Nicholas cried aloud to the earl Simon, and said, “We are all but dead men; for it is not your son, as you suppose, that cometh, but it is Edward the king’s son that cometh from one part, and the earl of Gloucester from another part, and Roger Mortimer from the third part.” Then said the earl, “The Lord be merciful unto our souls, forsomuch as our bodies and lives are now in their hands;” and so saying, he commanded that every man should confess, and prepare for battle, a901 who was willing to die for the laws and in a just quarrel; and such as would depart, he gave leave to go their ways, that they should be no discomfiture to the rest.

    Then came unto him his eldest son Henry and comforted him, desiring him to have no despair nor yet mistrust in the good success of this battle, with other such cheerful words. “No, my son,” saith he, “I despair not; but yet, it is thy presumption and the pride of the rest of thy brethren that hath brought me to this end you see; notwithstanding yet, I trust I shall die to God, and in a righteous quarrel.” After words of comfort given to all his host, and the oration made as is the manner, they all armed themselves.

    The king also, whom the earl always kept with him, he armed in an armor of his own; and then dividing their battles, they marched towards their enemies. But before they joined, the Welshmen ran their ways, and thinking to escape over the river Dee, were there, some drowned, and some slain. Then when the battles joined and came to handy strokes, within short space many of the earl’s part fell and were slain; and the king himself being struck at cried with a loud voice to them, saying, “Kill me not, I am Henry your king.” And with these the king’s words, the lord Adam de Montalt knew him, and saved him. At whose voice and cry came also prince Edward his son, and delivered him to the guard and custody of certain knights. In the mean season the earl Simon was hard bestead and beaten down, and also slain before Edward the prince came at him.

    Howbeit, before he fell, when as he fought for life, and Henry his son and other noblemen on his part were about him, he brake out into these words unto his enemies, saying, “What, is there no mercy and compassion with you?” Who again answered,” What compassion should there be showed to traitors?” Then said he, “The Lord be merciful unto our souls, our bodies are in your hands.” And as soon as these words were spoken, they slaughtered him, and mutilated his members, and cut off his head, which head Roger Mortimer sent unto his wife. But after the battle a902 was ended and done, certain of them that loved the earl, upon an old ladder gathered up such parts of his body as remained, and covering the same with an old gown, brought it to Evesham, where they, putting the same in a fair linen cloth, buried it in the church. But not long after, such as thought themselves not sufficiently revenged by his death, to wreak them of the dead corpse, took up the same and threw it into another place, saying, that he who was both accursed, and a traitor, was not worthy of Christian burial.

    And not far off from him also were slain Henry, his eldest son, the lord Hugh le Despenser, the lord Ralph Basset, the lord Thomas de Astley, the lord William Mandeville, the lord John de Beauchamp, the lord Guy de Bardolf, Sir Roger de Rowele, knt., and many other noble men besides, with a great multitude of people, the Lord knoweth how many. This battle was fought on the fourth of August, and continued from one o’clock till it was night; in the which was not so much as one man on the earl’s part of any estimation, fortitude, and courage, but in that battle lost his life, more than the lord John, who by the great grace of God escaped death.

    Neither is this to be forgotten, that the same day, being Tuesday, at that very hour when the battle began, which was at one o’clock in the afternoon, there was such a darkness over all, such thunder and tempest, that the like before that time was never seen, being very calm and fair weather both immediately before and after; which seemed (saith mine author) to give a plain demonstration of that which afterwards chanced and followed.

    After this great slaughter and overthrow there was a parliament summoned at Winchester by the earl of Gloucester, and others of his part. Here, by the way, is to be considered, that the king, although he was in the camp of the earl of Leicester, being then in custody, and his son Edward with the earl of Gloucester, yet the king was on that side against his will, and therefore in the said parliament the king was restored to his kingly dignity, which was before that time under the custody of the barons. In this parliament the king disinherited all those that took part with the earl Simon, and all their children. After this the king kept a parliament at Northampton: there also the pope’s legate, a903 Octobonus, held a convocation, and excommunicated all such bishops as had taken any part with Simon against the king; of whom divers he afterward sent up to Rome, to be absolved of the pope; and further, the said legate caused to be proclaimed certain decrees which he himself had made, and also the new grant of pope Clement to the king and queen, of all the tenths for seven years to come. And shortly after, the Norwich valuation was made; to the making whereof Walter, the bishop of Norwich, was appointed. f935 In the meanwhile, the barons who were yet remaining had gathered themselves together again in the isle of Axholm; amongst whom John d’Eyvile (being a subtle and stout man of war) began to have a name, and was well esteemed amongst them; who, altogether, did what mischief they might.

    The next year (A.D.1266) died Walter Cantilupe, bishop of Worcester, after whom succeeded Nicholas of Ely, the king’s chancellor. f937 At this time also the barons again assembled with John d’Eyvile, and so proceeded till they came to Lincoln, which they also took, and spoiled the Jews, and slew many of them; and entering their synagogue, tare and rent the book of their law, and burnt the same, and all other writings and obligations which they could come by. Which thing when the king heard, he sent thither his son prince Edward; but as soon as they heard that, they fled. This was in the month of April; and in. the month of May they assembled at Chesterfield, under the said John D’Eyvile and the earl Ferrets, upon whom the king’s soldiers coming suddenly in the night, took them sleeping and slew many of them. Then the said John D’Eyvile quickly arming himself came forth, thinking with more defense both to save himself and to escape, who, in the way, struck the lord Gilbert Haunsard such a blow with his demi-lance, that he felled both him and his horse to the ground, and so fled with a few more after him. And thus, while the poor soldiers fought and were slain, the barons fled away and saved themselves. Also the earl Fetters fled, and hid himself in a church; but being betrayed by a woman, he was taken forth, and led away prisoner, f939 The same year, the king perceiving that unless the castle of Kenilworth were recovered, and the boldness of them restrained who kept the same, many evils and. inconveniences might ensue thereupon, to the prejudice of his kingdom, for that the number increased every day more and more, wasting and spoiling the country all about, therefore he gathered an army and came down to Warwick; where he awhile tarried, expecting the meeting and assembling of his marquisses and lords, with ensigns and other saultable munition. When their bands were furnished and mustered, and all things ready, the morrow after Midsummer-day displayed banner, and began his viage, marching towards Kenilworth, and besieged the same.

    During which siege the barons assembled with the aforesaid John D’Eyvile in the isle of Ely, and fortified the same with bulwarks as strongly as they might, at every entrance into the same. Shortly after, by the advice and counsel of the king, the pope’s legate, and other noblemen, twelve persons were chosen, a910 who should have the disposing of those things that pertained to the state of the realm, and of those that had lost their lands and inheritances: who amongst other things made and established this one proviso, that was commonly called the Kenilworth decree, that all those who had lost their lands by attainder (although not yet attainted) should fine therefor at the king’s pleasure, and take their lands of him again; paying some two years’, some three years’, and some four years’ revenues of the same, according to the quality of the crime and offense committed.

    All which provisos were established and confirmed as well by the corporal oath, as by signment of the same with the hands and seals, of all the prelates and clergy of England, there assembled for that purpose by the pope’s legate, upon the feast of All Saints. When these things were thus finished, messengers were sent on the kings behalf, as well to those that kept the castle of Kenilworth, as also to those that were assembled in the isle of Ely; willing them to come under the protection of the king’s peace, and yield to the aforesaid provisos established by the twelve commissioners; who altogether answered and said, that they would in nowise condescend thereunto, both for that it was done without their consents, not being called unto it, and also for that the said decree was over-strait and intolerable. Within short space after, great famine and pestlience chanced amongst those who kept the castle, insomuch that they were without all hope of keeping the same; wherefore soon after, the king sending again to them to yield the castle and take their pardons, they, consuiting together of their own. estate, thus answered the king’s messengers: “If it please the king and his council to permit us to send our messengers to the lord Simon Montfort, a911 who is beyond the sea, that he may come by a certain day to the defense of this his garrison and fort, and that in the mean space we be not disturbed by the king’s army that hath environed us, till the return of our messengers; if, by the day appointed, he come not, we will yield up the same, a912 so that we may be pardoned of life, limb, and moveables.”

    When the messengers were returned, and had declared to the king their answer, he, consulting with his nobles about the matter, agreed unto their petitions, and caused the truce to be proclaimed throughout all his camp, after that sufficient hostages were on either side given for the performance of the same; whereupon they set forward their messengers, as before was said they would. But after that, many of them within the castle being very grievously vexed with the bloody-flux and other diseases, insomuch that the whole men might not abide the corruption and annoyance of those that were diseased, they delivered up the castle before the return of the messengers again, and were permitted to go whither they would to refresh themselves, as men molested with great vexations and miseries. King Henry besieged the castle of Kenilworth from the seventh day before the first day of July until the thirteenth of December; whither came Octobonus, the pope’s legate, by whose entreaty the same was delivered unto the king by Henry Hastings, who stoutly had defended the same and resisted the king, having pardon granted both for him and his, of his life, lands, goods and chattels. After the rendering up of the castle, the king committed the custody thereof to his son Edmund, and so with his host departing from the siege, he came upon Christmas-even’s even to Osney; where with great solemnity and triumph he kept his Christmas during seven days.

    The same year pope Clement IV. promoted Master Walter Gifford, bishop of Bath, to be archbishop of York. f942 In this year also the church of England (the regulars as well as the seculars) began to pay the tenths of all her revenues to the king, to continue for three years’ space; and this was done by the authority apostolical. f943 In the beginning of the next year, which was A.D. 1267, the king with his host came to Windsor, from whence after a few days he marched towards Ely; in which island he besieged those who were disinherited, and sharply also assaulted them; upon which John D’Eyvile and several other of the barons fled to London, where of the Londoners they were well entertained.

    After this, both the king and Edward his son came to London with a great power, but yet were kept out of the city by the barons and citizens for the space of forty days. And Octobonus the legate (who for fear had fled into the Tower) they narrowly laid for, that he should not escape. At length, by the entreaty, of the earl of Gloucester and other earls that were his friends, both the barons and the citizens were pardoned, and admitted to the king’s favor. After this, Edward, the king’s son, returned to besiege again the rest which were in the isle of Ely; who, when he came thither, for the great abundance of waters in the same could by no means enter the island, till at length, by the counsel of the inhabitants of that province, he caused with a number of workmen great trenches and ditches to be made, somewhat to convey away the water; and so long used he their counsel in making bridges with planks and hurdles, till at the last they entered the island; who as soon as they were entered, the rest which were in the island yielded themselves; amongst whom were the lord Wake, Simon the younger, and Peches, saving their lives and members. Meanwhile, four bishops and eight other noblemen had been chosen, such as were at Coventry first nominated, that they should order and dispose all matters between the king and such as had lost their inheritance, as also the form of their peace and ransom; and a proclamation was made, upon the feast of All Saints, of perfect peace and concord through all the realm.

    In the year of our Lord above recited, eight days after the feast of St.

    Martin in the fifty-second year of this king Henry’s reign, he held a parliament at Marlborough, where, by the advice of wise and discreet men, and with all the consents of the nobles, he ordained and enacted divers good and profitable statutes for the reformation and bettering of the state of the realm and execution of common justice, which are called ‘the statutes of Marlborough.’

    The next year (A.D. 1268), upon St. Gregory’s day, Octobonus, the legate, called a council at London, where were five archbishops, and a great number of bishops, abbots, and other prelates; which council also within three days brake up again. f946 The same year, upon St. John the Baptist’s day, Edward the king’s son, and divers other noblemen of England, took upon them the cross by the legate’s hands at Northampton, to the relief of the Holy Land and the subversion of the enemies of the cross of Christ Which done, the legate the same year went out of England, not purposing after that to return again.

    This holy legate (saith mine author), who might well be resembled to a lynx, that monstrous beast whose quick sight penetrateth every thing, enrolled to perpetual memory the valuation of all the churches in the realm of England so narrowly as by any means possible he might inquire the certainty thereof. The same was he that made all the cathedral and conventual churches to pay pensions; so that those churches which gave not the vacancy of their benefices to their clerks and strangers, should pay unto them a certain yearly pension, during the vacancy of the benefices which they should have.

    The same year died pope Clement IV., after whose death the church of Rome was two years and nine months vacant; and then was chosen the archdeacon of Liege, whose name was Theardus or Thibaud, while he was with prince Edward in the Holy Land; and they called him Gregory X. f950 Then also did Edmund, earl of Lancaster and Leicester, and second son of king Henry, take to wife the earl of Albemarle’s daughter, and the niece of the earl of Gloucester; at which marriage were the king and queen, and all the nobility of England.

    The same year was the body of St. Edward, the king and confessor, by Walter Gifford, archbishop of York, and other bishops entombed in a new and rich shrine of gold and silver, beset with precious stones, in the presence of Henry, king of England. In which year also fell great rain and inundation of waters, such as hath not lightly been seen, which increased and continued the space of forty days, and more.

    During this king’s reign, there was made a great and general expedition of sundry and divers Christian princes to Jerusalem, taking upon them the Lord’s character, that is, the cross, among whom (as is said)was also Edward the king’s son one; to the which expedition was granted him a subsidy throughout all the realm; and in the month of May, A.D. 1270, he set forward on his journey. f951 About the time when prince Edward was preparing his journey toward Asia, Boniface of whom ye heard before, the archbishop of Canterbury, ended his life in the country of Savoy, going belike to Rome, or coming thence. After whose death the monks of Canterbury, proceeding to a new election granted by the king, agreed upon the prior of their house, named Adam Chelindon. But the king and his son, prince Edward, consenting and speaking in the behalf of Robert Burnell, the prince’s chaplain, and afterwards chancellor, did solicit the matter with the monks, partly entreating, partly threatening them, to choose the said Robert to be archbishop. Notwithstanding, the monks being stout would neither relent to their courteous request, nor yet bow to their boisterous threats, but constantly persisting in their former election, appealed from the king and prince to the pope. Prince Edward being now on his journey, and seeing himself thus frustrated of the monks, writeth back to the king, his father, devoutly praying and beseeching him in no wise to admit the election of the aforesaid monks. And so passing to Dover with Henry, the son of Richard his uncle (king of the Romans), with their wives, they took their passage in the month of August. After this the prior thus elected (as is foretold), but not admitted by the king, to be archbishop, went up to Rome.

    In the mean time the monks, in the absence of their elect, ordained one Geffrey Pomenall to be their official; who, seeing himself advanced to that dignity, and bearing belike some old grudge against the prior of Dover, caused him to be cited up to appear in the chapter-house of Canterbury.

    The prior of Dover seeing this citation to be prejudicial to him and to the church of Dover, and knowing the monks of Canterbury to have no such jurisdiction, the see of Canterbury being vacant, but that all things appertaining to that church ought to be reserved whole till the consecration of the new archbishop, therefore, for the state both of him and of his church, he appealed up also unto Rome.

    The next year died Walter de la Wyle, bishop of Sarum, the third day before the nones of January; after whom succeeded Master Robert of Wikhampton, the dean of the same church; and because the see of Canterbury was then vacant, he was confirmed by the chapter of Canterbury, which chapter had always the jurisdiction in spiritual causes during the vacancy of that see, in as ample manner as the bishop himself had being alive. After this, the bishop elect coming thither, thinking to have had his consecration, was, notwithstanding, put back for two causes; one was, for that there was present then no more than one bishop; the other was, for that all the other bishops had appealed that he might not be consecrated to their prejudice, that is, by the authority of the chapter of Canterbury, saying, that they would not be under the obedience of the monks. After this, when solemn messengers were for this cause sent to the cardinals of Rome, for that then the see of Rome was vacant, they received answer, that, during the vacation of that see, the confirmation and consecration of the bishop elect pertained to the aforesaid chapter of Canterbury. But to return to the archbishop again.

    The next year after, Adam Chelindon, the aforesaid archbishop elect, remaining all this while at Rome, at last resigned up his election to the pope’s hand (being Gregory X.), who then gave the same to Robert Kilwardby. Who then coming to Dover, restored again the prior of that house, being before excluded upon certain causes (as ye heard). By these contentions judge, good reader, of the religion of these men, and of these times.

    About which time came out the great concordance by an English friar, called John Derlington. f953 And now to return to our former story. It was above declared how a general viage being proclaimed to war against the Turks, and a subsidy being collected in England on the same, prince Edward with others was appointed to take their viage, and were now onward in their journey. Who at Michaelmas following with his company came to Aiguesmortes, which is from Marseilles eight leagues westward, and there taking ship again, having a merry wind and prosperous, within ten days arrived at Tunis, where he was with great joy welcomed and entertained of the Christian princes, who were to this purpose assembled, as, of Philip the French king (whose father Louis died a little before), of Charles the king of Sicily, and of the two kings of Navarre and Arragon. And as this lord Edward came thither for his father the king of England, thither came also Henry, the son of the king of Almain, for his father; who, at his return from the viage, was slain in a chapel at Viterbo, hearing mass, by the lords Simon and Guido, the sons of the lord Simon Montfort, earl of Leicester. f954 When prince Edward demanded of these kings and princes what was to be done, they answered him again and said, “The prince of this city (said they) and of the province adjoining to the same, hath been accustomed to pay tribute unto the king of Sicily every year. And now for that the same hath been for the space of seven years unpaid and more, therefore we thought good to make invasion upon him. But the king, knowing the same tribute to be but justly demanded, hath now, according to our own desires, satisfied for the time past, and even paid his tribute beforehand.

    Then said he, “My lords! what is this to the purpose? Are we not here all assembled, and have taken upon us the Lord’s character, to fight against the infidels and enemies of Christ? What mean you then to conclude a peace with them? God forbid we should do so, for now the land is plain and hard, so that we may march straight to the holy city Jerusalem.” Then said they, “Now have we made a league with them; neither is it lawful for us to break the same; but let us return again to Sicily, and when the winter is past we may well take shipping to Acre.” But this counsel nothing at all liked him. neither did he show himself well pleased therewith; but after he had made them a princely banquet, he went into his closet or privy chamber from amongst them, neither would he be partaker of any of that wicked money which they had taken. They, notwithstanding, continuing their purpose, at the next merry wind took shipping, but for want of more ships left two hundred of their men ashore, crying out and piteously lamenting for the peril and hazard of death they were in; wherewith prince Edward being somewhat moved with compassion, came back again to the land, and received and stowed them in his own ships, being the last that went aboard. Within seven days after, they arrived in the kingdom of Sicily, over against the city Trapani, casting their anchors a league from thence within the sea, for that their ships were of great burthen, and thoroughly fraught; and from the haven of the city they sent out barges and boats to receive and bring such of the nobility to land as would; but their horses for the most part, and all their armor, they kept within board.

    At length, towards evening, the sea began to be rough, and increased to a great tempest and a mighty, insomuch that their ships were beaten one against another’s sides; and sunk there were of them at that tempest, lying at anchor, more than a hundred and twenty, with all their horses and munition, with innumerable souls besides; and that wicked money also which they had taken before likewise perished and was drowned. But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of prince Edward’s, who had in number thirteen, nor yet had he one man lost thereby; for that (as it may be presupposed) he consented not to the wicked counsel of the rest. When in the morning the princes and kings came to the sea-side, and saw all their ships sunk, and saw their men and horses in great number cast upon the land drowned, they had full heavy hearts, as well they might. For of all their ships and mariners, who were in number fifteen hundred, besides the common soldiers, there were no more saved than the mariners of one only ship, and they in this wise: there was in that ship a good and wise matron (a countess or an earl’s wife), who perceiving the tempest to grow, and fearing for herself, called to her the master of the ship, and asked whether, in attempting the shore, it were not possible to save themselves? Who answered, that to save the ship it was impossible; howbeit, to save the men that were therein, by God’s help, he doubted not. Then said the countess, “For the ship care no whit; save the souls therein, and I will give thee double the value of thy ship.” Who immediately hoisting the sails with all force ran the ship aground, so near the shore as possible was.

    Thus, with the vehemency of the weather and force he came withal he brast the ship, but saved all that was within the same, as the master had showed and said before: f956 Then the kings and princes (altering their purpose after this so great a shipwreck) returned home again every one unto their own lands; only Edward the king’s son remained behind with his men and ships, which the Lord had saved and preserved. Then prince Edward (renovating his purpose) took shipping again, and within fifteen days after Easter, arrived at Acre, and went on shore, taking with him a thousand of the best and most expert soldiers, and tarried there a month, refreshing both his men and horses, so that in this space he might learn and know the secrets of the land. After this he took with him six or seven thousand soldiers, and marched forward twenty miles from Acre, and took Nazareth; and those that he there found he slew, and afterwards returned again to Acre. But their enemies following after them, thinking to have set upon them at some strait or other advantage, they were by the prince premonished thereof, and returning again upon them, gave a charge, and slew many of them, and the rest they put to flight. After this, about Midsummer, when the prince had understanding that the Saracens began to gather at Cackhow, which was forty miles from Acre, he, marching thither, set upon them very early in the morning, and slew of them more than a thousand; the rest he put to flight, and took rich spoils, marching forward till they came to a castle named Castrum Peregrinorum, situated upon the sea-coast, and tarried there that night, and the next day they returned towards Acre. In the mean season the king of Jerusalem sent unto the noblemen of Cyprus, desiring them with speed that they would come and aid the Christians; but they would not come, saying, they would keep their own land, and go no further. Then prince Edward sent unto them, desiring that at his request they would come and join in aid with him, who immediately thereupon came unto him with great preparation and furniture for the war, saying, that at his command they were bound to do no less, for that his predecessors were sometime governors of their land, and that they ought always to show their fidelity to the kings of England. Then the Christians a921 being herewith animated, about the feast of St. Peter ad Vincula [Aug. l st] made a third viage or rode, and when they had slain certain, not finding any to make resistance against them, they retired from whence they came, about St. George’s day [Aug. 27th].

    When thus the fame of prince Edward grew amongst his enemies, and they began to stand in fear of him; they devised among themselves, how by some policy they might circumvent and betray him. Hereupon the great prince and admiral of Joppa sent to him, feigning himself, under great deceit, to become a Christian, and that he would draw with him a great number besides, so that they might be honorably entertained and used of the Christians. This talk pleased the prince well, and persuaded him to finish the thing he had so well begun, by writing again; who also by the same messenger sent and wrote back unto him divers times about the same matter, whereby no mistrust should spring. This messenger, a922 saith mine author, was one ‘ex cote nutritus,’ one of the stony-hearted, who neither feared God nor dreaded death. The fifth time when this messenger came, and was of the prince’s servants searched, according to the manner and custom, to discover what weapon and armor he had about him, as also his purse, and when not so much as a knife could be found about him, he was had up into the prince’s chamber, and after his reverence done, he pulled out certain letters, which he delivered to the prince from his lord, as he had done others before. This was about eight days after Whitsuntide, upon a Tuesday, somewhat before night: at which time the prince was laid upon his bed, bare-headed, in his jerkin, for the great heat and intemperature of the weather.

    When the prince had read the letters, it appeared by them, that upon the Saturday following, his lord would be there ready to accomplish all that he had written and promised. The report of this news, by the prince to the standers-by, liked them well, drawing somewhat back to consult thereof amongst themselves. In the mean time the messenger, kneeling and making his obeisance to the prince, who was questioning further with him, put his hand to the belt, as though he would have pulled out some secret letters, and suddenly he pulled out an envenomed knife, thinking to have stricken it into the prince’s belly as he lay; but Edward, lifting up his hand to defend the blow, was stricken a great wound in the ann; and the messenger being about to fetch another stroke at him, the prince with his foot took him such a blow that he felled him to the ground. With that the prince gat him by the hand, and with such violence wrested the knife from him, that he hurt himself therewith in the forehead, and immediately thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker, and slew him. The prince’s servants being in the next chamber not far off, hearing the bustling, came with great haste running in. And finding the messenger lying dead on the floor, one of them took up a stool and beat out his brains; whereat the prince was wroth, for that he struck a dead man, and one that was killed before. The rumor hereof, as it was strange, so it soon went throughout all the court, and from thence amongst the common people; wherefore they were very heavy and greatly discouraged. To him came also the captain of the temple, and brought him a costly and precious drink against poison, lest the venom of the knife should penetrate the lively blood, and in blamingwise said unto him, “Did I not show your grace before, of the deceit and subtlety of this people? Notwithstanding,” saith he, “let your grace take a good heart; you shall not die of this wound, my life for yours.”

    But straightway the surgeons and physicians were sent for, and the prince was dressed, and within a few days after the wound began to putrefy, and the flesh to look dead and black; whereupon those who were about the prince began to mutter amongst themselves, and were very sad and heavy.

    Which thing he himself perceiving, said unto them, “Why mutter you thus amongst yourselves? What see you in me, can I not be healed? Tell me the truth, be ye not afraid.” Whereupon one said to him, “Your grace, you may be healed, we mistrust it not; but yet it will be very painful for you to suffer.” “May suffering,” said he again, “restore health?” “Yea,” saith the other, “on pain of losing my head.” “Then,” said the prince, “I commit myself unto you, do with me what you think good.” Then said one of his physicians, “Is there any of your nobles in whom your grace reposeth special trust?” To whom the prince answered “yea,” naming certain of the noblemen that stood about him. Then said the physician unto the two whom the prince first named, the lord Edmund and the lord John Voisie: “And do you also faithfully love your lord and prince?” Who answered both, “Yea, undoubtedly.” “Then,” saith he, “take you away this gentlewoman and lady,” meaning his wife, “and let her not see her lord and husband until such time as I will you to let her;” whereupon they took her out of the prince’s presence, crying out and wringing her hands. Then said they unto her, “Be ye contented, good lady and madam, it is better that one woman should weep a little while, than that all the realm of England should weep a great season.” Then, on the morrow, they cut out all the dead envenomed flesh out of the prince’s at:n, and threw it from them, and said unto him, “How cheereth your grace? We promise you within these fifteen days you shall show yourself abroad (if God permit) on horseback, whole and well as ever you were.” And according to the promise he made the prince, it came to pass, to the no little comfort and admiration of all his subjects. When the great Soldan heard of it, and that the prince was yet alive, he would scarcely believe the same; and sending unto him three of his nobles and princes, he excused himself by them, calling his gods to witness, that the same was done neither by him, nor his consent. The princes and messengers standing aloof off from the king’s son, worshipping him fell flat upon the ground. “You,” saith the prince, “do reverence me, but yet you love me not.” But they understood him not, because he spake in English unto them, speaking by an interpreter.

    Nevertheless he treated them honorably, and sent them away in peace.

    Thus, when prince Edward had been eighteen months in Acre, he took shipping about the Assumption of Our Lady, as we call it, returning homeward; and, after seven weeks, he arrived in Sicily, at Trapani, and from thence traveling through Palestrina and Metmes, a923 and so through the midst of Apulia, till he came to Rome, where he was of the pope honorably entertained; from thence he came into France, whose fame and noble prowess was there much noised about among the common people, and envied of the nobility, especially of the earl of Chalons, who sent unto him, and required him that he might break a staff with him at the tilt in his country. This the prince, because he would not diminish his honor and fame, willingly consented to do, although he might have well alleged a sufficient excuse by means of his travail. It was therefore proclaimed, that prince Edward, by such a day, with those that were with him, had challenged all comers at the tilt and barriers. Hereupon great assemblies were made in the country all about; and divers, as well horsemen as footmen, had confederated among themselves, and conspired against the Englishmen, selling their horses and armor beforehand, and drinking one to another in ‘ boon viage, of the spoil of them whom they would take as their prisoners. Prince Edward, in the mean time, sent into England for divers earls and barons, who came unto him. When the day appointed was come, the prince had with him more than one thousand horsemen, who were knights, besides his footmen; but yet there were as many more, on the other side, both in horsemen and footmen. When the parties met, the French footmen, who had before conspired, began both to spoil, rifle, and kill. The Englishmen resisted and defended themselves, both with bows and slings; many of the Frenchmen they slew, and drove them to the gates of their city; the others they chased over a river, where many of them were drowned. In the mean while the earl, with fifty of his knights who followed him, came forth and joined together, so many for so many, and a long time together they tried with it their swords, laying one on another. At last the earl, perceiving himself not able to match with the prince at arms’ length, closed with him, and taking him about the neck, held him with his arms very straight. “What mean you, my lord,” saith the prince, “think you to have my horse?” “Yea, marry,” quoth the earl, “I mean to have both thee and thy horse.” Hereat prince Edward, being indignant, lifted up himself, and gave him such a blow, that therewithal he, forsaking his horse, hung still about the prince’s neck, till that he shook him off to the ground. Herewith the prince, being somewhat in a heat, left the press to take the air, thereby to refresh himself. But when he saw the injury of the Frenchmen towards his men, and how they had slain many of them, he then said unto them that they used rather the exercise of battle than of tourney. “Spare ye not, therefore,” saith he, “from henceforth, any of them all, but give them again as good as they bring.” Then they essayed to kill each other freely on either part, and let their swords walk. By this time the English footmen were again returned, and seeing the conflicts of horsemen, and many other Englishmen overthrown, they put themselves amidst the press; some paunching the horses, and some cutting asunder the girths of the Frenchmen’s saddles, they overthrew the riders, and gave them holy bread. When the aforesaid earl had been horsed again by some of his men, and had got amongst the throng, prince Edward also rushed in amongst the thickest, and coped again with him, to whom he often spake and cried, that he should yield himself as vanquished; but that the earl would not do. Notwithstanding, when the earl’s strength began to fail him, he was fain to yield himself unto a simple knight, according as prince Edward bade him, and all the rest of his horsemen and knights fled and saved themselves; howbeit, many of them in that: place were slain; and so our men returned, having the victory. But when, after this, they thought to be quiet and at rest, they were killed by the citizens by twos and threes at once, as they walked in the streets. When the prince heard this, he sent for the mayor and burgesses, commanding them to see the same redressed, and that immediately; for otherwise, of his knighthood he assured them, that upon the morrow he would fire the city, and make it level with the ground.

    On this they went their ways, and set watchmen in divers places of the same to keep peace, by which means the prince and his men were in safety and quiet. Thus, in this pastime of tourneying and barriers much blood was spilled, whereupon the name of the place was changed; so that it is not called ‘Torniamentum de Cha-lons,’ but ‘ Parvum Bellum de Chalons.’

    From thence the prince came to Paris, and was of the French king honorably entertained; and after certain days he went from thence into Gascony, where he tarried till he heard of the death of the king his father.

    In the year of our Lord 1£68, died pope Clement IV.: after whom succeeded pope Gregory X.; who, in the year A.D. 1274, called a general council at Lyons, about the controversy between the Greek church and the Latin church, and for the vacancy of the see apostolical.

    CERTAIN NOTES OF OTHER OCCURRENCES CHANCED IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES ABROAD, WITHIN THE COMPASS OF THE YEARS AND REIGN OF THE AFORESAID KING HENRY III.

    Having thus completed the life and history of king Henry III., with such accidents as happened within this realm,! thought good to adjoin unto the same, some other foreign matters not unworthy of note, incident in other countries during the time of the said king: namely, from A.D. 1216 unto this year, 1272. These I thought the rather not to be omitted, for that even from and about the beginning of this king’s reign, sprang up the very wellsprings of all mischief, the sects of monkish religions and other swarms of popish orders, which, with their gross and horrible superstitions, have encumbered the church of Christ ever since.

    First, to omit the repetition of pope Innocent III., the great great grandsire of that foul monster transubstantiation and auricular confession, friars Dominic and Franciscan friars, Thomas Aquinas , Jacobus de Voragine , and Vincentius , with pope Honorins III. coiner of the canon law, and the cardinal of Ostia , as also Bonaventure, Albertus Magnus , with pope Urban IV., the first founder of the feast of Corpus Christi, and the procurer of the adoration of the body of Christ in the sacrament, besides Durandus and many more: it followeth further to be noted, that the Tartars, about A.D. 1240, issuing out of Muscovy into the parts of Poland, made great waste in Christendom, and this so much the rather, because the princes about Poland, being at variance amongst themselves, used no other remedy for their defense but heaps of masses, the invocation of the dead, and the worshipping of images, which indeed did not at all relieve them, but rather increased their trouble.

    In the year following, the whole nation of the Tartars, a925 mustering like locusts, invaded the parts of Europe with two mighty armies, whereof the one, entering on Poland, made great havoc, and carried away many Christians from thence captives; the other overrunning Hungary, made no less spoil there. Add hereunto another fresh army of Tartars, to the number of five millions, who at the very same time joining themselves together, entered Muscovy and Cracow, and made most horrible slaughter, sparing neither sex nor age, neither noble nor ignoble within the land. From thence passing to Lower Sclavonia, they made great spoil there also, and thinking there to win the castle, were, by the miraculous working of the Lord, at the instance and prayers of good people, discomfited beyond all expectation of man, by thunder and lightning filling upon them from heaven in a most terrible manner.

    The same year, immediately after Easter, another army of Tartars was gathered against Lignitz, drawing near to Germany; by the rumor whereof, the Germans, being put in great fears, were altogether dismayed, but yet not able to help themselves, because they lacked a good guide and governor amongst them. All this came to pass, .especially by the mischievous practice of the Roman popes, raising variance and discord among them.

    Notwithstanding Henry, prince of Poland and Silesia, a926 gathering a power as well as he could, did encounter with him; but in the end his whole army was vanquished, and the king himself slain. Notwithstanding this overthrow of Christians, it pleased God to strike such a fear into the hearts of the Tartars, that they durst not approach any further or nearer into Germany, but retired for that time into their country again; who, recounting their victory by taking each man but one ear of every one of the Christians that were slain, found the slaughter so great, that they filled nine great sacks full of ears. Nevertheless, after this (A.D. 1260), the same Tartars, having the Muscovites for their guides, returned again into Poland and Cracow; where, in the space of three months, they overran the land with fire and sword to the coasts of Silesia, and had not the princes of Germany put to their helping hand in this lamentable case, they had utterly wasted the whole land of Poland, and the coasts thereabout.

    This year also, in the month of April, Richard, king of Almain, died at the castle of Berkhamstead, and was buried at the abbey of Hailes, which he built from the ground. The same year also, at Norwich, there arose a great controversy between the monks and the citizens, about certain tallages and liberties. At last, after much altercation and wrangling words, the furious rage of the citizens so much increased and prevailed, and So little was the fear of God before their eyes, that altogether they set upon the abbey and priory, and burned both the church and bishop’s palace. When this thing was heard abroad, the people were very sorry to hear of so bold and naughty an enterprise, and much discommended the same. At last, king Henry, calling for certain of his lords and barons, sent them to the city of Norwich, that they might punish and see execution done on the chief malefactors; insomuch that some of them were condemned and burnt, some of them hanged, and some were drawn by the heels with horses throughout the streets of the city, and afterwards in much misery they ended their wretched lives. The same year Adam, the prior of Canterbury, and bishop elect, in the presence of Pope Gregory X. refused to be archbishop, although he was elected; wherefore the pope gave the archbishopric to friar Robert Kilwardby, the provost of the preaching friars, a man of good life and great learning. He was consecrated at Canterbury, on the fourth day of March, a927 by six bishops of the same province. The same year also, at Michaelmas, the lord Edmund, the son of Richard king of Almain, married the sister of Gilbert, earl of Gloucester. Also in this year, A.D. 1272, on the sixteenth day before the kalends of December, being the day of St.

    Edmund archbishop and confessor, died king Henry, in the fiftyseventh year of his reign, a928 and was buried at Westminster, leaving behind him two sons and two daughters; to wit, Edward, the prince, and Edmund, earl of Lancaster and Leicester, Beatrice, and Margaret; which Margaret was married to the king of Scots. This king Henry, in his lifetime, began the building of the church and steeple of Westminster, but did not thoroughly finish the same before his death.

    EDWARD THE FIRST F960 In the time of the death of king Henry, Edward, his eldest son, was absent in Gascony, as a little before you heard; yet notwithstanding, by Robert Kilwarby, archbishop of Canterbury, and other bishops and nob]es, he was ordained heir and successor to his father; on hearing of whose death, he returned home to his country, and was crowned A.D. 1274. a929 On that occasion he laid down his crown, saying, he would no more put it on, before he had gathered together all the lands appertaining to the same. This Edward, who had always before been a loving and natural child to his father, whom he had delivered out of prison and captivity; hearing afterwards of the death of his son, and of that of his father, both together, wept and lamented much more for his father, than for his son, saying to the French king, who asked the cause thereof, that the loss of his child was but light; for children might afterwards increase and be multiplied, but the loss of his parent was greater, which could not be recovered. So Almighty God, for his piety shown to his father, rewarded him again with great success, felicity, and long reign, insomuch that he being young, as he was playing at chess with a certain soldier of his, suddenly having occasion given, rose up and went his way; who had only just voided the place, when incontinent fell down a mighty stone from the vault above, directly upon the place where he had sat, able to have quashed him in pieces, if he had tarried ever so little more; in whose preservation, as I see present the hand and mighty providence of the living God, so, in the king’s order again, I note a fault or error worthy of reprehension, in that he, after receiving such a lively benefit at the hand of the living Lord, and going therefore on pilgrimage to Walsingham, gave thanks not only to our Lord, but rather to a rotten block. f962 Of the gentle nature of this courageous prince, sufficient proof is given by this one example. One day being in his disport of hawking, he chanced sharply to rebuke the negligence of one of his gentlemen, for what fault I cannot tell, about his hawk: the gentleman, being on the other side of the river, hearing his menacing words, was glad, as he said, that the river was between them. With this answer the courageous blood of this prince being moved, upon present heat he leaped straight into the flood, being both of a swift stream and of a dangerous deepness, and no less hard in getting out.

    Notwithstanding, either forgetting his own life, or neglecting the danger present, and having a good horse, he ventureth his own death, to have the death of his man. At length, with much difficulty recovering the bank, with his sword drawn he pursueth his provoker, who having not so good a horse, and seeing himself in danger of being taken, reineth up his horse, and returning back bareheaded unto the prince, submitteth his neck under his hand to strike. The prince, whose fervent stomach the water of the whole river could not quench, a little submission of his man did so cool, that the quarrel dropped, his anger ceased, and his sword was put up without any stroke given. And so both returned to their game, good friends again. f963 In the beginning of his reign, the king had much ado in Wales, where he had divers conflicts with the Welshmen, whom he at last subdued, and cut down their woods, suppressed rebellions, and vanquishing their kings Llewelyn and his brother, ordained his eldest son Edward, born in the same country, to be prince of Wales. This Llew-elyn, captain of the Welshmen here mentioned, rebelling against king Edward, asked counsel byway of conjuration, what event should come upon his attempt; to whom it was told, that he should go forward boldly, for doubtless he should ride through Cheapside in London, with a crown on his head. Which so came to pass; for, being slain, his head with a crown of silver was carried through Cheap to London Bridge. By this, men may learn not to seek or stick to these vain prophecies, which though they fall true, yet are they but the trains of the devil to deceive men.

    About this time there was a great earthquake, and such a rot, that it consumed a great multitude of sheep in the land, through the occasion, as they say, of one scabbed sheep that came out of Spain. The king returning from Wales to England, ordered certain new laws for the wealth of the realm. Among many others, this was one: authority was given to all mayors, bailiffs, and other officers to see execution and punishment with the pillory on all bakers making bread under the assize; and with the tumbrel, on millers stealing corn, etc. Within two years after this, the statute of mortmain was first enacted, which is as much as to say, that no man should give unto the church any lands or rents, without special license of the king.

    About this time, being the seventh year of king Edward’s reign (A.D. 1279), Jews, for money-clipping, were brought to execution, and in the same year began the foundation of the Black-friars by Ludgate. The town of Boston was greatly wasted this year with fire. The halfpenny and farthing a930 began first to be coined about the same time, which was the eighth year of this king’s reign. The fourth year after this, the great conduit in Cheap began to be made. A.D. 1284. In the year following, the new work of the church of Westminster (begun as is before premised in the third year of Henry III.) was finished, which was sixty-six years in edifying. The Jews were utterly banished this realm of England at the same time, for which the commons gave to the king a fifteenth, etc.

    After that, the country of Wales was brought in a full order and quiet by the hewing down of their woods, and casting down their old holds, and building of new; which all was brought to a perfect end, about the twentyfourth year of this king’s reign.

    Under the same king, about the beginning of his reign, the year was so hot and dry, that from the month of May till near the month of September, there fell no rain; insomuch that many died for heat, and the vulgar people, in their reckoning of years, did count the time from the said dry year long after. In the reign of this King, Walter Merton, bishop of Rochester, built Merton College, Oxford.

    About this time; in the days of king Edward, the church of Rome began daily more and more to rise up, and swell so high in pride and worldly dominion, that no king almost in his own country could do any thing but as the pope pleased, who both had and ruled all, in all countries, but chiefly here in England; as partly by his intolerable tallage and pillage, before signified, may appear, partly by his injunctions and commandments sent down, also by his donations and reservations of benefices and church livings, also in deposing and disposing such as him listed, in place and office to bear rule: insomuch, that when the king and the church of Canterbury, in their election, had chosen one Robert Burnell, a931 bishop of Bath and Wells and chancellor, to be archbishop of Canterbury, pope Nicholas III. of his own singular presumptuous authority ruling the matter after his pleasure, frustrated their election, and thrust in another, named John Peckham: for among all others, this hath always been one practice of the court of Rome, ever to have the archbishop of their own setting, or such one as they might be sure of on their side, to weigh against the king and others, whatsoever need should happen. By this John Peckham was ordained, that no spiritual minister should have any more benefices than one, which also was decreed by the constitutions of Octo and Octobonus, the pope’s legates formerly in England. Also, in the parliament he resisted the king in the right of certain liberties pertaining to the crown, touching patronages and such church matters.

    About the beginning of this king’s reign, after the decease of Walter, archbishop of York, William Wicewanger succeeding in that see, and minding to go on visitation, came to Durham to visit the church and chapter there; but the clergy and the people of the city shut the gates against him, and kept him out, whereupon rose no small disturbance. The archbishop let fly his curse of excommunication and interdiction against them. The bishop of Durham again, with his clergy, despised all his cursings, grounding themselves upon the constitution of Innocent IV. ‘De censibus et exactionibus: and so they appealed to Rome, saying, That he ought not to be received there, before he had first begun to visit his own chapter and diocese, which he had not done; for so say the words of the constitution—“ We ordain and decree, that every archbishop that will visit his province, first must procure to visit his own church, city, and diocese.”

    F966 After the death of John Pechnam, archbishop of Canterbury, above mentioned, succeeded Robert Winchelsey. To this Robert Winchelsey pope Boniface VIII. directed down a solemn bull from Rome, as also unto all other quarters of the universal church, in the which bull was con-rained and decreed, directly against the rule of Scripture and Christian obedience, that no church or ecclesiastical person should henceforth yield to his king or temporal magistrate either any giving, or lending, or promising of tribute, or subsidy, or portion whatsoever, of the goods and possessions to him belonging; but should be dearly exempted and discharged from all such subjection of tallage or subvention to be exacted of them in the behoof of the prince and his affairs. Which decree manifestly rebelleth against the commanded ordinance of God, and the apostolic canon of St. Peter, and all other examples of holy Scripture. For as there is no word in the Scripture that excludeth spiritual men more than temporal from obedience and subjection to princes, so if it chance the prince in his exacting to be too rigorous or cruel in oppression, that is no cause for the clergy to be exempted, but to bear the common burden of obedience, and to pray to God to turn and move the prince’s mind, and so, with prayer and patience, not with pride and disobedience, to help and amend that which is amiss.

    Concerning the bull of Boniface, if any there be who do not credit the same so to contain, or would for his mind see and read the same, the words thereof are given below. f967 This bull being directed, as it is said, from Rome to the archbishop of Canterbury, and likewise through the whole universal church, under the pope’s authority, it chanced, not long after, that the king held his parliament at St. Edmundsbury, a932 where was granted to him of all cities and boroughs an eighth, and of the commons a twelfth of their goods; only the clergy by virtue of this bull stood stout, denying to pay any tiling to the king. This answer not well pleasing the king, he willeth them to deliberate better with themselves upon the matter, and after long advisement so to give him answer thereof against the next parliament, a933 which should be holden the morrow after St. Hilary [Jan. 14th], at London.

    In conclusion, the parliament came; the clergy persisted still in denial of their subsidy, alleging the pope’s bull for their warrant and discharge; whereupon the king likewise secludeth them from under his protection and safeguard of his laws. And as concerning the archbishop of Canterbury, above mentioned, because he was found more stubborn than the rest, and was the inciter to the other, he seized upon all his goods, and caused an inventory of the same to be enrolled in the exchequer. Notwithstanding, divers of the other bishops relented soon after to the king, and contributed the fifth of their goods unto him, and were received again to favor.

    In the life of this king’s father it was declared before, how the said king Henry III., after divers wars and commotions had with his barons, had granted certain liberties and freedoms written and contained in ‘Magna Charta,’ and in ‘Charta de Forests.’ Concerning which matter, much business happened in this king’s days also in the realm, between the king and his barons and commons. The occasion was this: A sack of wool which before paid but a mark to the king was now by this king raised up to forty shillings. After this, the king having a journey to make into Flanders, sent to his barons and divers other to give their attendance and service in the same, which they refused and denied to do. The king, notwithstanding, persisting in his purpose, with such a power as he had prepared toward his journey. To whom being in his way at Winchelsea a934 the aforesaid earls, barons, and commons, sent certain petitions contained in writing, under the name of the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and priors, earls and barons, with the whole commonalty of the realm. In which writing, first lamenting and complaining of their afflicted state and misery, after humble manner they desired their lord the king to redress and amend certain grievances among them.

    And first, they declared in the name of the whole community of the land, that the premunitions or writs directed to them for their attendance upon his grace into Flanders, were not sufficient; for that there was no certain place in the said writs specified unto them, whither to come for making their provision, and preparing money and other things according to the same. And if the place had been to them signified, yet, because none of their ancestors ever served the king over into Flanders before, the commons there- fore thought themselves not bound to any service in that country. And albeit they had been so bound thereunto, yet they were not able to do it, being so heavily oppressed with so many tallages, taxes, tolls, customs, and such prices of corn, oats, fin, wool, leather, oxen, kine, flesh, fish, etc., and besides all this, having no penny of wages given them to relieve their charges. Wherefore, they were not able to render service, seeing that poverty like a heavy burden did for the aforesaid reasons miserably oppress them, insomuch that some of them had not enough to support themselves withal, and many of them were not able to till their own ground. They alleged, moreover, that they were not now handled after the old laws and customs of the land, as their ancestors were wont. Many also found themselves aggrieved in that they were not used according to the articles contained in ‘Magna Charta;’ and again that the ‘Charta de Forests’ was not observed nor kept, as it was wont to be.

    Wherefore, most humbly they beseeched the king, both for his own honor and for the wealth of his people, that of these things they might find redress. For the custom, moreover, of wool, the whole commons bewailed to the king their grief, in that for every sack of wool there was fined to the king forty shillings, and for every sack of tosed wool seven marks; the which wool of England, as it doth rise to the value of half the realm, so the tollage of the same surmounteth to the fifth part of the valuation of the whole land.

    And because the commons wished the honor and preservation of their king (as they were bound to do), they thought it not good for his grace to sail over to Flanders, unless he had better assurance of the fidelity of the Flemings, especially at this time when the Scots were so busy; who, if they began to rebel he being at home in his land, much more were they like to stir he being abroad out of the land. And that, not only for the Scots, but also for that the lik peril was to be doubted of other foreign nations and kingdoms, which as ye were in no firm peace with England.

    To these petitions, the king said that he could as yet make no resolute answer, for that some of his council were gone over already to Flanders, some were yet at London. Notwithstanding, at his return again from Flanders (which he trusted should be speedily) they should then hear his answer, and know more of his mind concerning the same. In the mean time, this he required of them, to keep good rule at home while he was forth.

    What answer the king had minded to make them at his return, it is uncertain, which peradventure had turned to a bloody answer, but occasion served otherwise, and turned al1 to agreement; for the Scots with their captain William Wallace, hereafter specified, in the mean time (the king being absent) invaded the realm with such violence, that prince Edward, the king’s son, who was left to rule in his father’s stead, was forced to assemble a parliament, a935 and to call for the earl of Norfolk, high marshal of England, and the earl of Hereford and Essex, high constable, with other earls, barons, knights, and esquires, to entreat peace and concord between his father and them. Who coming up to London, with fifteen hundred well-armed soldiers, and obtaining the gates of the city with their own men, fell at.length to, agreement with, the prince,, upon composition, to have the articles of Magna Charta, and of Charta de Forests, confirmed; and that, by his means and mediation, they might be assured of the king’s displeasure to be removed from them. To the which aforesaid articles of Magna Charts’ certain other articles were adjoined withal, which here follow.

    First , No tallage or subsidy by the king or his heirs to be imposed or levied hereafter within the realm of England, without the common assent of the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates, earls, barons, knights, burgesses, and commons of the realm. Item, No taker or servitor of the king, or of his heirs, henceforth, within this realm, to take grain, wool, leather, or any other goods of any man, without the will and consent of the owner. Item, No taking to be hereafter, under the name of tribute, for any sack of wool. Item, To be granted by the king and his heirs after him, both to the clergy and laity of this realm, to have and to enjoy all their laws, liberties, and free customs, in as ample manner as they were wont at any time heretofore. Item, If any decrees or statutes have been made and set forth by the king or his predecessors contrary to these aforesaid articles, the same to stand void and of no effect for ever.

    Besides these articles, also in the same composition was contained, that all grudge and displeasure between the king and barons for not going to Flanders ceasing, the earls and barons might be assured to be received again into the king’s favor.

    These things thus agreed upon, and by mediation of the prince also confirmed and sealed with the king his father’s sea], so was all the variance pacified, to the great comfort of the people, and no less strength of the realm against their enemies; and most chiefly to the commendation of the gentle and wise nature of the king, who, as he was gentle in promising his reconcilement with his subjects, so no less constant was he, in keeping that which he had promised.

    In this meanwhile there happened another broil, as great or greater, with Scotland, to the great disquiet of the king and the realm of England for many years. This trouble first began by the death of Alexander, king of Scots, who died without issue left alive behind him: although Fabian in the seventh book of his Chronicles affirmeth that he left three daughters, the eldest married to Sir John Baliol, the second to Robert Bruce, the third to one Hastings. But this in Fabian is to be corrected, as which neither standeth not with itself, but is clearly convicted by the witness and history of Robert Avesbury and also of Gisburn.

    For first, if king Alexander had left his eldest daughter married to Sir John Baliol, then what controversy might rise among the lords about succession, needing so diligent and anxious deciding by the king or England? Secondly, what claim or title could the king of Norway have to the crown of Scotland, who was one of the challengers, claiming the said crown in the behalf of Margaret, the niece of the aforesaid king Alexander, her grandfather, if the eldest daughter of the father had been left alive? Thirdly, what can be more plain, when by the affirmance of the aforesaid story it is testified, that king Alexander had two wives, of the second whereof he had no issue? Of the first he had two children, Alexander, who died before his father, and Margaret married to the king of Norway, who died also before her father, of whom came Margaret the niece of Alexander, and daughter to the king of Norway before mentioned; and she also died in the journey between Norway and Scotland, the fourth year after the decease of her grandfather. Wherefore, as this matter standeth most clear, so let us now, returning from whence we digressed, prosecute the rest that followeth. After that Alexander thus, as is said, departed without issue, and also Margaret his niece in Norway was deceased, the matter came to a great doubt among the nobles of Scotland (especially twelve by name), to whom the right of the crown should next pertain. After much variance among parties, at length the election and determination of the matter was committed to the judgment of king Edward of England. Who, after sufficient proof made to the Scots, and firm evidence brought out of all the ancient histories both of England and Scotland, testifying from time to time that he was chief head and sovereign of the realm of Scotland, first, by necessity of the law, and by all their consents, took full possession of the same; and, that done, adjudged the right of the crown to John Baliol, f971 who descended of the eldest daughter of David, earl of Huntingdon, brother to William I a936 ., king of Scotland in the days of king Henry II.

    This earl David had three daughters, Margaret, married to Alan earl of Galloway; Isabel, to Robert Bruce; and Ada, to Henry lord Hastings. Alan earl of Galloway had Dorvagile, married to John Baliol, father to this John Baliol, king of Scots; and Helen, married to Roger Quincy, earl of Winchester, constable of Scotland.

    When these things were thus finished in Scotland, and Sir John Baliol, as most rightful inheritor, had received the crown of Scotland at the hands of king Edward thankfully, and for the same in the presence of the barony of England and of Scotland did unto the said King Edward his homage, and sware to him fealty; the Scots, with their new king, returned into Scotland, and king Edward removed again to England, A.D. 1292.

    But not long after, the falseness of this Scottish king soon appeared, who, repenting him of his homage done, untruly forsook his former oath and promise, and made war against king Edward, through the counsel of the abbot of Melros. Wherefore the king with a great host sped him into Scotland, and in process laid siege to the town of Berwick, which the Scots did eagerly defend, not only to the discomfiture, but also to the derision, of the king and his English host. But in conclusion, the Englishmen prevailed and won the town, where were slain of the Scots to the number of five and twenty thousand. While the king was there busied in winning other holds about the same, he sent part of his host to Dunbar, where the Englishmen again had the victory, and slew of the Scots twenty thousand, Gisburn saith but ten thousand; so that very few were lost of the English company.

    The king, with a great number of prisoners returning into his realm, shortly after sped him over unto Flanders (as is above touched f973 ), where he sustained great trouble by the French king, till truce for certain space was between them concluded. But, in the mean while that king Edward was thus occupied beyond the seas, the French king, resorting to his oldpracticed manner, set the Scots secretly against the Englishmen to keep the king at home; which Scots, making themselves a captain named William Wallace, warred upon the borders of Northumberland, where they did much hurt. At length the king, returning from Bordeaux into England, shortly upon the same took his journey into Scotland, where meeting at York with the host, he marches into the realm of Scotland, winning, as he went, towns and castles, till at length coming to the town of Falkirk on Mary Magdalen’s day, he met with the power of Scotland, and had with them a sore fight, but, through God’s providence, the victory fell to the right cause of Englishmen: so that of the Scots were slain in the field, as it is of divers writers affirmed, above the number of thirty and two thousand, and of Englishmen but barely twenty-eight persons. Whereupon the king, again taking possession and fealty of the whole land, returned home.

    And yet the false untruth of the Scots would not thus be ruled, but rose up in a new broil; so that the king was enforced to make his power again the year following into Scotland, where he so suppressed the rebellion of the lords and of the commons, that they, swearing to the king’s allegiance, presented themselves by great companies, and put themselves wholly at the king’s grace and mercy: so that the king, thinking himself to be in peaceable possession, and in a great surety of the land, caused to be sworn unto him the rulers of the boroughs, cities, and towns, with other officers of the land, and so returned unto Berwick, and so into England, and lastly to Westminster.

    These martial affairs between England and Scotland, although they appertain not greatly to the purpose of our story ecclesiastical, yet so much, by the way, I thought briefly to touch, whereby the better it might be understanded by these premises, that which followeth in the sequel hereof. As the Scots were thus warring and raging against the king, and saw they could not make their party good, they sent privily to pope Boniface VIII. for his aid and counsel: who immediately sendeth down his precept to the king , a937 to this effect, that he should hereafter surcease to disquiet or molest the Scots, for that they were a people exempt, and properly pertaining to his chapel; and therefore it could not otherwise be, but that the city of Jerusalem must needs defend its own citizens, and, as the Mount Sion, maintain such as trust in the Lord, etc.

    Whereunto the king briefly maketh answer again, swearing with an oath, that he would to his uttermost keep and defend that which was his right, and known as such to all the world. Thus the Scots, bearing themselves bold upon the pope’s message, and also confederating themselves with the Frenchmen, passed over that year. The next year after that (which was the twenty-eighth year of the king’s reign), the said pope Boniface directeth his letters again to the king, wherein he doth vindicate the kingdom of Scotland to be proper to the church of Rome, and not subject to the king of England; showing, therefore, that it was against God, against justice, and also prejudicial to the church of Rome, for him to have or hold any dominion upon the same; which he proved by these reasons: f977 First , that when king Henry, the father of this king, requested aid of Alexander, king of Scots, his son in law, in his wars against Simon Mountfort, he recognised and acknowledged by his letters patent, that he received the same of king Alexander, not of any subjection or duty, but only of special favor. Item, that when the said king Alexander attended the coronation of this king Edward, he did it as a favor, not as a duty, as Edward confessed by his letters patent. Item, that when the said king Alexander did homage to the said king Edward, he did it not as king of Scotland, but only for certain lands of Tindal and Penrith, lying in England. Item, that when the said king Alexander left behind him Margaret his heir, being niece to the king of England, and yet under age; yet the wardship of the said Margaret was committed not to the king of England, as her superior lord, but to certain lords of Scotland, deputed to the same.

    Moreover, when any legation was directed down from Rome to the realms of England and Scotland, for collecting of tenths or other causes, the said legation took no place in the realm of Scotland, and might well be resisted (as it was in king Alexander’s days) in virtue of a special privilege granted to the Scots by the holy see, except another special commission touching the realm of Scotland were joined withal. Whereby it appeareth, that these be two several dominions, and not subject under one.

    Adding, furthermore, that the kingdom of Scotland first was converted by the relics of the blessed apostle St. Peter, through the divine operation of God, to the unity of the catholic faith.

    Wherefore, upon these causes and reasons, pope Boniface, in his letters to the king, required him to give over his claim, and cease his wars against the Scottish nation, and to release all such, both of the spiritualty and the laity, as he had of them prisoners. Also, to call home again his officers and deputies, which he had there placed and ordained to the grievance of that nation, to the slander of all faithful people, and no less prejudice to the church of Rome. And if he would claim any right or title to the said realm, or any part thereof, he should send up his proctors specially to the same appointed, with all that he could for himself allege, unto the see apostolic, there to receive what reason and right would require.

    The king, after he had received these letters of the pope, assembled a council or parliament at Lincoln, by the advice of which council and parliament, he addressed other letters responsal to the pope again; wherein first, in all reverend manner, he desireth him not to give light ear to the sinister suggestions of false reporters, and imaginers of mischief. Then he declareth out of old records and histories, that, “From the first time of the Britons the realm of Scotland hath always, from time to time, been all one with England, beginning first with Brutus in the time of Eli and Samuel the prophet: which Brutus, coming from Troy to this isle, called then Albion, after called by him Britannia, had three sons; Locrinus, to whom he gave that part of the land, called then of him Loegria, now Anglia; Albanactus, his second son, to whom he gave Albania, now called Scotia; and his third son, Camber, to whom he gave Cambria, now called Wales.” “And thus much concerning the first division of this isle, as in ancient histories is found recorded. In which matter, passing over the drowning of king Humber, the acts of Donald, king of these realms, the division of them between his sons Belyn and Brenne, and the victories of king Arthur, we will resort,” saith the king, “to more near times, testified and witnessed by sufficient authors, as Marianus Scotus, William Malmesbury, Roger Hoveden, Henry Huntingdon, Ralph de Diceto, and others, all of whom make special declaration and give manifest evidence of the execution of this our right,” saith he, “and title of superiority ever continued and preserved hitherto.” “And first to begin with Edward the Elder, before the conquest, son to Alured (or Alfred), king of England, about A.D. 901, it is plain and manifest, that he had under his dominion and obedience the king of Scots: and here is to be noted, that this matter was so notorious and manifest, that Marian the Scot, writing that story in those days, granteth, confesseth, and testifieth the same: and this dominion continued in that state twenty-four years. At that time, Athelstan succeeded to the crown of England, and having by battle conquered Scotland, he made one Constantine, king of that party, to rule and govern the country of Scotland under him; adding this princely word, that it was more honor to him to make a king, than to be a king.” “Twenty-two years after that, which was A.D. 947, Edred the king, our progenitor, Athelstan’s brother, took homage of Yric, then king of Scots.” “Twenty-six years after that, which was A.D. 973, king Edgar, our predecessor, took homage of Kenneth, king of Scots. Here was a little trouble in England by the death of St. Edward, king and martyr, destroyed by the deceit of his mother-in-law, but yet the Scots did not rebel.” “Forty-four years after the homage done by Kenneth to king Edgar, that is to say, A.D. 1017, Malcolm, the king of Scots, did homage to Canute our predecessor. After this homage done, the Scots uttered some piece of their natural disposition, whereupon (by war made by our progenitor St. Edward the Confessor, thirty and nine years after that homage done, that is to say, A.D. 1056), Macbeth, king of Scots, was vanquished, and the realm of Scotland given to Malcohn, son of the king of Cumberland, by our said progenitor St.

    Edward, unto whom the said Malcolm did homage and fealty. “Within ten years after that, William the Bastard entered this realm, whereof he accounted no conquest perfect until he had likewise subdued the Scots; and, therefore, in the sixth year of his reign (which was A.D. 1071) Malcolm, king of Scots, rebelling, was forced to do homage to the said William as to his superior. “Sixteen years after that, which was A.D. 1087, the said Malcolm did homage and fealty to William Rufus, son to the said William the Bastard; and after that, being slain in the third year of his reign, his son Duncan was substituted in his place, who likewise was treacherously slain; and therefore was ordained in that estate by the said William Rufus Edgar, brother to the last Duncan, and son to Malcolm aforesaid, who did his homage and fealty accordingly.

    A.D. 1096.” “Eleven years after that, which was A.D. 1107, the said Edgar, king of the Scots, died; when his brother Alexander was substituted in his place by Henry I., our progenitor.” “Twenty-nine years after that, David king of Scots did homage to Matilda, the emperatrice, as daughter and heir to Henry I., A.D. 1136. Wherefore being afterwards required by Stephen, then obtaining possession of the realm, to make his homage, he refused so to do, because he had before made it to the said Matilda, and thereupon forbore. Notwithstanding, Henry, the eldest son of the said David, did homage to the said king Stephen. “In the sixteenth year of the reign of Henry II., which was A.D. 1170, William, king of Scots, and David his brother, with all the nobles of Scotland, did homage to the son of Henry II., with a reservation of their duty to his father.” “Four years after that, which was A.D. 1174, William, king of Scotland, after much rebellion and resistance according to their natural inclination (king Henry II. then being in Normandy), acknowledged finally his error, and made his peace and composition, confirmed with his great seal, and the seals of the nobility of Scotland, doing therewith his homage and fealty.” “Within fifteen years after that, which was, A.D. 1189, the said William, king of Scots, came to our city of Canterbury, in the month of December, and there did homage to our noble progenitor king Richard I.” “Eleven years after that, the said William did homage to our progenitor king John, upon a hill beside Lincoln, making his oath upon the cross of Hubert, then archbishop of Canterbury, and there present, and a marvelous multitude assembled for that purpose. A.D. 1200.” “Fifty-one years after that, which was A.D. 1251, Alexander, king of Scots, married Margaret, the eldest daughter of our progenitor Henry III., at our city of York, at the feast of Christmas: at which time the said Alexander did his homage to our said progenitor, who reigned in this realm fifty-six years. And, therefore, between the homage made by the said Alexander, king of Scotland, and the homage done by the same Alexander, king of Scots, to us at our coronation at Westminster, there was twenty-three years. At that time, the said Alexander, king of Scots, repaired to the feast of our coronation, and there did he his duty as is aforesaid.” f981 Besides these letters of the king, the lords temporal also, in the name of the whole community and parliament, wrote another letter to the pope answering to that, whereas the pope arrogated to him to be judge for the title to the realm of Scotland, which the king of England claimed to himself; which letter I also thought here to annex, containing as in the words of the same here followeth to be read and seen.

    THE LORDS TEMPORAL, AND THE WHOLE BARONY OF ENGLAND, TO THE POPE The holy mother church of Rome, by whose ministry the catholic faith is governed, proceedeth in her acts (as we firmly believe and hold) with that ripeness in judgment, that she would prejudice none, but, like a fond mother, would have every one else’s rights preserved unimpaired as well as her own. Whereas therefore in a general parliament convoked at Lincoln by our most serene lord Edward, by the grace of God the illustrious king of England, the same our lord caused certain apostolic letters which he had received from you, about certain matters touching the condition and state of the realm of Scotland, to be openly exhibited and read to us seriatim: having heard and diligently considered the same, we perceived that they contained things which amazed us, and such as were hitherto unheard of. For we know, most holy father, and it is notorious in the parts of England, and not unknown in some quarters besides, that ever since England first became a kingdom, as well in the times of the Britons as of the English, its kings had the supreme and direct dominion over the realm of Scotland, and have been in possession of the said dominion without interruption in all successive periods; nor did the said realm at any time belong, nor does it by any sort of right belong, to the aforesaid church: nay, the same realm of Scotland of old time was in fee to the kings of England, ancestors of our aforesaid lord, as well as to himself.

    Furthermore, the kings and the realm of the Scots were newer subject to, nor wont to be subject to, any other than the kings of England; nor have the kings of England ever answered, nor ought they to answer, for their rights in the aforesaid realm, or for any other their temporalities, before any judge ecclesiastical or secular, by reason of the free pre-eminence of the state of their royal dignity and custom, kept without breach at all times Wherefore, after treaty had, and diligent deliberation on the contents of your aforesaid letters, it was and is the common, agreeing, and unanimous feeling of one and all, and shall be so immoveably in time to come, by God’s grace that our aforesaid lord the king ought by no means to answer, judicially, touching any of his rights in the realm of Scotland, or any other his temporalties, before you, nor undergo your judgment by any means, nor should bring his aforesaid rights into question, nor ought to send any proctors or messengers to your presence for that pupose: especially seeing that the premises would manifestly go to the disinheriting of the right of the crown of England, and the plain overthrow of the state of the said realm, and also to the prejudice of the liberties, customs, and laws of our fathers; to the keeping and defense of which we are bound by the duty of our oath made; add which we will maintain with all our power, and defend, by God’s help, with all our might.

    And further, we neither do nor will (neither can we nor ought we to) suffer our aforesaid lord the king by any means to do or to attempt the premises, being so unusual. improper, prejudicial, and hitherto unheard of. Wherefore, we reverently and humbly beseech your holiness, that ye would kindly allow the same our lord the king (who among other princes of the world, showeth himself catholic and devout to the Romish church) peaceably to enjoy his rights, liberties, customs, and laws, without diminution or molestation, and to let them continue untouched. In witness whereof we have set our seals to these presents, as well for our. selves as for the whole community of the aforesaid realm of England. Given at Lincoln, on the twelfth day of February, in the year of our Lord 1301, and in the twenty-ninth year of Edward I. f982 The year next following (A.D. 1802), the said pope Boniface, the eighth of that name, taking displeasure with Philip the French king, excited king Edward of England to war against him, promising him great aid thereunto.

    But he (as mine author saith), little trusting the pope’s false unstable affection toward him well proved before, put him off with delays. f983 Whereupon, the French king, fearing the power of king Edward, whom the pope set against his friendship, restored unto him again Gascony, which he wrongfully had in his hands detained. Concerning this variance here mentioned between the pope and the French king, how it began first, and to what end it fell out, the sequel hereof (Christ willing) shall declare, after I have finished the discourse begun between England and Scotland.

    Next year the aforesaid William Wallace, who had done so many displeasures to the king before, continuing still in his rebellion, ,gathered great multitudes of the Scots to withstand the king, till at length in the year following he was taken, and sent up to London, and there executed for the same. After which things done, the king then held his parliament at Westminster, whither came out of Scotland the bishop of St. Andrews, Robert Bruce, grandson of Robert Bruce above mentioned , a938 the earl of Dunbar, the earl of Athol, and sir John Comming, with divers others, who voluntarily were sworn to be true to the king of England, and to keep the land of Scotland to his use against all persons. But shortly after the said Robert Bruce, forgetting his oath before made unto the king, by the counsel of the abbot of Scone and the bishop of St. Andrews sent up unto pope Clement V. for a dispensation of his oath made, insinuating to him, that king Edward vexed and grieved the realm of Scotland wrongfully; whereupon the pope wrote unto the king to leave off such doings.

    Notwithstanding this inhibition of the pope, the king, prosecuting his own right, after he had understanding of the doings of the Scots and of the mischief of Robert Bruce, who had slain with his own hands sir John Comming, a939 for not consenting with him and other lords at his parliament, arrayed his power and strength of men, preparing himself toward Scotland; where, joining with the said sir Robert and all his power of Scotland in a plain, near unto St. John’s Town, he put him to flight, and so chased the Scots, that of them were slain to the number of seven thousand. In the which victory, such bishops and abbots as were taken he sent to the pope; the temporal lords and other Scots he sent to London, etc. Sir Robert Bruce, after this discomfiture, when he had thus lost both the field and his chief friends, seeing himself not able to make his party good, fled into Norway, where he kept his abode during the time while king Edward lived. When this noble Edward had thus subdued the Scots, he yielded thanks to God for his victory, and so setting the land in a quiet and an order, he returned unto London; which was in the thirty-fifth and last year of his reign, A.D. 1307.

    Now returning to that which I promised before, touching the variance and grievous dissension between Philip the French king and pope Boniface VIII. After the bishopric of Rome had been long void through the dissension of the cardinals, for the space of two years and three months; at length pope Celestine was chosen successor to pope Nicholas IV. Which Celestine a940 , in his first consistory, began to reform the clergy of Rome, thinking to make it an example to all other churches; wherefore he procured to himself such hatred among his clergy, that this Boniface (then called Benedict) speaking through a reed by his chamber wall, nightly admonished him, as it had been a voice from heaven, that he should give over his papacy, as being a burden bigger than he could wield.

    This pope Celestine, after he had sat six months, by the treachery and falsehood of this Boniface was induced to give up and resign his bishopric, partly for the voice spoken of before, partly for fear; being told by certain craftily suborned in his chamber, that if he did not resign he would lose his life; who then, after his resignation, going to live in some solitary desert, being a simple man, was vilely taken and thrust into perpetual prison by pope Boniface, craftily pretending that he did it not for any hatred to Celestine, but that seditious persons might not have him as their head to raise up some stir in the church; and so he was brought to his death.

    Wherefore this Boniface was worthily called the eighth Nero; of whom it was rightly said, he came in like a fox, reigned like a lion, and died like a dog. f986 This pope Boniface succeeding (A.D. 1294), or rather invading after Celestine, behaved himself so imperiously, that he put down princes, and excommunicated kings, such as did not take their confirmation at his hand.

    Divers of his cardinals he drove away for fear; some of them as schismatics he deposed and spoiled of all their substance. Philip, the French king, he excommunicated, for not suffering his money to go out of the realm; and therefore cursed both him and his to the fourth generation. Albert, the emperor, not once or twice, but thrice sought at his hands to be confirmed, and yet was rejected, neither could obtain, unless he would promise to drive the French king out of his realm. In the factious discord in Italy between the Guelphs and Ghibellines, which the part of a good bishop had been to extinguish, so little he helped to quench the smoke, that he of all others was the chiefest firebrand to increase the flame; insomuch that upon Ash Wednesday, when Porchetus, an archbishop, came and kneeled down before him to receive his ashes, pope Boniface looking upon him, and perceiving that he was one of the Ghibellines’ party, east his handful of ashes in his eyes, saying, “Memento, homo, quod Gibellinus es,” etc.

    That is,” Remember, man, that a Ghibelline thou art, and to ashes thou shalt go.” This pope, moreover, ordained first the jubilee at Rome; in the solemnizing whereof, the first day he showed himself in his Pontificalibus, and gave free remission of sins to as many as came to Rome out of all parts of the world; the second day (being arrayed with imperial ensigns) he commanded a naked sword to be carried before him, and said with a loud voice; “Ecce potestatem utriusque gladii,” that is, “Lo! here the power and authority of both the swords.”

    From that very year, as most stories do record, the Turks do begin the first count of their Turkish emperors, whereof the first was Ottoman, as you shall hear discoursed hereafter by God’s grace in the history of the Turks.

    By this said pope Boniface, divers constitutions extravagant of Ins predecessors were collected together, with many of his own newly added thereto, and so made the book called “Sextus decre talium.” etc. By him also first sprang up pardons and indulgences from Rome.

    These things thus premised of Boniface the pope, now will I come to the occasion of the strife between him and the French king Concerning which matter, first I find in the history of Nicholas Trivet, that, A.D. 1801, the bishop of Pamiers, being accused for a conspiracy against Philip the French king, was brought up to his court, and so committed to prison.

    The pope, hearing this, sendeth word to the king by his legate to set him at liberty. At the same time he sendeth the king a bull beginning “Ausculta fili,” wherein he revoketh all the graces and privileges granted either by him or his predecessors before to the kingdom of France, and threateneth to thunder out the sentence of his curse against him, and, moreover, citeth all the prelates and divines of France, and the lawyers both civil and canon, to appear personally before him at Rome on a certain day, which was the first of November in the following year. Over and besides, Philip had offended the pope by giving and bestowing prebends and benefices and other ecclesiastical livings, contrary to the pope’s profit; for the which cause the pope writeth also to the king by the aforesaid legate, in form and effect as followeth:

    Boniface, bishop, and servant to God’s servants, to Philip, king of the French. Fear God, and observe his commandments. We will thee to understand, that thou art subject to us both in spiritual things and temporal, and that the giving of benefices or prebends belongeth not to thee: and if thou have the keeping of any being vacant, thou must reserve the fruits thereof for the successors; but if thou have given away any, we judge the gift to be void, and revoke, so far as thou hast proceeded. And whosoever believeth otherwise, we judge them heretics. Given at Lateran, the nones of December, the seventh year of our pontificate, [December 5th, A.D. 1301.] Unto this letter of the pope, king Philip IV. maketh answer again in manner and order as followeth:- “Philip, by the grace of God king of France, to Boniface, bearing himself for chief pontiff, little health or none. Let thy extreme foolishness know, that in temporal things we are subject to no man; that it belongeth to us by royal prerogative to give vacant churches and prebends, and to make the fruits thereof our own during the vacancy; and that the gifts of prebends and benefices, made and to be made by us, were and shall be good, for the past and future; and that we defend manfully the possessors of the said benefices against all men: and them that believe otherwise, we think fools and mad men. Given at Paris, the Wednesday after Candlemas, A.D.1301. [February 7th, 1302.] The French king, however, not daring to the contrary, looseth the bishop of Pamiers; but when he had done that, he dischargeth both the bishop and the legate, commanding them to leave his realm. Moreover, to provide against the pope’s further proceedings, the king summoneth a parliament of the prelates, barons, and commonalty of the realm, to assemble in Paris at the church of Notre Dame, on Tuesday, the tenth day of April A.D. 1302. In the which parliament, the king’s chancellor, Peter Flotte, on the king’s behalf declared sundry griefs, wherein the church and realm of France were burdened of the said Boniface, and required their counsel and aid for the remedying thereof. Whereupon, they all solemnly engaged to support the king in his just quarrel; and moreover utterly forbade the prelates to attend the pope’s council aforesaid, nor so much as leave the realm. The king, likewise, commanded by strait proclamation that no manner of person should export out of the realm of France either gold or silver, or any other manner of ware or merchandise, upon pain of forfeiting all their goods and their bodies at the king’s pleasure; providing withal, that the ways and passages should be diligently kept, that none might pass unsearched. f991 After these things thus in parliament decreed and agreed, the prelates of the clergy consulting with themselves what was to be done in so doubtful a matter, and dreading the pope’s displeasure for this which was done already, to clear themselves in the matter, contrived among themselves a letter to the pope, partly to certify him what there was done, and partly also to admonish him what he should do: the tenor of which letter contained these words following: f992 To their most holy father and most beloved lord, the lord Boniface, by divine providence the chief bishop of the holy Roman church and of the universal church, his humble and devoted the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors of convents, deans, provosts, chapters, convents, and colleges, of the cathedral and collegiate, regular and secular, churches of the whole realm of France, gathered together at Paris, do offer most devout kissings of your blessed feet.

    We are compelled, not without sorrow of heart and bitter tears, to signify unto your holiness, that when the most serene prince, our most Christian lord Philip, by the grace of God the illustrious king of France, had heard the things which were stated to him of late on your behalf by the worshipful man, the archdeacon of Narbonne, a943 your notary and nuncio, and had perused certain letters from you presented to him by the same archdeacon, the tenor whereof was also communicated by him to a few of his barons who were in attendance; both our lord the king and the said barons were moved with great astonishment and vehement perturbation. Insomuch that the said our lord the king, with the advice of the said barons, commanded to be summoned before him the other barons then absent, and us also, that is to say, all the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors of convents, deans, provosts, chapters, convents, and colleges, as well of cathedral as collegiate, regular and secular, churches, and also all the universities, and commonalties of the towns, of his realm; so that we prelates, barons, deans, provosts, and two of the most learned out of every cathedral and collegiate church, should appear personally, and the rest by their stewards, syndics, and proctors, with full and sufficient authority, at an appointed place and time. Further, when we and the other ecclesiastical persons aforesaid, and also the barons, stewards, and syndics, and the proctors of the commonalties of the towns, were thus summoned, and when, according to the form of the aforesaid summons, by the king’s commandment we stood before the said king this Tuesday the 10th of this present month of April, at the church of Notre Dame in Paris, our lord the king caused to be propounded openly and plainly to all men, that it was signified to him from you among other things, by the aforesaid archdeacon and by letters, that his kingdom, which he and his ancestors hitherto have acknowledged they held of God only, now ought in temporalties to be subject to you and held of you; and that, not content with these so marvelous and strange words, unheard of among the inhabitants of the said realm since the beginning of the world, ye went about to put them in actual practice; and that ye had summoned to appeal’ before you the prelates of the said realm, and the doctors of divinity, and such professors of both laws as were born within the said realm, for the correcting of such excesses, faults, arrogances, wrongs, and harms, as ye pretend to be done by our lord the king himself, and his officers and bailiffs, to the prelates, churches, and persons ecclesiastical, both regular and secular, abiding within the said realm and elsewhere, also to the peers, earls, barons, and other nobles, with the universities and commons, of the said realm; insomuch that the said kingdom being utterly drained of its precious jewels and choicest treasures, which are to be preferred to the shields of the mighty, viz. of the wisdom of its prelates and other wise men, through whose ripe faithful counsel and prudent foresight the realm should be ruled and governed, the faith established, the sacraments dispensed, and justice administered (and therefore in losing them the country loses its real riches), must be exposed to events of a dubious issue and to jeopardy of miserable decay and of being utterly destroyed.

    In consideration, then, of these and divers other grievances which the said king complaineth have been and are continually practiced by you and the Roman church against him, his realm, and the French church—as, in your arbitrary reservation and disposal of archbishoprics and bishoprics, and your bestowing the great benefices of the realm upon aliens and unknown persons, yea and often upon suspected persons who never reside at the benefices aforesaid, by reason whereof the decay of God’s worship hath ensued, the pious designs of the founders are disappointed, the accustomed almsgiving is withdrawn from the poor of the realm, the realm itself is impoverished, the churches become dilapidated; while they remain destitute of service, the benefices themselves not supporting a curate owing to their revenues being wholly paid away to absentees, and the prelates not having wherewithal adequately to pay (or rather repay) members of the noble families whose ancestors founded the churches, or other persons of education, to serve the cures; for which causes devotion waxeth cold, and there is none in these days that would stretch out a liberal hand towards the churches, whereof out of published edicts example is afforded: Item, in your levying on the churches new taxes and payments, and imposing immoderate burdens, and extorting new exactions, with divers other prejudicial and hurtful novelties whereby the general state of the church is altered, the higher prelates being unable to give coadjutors to their suffragans, and neither they themselves nor their suffragans being able to enter on the duties of their office without having first run with gifts to the apostolic see: Item, in divers other matters, some of long standing but chiefly within your own time—he, not intending (as he said), nor being able, any longer to endure this so monstrous a disinheriting of him and his successors and of his whole realm, and so manifest a disparagement of his own and his kingdom’s honor; and being convinced that intemporals he hath not his superior any more than his predecessors had, as was notorious to the whole world; and being assured by the unanimous sentence of the soundest judges, to wit, the doctors in divinity and masters of both laws born within his realm, and others who were accounted preeminent among their class for learning, that he did maintain in this matter a just cause, and being disposed to take wholesome measures for the preservation of the ancient liberty and of the honor and state of the realm; for the easing of the grievances aforesaid, for reformation of the realm and the French church; with our advice and that of his barons; to the glory of God, the increase of the catholic faith, the honor of the universal church, and promoting of God’s worship; especially touching any grievances which might have been practiced by his officers against the churches and ecclesiastics (for which he had prepared a remedy of wholesome correction before the coming of the aforesaid archdeacon, and should by this time have put it in execution, but that he might be thought to do it for fear, or at your commandment); and furthermore, offering to sacrifice in the quarrel not only his goods, but also his person and his children, should the case so require;—as our lord he commanded us, and as a friend he begged and earnesfiy besought us, one and all, both prelates, barons, and others, to support him with our counsels and timely aid, as we were bound to do by our duty of allegiance, especially seeing these were matters wherein the good of all in general and of each in particular was clearly at stake, and the common cause was promoted, and the interest of every one was touched; and he requested to be answered by us, each and all, on these points distinctly and definitively. Then the barons retiring aside with the syndics and proctors aforesaid, after deliberation coming back to our aforesaid lord the king, and greatly praising and heartily thanking him for his laudable purpose and good will, answered unanimously, that for these matters they were ready not only to sacrifice their goods, but offered themselves and their persons to the very death, not refusing any kind of torment, adding with a loud voice, that if our aforesaid lord the king would (as God forbid) suffer or connive at the aforesaid grievances, they themselves would by no means endure them longer. Then answer being next demanded of us, although we desired of our lord the king and of the chief of the aforesaid barons longer respite for deliberation, urging with many gentle words and earnest persuasions and manifold apologies our conviction, that your letters had not been sent to the king with any intention or wish to invade the liberty of the realm or make innovations prejudicial to the king’s honor, entreating him moreover to keep the bond of unity which is known to have subsisted so long between the Roman church and himself and his predecessors, yet being denied longer respite, and it being openly announced that if any one should appear to be of a contrary mind he would be decidedly counted an enemy to the king and the realm—we then considering warily and seeing plainly that except our lord the king and the barons aforesaid should be content with our answer, besides other innumerable and infinite dangers and offenses, their devotion to the Roman and French church and also the obedience of the laity would thenceforth be irrecoverably lost. not without great pain and hesitation we thought good to answer thus,—That we would help our lord the king with counsel and timely aid, for the preservation of his person and family, and of his earthly honor, and of the liberty and laws of the said realm, according as some of us who hold of him dukedoms, earldoms, baronies, fees and other noble portions of the said realm, are bound to do by the tenor of our oath, and as all the others are bound by their allegiance. Yet we made humble suit to the same our lord the king, that seeing we were bound to obey the pope’s holiness, he would suffer us to go and visit your blessed feet, according to the tenor of your aforesaid summons.

    Then on the king’s and barons’ behalf followed answer, that in no case would they suffer us to go out of the realm, and that by no means would they bear to have the kingdom so miserably and dangerously exposed, or rather utterly despoiled.

    Then we—considering so great anger and perturbation; so jeopardous and so great that none could he greater, both of the king, the barons, and other lay people of the realm; and now knowing assuredly that by the wicked operation of the old Enemy, the hater of peace, who, ever since the Fall, hath been going about sowing tares to break the unity of the church by disturbing its peace, and to infect the sweetness of good works with the poison of bitter envy, and by all means to ruin and confound the human race; and that now, alas! a door was opened for the lamentable dissolution of the lovely band of that amity and singular friendship which have hitherto flourished between the Roman church and our lord the king and his predecessors in the realm, to the glory of God, the advancement of the Christian faith, and the glorious exaltation of the church, the king, and the realm; seeing also that crying offenses are rising up on every side, and that the churches and ecclesiastics are threatened with spoliation and even death, and that the laity do abhor and shun the company of clerks, and utterly exclude them from their councils and doings, as if conscious of a conspiracy against them, to the great peril of souls, with other sundry and divers perils, which neither tongue is able to tell nor writing to declare, thought good in this crisis of extreme necessity promptly to run with weeping voice and lamentable sighs to the circumspect wisdom of your holiness, beseeching your fatherly mildness, and humbly praying you to condescend to provide some wholesome remedy in the premises, whereby the profitable agreement and mutual love which have continued so long between the church, the king, and the realm, might be maintained in their integrity, and the state of the French church might continue in godly peace and quiet, and that you would vouchsafe to provide, that we and our states may be secured by the recall of the aforesaid summons, and that by the study of your apostolic wisdom and fatherly piety, the aforesaid dangers and offenses may be obviated. The Most High long preserve your holiness to his holy church.

    These things a946 discoursed and done, then followed the year of our Lord 1808. In that year we find in the French king’s records— A DECLARATION OF MASTER WILLIAM DE NOGARET, Made against Pope Boniface VIII., with his Appellation also made at Paris, before the King and his Council in the Palace of the Louvre f993 In the name of the Lord, Amen. In the year of the same Lord 1303, the first indiction, the 12th day of March, and the ninth year of the popedom of the most holy father the lord Boniface VIII., by God’s providence pope, in the presence of us public notaries and witnesses subscribed, the noble William de Nogaret, knight, worshipful professor of laws, standing before the most excellent prince the lord Philip, by the grace of God most noble king of France, spake viva vote, and delivered in in writing, the things following: “There were false prophets among the people, as there shall be also among you false teachers. etc.” (2 Peter 2.) St. Peter, the glorious prince of the apostles, here foretold, that, like as there were false prophets in former times, so there should arise false teachers, bringing in sects of perdition, by whom the way of truth should be defaced, and who should covetously make merchandise of us with feigned words; and he further added, that such teachers did follow the way of Balaam of Bosor, who loved the wages of wickedness, but had his bridled ass to correct his madness; which, speaking in a man’s voice, did utter the foolishness of the prophet. All which things as they were foretold by the great patriarch himself, so your eyes see them fulfiled this day to the letter. For there sitteth in St.

    Peter’s chair the master of lies, causing himself to be called ‘Boniface,’ that is a well doer, whereas he is notable for all kind of evil doing, and thus he hath assumed to himself a false name; and whereas he is not the true ruler, he calleth himself’ the lord judge and master of all men. And having come in contrary to the order appointed by the holy fathers, and also contrary to the rules of reason, and so not entering in at the door, into the Lord’s sheepfold, he is not the shepherd or his hireling, but rather a thief and a robber. For while the true husband of the Roman church was yet living (being one who delighted in simplicity), this man deceived him, and induced him with feigned flatteries, and gifts, and bribes, to put away his spouse, contrary to the truth, who cried, ‘ Those whom God hath coupled let no man separate;’ and at length laying violent hands upon him, having falsely persuaded him that what this deceiver said came from the Holy Spirit, he dared to take to himself with wicked embraces that Holy Church which is mistress of all the churches, calling himself her husband, whereas he cannot be; for Celestine, the true Roman bishop, agreed not to the said divorce, being deceived by such deep subtlety; but nothing is so incompatible with agreement as error and deceit, as even human laws bear witness. I say nothing of his violence. But because the Spirit inspireth where he will, and he that is led of the Spirit is not under the law, the holy universal church of God not knowing the craft of this deceiver, uncertain and doubting whether it proceeded from the Holy Ghost that Celestine should part with his government, and the people entreating it for fear of a schism, suffered the aforesaid deceiver until, according to the doctrine of our Lord, by his fruits it might be known whether the man came to the said authority by the Holy Ghost or otherwise: but his fruits, as is plainly hereunder declared, are now manifest to all men, by which it is apparent to the world that he came not in by God but otherwise, and so not by the door, into the sheepfold. His fruits are most evil, the end whereof is death; and therefore it is necessary that so evil a tree, according to the Lord’s sentence, should be cut down and cast into the fire. Nor can that avail for his excuse, which is said by some men, that the cardinals did agree upon him again after the death of the said pope Celestine, seeing that he could not be the husband of her, whom it is manifest he had defiled by adultery, whilst her first husband was yet living and worthy to have the vows of marriage kept unto him. Therefore, because that which is done against the Lord turneth to the injury of all men, and in so great a crime (by reason of the consequences) any one of the people, a woman, and even an infamous person, is admitted to bear testimony—therefore I, like the bridled ass, using the voice of a mere man, sufficient to bear so great a charge only in virtue of the Lord’s power and not my own, take in hand to rebuke the madness of the said false propset Balaam, who, at the instance of king Balak, that is, of the prince of the devils whom he serveth, is ready to curse the people blessed of the Lord; and I beseech you, most excellent prince and lord Philip, by the grace of God king of France, that like as the angel of God, in time past, met in the way with a drawn sword the prophet Balaam going to curse God’s people, so you, who are anointed to execute justice, and therefore (like the angel) a minister of the Lord, would meet with the drawn sword of your power and office this said wicked man, who is far worse than Balaam, that he accomplish not that evil which he intendeth to the people. 1. I propound first, that the aforesaid man, who nameth himself Boniface, is no pope, but wrongfully keepeth the seat which he indeed hath, to the great damage of all the souls of God’s holy church. I say also, that his entering was in many ways faulty, and that he entered not in at the door, but otherwise, and therefore is to be judged a thief and a robber. 2. I propound also, that the said Boniface is a manifest heretic, and utterly cut off from the body of the holy church, because of many kinds of heresy, which shall be declared in convenient place and time. 3. I propound also that the said Boniface is a horrible simoniac, and such an one as hath not been since the beginning of the world; and the mischief of this sin of his is so notorious to all the world, that it is manifest to all that will impartially judge, for he blasphemously declared in public, that he was incapable of the sin of simony. 4. I propound also, that the said Boniface, being implicated in manifest add heinous sins without number, is so hardened in them, that he is utterly incorrigible, and lieth steeped in a depth of wickedness, insomuch that he cannot be suffered any longer without ruin to the state of the church. His month is full of cursing, his feet and steps are swift to shed blood. He utterly teareth in pieces the churches which he ought to cherish, wickedly wasting the goods of the poor, and making much of wicked men that give him rewards; persecuting the righteous, and lording it over the people, not ministering unto them; laying a grievous burthen and an intolerable yoke on the churches, on the people of God, and on the nobles of the people, despising the humble and persecuting the lowly among the people; not gathering after Christ, but scattering, bringing in new and damnable heresies never before heard of; speaking evil of the way of truth, and with robbery making himself equal to the Lord Jesus Christ, who is blessed for ever. And he, being most covetous, thirsteth for gold, coveteth gold, and by subtle device getteth gold of every sort of people; and with feigned words, sometimes by flattering, sometimes by threatening, sometimes by false teaching, utterly disregarding the honor of God, and only to get money withal, he maketh merchandise of us all, envying all, loving none but himself, nourishing wars, hating and disturbing the peace of his subjects. He is hacknied in all atrocious sins, contending and striving against all the ways and doctrines of the Lord; he is truly that abomination of the temple, which Daniel, the Lord’s prophet, described. Therefore I answer, that laws, weapons, and all the elements, ought to rise against him who thus overthroweth the state of the church; for whose sins God plagueth the whole world: and, finally so insatiable is he, nothing remaineth to satisfy him withal, but only the insatiable mouth of hell, and the fire that cannot be quenched, but continueth for ever.

    Therefore, seeing that this wicked man, who offendeth both God and all men, ought to be condemned by a general council and sentence of all men, I ask, with all possible earnestness, and beseech you, my lord and king aforesaid, that ye would give notice to the prelates, doctors, princes, and people, our brethren in Christ, and especially to the cardinals and all prelates, that they all convene a council, in which the aforesaid wicked man having been condemned, the church may by the worshipful cardinals be provided with a shepherd, and before such council I offer myself ready lawfully to pursue the points aforesaid. And whereas the said man, being in the highest dignity, cannot in the mean time be suspended by a superior, and therefore ought to be held as suspended ipso facto for the causes aforesaid, the moment his state is called into judgment in the manner aforesaid; therefore I beseech and require the said cardinals by you, and I presently require them of the church of God, that the person of this wicked man being put under arrest, the church of Rome may be provided with a vicar who may minister those things that may appertain, until the church of God be provided with a pontiff, and that the said wicked man may not let and hinder the prosecuting hereof.

    But I require these things of you, my lord king aforesaid, affirming you to be bound to comply for many causes: first, for the faith’s sake; secondly, for the dignity of your kingly office, to which it belongeth to root out such pestilent men; thirdly, for your oath’s sake, which you made for the defense of the churches of your realm, but which the aforesaid ravener utterly teareth in pieces; fourthly, because you be the patron of the churches, and therefore are bound not only to the defense of them, but to the getting back again of their property, which this man hath wasted; fifthly, because, following the footsteps of your predecessors, you ought to deliver our mother, the Roman church, from so wicked a band wherein by oppression she is tied and bound. I require that a public instrument be made of these requests by these notaries here present, under the witness of the worshipful men that be here present.

    These things were done and spoken, as is aforesaid, at Paris, in the king’s palace of the Louvre, in the year, indiction, month, day, and pontificate aforesaid, in the presence of the reverend fathers in Christ, the archbishops of Sens and Narbonne, and the bishops of Meaux, Nevers, and Auxerre, and the noble earls, Charles of Valois and Louis of Evreux, Robert, duke of Burgundy, John de Chalons, lord D’Arlay, John de Dampierre, lord de St. Diziers, Gaucher de Chatilion, constable of France and earl of Porcean, and many others specially called and requested to be witnesses thereto.

    After this protestation of Master de Nogaret, immediately ensued the appeal of certain nobles, pronounced and published against the said Boniface, in form as followeth: f995 In the name of the Lord, Amen. In the year of the same Lord 1303, the first indiction, the 13th day of June, and the ninth year of the popedom of Boniface VIII. By the tenor of this public instrument, know all men, that in the presence of the most serene prince, lord Philip, by the grace of God king of France, and of the famous and reverend fathers in Christ, the archbishops and. bishops, religious men, abbots, and priors, and of the noble earls and barons, and divers other persons, ecclesiastical and temporal, hereunto subscribed, and in the presence of us public notaries hereto subscribed, especially called and required for this purpose, as is contained in the subscriptions hereto, the famous and noble, the lord Louis, son of France and earl of Evreux, and Guy earl of St.

    Pol, and John earl of Dreux, and William de Plesian, lord of Vezenobre, knight,—moved, as they said, with a fervent faith, with affection of sincere love and zeal of charity to be showed to the holy Romish church, and having pity from their heart on their mother, the universal church, which, as they said, was dangerously oppressed under the rule of the said lord Boniface, and suffered outrageous defacing and loss; and pitying the right faith, in which standeth the salvation of souls, and which, alas! for pity, in their times miserably pined away and perished through all Christendom for the lack of wholesome government of the church’, and earnestly taking pains., as they said, for the repairing and enhancing of the catholic faith: especially, seeing it was necessary for the same church, for the foundation of the faith, and the health of souls, that none should rule the fold of the Lord’s flock, but the true and lawful shepherd, and also that, because the same church was the spouse of Christ that hath no spot or wrinkle, all error, offense, wickedness, and wrong should be put away from her, and that salvation, peace, and quietness, through God’s mercy, might be procured to the whole world, which, they say, lieth in wars and darkness by the wicked deeds, cursed works, and hurtful examples of the said Boniface,—uttered and charged against the said Boniface (and the said William formally propounded and objected against him) heresy, and other divers horrible and accursed faults, wherein they affirm him to be entangled and commonly and notoriously defamed, the said king himself being present with the archbishops, bishops, and other dignitaries and churchmen assembled, to treat of their own matters and the matters of their churches, besides the barons, earls, and other noblemen, whose names are hereto subscribed, they swearing on the holy gospels of God, which they corporally touched, that they believed and could prove all and every the premises to be true.

    And the said William de Plesian swore further, that he believed he could prove the premises, and that he would pursue the matter to the uttermost against the said Boniface, in a general council or elsewhere, whenever and before whomsoever of right it ought to be done: requiring earnestly the said king, that, as a champion of the faith and defender of the church, for declaring of the truth hereof, to the praise of God’s name, to the increase and promoting of the catholic faith, to the honor and wealth of the universal church and of all Christian people, he would give his effectual help towards the assembling of the said general council, because in all such cases his royal house ever was a zealous maintainer of the truth, and that he would earnestly require the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates before-named, to cooperate. The earls and knights themselves also earnestly and often besought the said prelates, as true sons and pillars of the church, that they would effectually help forward the calling and assembling of the said council by all lawful means, according to the ordinances of the holy fathers and decrees of the canons. But when the prelates heard and fully understood the complaints aforesaid, considering that such a matter was not only hard, but most hard, and needed mature deliberation, they departed out of the place.

    But on the morrow, being Friday, the fourteenth day of the same month of June, in the presence of the aforesaid lord the king, and also of the lord archbishops, and of us public notaries hereto subscribed, being especially called and required for this purpose, the aforesaid William de Plesian, knight, said, propounded, affirmed, objected, and read, as was contained more fully in a certain paper which he held in his hand, whose tenor was after this sort: f997 I, William de Plesian, knight, say, propound, and affirm, that Boniface, who now ruleth the apostolic see, is a rank heretic in regard of the heresics, outrageous deeds, and wicked doctrines, hereafter to be declared; which things I believe to be true, and such as I am able to prove (or at least so much of them as shall suffice to prove him a rank heretic) at a convenient place and time, and before a lawful tribunal. I swear, then, on the gospels of God, corporally touched by me, that: 1 . He believeth not the immortality and incorruptibility of reasonable souls, but thinketh, that there is no everlasting life, and that men cannot at length attain joy, but that the whole lot and portion of comfort and gladness is in this world: and consequently he affirmeth, that it is no sin to pamper the body with all sorts of dainties. And out of the abundance of this leaven, he is not ashamed openly to say and confess, that he had rather be a dog or an ass, or any other brute beast, than a Frenchman; which thing he would not have said, if he believed a Frenchman had a soul that could enjoy everlasting life. This thing he hath taught to many, who have acknowledged it at the point of death; and he is commonly thus reported of in these things. 2. Also, he believeth not faithfully, that when the words ordained of Christ, have been spoken over the host, after the fashion of the church, by a faithful priest lawfully ordained, the very body of Christ is there.

    Hence it cometh to pass, that he giveth no reverence to it, no not a little, when it is lifted up by the priest; yea, he riseth not to it, but turneth his back to it, and causeth himself to be more honored, and his seat whereon he sitteth to be more embellished, than the altar where the host is consecrated; and he is commonly reported to do this. 3. Also, he is reported to say, that whoredom is no sin, no more than rubbing of the hands together; and this is a matter of common talk and rumor. 4. Also, he hath said often, that to thrust down the French king and people, if it could not be otherwise done, he would sacrifice himself, the whole world, and the whole church. And when he had said so, some that stood by said, “God forbid;” he answered, “God grant.” And when good men that heard his aforesaid words replied against him, that he should not say so, because the church of God and all Christian men would suffer great offense thereby, he answered, “I care not what offenses come, so that the Frenchmen and their pride be destroyed; for ‘it must needs be that offenses come.’” 5. Item, when a certain book made by Master Arnold of Villa Nova, a948 physician, containing and savouring of heresy, had been reprobated, condemned, and burned by the bishop of Paris, and by the divines at Paris, and likewise by Boniface himself openly and in the full consistory of cardinals, yet he recalled it and re-allowed it, being written again, and containing the same faults. 6. Item, that he might make the most damnable remembrance of himself perpetual, he caused silver images of himself to be set up in the churches, by this means leading men to idolatry. 7. Item, he hath a private devil, whose counsel he useth in all things, and through all things. Whence he said once, that if all men were on one side, and he on the other, they could not deceive him neither in law nor in fact: which thing could not be, except he had used a devilish art; and this he is openly reported. 8. Item, he is a wizard, asking counsel of soothsayers both men and women; and such he is commonly judged to be. 9. Item, he said openly, that the pope of Rome could not commit simony, which it is heretical to say. This is a sin reprobated as well in the Old Testament as in the New, and in the holy general councils: wherefore he is wont to employ as his tool a certain usurer, named Simon, to make merchandise for him of the higher prelacies, dignities, and benefices of the church (to the which holy orders be specially and necessarily joined), and of absolutions and dispensations, like as usurers and merchants use to buy and sell worldly things in the market; and of this common rumor runneth against him. 10. Item, that peace which Christ bequeathed to his children as his special legacy, saying, “Peace I leave with you,” he hindereth with all his might among Christian men, and striveth to sow discord and wars.

    Wherefore once, when it was said before him that certain parties wished to come to a friendly agreement after a good sort, he prevented it, prohibiting the one party from granting peace, and when the other party did humbly beseech him that he would give license to the first to agree, he said he would not, and that if the Son of God or the apostle Peter were to come down to the earth and command him, he would say, “I will not obey thee.” 11. Item, because the French nation (being manifestly a most Christian nation) followeth not his errors in the faith, he reckoneth and openly calleth them, one and all, Patarenes; using therein the manner of rank heretics, who say that themselves alone are the faithful church, but call the true followers of the orthodox faith Patarenes, because they keep aloof from their errors. 12. Item, he is addicted to the sin of Sodomy, and of this fault he is moat commonly and openly report. 13. Item, he hath caused and commanded many murders of clerks to be done in his presence, rejoicing at their death: and if they were not deadly wounded at the first by his servants, he ordered them to be smitten again, crying “Smite!” “smite!” by which means many have been slain. 14. Item, when he had condemned a certain nobleman to prison, he forbade the sacrament to be given him at the point of death, he desiring it and being penitent, saying, “that the sacrament of penance did not appear to him necessary to salvation.” 15. Item, he compelled certain priests to show unto him the confessions of men, and he afterwards published them openly, contrary to the will of them that were confessed, to their shame and confusion, that he might compel them to redeem their sins; insomuch that once he deposed a certain bishop of Spain, for a certain privy horrible fault that he confessed under ‘Benedicite’ to a certain cardinal, which confession he compelled the cardinal against his will to reveal, and then published it; and yet afterwards he restored the same bishop again to his place for a sum of money. Wherefore, he is thought to play the heretic in regard to the sacrament of penance. 16. Item, he fasteth not on the fasting-days, nor Lent, but without cause eateth flesh indifferently, and without cause suffereth his household and friends to eat, saying, “It is no sin,” doing in this thing against the general state of the holy church, and seeking craftily to overthrow it. 17. Item, he oppresseth and hath oppressed the order of the cardinals, and the orders of black and white monks, of Grey friars and Preachers, and hath said oft, “that the world was destroyed by them, and that they were false hypocrites, and that good could never chance unto any that would be confessed to them, or who would be familiar with them, or would harbor them in their house:” and he never said good word of any prelate, religious man, or clerk, but ever rebuketh and slandereth them, taking away their good name; and, that he may compel them to redeem their faults, he is glad of accusations against them: and this is the common talk and report of him. 18 . Item, of old time, he going about to destroy the faith, conceived a hate against the French king, even to the abhorring of the faith, because of the light of faith which is and ever was there, and because of the great witness and example of Christianity which is and ever hath been there. And he can be proved to have said before he had this see, that if he were pope, he would overthrow Christianity itself, rather than not overthrow and destroy the nation, or (as he calleth it) the pride, of the French. 19 . Also, it is reported that when the ambassadors of the king of England, in the name of the said king, did require and entreat for the tenth of the realm of England to be given him; he answered, “That he would not give them the tenth but on this condition, that he would make war with them against the French king.” And besides this, he is reported to have given great sums of money to certain persons, to cause that peace should not be betwixt the said kings. He himself, also, with all his might hath letted it, by messengers, letters, and other ways that he could, yea, by giving bribes. 20. Item, he is reported also to have promised Frederic, the present king of Sicily, that if he would betray king Charles, and break the peace which he made and swore that he would keep with him, and would stir against him, and kill the Frenchmen, that then he would give him aid, help, and counsel for that end; and for so doing he would give and grant him the said kingdom. 21. He confirmed also the king of Almain to be emperor, and said openly, that he did it to destroy the nation, or (as he calleth it) pride, of the Frenchmen, who said, that they were subject to none in temporal things; wherein, saith he, they lied on their own heads: declaring, moreover, that whosoever would say (yea, though it were an angel from heaven) that they were not subject to the said king of Almain, he were accursed; and yet he himself hath often before said (though, in repeating it, I do not pretend that he said what was true), that the aforesaid emperor betrayed his master and had treacherously slain him, and that he was not worthy of the name of king, nor had been duly elected. 22. Further, he dissolved the agreements of peace between the said king of: Almain and the king of France, by which each was to preserve his own right; and he is said to have enjoined them not to keep the oaths which had been solemnly sworn by the proctors of the king of Almain; thus preventing the blessings of peace, and sowing the tares of discord between brethren. 23. Item, it is openly reported, that the Holy Land was lost, and came to the enemies of God and the faith, through his fault; and that he suffered this, and denied to give aid to the Christians who defended it, for the nonst; spending the treasures and money of the church, which, as the patrimony of Christ, should have been bestowed for that use, in persecuting faithful Christians and friends of the church; and therewith he would enrich his friends. 24. Item, he is openly reported to use simony, not only in bestowing of benefices, but in giving of orders, and making dispensations. He hath set to sale all benefices of the church, and bestoweth them commonly on him that would offer most; and he maketh the church and her prelates his servants and vassals, not for advancement of the faith, nor to thrust down infidels, but to oppress the faithful, and to enrich his kindred out of the church goods and with the patrimony of Him that was crucified; and presumeth to make them marquises, earls, and barons, and is not afraid to build them strong holds, rooting out and oppressing many noblemen of Rome, and others. 25. Item, it is commonly reported, that he hath, contrary to the Lord’s precept, dissolved many marriages lawfully made, to the contempt, hurt, and slander of many: and he did promote his nephew to a cardinalship, being married, unlearned, and altogether unworthy, and notorious for his dissolute life; and compelled his wife to make a vow of chastity, and is reported after that to have had two bastards by her himself; and so goeth the common rumor of him. 26. Item, it is commonly reported, that he handled ungently his predecessor Celestine of holy memory, leading an holy life (peradventure knowing in his conscience that he could not forsake his popedom, and therefore that he himself could otherwise have no lawful entrance to the see), and imprisoned him, and there quickly and privily caused him to die: and of this the common rumor and report is through all the world. Moreover, he caused many great and learned men living as regulars (who discussed the point, whether Celestine could renounce the popedom or not) to be set in prison, and there to die. 27 . Item, he is reported to have recalled religious persons, who were living as regulars, without a reasonable cause to the world, to the offense of many. 28. Item, he is reported to have said, that he would within short time make all the Frenchmen either martyrs, or apostates. 29. Item, it is commonly reported, that he seeketh not the health of the souls, but the destruction of them.

    These things being propounded and read, the same William protested, said, declared, appealed, and added these words, reading them in writing. f999 I, William de Plesian, knight, protest that I do not propound the aforesaid things for any special hate of Boniface himself (for I hate not him, but his aforesaid evil deeds), nor to injure or slander him or any one else, but of zeal for the faith, and for the devotion that I have to the holy church of God and the holy Roman see; for the same causes, and no other, I speak it, when I say, I swear by the holy gospel of God, which I touch with my hand, that I believe him to be a perfect heretic; and that I also believe that from the premises, and other things, so much may be proved against him as shall be sufficient, according to the statutes of the holy fathers, to prove him a heretic. I swear also, that I will pursue the aforesaid things against him to the uttermost of my power, in a general council to be assembled at a place that shall be safe and sure for me, to the honor of God and increase of the Christian faith, saving in all things the right honor and state of the holy apostolic see.

    Wherefore, I earnestly and respectfully request you. my lord the king, to whom belongeth the defense of holy mother church and of the catholic faith, whereof ye shall render an account in the last judgment, and you, my lords the prelates, who be the pillars of the faith, and who ought to be judges of the aforesaid things, together with the other reverend fathers the catholic prelates of the holy church, who would attend a general council, that ye would procure and take diligent pains that a general council may be gathered in a fit and safe place and convenient time, before which the aforesaid things may be propounded, examined, and proved against the said Boniface, as is premised; and I likewise earnestly request you and my lord the king, that ye would require, and effectually induce the prelates, present or absent, in what country soever they be, to whom it pertaineth manfully to labor and to require others faithfully to do the same, that the aforesaid council may be gathered for the aforesaid matters in such sort as may he agreed.

    And because, so long as the matter is pending, I suspect Boniface himself, lest he, being angry and moved for the aforesaid things, should in any way proceed, or attempt to proceed, against me and my partakers, proctors, and helpers, friends and familiars, and my goods and theirs; therefore, by these writings before you, my lord the king and my lords the prelates, and you the public notaries, I here in person refer and appeal to the said holy general council to be assembled, and to the apostolic catholic pope that is to be and to the holy apostolic see, and to him and them to whom of right I may or ought to appeal; and I earnestly request once, twice, and thrice, that letters dimissory and testimonial may be granted me from you; putting myself, my followers, favorers, familiars, friends, proctors, and all that shall hereafter adhere to me, and my goods and theirs, under the protection and keeping of St. Peter and St. Paul, and of the said holy general council to be assembled, and of the apostolic catholic pope that is to be, and of the holy Roman see; sticking nevertheless, and willing to stick, to the appeal and appeals, process and processes, made hereupon by the noble man Master William de Nogaret, knight, so far as they shall be found to have been made lawfully, and yet not forsaking this present appeal.

    When these things were thus read and done, the king answered and required the prelates, making request, provocation, and appellation, as is contained in the paper underwritten, which was read there and then in the presence and audience of him, the prelates, and others underwritten, the tenor whereof is as followeth: f1001 We, Philip, by the grace of God king of France, hearing and understanding the objections propounded by William de Plesiano, knight, and previously by our beloved and faithful William de Nogaret, knight, against Boniface, now having the regiment of the Roman church: although we would gladly cover with our cloak the shame of an ordinary father; yet for our love of the catholic faith and the great devotion that we bear to the holy Roman and universal church, mother of us and of all the faithful, and the spouse of Christ, following the footsteps of our ancestors who hesitated not to shed their blood for the increase and defense of the church’s liberty and the faith, and coveting to provide for the purity of the faith and state of the church, as also to prevent the mischief of a general slander; being not able to connive at the premises any longer, seeing the estimate and opinion of him in these matters is vehemently and plainly increased by many and continual clam ours repeatedly inculcated upon us by men of credit and great authority; fearing moreover lest in the evident decay of the faith, some others, but especially we the kings and princes of the earth, who acknowledge that we received our power from the Lord expressly for the promotion and increase of it, may justly he charged with negligence; we agree to your requests in this behalf, and we be ready and offer ourselves gladly, as much as in us lieth, to bestow our labor and diligent pains for the calling of the said council, for the glory of God (saving in all things the honor and reverence due to the holy Roman church), in order that the truth may appear in the premises and all error be avoided; that the state of the universal church and of Christianity, and the interests of the faith and of the holy land may be consulted, and that the slanders and jeopardies hanging over us may be obviated: and we earnestly require and beseech, in the merciful bowels of Jesus Christ, you the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates here present, as sons of the church and pillars of the faith, who are called of the Lord to a share of the burthen of promoting and preserving that faith, that with all diligence ye would give heed as becometh you, and effectually labor by all fit ways and means, to the calling and assembling of this council, at which we intend to be personally present. And lest the said Boniface, who hath boldly and wrongfully threatened to proceed against us, should, in his anxiety to prevent any of his works of darkness (if any such there be) from coming to light, by directly or indirectly hindering the calling and gathering of this council, actually proceed against us or our state, churches, prelates, barons, and other our faithful vassals and subjects, or against our or their goods, or our realm, or the state of the realm, abusing the spiritual sword, by excommunicating and suspending, or by any other means; therefore, for ourselves and our well wishers, and any who may hereafter adhere to us, we refer and appeal in writing to the aforesaid general council, which we desire instantly to be called, and to the lawful pope that shall be, and to an), others to whom we should appeal; and yet not departing from the appeal made by William de Nogaret, to which we adhered then and also yet adhere, requiring earnestly a witness of our appeal from you, the prelates and notaries, expressly engaging to renew such reference and appeal, when and before whom it shall appear to us meet.

    Then the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and priors, within written, a949 answered the premises (as it is found in the acts), and made provocation and appellation, agreement and protestation, as is contained more fully in a certain paper there openly and plainly read, whose tenor followeth, with these words: f1002 We, the archbishops of Nicosia in Cyprus, Rheims, Sens, Narbonne, and Tours; and the bishops of Laon, Beauvats, Chalons sun Marne, Auxerre, Meaux, Nevers, Chartres, Orleans, Amiens, Terouenne, Senlis, Angers, Avranches, Coutances, Evreux, Lisieux, Seez, Claremont, Limoges, Le Puy en Vellay, and Macon; and we, the abbots of Clugny, Premontre, Marmoutier, Citeaux, St. Denis in France, Compiegne, St. Genevieve at Paris, St. Martin de Laon, Figeac, and Beaulieu in Limousin; friar Hugh, visitor of the houses of the order of Knights Templars; and we, the priors of St. John of Jerusalem in France, and of St. Martin des Champs at Paris;— having heard those things which were said, propounded, and objected yesterday and to-day by you the noble earls, and William aforesaid, against the lord pope Boniface VIII.; being moved with your sayings, propositions, assertions, oaths, and requests, and by other lawful causes, yea compelled by a sort of necessity, considering that the matter of our faith, which is the Christian faith, is touched in the premises: we that be called to a part of this care for the defense and maintenance of the faith, and the guidance of the souls of the realm, although unworthy, yet coveting to withstand the jeopardies that hang over us by reason of the premises and other causes, and thinking the calling and assembling of the said council profitable and necessary, that the innocence of the lord Boniface himself may clearly appear, as in our consciences we desire it may; or that it may be discussed, settled, and done, by the council, touching such things as are laid against him, according to the decrees of the holy canons,—answer you our lord the king, and you our lords the earls and William, that (saving in all things the honor and. reverence due to the holy church) we agree to your requests in this behalf, for the calling of the said council, and are ready to give help and diligent labor to the calling and assembling of the said council, according to the decrees of the holy fathers, and the canonical orders, not intending by any means to make parties of this matter, nor to adhere to any that make parties.

    Yet, lest the said Boniface, being moved or provoked by these things (as we fear he may be, from likely conjectures and threatenings thrown out by him of proceeding against us for the aforesaid things), should in any way proceed, or cause proceedings to be taken, against us, our churches, our clergy, and our subjects, on his own or any other authority, by excommunication, suspension, interdict, deposing, depriving, or under any other means, and under whatever color, to the preventing or embarrassing the said council; and that we may sit in the said council to judge, and may do all other things that belong to the office of prelates; and that our state and that of all who adhere or shall adhere to us may remain in all respects safe; for ourselves, our churches, our clergy, our subjects, and those who adhere, or may adhere, to us in this behalf, we refer and appeal in writing to the aforesaid council that is to be assembled, and to the true and lawful pope that is to be, and to him or them to whom of right we should appeal, and earnestly require letters of protection from you, and we commit ourselves, our churches, our clergy, our subjects, friends, and adherents, and our state, rights, and goods, and theirs, to the godly protection of the aforesaid council, and of the true and lawful pope that is to be; and we pledge ourselves to renew this appeal, where, when, and before whom it shall seem to us meet.

    Done at Paris, a950 at the Louvre, in the chamber of our said lord the king, the year, indiction, month, the Thursday and Friday, and year of the pontificate, aforesaid; there being present the noble earls of Anjou, Boulogne, Dammartin, and other earls above named; Matthew de Trie, Peter lord de Chambly, Peter lord de Wirmes, and Hugh de Boville, kuts.; likewise Messieurs Stephen, archdeacon of Bruges, Nicholas archdeacon of Rheims, William treasurer of Angers, Peter de Belle Perche, Reginald Barbou, and John de Montaigne, and some others both clerks and laymen, specially called and requested to be witnesses hereto.

    These things thus discoursed and done, the king summoneth another parliament, sending down his letters to his sheriffs and other officers, to summon the prelates and barons of the realm unto the said court of parliament, according to the tenor of the king’s letters here following: f1003 Philip, by the grace of God king of France, etc. Whereas we would take counsel with the prelates, barons, and other our faithful subjects, about weighty matters and hard, and such as belong greatly to our right, and touching our honor and state, and the liberties and laws of this our realm, churches, and ecclesiastical persons, and would also go forward and proceed in the aforesaid matters according to their counsel: we command you, that ye diligently in our behalf require and straitly charge all the prelates in your bailiwick, and also all and singular abbots and priors of the same your aforesaid bailiwick (to certain of whom we have directed down our special letters for the same cause), that, as they favor our honor, and the good estate both of the realm, of themselves, and of the church, they repair to us in their own persons, all lets and delays set aside, and all other business left off: showing to them, moreover, that we can judge none of them to be either to us faithful subjects or friends to the realm, who shall fail herein, or withdraw themselves in the aforesaid business, counsels, and helps in time.

    Wherein if peradventure any shall slack, or refuse to resort and come toward us within eight days from the time of this charge given by you, or your commandment; then we require you to seize all his temporal goods into your hand, and so seized to hold them until you receive other commandment from us.—Given at Paris, the Monday before the Nativity of St. John Baptist, A.D. 1803.

    Accordingly, on the Monday following, being the feast of St. John the Baptist, a parliament of all the estates of the realm of France assembled in the king’s garden at Paris, at which a vast multitude of his faithful subjects were present; when the articles, denunciations, protestations, and appeals, contained in the foregoing writings, were publicly read, and unanimously assented to; to the like effect whereof instruments, signed and sealed, to the number of seven hundred and more, were afterwards sent to the king from all parts of France, agreeing to all things in the aforesaid parliament concluded.

    After these things, the day before the nativity of our Lady, an army of harnessed soldiers well appointed, sent partly by the French king partly by the cardinals of Colonna, whom the pope before had deposed, came suddenly to the gates of Anagni, whither the pope had taken refuge, because he was born in that town. The captains of this army were one Schiarra, brother to the aforesaid cardinals, and the before-mentioned William de Nogaret, high-steward to the French king; who, finding the gates open, entered the town, and assaulted the pope’s palace, the palace of his nephew, a marquis, and those of three cardinals. And first, setting upon the palaces of the three cardinals, who were then chief about the pope, they rifled and spoiled all their goods. The cardinals, by a back door, hardly avoided their hands: but the pope’s and the marquis’s palaces, through the valor of their household servants, were somewhat better defended. The townsmen, seeing all their intent and strength to be bent against the pope, caused the common bell to be rung, and so, assembling themselves in a common council, ordained Adolphus, one of the chiefest lords in the Campagna di Roma, for their captain in this emergency, who, unknown to them, was a great adversary to the pope. This Adolphus bringing with him Reginald de Supine, another great lord in the Campagna and a great enemy to the pope, and the two sons of John de Chitan, a nobleman whom the pope had then in prison; at length joined he with the French company against the pope, and so beset his and the marquis’s palaces on every side. At length the pope, perceiving himself not able to make his party good, desired truce with Schiarra and his company, which was granted from one o’clock till nine. During this time of truce, the pope privily sendeth to the townsmen of Anagni, desiring them to save his life; which if they would do, he promised so to enrich them, that they should all have cause never to forget or repent their benefit bestowed. To this they made answer, excusing themselves, that it lay not in their ability to do him any good, for that the whole power of the town was with the captain.

    Then the pope, all destitute and desolate, sendeth unto Schiarra, beseeching him to signify the points, wherein he and his brethren had been wronged, and he would make him amends to the uttermost. Schiarra to this maketh a plain answer, signifying to him again, that he should in nowise escape with his life, except upon these three conditions:—First, fully to restore again, both to their temporal and spiritual rights and privileges, the two cardinals, Peter and James de Colonna, his brethren, whom he had before deprived, with all others of their stock and kindred; secondly, that, after their restitution, he should renounce his papacy; thirdly, that his body should remain in his power and custody. These articles seemed to the pope so hard, that in no case he would agree to them; wherefore, the time of truce expired, Schiarra with his army again assaulted both the pope and his nephew, who manfully resisted. At length, the soldiers fired the gates of the church, which was hard by the pope’s palace; whereby the army, having a full entrance, fell to rifle and spoil the church. At length the marquis, despairing of being able to hold out, on condition of saving his life and that of his son yieldeth him to the hands of Schiarra and the other captain; which when the pope heard, he wept bitterly. After this, through windows and doors with much ado they brast in at length to the pope, whom they treated with words and threats accordingly. But he held his peace. Upon this, he was put to his choice, whether he would presently surrender his life, or give over his papacy. But this he stiffly denied to do, choosing rather to die for it, saying to them in his vulgar tongue, “Ecco il collo, Ecco il capo;” that is, “Lo! here my neck, lo! here my head;” protesting that he would never while he lived renounce his popedom. Then Schiarra went about and was ready to slay him, but by certain that were about him he was stayed; whereby it happened that the pope received no bodily harm, although divers of his servants were slain. The soldiers, who ranged in the mean time through all corners of the pope’s house, did lade themselves with such treasure of gold, silver, plate, vestments, and ornaments, that the words of my author (whom I follow) do thus express it; “It is verily believed, that all the kings of the earth together were not able to disburse so much out of their treasure in a whole year, as then was taken and carried out of the pope’s palace, and out of the palaces of the three cardinals and of the marquis.” Thus Boniface, bereaved of all his goods, remained in their custody three days, during the which space they set him on a wild unbroken horse, his face turned to the tail, causing the horse to run and course, while the pope was almost breathless. Moreover, they kept him so without meat, that he was thereby near famished to death. On the third day, the Anagnians secretly mustering themselves together, to the number of ten thousand, brast into the palace where the pope was kept, and slaying the keepers delivered the pope by strong hand, who then, being brought into the middle of the town, gave thanks with weeping tears to God and the people for his life saved; promising, moreover, forasmuch as he was out of all his goods, and had had neither bread nor drink to put in his mouth all the mean time, God’s blessing and his to any good woman that now would relieve him with any thing either to eat or drink, and absolution from all their sins to any who would bring him ever so little for his support. And here now to see what poverty and affliction can work in a man: the pope before, in all his pomp and most ruffling wealth, was never so proud, but now he was as humble and lowly, so that every poor simple man, as mine author testifieth, might have a bold and free access to his person, and talk with him as with any other poor man. To make the story short, the pope in that great distress of famine was not so greedy of their victuals, as they were greedy of his blessing.

    Whereupon, the women came so thick, some with bread, some with wine, some with water, some with meat, some with one thing, some with another, that the pope’s chamber was too little to receive the offering; insomuch that when there lacked cups to receive the wine, they poured it down on the chamber floor, not regarding the loss of wine, to win the pope’s holy blessing. Thus pope Boniface being refreshed by the town of Anagni, took his journey from thence accompanied with a great multitude of harnessed soldiers to Rome, where he shortly upon the same, partly for the fear he was in, partly for starvation while under custody, partly for sorrow of so inestimable a treasure lost, died. After whom succeeded Benedict XI., of whom these verses are written: “A re nomen habens, benedic, benefac, Benedicte:

    Aut rem pervertens, maledic, malefac, Maledicte.” And thus have ye the whole story of pope Boniface VIII., author of the Sixth Book of the Decretals, which story I thought the more diligently to set forth, that all the Latin church might see what:an author he was, whose laws and decretals so devoutly they follow.

    Now, after the long debating of this matter between the French king and pope Boniface, let us proceed in our English story. f1007 With Robert Winchelsey, archbishop of Canterbury, above-mentioned, the king had like variance as with his predecessor, and accused him to the pope for breaking of peace, and taking part with them that rebelled against the king about usages and liberties of the realm. Wherefore, the king, being cited up to the court of Rome and there suspended by means of the said archbishop, directed his letters again to the pope, the contents whereof here follow in substance, taken out of the parliament rolls, where I find divers letters of the king to pope Clement against the said Robert, archbishop of Canterbury. And as this king was troubled in his time with both the archbishops, John Peckham and also Robert Winchelsey; so it happened to all other kings for the most part from the time of Lanfranc (that is, from pope Hildebrand), that every king in his time had some business or other with that see. As William Rufus and Henry I. were troubled with Anselm; Henry II. with Thomas Becket; king Richard and all England with William, bishop of Ely, the pope’s legate; king John with Stephen Langton; king Henry III. with Edmund the archbishop called St.

    Edmund; likewise this king Edward I. with John Peckham and Robert Winchelsey aforesaid; and so other kings after him with some prelate or other: whereby ye have to understand, how and about what time the church of Rome, which beforetime was subject to kings and princes, began first to take head above and against kings and rulers, and so hath kept it ever since.

    Among other things in this king to be noted, this is not to be passed over; that where complaint was made to him of his officers, as justices, mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs, eschetors, and such other, who, abusing their offices, extortioned and oppressed the king’s liege people otherwise than was according to right and conscience; the said king, not suffering such misorder to be unpunished, did appoint certain justices or inquisitors, to the number of twelve, which inquisition was called ‘Traibaston,’ or ‘Trailbastoun;’ by mean of which inquisition divers false officers were accused, and such as were offenders were either removed from their place, or forced to buy again their office at the king’s hand; to their no small loss, and great gain to the king, and much profit to the commonwealth.

    In the chronicle of Robert Avesbury it is recorded of the said king, that he being at Amesbury to see his mother, who was then in that monastery professed, there was a certain man who feigned himself blind a long time brought to the presence of the said Elenor the king’s mother, saying how that he had his sight again restored at the tomb of king Henry, her late husband, insomuch that she was easily persuaded that the miracle was very true. But king Edward, her son, knowing the man a long time to be a vile dissembler and a wicked person, used to lying and .crafty deceiving, dissuaded his mother not to give credit to the vile vagabond, declaring that he knew so well the justice of his father, that if he were alive, he would twice rather pluck out both his eyes, than once restore him one.

    Notwithstanding, the queen his mother, remaining still in her former fond persuasion, would hear or believe nothing to the contrary, but was so in anger with her son, that she bid him depart her chamber; and so he did. By the example whereof may easily be conceived, how and after what sort these blind miracles in those days and since have come up among the blind and superstitious people; for had not the king here been wiser than the mother, no doubt but this would have been rung a miracle, and percase king Henry been made a saint.

    But as this was a reigned miracle and false no doubt, so in the same author we read of another manner of miracle, sounding more near the truth, and so much the more likely, for that it served to the conversion unto Christian faith, to which use properly all true miracles do appertain. The miracle was this: In the last year of this king’s reign, Cassanus, king of the Tartars (of whom come those whom we now call Turks) fighting against the Soldan, king of the Saracens, in the plain of Damascus, slew of them a hundred thousand; and again at Babylon, fighting with the said Soldan, he slew him in the field, and two hundred thousand of his Saracens, calling upon the help of Christ, and thereupon became Christian. This Gassanus, I say, had a brother a pagan, who being in love with the daughter of the king of Armenia, a Christian woman, desired of her father to marry with her.

    Whereunto the king her father would not agree, unless he promised to be a Christian. Notwithstanding, the other being stronger in power, and threatening to get her by war, the king at length was forced to agree. In conclusion, it happened that the child being born betwixt them was overgrown and all rough with hair, like to the skin of a bear. Which child being brought to the father, he commanded it to be thrown into the fire and burned; but the mother desiring first to have it baptized, caused all things thereunto to be prepared. The infant being three times in water plunged, after the sacrament of holy baptism received incontinent was altered and turned from all his hairy roughness, and appeared as fair and smoothskinned as any other; the which thing after the father saw and beheld, he was christened himself, and all his house. f1010 In the reign of this king Edward lived Henry de Gandavo, Arnold de Villa Nova, Dante, and other more: also Scotus, called Duns, who, in his fourth book of Sentences, dist. 18, complaineth of the abuse of excommunication and of the pope’s keys: “Whereas before, excommunication was not used but upon great and just causes, and therefore was feared; now,” saith he, “it is brought forth for every trifling matter, as for not paying the priest’s wages, etc. and therefore,” saith he, “it groweth into contempt.” f1011 After pope Benedict XI. above mentioned succeeded pope Clement V., who in March A.D. l309 translated the pope’s court to Avignon in France, where it remained the term of seventy years after. At the coronation of this Clement were present Philip king of France, Charles his son, and John duke of Bretagne, with a great number of other men of state and nobility; at which coronation, they being in the middle of the pomp or procession, a great wall broke down and fell upon them, by the fall whereof duke John and twelve others were slain, king Philip was hurt and wounded, and the pope being struck from his horse, lost out from the mitre upon his head a carbuncle, esteemed to the value of six thousand florins. By this Clement it was ordained that the emperor, though he might be called king of the Romans, might not enjoy the title and right of the emperor, before he was by him confirmed; and that the emperor’s seat being vacant, the pope should reign as emperor, till a new emperor was chosen. By him the order of the Templars, who at that time were too abominable to be borne, was put down at the council of Vienne (A.D. 1312), as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared. He also ordained and confirmed the feast of Corpus Christi, assigning indulgences to such as heard the service thereof; and as pope Boniface before heaped up the book of Decretals, called ‘Sextus Decretalium,’ so this Clement compiled the seventh book of the Decretals, called from the same Clement ‘The Clementines.’ In the time of this pope, the emperor Henry VII. was poisoned in receiving the sacrament by a false dissembling monk called Bernard, that feigned himself to be his familiar friend; which was thought to be done not without the consent of the pope’s legate. The emperor, perceiving himself poisoned, warned him to flee and escape, for else the Germans would certainly slay him; who although he escaped himself, yet divers of his order after that with fire and sword were slain. f1013 As this pope Clement V. had now well provided, as ye have heard, against the empire of Rome to bring it under his girdle, insomuch that without the pope’s benediction no emperor might take the state upon him, he now proceeded further to intermeddle with the empire of Constantinople. He began by exercising his tyranny and power of excommunication against Andronicus Paleologus, emperor of Constantinople, A.D. 1806, declaring him to be a schismatic and heretic, because he neither would nor durst suffer the Grecians to make their appeal from the Greek church to the pope, neither would acknowledge him for his superior. By this it may appear, that the Greek church did not admit the pope’s superiority as yet, nor at any time before; save only about the time of pope Innocent III., A.D. 1202, at which time the Frenchmen with their captain Baldwin, earl of Flanders, joining together with the Venetians, were set against the Grecians to restore Alexis to his right of the empire of Constantinople, upon condition, as writeth Platina, to subdue the Greek church under the church of Rome. This Alexis being restored and shortly after slain, the empire came to the Frenchmen, A.D. 1204, with whom it remained the space of seventy years, a955 till the coming of Michael Paleologus, who (in the days of pope Gregory IX.) restored the empire from the Frenchmen unto its pristine state again, A.D. 1273. During all this time of the French emperors the Greek church was subject to Rome, as by the Decretals of pope Gregory IX. may appear. Then followed after this, that the aforesaid Michael, emperor of Constantinople, being called up to a council at Lyons a956 by pope Gregory X. about the controversy of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost (as is above specified) and obedience to the church of Rome; because the said Michael the emperor did there submit himself and the Grecians to the subjection of Rome, as testifieth Baptist Egnat, he thereby procured to himself such grudge and hatred among the Greek monks and priests, that after his death they denied him the due honor and place of burial. The son of this Michael was Andronicus Paleologus above mentioned, who, as ye have heard before, because he was constrained by the Grecians not to admit any appeal to the Bishop of Rome, was accursed by the pope’s censures as a heretic. Whereby it appeareth, that the Grecians, recovering their state again, refused all subjection at this time to the church of Rome, which was A.D. l306. After this Clement V. followed pope John XXII., with whom Louis IV., emperor, had much trouble (A.D. 1328). After whom next in course succeeded pope Benedict XII., which Benedict on a time, being desired to make certain new cardinals, to this answered again, that he would gladly so do, if he also could make a new world; “For this world,” said he, “is for these cardinals that be made already.” And thus much of the popes: now to return a little back to, the king’s story again.

    In the year of our Lord 1807, which was the thirty-fifth of the reign of this king, on the octaves of St. Hilary [Jan. 20th], the king kept a parliament at Carlisle, where great complaints were brought in by the nobles and ancients of the realm, concerning the manifold and intolerable oppressions of churches and monasteries, and exactions of money, by the pope’s legate William Testa (otherwise termed ‘Mala Testa’) lately brought into the realm of England. The coming of which William Testa was upon this occasion, as followeth: pope Clement, (who, as ye heard before, had translated his court from Rome into France, where he had been archbishop before), because he contemned to come and remain at his own see, the princes of Rome thought him therefore unworthy to enjoy Peter’s patrimony; and so by that means falling into bareness and poverty, he lived only on the money of such bishops as came to him to be confirmed, and with such other shifts and gifts; so that by this means, partly of bishops and other religious men and persons, partly under the name of courtesy and benevolence, partly under the pretense of borrowing, he had within the first year nine thousand and five hundred marks of silver; all his other charges and expenses, which he largely that year bestowed, being clearly borne.” Besides this, he sent moreover the aforesaid legate, William Testa, into England with his bulls, in the which he reserved the first fruits of the first year of all churches being vacant at any time or by any man, within the realms of England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, and also the fruits of abbeys and priories within the said realms, etc.

    Whereupon, the king with his nobles, seeing the inconvenience and harm thereof ensuing to the whole realm, in the aforesaid parliament, holden at Carlisle, withstood the said legate, charging and commanding him by the assent of the earls and barons, that henceforth he should abstain from all such exactions; and, as concerning his lord the pope, he would direct certain his messengers unto him, purposely for the same matter appointed: by the which ambassadors the king wrote unto the aforesaid pope, declaring and admonishing the pope, as right and reason was, that he should not exact the first fruits of the churches and abbeys, by his predecessors and noblemen of the land founded for the honor and maintenance of God’s service, for alms and hospitality; which otherwise, in so doing, should all be overthrown. And so by this means, the pope at that time changed his purpose concerning abbeys. But after that the fruit of English churches was granted to the king for two years: in which space he obtained the fruits of the aforesaid churches.

    During the which parliament before specified, as men were talking many things of the pope’s oppressions, which he began in the English church, in the full of the parliament suddenly fell down among them, as sent from heaven, a certain paper, with this superscription: f1019 AN EPISTLE OF FITZ-CASSIODORE TO THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND, CONCERNING THE ABUSES OF THE ROMISH CHURCH.

    To the noble church of England, serving in clay and brick, Peter, son of Cassiodore, a catholic soldier and devoted champion of Christ, sendeth greeting and his wishes, that she may cast off the yoke of bondage, and receive the prize of liberty. “To what shall I compare thee, or to what shall I liken thee, O daughter of Jerusalem? to what shall I equal thee, O virgin daughter of Sion? For thy breach is great like the sea; thou sittest alone and without comfort, and faint with grief, all the day long; thou art given up into the hands of one, from whom thou canst not rise without the help of one to lift thee up.” (Lamentations 1:18,14; 2:13.)

    For the Scribes and Pharisees who sit in the chair of Moses, I mean the Roman princes, are become thy chiefest enemies; who, while they make broad their phylacteries, at the same time (seeking to enrich themselves with the marrow of thy bones) “lay heavy burdens and grievous to be borne” on the shoulders of thee and thy ministers, and unjustly put thee under tribute, who from of old weft free. But there is no matter for wonder herein, for thy mother, “the queen of the nations,” after the custom of widows marrying her inferior, hath made him thy father, that is to say, hath preferred above all others the pontiff of the city of Rome; who is far from showing the relationship by any thing paternal in his conduct towards thee. He ostentatiously enlargeth indeed, his fringes and vaunteth over thee, and maketh thee to feel by experience that he is thy mother’s husband: for full oft he remembereth with himself that favourite text in the prophet, which he hath so deeply digested, “Take thee a great book, and write in it with a man’s pen; ‘Seize the spoils, and quickly fall upon the prey.’” (Isaiah 8:1.)

    Was it, however, to sanction such conduct as this that the apostle wrote (Hebrews 5:1,2), “Every high priest taken from among men is appointed for men in things pertaining to God, that he may mark, not that he may impose yearly taxes and harass people to death, but—” that he may offer gifts and sacrifices for sins, and show compassion toward the ignorant and them that are out of the way.” Accordingly we read of Peter the fisherman (whose successor he vaunteth himself to be), that after the resurrection of Christ he returned with the other apostles to the trade of fishing; and that when he could catch nothing on the left side of the ship, at the bidding of Christ he turned to the right side, and drew the net to land full of great fishes. Which teacheth, that the ministry of the church, whereby the devil is to be conquered and abundance of souls brought to Christ, to be useful for these ends must be rightly exercised; whereas the toiling on the left side of the ship importeth mis-management, which turneth out far otherwise; for faith must be shaken and despondency prevail, where that which is anxiously sought after is no where found. And who is so foolish as to believe, that he can at the same time serve both God and mammon; or that he can please his fancy and follow the suggestions of flesh and blood, and yet offer acceptable services to Christ? And doubtless that shepherd, who watcheth not for the edification of his flock, doth but prepare another way for that “roaring lion who goeth about seeking whom he may devour.”

    And now, O daughter, pry’ thee behold the unheard of practices of your so-called father. He removeth good shepherds from the sheepfolds, and placeth in their stead his own nephews, cousins, and parents, men quite illiterate, and as incapable as deaf and dumb persons of understanding and succouring the bleating sheep, and caring nothing how they are worried by the wolves, but, like hirelings, only minding to shear their fleeces; reaping where other men had sown, and wielding the crook, not “ut prosint,” but “ut praesint,” i.e. not to feed, but to rule; whose hands are always busy inside the baskets, but their backs decline the burdens. the consequences of all this are evident—the priesthood hath lost men’s respect, God is robbed of his honor, and the poor of their alms. And thus the pious devotion of kings, princes, and Christians, who endowed the church, is frustrated of its object.

    Must it not appear marvelous in the eyes of all men, that whereas Christ ordered the royal tribute to be paid for himself and St. Peter, and refused to interfere in a dispute about property, and declared his kingdom not to be of this world—that, nevertheless, a man who pretendeth to be the vicar of Christ should, contrary to his will, strive to bring under his girdle the kingdoms of the world and the princes thereof, with no right thereto but his assumed style, nor any title but the stroke of his own pen!

    And as for you, his daughter, what usage doth he put upon you!

    Doth he not pull you about as he pleaseth? Nor doth feel content with a tithe of your revenues, unless he get also the first fruits of the benefices of thy ministers. And what for? to raise a new patrimony for himself and his kindred, therein defeating the pious intentions of the founders. Other abominable taxes he imposeth, to pay his legates whom he sendeth over into England; not only pillaging you and yours of your food and raiment, but actually like dogs tearing your flesh off your bones. May not such an oppressor be compared to king Nabuchadonosor, who laid waste the temple of the Lord and plundered it of its gold and silver vessels? For whatever he did therein, the same doth this man. He also rifled the ministers of the house of the Lord, and left it destitute of its due support: this man doth the same. Doubtless it is better for those who are slain outright with the sword, than for those who are famished to death by inches; for the former die instantly, but the latter pine away with protracted pain, as the earth ceaseth to yield them nourishment. Truly, O daughter, “all they that pass by” may well compassionate thee, for “what sorrow is like to thy sorrow?” (Lamentations 1:12.) For “thy visage is blacker than coals” through much sorrow and weeping, “so that thou art no more known in the streets” (Lamentations 4:8): thy aforesaid governor “hath placed thee in darkness, and made thee drunken with wormwood and gall.” (Lamentations 3:2,5,6,15.) “Hear, then, the affliction of thy people.” O Lord, and their groaning: behold, O Lord, and come down (Exodus 3:7,8), for the heart of this man is harder than Pharaoh’s. He will not let thy people go, except under the strength of thy hand. For he not only cruelly harasseth them while upon earth, but he pursueth them after death: for all the property of Christians (be they who they may) which cometh within the description of ‘intestate,’ after their decease he encroacheth to himself. And by the way, the English nobility would do well to consider, how in times past the French, directing their longing eyes toward this realm, have had schemes for bringing it under their own dominion: and it is to be feared, lest what has hitherto been lacking in themselves should be supplied by the crafty dealings of this new enemy; for when the public treasury is exhausted and the native clergy impoverished, the kingdom must be in so much the worse condition for repelling a foreign invasion. Wherefore, that neither thou, O daughter, nor you her ministers, be led into a still more miserable bondage, it is expedient for your own sake and theirs, that thy most Christian king and the great men of the realm, who have already beautified thee with the richest benefices, and who in that case would have to defend you and the said benefices, should resist the devices, conspiracies, arrogancy, and pride of the said man, who, with no thought of serving God, but only to enrich his relations and like an eagle to set his own nest on high, goeth about through these and other impositions to drain England of all her money, by a sort of usurpation; and let them beware lest false simplicity in the matter bring on the ruin of the realm as well as thy own, when it would be too late to think of applying a remedy.

    May the Lord of all virtue take the veil from that man’s heart, and bestow on him a contrite and humble spirit, and cause him to discern the ways of the true God, and by them be extricated from his own errors and compelled to abandon his aforesaid sinister doings. Moreover, may the vineyard which the right hand of God planted, be filled with cultivators of the pure faith. And to encourage you to resist these attempts at usurpation, attend to the words of God in the prophecy of Jeremiah; “Thou pastor, which hast scattered my people and hast cast them out of their habitations, behold I will visit upon thee the evil of thy doings, nor shall there be a man of thy seed to sit on the throne of David and to rule in Judah any more. Let thy nest be deserted and be overturned like Sodom and Gomorrah.” (Jeremiah 22:30; 23:1, 2, 14.)

    But if by these words he will not be deterred from these his enterprises, and will not be brought to make restitution of that which he hath taken, then let them regard him as a man hardened in impenitence, and sing against him the 109th Psalm; “Hold not thy peace, O God of my praise,” etc. For truly as favor, grace, and benevolence, remitteth and neglecteth many offenses; so again the gentle benignity of man, being too much oppressed and grieved, seeking to be delivered and freed from the same, striveth and searcheth to have the truth known, and casteth off that yoke, by all means possible, that grieveth him, etc.

    What effect this letter wrought in them to whom it was directed, is not in story expressed. This by the sequel may be conjectured, that no reason or persuasion could prevail; but that the pope retained here still his exactions, whatever was said or written to the contrary.

    And thus much being written hitherto of these acts and doings here in England, now to slip a little into matters happening nearly at the same time in France, under the reign of Philip de Valois. a958 Forasmuch as about this time (A.D. 1329) was commenced a parliament by the said king of France against the pope, touching the jurisdiction, both temporal, pertaining to princes, and ecclesiastical, belonging to the church; I thought it not unprofitable for the reader to hear and learn the full discourse and tradition thereof, according as we have caused it to be extracted faithfully out of the true copy and records of Peter Bertrand, bishop of Autun, f1021 and chief doer and prolocutor in the said parliament upon the pope’s side against the king and state temporal.

    Forasmuch as the high prelate of Rome, otherwise called Antichrist, being then in his chief ruff, extolling himself above all princes and potentates of the world, as in other countries, so also in France, extended his usurped jurisdiction above the princely authority of the king, claiming to himself full government of both the states, as well secular as also ecclesiastical; the king, therefore, not suffering the excessive proceedings of pope John XXII a959 . above specified, directeth his letters mandatory to the prelates and barons of the realm of France, to convene and assemble themselves together at Paris, about the beginning of December, the year above prefixed; the tenor of which letters of the king, as directed to the prelates, followeth in this form and manner.

    THE SUMMONS OF PARLIAMENT BY PHILIP, THE FRENCH KING.

    Philip, by the grace of God king of the French, to our beloved and trusty the bishop of Autun, health and affection. Possessing, as you do, a fuller knowledge of divinity and the holy Scriptures, and more of that experience which is the mistress of other excellences, than our subjects generally, the more sensible are you how the clergy and laity of this realm, one and all, are bound as members of the same body to sympathize together, and mutually combine for the maintenance of unity and peace, and for avoiding the contrary as much as possible, every state contenting itself with its proper rights. Being advertised, then, that you and your officials complain of our bailiffs and officials, and of some of the barons of our realm of France, injuring you and yours, and in like manner that they complain of you and your officials, and the officers of your court, injuring us and them, and ours and theirs, as well in time past as now, by occasion whereof the bond of that true unity which ought to subsist between you and them (as was said) hath been somewhat loosened; and being anxious to maintain a good understanding between the clergy and laity, and, by God’s help, to provide some remedy herein; we require and charge you by these presents, to appear before us at Paris by the Octaves of the Feast of St. Andrew [Dec. 7th] a961 next ensuing, advised on the subject of the injuries which you allege to have been done you by the parties aforesaid. But we are by other letters of ours charging in like manner our baliffs and officials and our barons aforesaid, to appear personally before us at Paris on the day aforesaid, advised on. the subject, of the injuries which they allege to have been done them and theirs by you and your officials; that a wholesome remedy therein may by us and our council be provided, whereby the bonds of love and attachment and sincere charity may for the future be preserved unbroken, as they ought to be, between you and them. Given at Paris, the first day of September, A.D. 1329.

    At the day in the letters above specified the prelates assembled themselves before the king at his palace in Paris, that is to say, the lord archbishops a962 of Bourges, Auch, Tours, Rouen, and Sens; and the lord bishops of Beauvais, Chalons sur Marne, Laon, Paris, Noyons, Chartres, Coutances, Angers, Poictiers, Meaux, Cambray, St. Fleur, St. Brieu, Chalons sur Seine, and Autun. After due reverence done by the said prelates unto the king’s majesty there sitting in his own person, with certain barons and his council about him, a certain noble and wise person, lord Peter de Cugnieres, being one of the king’s council, rose up, and openly in the parliament house spake in the king’s behalf on this wise, taking for his theme, “Render unto Caesar that which is Caesar’s, and unto God that which is God’s” (Matthew 12), which he very skillfully prosecuted and applied, dividing it into two parts:—First, that obedience and reverence is due unto the king; Secondly, that there ought to be a difference between the jurisdiction of the clergy and laity, so that spiritual matters should be defined and ordered by the prelates and spiritual men, and temporal causes ruled and determined by the king, his barons and temporal men. All this he proved by many reasons both of fact and law, as more rally appeareth beneath in the answers of the archbishop of Sens elect and the bishop of Autun. Finally he concluded, that the clergy ought only to deal and have to do with spiritual matters; in defense whereof, the king’s highness would stand their good lord and maintainer. His oration being ended, he repeated certain words in the French tongue, which imported that it was the king’s intention to renew the temporal jurisdiction; and therewith he exhibited certain articles underwritten in French, whereof also he gave a copy to the prelates (translated into Latin), the contents whereof he affirmed not to appertain to the jurisdiction of the spiritually, but only to the temporalty, complaining that the clergy had wrongfully proceeded in the same. But notwithstanding, having made his proposition, he said, that the prelates were at liberty to deliberate and confidentially consult the king thereupon.

    The copy of the articles and the grievances of the kingdom of France, wrought by the clergy and exhibited to the king, with the answers ensuing upon the same, hereunder follow. 1. The cognizance of causes affecting real property, whether in possession or in right, by common law appertaineth to the temporal jurisdiction. But the prelates, with their officials, infringe the temporal jurisdiction, by taking upon them the determination of such causes real; especially in cases of actual possession and all cases of interdict. 2. Item, When a layman is disturbed or thwarted by a clerk in the possession of his land, and entereth a process before the secular power “in casu novitatis” or otherwise, the prelates’ officials at the instance of the clerk stop the temporal jurisdiction, warning both the secular judge and the party not to proceed any further in the cause, under pain of excommunication and forfeiture of a certain sum. 3. Item, Although the cognizance of laymen’s matters, except in spiritual causes, belongeth to the secular judge, yet will the bishops’ officials, at the instance of any party, call such before them; and if the laymen should demur to their jurisdiction, or the secular judges should require the cause to be remitted to them as the right judges, the officials refuse to do this, and even by excommunication compel the parties to proceed before them. 4. Item, If a clerk allege that he is injured in his immoveable property by a layman, the prelates’ officials will, at the instance of the clerk, proceed against the hyman. And if the layman allege that the cause is one of real property (it being so indeed), and that for that cause it ought to be remitted to the secular judge, this notwithstanding, the officials aforesaid prohibit them, under pain of excommunication or some great forfeit, from proceeding before the secular judge. 5. Item, The bishops’ officials endeavor to obtain the cognizance of contracts made in the secular courts either in writing or only by word of month and by their monitions and censures endeavor to make it excommunication for any to enter into such contracts. 6. Item, The prelates decree provincial ordinances or by-laws and synodal statutes, enacting therein many things to the great prejudice of the temporal jurisdiction, whereof they ought to have no cognizance at all, neither to inter-meddle therewith. 7. Item, The aforesaid officials appoint sworn notaries to draw the form of contracts made in places under the jurisdiction temporal, concerning the sale of immoveable property or otherwise; encroaching thereby upon the other jurisdiction, when verily they have nothing to do with any contracts and obligations, but with such as are made and agreed upon within the compass of their own see and jurisdiction. 8. Item, The said officials, by their mere office, frequently call laymen before them to answer to certain matters which they lay to their charge, the cognizance whereof, they say, doth appertain unto them; and when the said persons do appear before them, and deny the crimes objected against them, the officials detain them and put them in prison; nor will they release them, although in such cases release on bail is allowed by the law, and imprisonment appertaineth only to the temporal power, and not to them. 9. Item, In the cases aforesaid, although in the inquiry and process instituted by the said officials the parties be found innocent of that which is laid to their charge and be acquitted, yet these said officials will in no wise discharge them, before they have-paid for the writings, and process in that behalf, a good sum of money; when by law they ought in such cases to recover their costs. 10. Item, It must not be forgotten to mention the sentence of excommunication, which is summarily decreed by virtue of only one citation, so often as a man faileth to make his appearance. 11. Item, Mention is to be made of a certain kind of obligations, termed ‘De nisi;’ whereby a man is instantly excommunicated, if he make not payment at the day prefixed, although he be not able so to do. 12. Item, Whosoever by virtue of excommunication in the bishops’ court is so excommunicated, and does not then pay the sum mentioned in the excommunication, the sum is forthwith doubled; and the secular power is charged by the bishops or their officials, that they, under pain of being excommunicated themselves, compel the excommunicated, by attaching their goods, to pay the said sum; which monition if the secular power refuse to put in execution, they themselves are then excommunicated, and cannot be absolved till they disburse that money which the principal excommunicated person should have paid. 13. Item, If the bailiffs, headboroughs, or other the king’s officers and judges of the temporalty, should be disposed to execute the said monitions, but should find those that be excommunicated destitute of effects; the said officers are bound, at their own proper costs and charges, to resort to the bishop’s court, and there to take a corporal oath, that they found no effects with the parties excommunicated. This if they fail to do, those officers are sure to be excommunicated, and thereby forced to disburse the debt of the excommunicated persons. 14. Item, If two laymen be in suit together before a temporal judge about an action either real or personal, and one of them after fair contestation of law seek to evade the issue, and do appeal to an ecclesiastical judge, such judge will often presume to take cognizance of such actions real and personal, warning the temporal judge to cease from meddling therein in consequence of the appeal; and if the secular judge obey not, he is pronounced excommunicate, and compelled to make satisfaction; by occasion whereof, the temporal jurisdiction is much infringed and clean loseth its prerogative; because no man ever appealeth from a spiritual judge to the temporal. 15. Item, If a layman, inhabiting any of the king’s towns, procureth his debtor, being also a layman, to be arrested by the secular authorities of the place, then, if he who is so arrested appealeth up those who arrested him or caused him to be arrested, the bishops’ officials will take upon them to hear this matter; and if any thing should be attempted in the way of opposition to the appeal, they demand satisfaction of the secular authorities as representing the party on whom the arrest was served. And if any of the king’s servants advise them to resist this injury, they are straightways pronounced excommunicate. 16. Item, The said bishops have a number of officials under then,, whom they term deans of the clergy, who frequently summon all sorts of people throughout the king’s demesnes and elsewhere, only by word of mouth, to come before them, and that without commission; whereas in every diocese there ought to be one consistory, wherein alone causes should be heard and decided. And hereby it happeneth oftentimes that many are so summoned without any cause, to the end that they may pay a large sum of money to extricate themselves, which is to the no small prejudice of the king’s majesty and of his subjects, and of the temporal jurisdiction. 17. Item, The said deans seal up the houses of the clergy, and others belonging even to temporal persons, which are situate in the king’s towns, to the prejudice of the king’s majesty’s jurisdiction and that of the temporalty in general; for in such places the bishops have no such kind of jurisdiction. 18. Item, The said prelates, or their officials, do presume to seal up the moveable goods of clerks who are married and merchants; whereas, in such cases, the ordering thereof appertaineth to the secular power. 19. Item, They compel the laity to give security to clerks to answer before themselves in the spiritual courts; yea, and chiefly the king’s own servitors. 20. Item, They claim the right, even within the jurisdiction of the king and his subjects, of making inventories of the goods of laymen deceasing. 21. Item, They presume to take cognizance of causes “hypothecariae,” which are real, or at least-wise mixed, that is, both real and personal. 22. Item, The said prelates go about to have cognizance of such temporal men’s matters as dwell in hospitals and almshouses, whether situate in towns which are peculiars of the king or his subjects, or out of them, although the plea thereof appertaineth to the king himself and his subjects aforesaid; forbidding any man to be so hardy as to commence any suit against any of them but before themselves, on pain of excommunication and forfeiting a great sum of money. 23. Item, To the end the ecclesiastical rule should be aggrandized, they confer the tonsure on numbers of children under age, some of them being sons of bondmen, others born bastards; yea, and on many married folks, and disqualified and illiterate persons. 24 . Item, They do cause their deans to attach widow-women and to take them under their surveillance, and will have the cognizance thereof; as in like manner they will have the wardship of minors, applying their goods when they die, as they do also the goods of those who die intestate, to their own use: the cognizance of all which matters belongeth to the king himself, because those kinds of persons with their goods are in ward to the king, and under his tuition. 25 . Item, They cause temporal men of the king’s demesnes, or elsewhere, in violation of all order of law, to be apprehended by their aforesaid deans, objecting to them that they have offended against some article of Christian faith, and forthwith imprison them; whereas their apprehension and imprisonment appertain to the king, till such time as they be convicted of the crime alleged. 26 . Item, They exercise their jurisdiction in all places, having no regard either to the king’s peculiar towns nor yet to those of his subjects, but run into every hole; When, by law, they ought to have no jurisdiction without their own limits and precinct. 27 : Item, When these prelates or their officials by their monitions do charge the king’s officers and his justices to execute any thing, if they do not perform that which is prescribed unto them, they inflict a heavy fine; yea, and denounce excommunication against them. And this is a new invention sprung up of late amongst them, much to the prejudice of the king and his subjects. 28 . Item, When the bishops or their officials do prosecute any temporal man “ex officio” in their own court, and have no proof of the matter, they compel many of the laity to depose what they know thereof, having no respect whether they be the king’s burgesses, or not, or what they be; and yet will they not allow them any thing for their expenses: and if they appear not at their day, they are excommunicated. 29 . Item, If an offender be apprehended by any of the king’s justices, and indicted of theft, and he, to whom the stolen thing belonged, cometh before the king’s sheriffs, and proveth it to be his, and redress should be afforded him by them; if the bishops or their officials affirm the said offender ‘ex post facto’ to be a clerk, they will by their monitions and citations compel the king’s sheriffs to bring in the aforesaid stolen thing to them; arid if they do it not, they are excommunicated. 30 . Item, If it happen that the king’s sheriff bailiff take an offender for some offense, and he affirmeth himself to be a clerk, although he have no kind of tonsure and wear no habit appertaining thereunto; yet the bishops or their officials will by their monitions cause the detainers of him instantly to deliver up the said offender to them as their clerk. 31 . Item, If it happen that the king’s sheriff, or any other secular justice, take a thief or even a murderer who beareth a clerk’s tonsure, and therefor delivereth him to the clergy to be ordered, it shall not be long before he be acquitted by them, although he acknowledge the charge; yea, and notwithstanding that any laymen who may have been his accomplices in that affair should have been brought to justice for the same, and impeached him thereof; and so such offenders are thereby encouraged to commit the like again. 32 . Item, If any complaineth and saith that he is spoiled, by and by the officials will grant a monition against the spoiler, by virtue whereof some one of the deans of the clergy will admonish him to resign into his hands the things comprised in the monition, or else swear that he hath not spoiled the plaintiff of such things as he saith he was spoiled of. But if he refuse to take such an oath before him, then the dean will straightways seal the monition and excommunicate him; and by no means shall he be absolved, before he restore and satisfy the things comprised in the monition, whereof the plaintiff had said that he was spoiled. 33 . Item, If any for his offense be cast into prison by the secular power, although at the time of his taking he wore a lay habit, and had no tonsure, but all the days of his life had lived like a layman; yet, if he shall avouch himself to be a clerk, to the intent to have better speed at the clergy s hands than from the secular power, and to escape unpunished, the clergy will immediately issue a:monition to the secular power to give up and surrender the offender to them, or else an interdict will be laid on the whole township where the said offender shall be so imprisoned; and, for avoiding the jeopardy which might arise out of the said interdict, the secular judges are of necessity compelled to deliver up the offender, to the great prejudice of the king’s temporal jurisdiction, to whom the cognizance thereof appertained “in casu ressorti.” 34 . Item, When any offender is delivered up by the temporal magistrates to the ecclesiastical, on the plea of his being a clerk, his friends will make suit to the bishop’s officials for him, and compound with them, by reason whereof they dismiss parties unpunished; and so they do worse than ever, although their crimes before were sufficiently scandalous. 35 . Item, As soon as any married clerk, being a merchant, or of whatsoever other occupation he be, for some offense by him committed is called before the secular judge, the said clerk obtaineth of the officials a monition, and taketh with him some priest, who doth inhibit the secular judge under pain of one or two hundred marks, yea and of excommunication too, not to proceed further, nor to meddle in such causes, and not to molest such parties either in body or goods: and, if the judge obey not, the celebration of religious rites is suspended in that place, although the matter concerneth merchandise. 36 . Item, The said officials grant citations without number against the laity “in casu assecuramenti,” personally to cite before them persons unknown; but, if the persons be known, it is contained in the citation, that in no wise, and that under a great penalty, they cause their adversary to be called before a secular judge, while the present citation is pending and in force. 37 . Item, When one is excommunicated in any place, the said officials grant out personal citations against those, who do participate or are conversant with the excommunicated, causing a whole country for the space of one or two leagues round about to be cited together. And further, the friends and acquaintance of the party so excommunicated, sometimes forty, sometimes sixty, yea and sometimes a hundred at once, are compelled to make their purgation before them, that they do not participate or keep company with their friends the excommunicates. Whereby ensueth, that many honest old men for avoiding of trouble and expense do pay some twelve pence, some two shillings; by occasion whereof many vineyards are unlooked to, much ground is untilled, yea, and many good men are constrained to lay the key under the door and run away. 38 . Item, The said officials do burden many persons of good name and fame with being usurers, whereby they are constrained to compound with them, to avoid the infamy that thereby might ensue. 39 . Item, The aforesaid officials call by citation before them the honestly wedded, as well man as woman, charging them, that they have committed adultery; to the perpetual scandal of virtuous husbands and wives: and all for nothing else but for extortion, to wring money from them. 40 . Item, Mention must be made of the multitude of proctors, who eat and devour up all the world with their citations, and catch clients, and hold courts and assizes of their own throughout the country, and of their own authority drop their citations for money which they extort from the parties cited. 41 . Item, There be many other griefs and enormities, which the chapters, abbots, priors, provosts of hospitals, and other ecclesiastical persons in the realm of France, practice against the people; as, when they cause to be cited before them many of the king’s burgesses, and others belonging to divers privileged places: for instance, citizens of St.

    Brieu, Nantes in Bretagne, Lyons, Macon, with other more. But especially the provosts of hospitals use this trick more commonly than any others do, whereby the people are much endamaged, and will be every day more and more, if remedy be not had therein. 42 . Item, Ecclesiastical magistrates labor to have cognizance of causes of injury, of whatsoever nature it be, whether the injury be committed by word or deed. Likewise they take upon them to hear the causes of the wives of married clerks, although both they and their husbands be merchants by occupation; and if at any time such couples be taken by the secular magistrates, the official causeth an interdict to be laid on that parish, by virtue of the council of Senlis. 43 . Item, They challenge to have cognizance concerning widows’ goods, both moveable and immoveable; and if it happeneth, at any time, that a merchant’s widow, living in any of the king’s peculiars, by way of arrest procureth any temporal man to be convented before the secular judge, and the matter proceed so far that he should actually have been condemned by the sentence of the secular judge, and then it come to the ear of the ecclesiastical judge that the widow did summon her debtor before the other tribunal, the said temporal judge will be called to account, and by their monitions and censures they will compel him to make amends: and this oftentimes happeneth. 44 . Item, Many of the tenants and inhabiters of the bishops’ lands call one another to the court of the officials by a particular kind of appeal termed ‘Volagia,’ whereof the officials presume take cognizance, to the prejudice of the temporal jurisdiction of our sovereign lord the king. 45 . Item, If any man be apprehended by a secular justice in a riot wherein blood was shed, he is to be ordered by him, if he be lay; but if he be a clerk, he is to be surrendered to the ecclesiastical judge.

    Whether he be a temporal man or a clerk, however, who is so taken, if he appealeth to the officials’ court, they will be so bold as to take cognizance thereof, requiring withal amends of the secular court, which undertook the aforesaid apprehension. If this be suffered, offenders shall never be punished, for by and by they will appeal, and immediately after the appeal fly and void away. 46. Item, When they cause many “ex officio” to be cited before them, they will not allow them to have proctors; to whom, when they come at the day assigned, they object the crime of usury; and except they answer as the pro)rioters themselves wish, they are trodden under foot (although they be mere laymen), and shall not be dismissed before they fine just as the officials themselves list, although they be no usurers; but if any be usurers, the said officials take of them fees and bribes, and then they are permitted to practice their usury as before, so that the others may have their old fees and bribes. 47 . Item, They procure their officers to apprehend clerks in whatsoever soil they be found, in spite of their appealing to the justice of the place: and if by any they be hindered of their will herein, they by sentence of excommunication do forthwith cause them to desist therefrom. 48. Item, As often as any temporal magistrates apprehend any person, who afterwards, on being demanded by the ecclesiastical authorities as a clerk, is given up to them without demur, yet, for all that, the officials cause those magistrates to be denounced as excommunicate by the canon law. 49 . Item, The prelates grant the tonsure as well to men of thirty years and upward, as also to married men, when they come to them in fear of imprisonment and punishment due into them for some criminal offense before committed; and this is oftentimes put in practice. 50. Item, If it happen that any of the king’s servants or any others are excommunicate, who would fain be absolved, being glad to pay reasonably for the same, the clergy will not accept satisfaction but such as shall please them; wherefore many of them remain still excomumnicate. 51. Item, When two persons have been at strife together respecting immoveable property, and the matter in dispute is put into the hands of the king by some servant or officer of the king, for the taking up of the matter, then do the prelates admonish the one part not to trouble the other who is in possession; otherwise, if he do, they excommunicate him. 52. Item, The aforesaid prelates, deans, chaplains, and the rest of the clergy, put the king’s officers to so much trouble and expense in defending the king’s jurisdiction, invaded as in the aforesaid instances, that many of them spend and consume, in the maintenance of the king’s right and title, all that they have. 53. Item, If any secular justice for a true and just cause, at the request of the party, putteth in his helping hand concerning immoveable property of clerks, the ecclesiastical judges and their ministers send out monitions in writing against the said justice, yea, under pain of excommunication and forfeiture, £o take away his hand and leave off; enjoining him further to suffer the other party quietly to enjoy the said things. Otherwise they denounce him excommunicate, and he shall not be absolved before he have well paid for it, even as pleaseth ‘master official;’ to the prejudice of the authority of our sovereign lord the king. 54. Item, The ecclesiastical authorities, as soon as they hear that any rich or fat ‘Cob’ is dead, or think that he cannot live long, send out, forthwith, letters under their seal to the clergyman, commanding him in no wise to presume to bury him, although he made his testament and received the rites of the church. And when, afterwards, the friends and kinsfolks of the dead resort unto them to know the cause of their inhibition, they assert that he was an usurer, and that he kept not the commandments of the church: and so long keep they the corpse of the dead unburied, till his friends redeem it with good store of money; by which means they have acquired large sums of money. 55. Item, If there be any violent shedding of blood in any church-yard whereby an interdict taketh place, the clergy causeth a fine of ten pounds to be levied on all the parishioners, as their consideration for the purgation of their church-yard, although some of the parishioners be exempt from their jurisdiction; yea, and although he who shed the blood has already paid the whole sum which they levied, and more too. 56 . Item, Certain chaplains affirm themselves to have certain apostolic privileges, by virtue whereof they appoint what judges they will, yea, and oftentimes of their own college, and so they be judges in their own cause; which is plainly against the law. By this oftentimes it happeneth, that after great process and expenses incurred in some great cause (more often about realty than otherwise), on receiving a hint from their own proctors and advocates that they shall have the foil therein, they revoke forthwith those aforenamed judges; and so the king’s subjects are damnified, and can have no justice or redress at their hands. 57 . Item, If any layman call a clerk before a secular judge in case of inheritance, the ecclesiastical judges procure a stop to be made therein, claiming to themselves the cognizance thereof: and the layman is constrained to make satisfaction for taking such a course. 58 . Item, The clergy challenge the cognizance of such causes as married clerks, being merchants and artificers, do commence; when by law they appertain to the temporality, especially about the matters of merchandise. 59 . Item, They oftentimes lay interdict on the king’s towns and castles, and cause the divine service to cease; contrary to the privileges granted by many of the high bishops of Rome to our sovereign lord the king. 60 . Item, To and for the maintenance and keeping of their temporalties, they appoint their own clerks to be their bailiffs and officers; who, if they do offend, are not condignly punished according to law and justice. 61 . Item, The ecclesiastical judges have proctors belonging to them, who, when any man is excommunicated (be it right, or be it wrong), cause by their monitions that no man shall work or do any thing for him that is excommunicated; whereby the lands and vineyards oftentimes remain untilled, to the no small prejudice of the king and his people. 62 . Item, The aforesaid promoters cause citations to be made out, whereby they summon in one citation twenty, thirty, forty persons or more to appear, for communicating with such interdicted persons; taking of some ten, of others twenty shillings, according as they are able: whereby the common people are much oppressed. 63 . Item, The ecclesiastical judges cause all the advocates of their courts to be sworn, that none shall retain them as counsel against them without their license: whereby oftentimes, the poor man quite loseth his right, and the king’s own pensioners cannot freely act as counsel, without special license of the judges. 64 . Item, They will make inventories of their goods who die intestate; and will have the possession of their goods, as well moveable as immoveable, to distribute with their own hands to the heirs, or to whom they list. 65 . Item, The execution also of wills in general they take into their own hands, taking inventories of dead men’s goods, and keeping or disposing of them to the heirs after their pleasure. And they have officials properly deputed for the execution thereof. 66 . Item, They sometimes will not give credit to wills made before witnesses, unless they be first by their own officials approved.

    After the lord Peter had thus spoken, the prelates required to have time to answer thereunto: whereupon, the Friday next ensuing was appointed for the same. On that day, being December the 15th, a963 the lord Peter Roger, a964 archbishop of Sens elect, in the name of the whole clergy answered for them all before the king, holding his parliament that day at Vincennes; and thus he there propounded:

    ANSWER OF THE PRELATES TO THE LORD PETER’S ORATION BEFORE PHILIP, THE FRENCH KING.

    At the last meeting, the lord Peter de Cugnieres, propounding against the Church of France, took for his theme that which is written in the twenty-second chapter of Matthew, “Render unto Caesar that which is Caesar’s, and unto God that which is God’s;” in which words, he said, two points were to be noted: first, the reverence and subjection which the prelates ought to show to the king their sovereign; secondly, the separation of the temporal jurisdiction from the spiritual. the first whereof he went about to prove out of the second chapter or’ the first epistle of Peter, where it is written, “Submit yourselves unto every human creature for the Lord’s sake, whether it be unto the king, as unto the superior, or unto governors, as unto them that are sent of him the punish-merit of evil doers and for the praise of them that do well.” The second point he went about to prove by the words of our Savior Christ in Luke (chap. 12), where the apostle saith, “Lord, behold, here are two swords,” and he said unto them, “It is enough;” understanding by the two swords the two jurisdictions: and likewise out of Matthew (chap. 17), where Christ would pay tribute for himself and Peter, giving hereby an example, how that ecclesiastical persons were bound to pay and yield to the temporal power the temporalities; which also is proved in the canon law, Causa 11:Quaest. 1. cap. ‘Si tributum’ et cap. ‘Magnum.’

    And further, he argued the same points from the civil law, (Corpus Authentic. Collatio i., Titus vt. Novella vt. in principle, ‘Quomodo oporteat Episcopos et clericos ad ordinem redact);’ where it is said, two great gifts are bestowed, priesthood and empire, priesthood to rule over matters divine, empire to bear domination over human matters. Whence he concluded, that seeing these jurisdictions are distinguished of God (the one being given and limited to the church, and the other to the temporalty), the church in no wise ought to intermeddle ,with the temporal jurisdiction, seeing it is written in Proverbs (chap. 23), “You ought not to pass the ancient limits and bounds, which the forefathers have set.”

    And he laid much stress on the word “ancient;” because customs (he said) brought in to the contrary be of no force, but rather are counted abuses and corruptions. Neither (said he) can prescription take place, for that “jus fisci” is imprescriptible: neither can the king renounce such his royal right: proving the same by many chapters contained in the 10th Distinction. Wherefore seeing the king, at the time he was crowned, swore not only not to alienate or infringe the rights of his realm, but even to restore such rights as had been alienated and usurped either by the church or by any other, the king was bound by his oath to revoke the said abuses.

    Also, he did exhibit many particular articles in writing, wherein, as he said, the church did usurp upon the jurisdiction temporal.

    To answer these premises with reconciling of the places, I take for my theme that which is written 1 Peter 2; under previous protestation, that whatsoever I shall say, it is not to ground or make any final judgment or determination herein; but only to inform the conscience of our sovereign lord the king and his assessors here assembled. I proceed therefore to consider what the apostle saith (1 Peter 2), “Fear God and honor the king.” In which words St. Peter teacheth us two things: First, that filial fear and obedience are due unto God for the mightiness and puissance of his majesty, saying, “Fear God;” Secondly, that special honor and reverence is due to the king for the excellency of his dignity, saying “Honor the king.” But note you by the way, how the apostle placeth his words: first he saith, that fear is due unto God, because principally and in chief we ought to fear God. For if the king or any other should command things contrary to God, we ought to have no regard thereof, but to con-teton the king and obey God. For it is written in the Acts of the Apostles (chap. 5), “We ought rather to obey God than men;” and also in the second book of Maccabees (chap. 7), it is said, “I will not obey the commandments of the king, but the law.” The reason of this St. Augustine giveth thus, in his gloss upon Romans (13:2), a965 cited also in the Causa 11:Quaest. 3. cap. 97. “Qui resistit:”—“But put the ease, thou art commanded to do that which thou canst not or mayest not do: doubtless, that thou must neglect the lesser power and fear the higher in such a ease, is a lesson which thou art taught by the degrees of worldly things. As for example, be it so that a procurator commandeth thee any thing, and the same be against the proconsul, thou oughtest not to follow it.

    Yea, and further, put the case that the proconsul commandeth one thing, the emperor another, and God willeth the third, thou must not care for them, but obey God, for God is the greater power. For they may threaten thee with prison, but God threateneth thee with hell fire: they may kill thy body, but God may send thee, body and soul, to hell fire.” And therefore worthly it is put first Fear God.”

    And here the place in the last of Ecclesiastes is to be adjoined, where it is written, “Fear God and keep his commandments.” And methinks, a man’s fear of God is to be estimated chiefly from three things: that is to say, first, from his bountiful bestowing of God’s gifts and benefits; secondly, from his honoring and providing for God’s ministers; and lastly, from his full rendering unto every, man his own. First, I say, from the bountiful bestowing of God’s gifts and benefits. And for this cause the emperor Justinian writeth: f1029 “Although hardly anything is to be accounted good, which is unmeasured, yet for a prince to bestow unmeasured favors upon the church, is good.” Nay, the emperor is bound to bestow so much the more, as God hath given him more, and to be himself, as it were, one great gift, and to give readily, especially to the holy churches, wherein the best measure is an unmeasured abundance of the Lord’s property.” And to this end Gregory saith to Albert, a French noble [cap. 1, Extra “de donationibus”], that a nobleman ought in a manner to prescribe this law to himself, to think him. self bound to give even what he giveth volutarily; and unless he still increase in giving, to think that he hath given nothing. f1030 Wherefore Abel, as appeareth in Genesis 4, who offered of the best to the Lord, was blessed of God. And therefore divers kings, the more they offered to God, the more they were both spiritually and temporally blessed of him; as we read of Joshua, David, Solomon, and others in the book of the Kings. And therefore it is written in Numbers 18: “And ye shall separate unto the Lord’s treasury things that be best.” As likewise David saith, in the first book of Paralipomena the last chapter: “I have willingly offered all these things, and now have I seen with joy thy people which here are present offer with a free will unto thee.” And no marvel, for David saith in that place: “All things come of thee, and of thine own have we given thee.” And it seemeth to me, that because the kings of France, and the barons of the same, have given to God and his church more than those of any other realm, therefore they have been happy above all others, and the more they did give to God, the more they received at his hands: examples whereof we have in Clovis, Charlemagne, St. Louis, and others. For the more one giveth to God, the more one receiveth of him, agreeably to his own promise [Luke 6], “Give and it shall be given unto you.”

    Wherefore, a gift that a prince bestoweth upon the church is rendered to him again with large increase, and that both in time of war, and in time of peace. I say in war time, because victory proceedeth of no other, but only of God; as it is written in the first book of Maccabees, (chap. 3): “The victory of battle standeth not in the multitude of the host, but strength cometh from heaven.”

    And likewise in Exodus 17 it is declared, “that when Moses held up his hands, Israel had the victory: but when he let down his hands, Amalek had the victory.” To this end also serveth the last chapter of the second book of Maccabees, where Judas, being at the point to have the victory over the enemy, saw Onias, who had been high priest and a very virtuous man, and Jeremy the prophet, holding up their hands towards heaven, and praying for the people and the whole city. I said also in time of peace, because the life of the king and of his sons, and prosperity, peace, and obedience, are maintained in the realm by the prayers of the church. Wherefore, as long as Solomon was intent on the building the house of God, so long he had peace; who thus in Proverbs 16: teacheth us, “When a man’s ways please the Lord, he maketh his very enemies to be at peace with him;” and also in 1 Esdras, chap. 6, it is read, how the priests were commanded to offer oblations to the God of heaven, and pray for the life of the king and his children. And well therefore may it be called a gift both favorable and irrevocable, whereby victor), is given, life granted, and peace and security preserved. To serve God therefore, and liberally to give towards the worship of him, is the chiefest sign and token of Divine fear and love. “O ye that fear the Lord, believe him, and your reward shall not fail.” [Ecclesiasties 2] Secondly, Concerning the fear of God, I would have you understand, that among the precepts of the Lord, the first and chiefest commandment of the second table is, to “honor thy father:” which precept is very well expounded in the Hebrews [chap. 12], where it is not only meant of the fathers of our bodies, but also of the Father of spirits. For as spiritual things do far exceed temporal matters; so much more a great deal the spiritual son is bound to reverence the spiritual father, and to be in subjection unto him, that he may live. And that the priests and prelates be the spiritual fathers, it is proved 2 Kings 6, where the king of Israel called Elizeus “father,” saying “My father, shall I smite them?” Unto this effect our Savior [Luke 10] said to the apostles, whose successors the bishops are, “He that heareth you heareth me, and he that despiseth you, despiseth me;” also the apostle, Paul [1 Thessalonians 4], “He that despiseth you, despiseth not men, but God. Wherefore Justinian the emperor in another place saith, We have great care to the church of God, that therein may be true doctrine and integrity of priest’s life, which having, we trust that for our great gifts we shall receive such rewards at God’s hands, as shall both be durable, and remain; yea and also what hitherto hath not happened.” Blessed St. Gregory, in his Register, a966 writing to a certain emperor, which is also to be seen in the Decrees, saith, “Let not the emperor disdain priests, but have special regard to them for His sake whose servants they be; and so let him rule over them, that due and condign reverence be given unto them. For they in the divine Scriptures are sometimes termed gods, sometimes named angels [Exodus 22], ‘Then shall both their causes come before the gods.’

    Also Malachi 2, ‘The priest’s lips should be sure of knowledge, that men may seek the law at his mouth: for he is a messenger of the Lord of hosts.’

    And therefore it is no marvel, if we should vouchsafe to honor them, when God himself, in his speech attributing to them honor, termeth them gods and angels.” And here is to be noted, how Constantine the emperor, when certain of his subjects presented unto him libels accusatory against the bishops, received them at their hands. But calling before him those bishops that were accused therein, in their sight he cast those libels into the fire, saying, “Depart you hence, and discuss these matters among yourselves; for it is not convenient and meet that we judge gods, because it is written, ‘God stood in the synagogue of gods, and in the midst of them he did judge gods.’” In the same chapter it is declared, how that the Pagans, who worshipped golden and wooden gods, attributed great honor to the priests. What marvel is it then, if the godly and great and Christian emperors do honor and reverence the priests of the true God? And, doubtless, it is their duty so to do.

    And it is reason, which the lord Peter, the last day, said in this point; that there are two powers, priesthood and dominion, the one spiritual, the other temporal, which no less differ one from the other, than the sun from the moon, the heaven from the earth, and gold from lead. And therefore if honor is due and to be given to the lesser power, by them that be underneath him: he that is chief of the higher power, of rightgood duty, is to be. honored and reverenced by all under him, as expressly is declared, cap. ‘Solitae’ De maj. et obed. where answer is fully made to the allegation of the lord Peter, alleged by him to make for his own purpose, that is to say, “Be ye subject to all creatures for God’s sake,” etc. There he speaketh of the subjection which standeth upon the merit of virtue, and not upon the duty of necessity. For else, if he should speak of the subjection which is by duty of necessity; then must it needs follow, that every bishop ought to be subject to every beggarly rascal m the city of Paris. For the text is, “Be ye subject to all human creatures:” but a rascal is a human creature: ergo, bishops must be subject to a rascal. Of the dignity of a bishop, Gregory talketh in his pastoral. a967 “The honor,” saith he, “and the majesty of a bishop is without all comparison. If you compare it to the royalty of a king, it is even as you would compare metal or lead to the beauty of gold; for that is to be seen, when kings and princes stooping under the knees of priests and kissing their right hand, think themselves to be defended by the prayer. And because the kings of France have, more than others, honored and reverenced the prelates, they have, above all others, flourished and and prospered.

    It is said, Ecclesiasties 3, “He that honoureth his father, shall rejoice in his sons.” And it followeth there, “He that honoreth his father, shall live a long life.” This is therefore the sign of the fear of God. And as it is written, Ecclesiasties 3, that feareth God honoureth his parents.”

    Thirdly, I say, that a man ought to fear God, in the full reverencing and restoring unto man what is his; for he that doth not give to another what is his, but goeth about to usurp, doubtless he feareth not God. Contrary, he that restoreth all again, he is said to love and fear God. [Ecclesiastes 18:] “He that feareth God will do good things;” and in the Psalm, “I have been afraid of thy judgments, and have done judgment and justice.”

    For as the lawyers say, which is true, “a thing may be made mine divers ways, as by succession, commutation, prescription, or any other acquisition, either by law or custom;” and so of the rest. And whereas the lord Peter, the last day, by distinction of jurisdiction, temporal and spiritual, endeavored to prove that he who hath spiritual jurisdiction, ought not to have temporal; otherwise there were no distinction thereof, but rather a confusion of jurisdictions:

    I will therefore prove the contrary, that these jurisdictions are both compatible in one person, especially in an ecclesiastical man; f1034 and this will I prove by the law of God, by the law of nature, canon law, civil law, custom and privilege. But first I allege, that in accidental forms, some of them are distinct, that they are not clean contrary, but unlike, as whiteness and sweetness. Other forms there be which are so distinct, that they are clean contrary one to the other, and are not compatible in one subject, for one contrary expels another, and importeth the negative of the other. Wherefore those things be contrary, which one from another are most of all distant and disagreeing, and which, in one susceptible, may come one after the other, but not together, as the philosopher teacheth in the Predicaments. But those forms which are so distinct that they be not contrary, but unlike, are compatible in one subject, as quantity and quality, which, being distinct in respect, of their ‘genus generalissimum,’ yet may be in one person; and fortitude and temperance, being under one kind of moral virtue, are found to be m one man, as logic and grammar, which are also species and kinds in one genus, viz. of ‘intellectus.’ Therefore it is no good argument: These forms be distinct, ergo, they be not compatible in one subject. And, therefore, that the jurisdictions temporal and spiritual are so distinct, that they are not contrary but compatible, it is evident hereby; because things contrary be so, that the one cannot be ordained to concur with the other, but rather the one confoundeth and destroyeth the other: but, in this case, jurisdiction temporal is ordained for the spiritual; and contrary, the spiritual for the temporal. Or rather, the one dependeth on the other, as the clearness of the moon doth on the brightness of the sun. Also the one jurisdiction so helpeth and comforteth the other, that there is no contrariety in them. And therefore it is no good consequence, because they are distinct, ergo, they are not compatible in one person. This also is to be proved de facto. “For the earth is the Lord’s, and the plenty of the whole universal world, and all that dwell therein.” It is proved likewise by this reason: for if the jurisdictions be not compatible, it should follow, that no ecclesiastical person should have any jot of temporal jurisdiction, neither land, tower, castle, lordship, nor any thing else; which is most absurd’: and so by this means it should follow, that no ecclesiastical person should be in subjection unto the king, which were to the great derogation of the king’s majesty’s crown and dignity. It must needs be, therefore, that these jurisdictions be compatible, notwithstanding the distinction of them one from another. And thus much for answer to all these reasons, by the which lord Peter proved the distinction of these jurisdictions.

    These things premised, I proceed further to prove that person eccleiastical, who hath jurisdiction spiritual, may also have temporal jurisdiction; and that the jurisdiction temporal may he in an ecclesiastical person, I will prove by the Scriptures: and first out of the Old Testament, to the evident probation whereof, it is to be understood, that God, after the creation of the world and man, even unto Noah’s time, would govern the world himself, as king, by the ministry, of angels; by reason whereof he gave and pronounced sentence. himself against Cain. [Genesis 6] Noah also, who offered burnt-offerings unto the Lord, and built an altar [Genesis 8], which thing appertained only unto the priests, had the government and rule of all things, as well spiritual as temporal, which were in the ark. Melchisedec likewise, who was the priest of the most high God, and also king of Salem [Genesis 14], had both the jurisdictions in his own hands. For that master of history declareth: That all the first-begotten of Noah, even unto Aaron’s time, were priests; who at meals and offerings blessed the people, and who only had the ‘jus primogeniturae,’ whereby the regiment of others was due unto them. Moses, in lake manner, of whom it is said in the Psalm, “Moses and Aaron, among his priests,” consecrated Aaron and his children to be priests; which Aaron did judge the whole people in temporal matters, yea, and that in causes of inheritance and real property, as appeareth in Numbers [chap. 27] and many other places. To the same purpose serveth that passage [Deuteronomy 17], where it is said, “If a matter be too hard for thee in judgment betwixt blood and blood, betwixt plea and plea, betwixt plague and plague, then shalt thou rise and go up to that place that the Lord thy God hath chosen, and shalt come to the priests, the Levites, and to the judge then being, and shalt ask, Who shall show unto us the truth of the judgment? and shalt follow their sentence. And if any man presumptuously shall refuse to obey the priest’s commandments and the decree of the judge, the same shall die. Behold, how manifestly it doth appear, how not only the judgment appertaineth to a priest, between plague and plague, concerning the circumstances, and irregularity of the law, but also betwixt., blood and blood, in matters criminal, yea, and betwixt plea and plea in civil matters; which thing doth appear to be in many judges out of the book of Judges. For Samuel, who was both a prophet and priest, was appointed judge for a long time over the people in matters temporal. And when the people desired a king, the Lord was highly offended with them, and said unto Samuel, “They have not refused thee but me, that I should not be king over them.” Furthermore, as long as kings, among the people of God used the advice and counsel of priests and bishops, it was well with them and their kingdom; but when they forsook and left the counsel of bishops and priests, then was their kingdom divided; and finally they were brought into captivity, in which captivity the people were altogether, governed and ruled by the priests and prophets, as by Esdras and Nehemiah. And, last of all, by the means of the Maccabees, the kingdom and government were devolved and brought into the priests hands, who were the kings and captains over the people, and had the government as well of spiritual matters as of temporal; as is read in Maccabees, of Mattathias and his sons, namely, of Judas Machaby, Jonathan, Simon, and John the son of Simon, who, in all spiritual and temporal matters, were governors over the people of God.[1 Macedonians 2]. Moreover, Jeremy, who was one of the priests, declareth, after this manner [chap. 1]: “I have set thee over the people and kingdoms, that thou mayest root out, break, destroy, and make build up and plant.” Besides this, in the time of judge Eliah, a priest in like manner had the judgment of temporal matters.

    And so much concerning the proof hereof, out of the Old Testament. Secondly, I prove my former proposition by authorities taken out of the New Testament. For Christ had not only both the powers, by divine nature, whereby he created all things out of nothing, and by consequence was God over all, but also by his humanity had both powers; for he was the priest after the order of Melchisedec, as it is said in the Psalms, and also is alleged to the Hebrews, who had both on his vesture and on thigh written, “King of kings, and Lord of lords.” [Revelation 19] By this vestment or thigh was meant his humanity, which was joined to his divinity, as the garment is to him that weareth it. He said of himself [Matthew 28], Unto me is given all power, both in heaven and in earth.” As also saith the apostle [Hebrews 1], “Whom he made and constituted heir of all universal things.”

    And again [Hebrews 2], “He hath made him not much inferior to the angels. He hath crowned him with glory and honor, and hath set him above the works of his hands: thou hast put all things in subjection under his feet, sheep and oxen, and all the whole cattle of the field.”

    When therefore it is said, “He made all things subject unto him;” he excludeth nothing, as the apostle there saith. Whereby it is apparent, that as concerning his human nature, in the which he was made less than the angels, all things were subject to him. Also this appeareth in Philippians [chap. 2]: “He humbled himself, wherefore God exalted him;” and it followeth, “That in the name of Jesus should every knee bow, both of things in heaven, and of things in earth, and of things under the earth.” Behold here, that in that nature in which he did humble himself, he was exalted, “because every knee should bow down to him.” This in like manner hath St. Peter, in Acts 10, where he saith, “he was constituted of God, the judge of the quick and the dead.” And he speaketh of the nature which God raised up the third day, as the whole Scripture proveth. And likewise St. Peter had this power given him, whom Christ constituted and made his vicar; who also condemned by sentence judicially Ananias and Sapphira, for lying and stealing. [Acts 5] Paul also condemned a fornicator convicted f1042 [1 Corinthians 5] And that Christ would have the correction and judgment of such matters to appertain to his church, a text in Matthew 18, expressly declareth, where it is said, “If thy brother trespass against thee, go and tell him his fault between him and thee: if he hear thee, thou hast won thy brother; but if he heareth not, then take with thee one or two, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all things may be established: if he hear not then, tell it unto the congregation: if he hear not the congregation, take him as an heathen man and a publican. Verily I say unto you, whatsoever you bind on earth, the same shall be bound in heaven; and whatsoever you loose on earth, the same shall be loosed in heaven.” Behold, how expressly it is commanded, that whensoever in any matter one offendeth the other, he being first charitably admonished, the matter must be published and referred to the order of the church and congregation But if the offender do not obey and hear the admonition, he is to be taken as a heathen and a publican, which is as much as to say, like one that is excommunicated by the church, so that he may have no communion or participation with it. And that this was the intention of Christ, this seemeth much to prove, where, in giving the reason hereof, he immediately addeth, “Verily I say unto you, whatsoever,” etc. (where note this term distributive, “whatsoever,” equivalent to “all things.”) Wherefore, as the apostle argued in Hebrews 2, that if he ordained all things to be subject unto him, he left nothing unsubjected; even so I may argue: If the things that the church doth loose, be loosed, and every thing that the church bindeth, is bound; there is nothing that the church may not loose and bind. Or by logic, thus I may reason: there is nothing bound by the church, that is not bound in heaven; which argument is good by a certain rule of logic, which saith, that contraries, if a negative be put after the one, become equivalent; thus, ‘every thing’ and ‘nothing,’ ‘whatsoever thing’ and ‘no manner of thing,’ be contrary one to the other; and yet ‘nothing not,’ is the same as ‘every thing.’ Secondly, I do prove it out of another text of Luke [chap. 22], which place he alleged to make for his purpose; but I will strike him with his own weapon; for where he said, That by the two swords the two powers, temporal and spiritual, were to be understood it was so indeed: but to whose hands would he, I pray you, have these two swords committed? Truly to the hands of Peter and the other apostles, etc. But the holy father the pope succeeded Peter and the other apostles, the bishops, disciples, curates, parsons, as in the Gloss appeareth [Luke 10], whence argue thus: that by the two swords, the two powers ax meant; but Christ willed those two swords to be put into the church’s hands: ergo, likewise the two powers. But you may reply and say, that Christ did reprehend Peter because he struck with a temporal sword and cut off an ear, saying unto him, “Put up thy sword, “ etc. Which reason is of no force; for Christ did not will Peter to cast away the sword quite from him, but to put it into the scabbard and to keep it, giving to understand thereby, that such power, although it be in the church’s hands, yet the execution thereof (as appertaineth to bloodshedding in the new law), he would have to appertain to the secular judge: yet, perhaps, according to the discretion and will of the clergy.

    Thirdly, I prove this by the intent of St. Paul [1 Corinthians 6], where he saith, that “they which have secular business, and contend one against another, ought to be judged by the saints.” And that they should judge therein, he made. this argument. “Know you not that the saints shall judge the world?” And if the world be judged by you, are ye not good enough to judge small trifles? As though he would say, Do ye not know how that ye shall judge the angels? How much more then may you judge things secular? And it followeth; “If you have judgment of secular and worldly matters, take them who are despised in the church and congregations, and make them judges.” Neither doth it make any thing against it, because the apostle in the same place inferreth, “I say it to your shame;” for that is to be referred to those, where he saith, “Appoint those which are despised.” Wherefore the apostle speaketh ironically in this matter, as meaning thus: Sooner and the rather you ought to run to the judgment of the despised who be in the church, than to the judgment of those who be out of the church: ergo, the rather to resort to the judgment of the wise, who remain in the church and congregation. Wherefore the apostle by and by added, when he said, “I speak to your shame: what, not one wise man amongst you that can judge between brother and brother?”

    Meaning thereby, that there were some. By these, therefore, and many other like reasons, which for brevity I omit, it appeareth that both the powers may be in an ecclesiastical man’s hand: and that an ecclesiastical man is ‘capax,’ both of the temporal and spiritual jurisdiction. Nor is it any matter if it be objected, that Peter, and other apostles, and Christ himself, used little this temporal power: for in them there was not the like reason, as now there is in us, as is proved in the 12 Quaest. 1. cap., and in many other places of the law. The apostles at first took no receipt of lands and possessions, but the price only thereof; which now the church, with very good.reason, doth receive, and that to the great merit both of the giver and offerer, as it appeareth in Constantine and others; in the which aforesaid chapter the reason of diversity is well-proved, for that the apostles did foresee, that the church should be among Gentiles, and not be only in Judea, etc. And further, at the beginning, Christ and his apostles were wholly intent on our salvation, and on conversation and teaching, and little stood on the exercise of any jurisdiction whatever, having regard to that which is written in 1 Corinthians, chap. 6, “All things are lawful unto me; but all things are not expedient;” and also to that we read in Ecclesiasties, [chap. 3] “To every thing there is a time.” But now, through the grace of God, the whole people of the realm of France have submitted themselves to the Christian faith; worthily therefore the church is occupied about administering justice, and punishing vice; for peace shall be the work of justice,” Isaiah 32; for in these judgments this only is aimed at, that the life of man be reformed. Thus you see how this our conclusion somewhat resteth on the law of God.

    Now will I prove it by natural law and reason: and first after this manner; he seemeth most fit to play a judge’s part, who is nearest to God; for properly God is the ruler and director of all judgments, who saith [Proverbs 8], “By me law-makers decree just things:” but ecclesiastical persons are nearest to God, for that they be elected to be a peculiar people unto God, whereof it is said, 1 Peter 2, “Ye are a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, and a peculiar people, that ye should show forth the virtues of him that called you,” etc. f1052 Ergo, It is most fitting that the church should sit in judgment on temporal causes. Moreover, secondly, none doubteth, but that the cognizance of sin belongeth to ecclesiastical persons; wherefore since such causes be not without sin of the one party, it is evident that the church may have cognizance thereof. Also, whoever hath power to judge of the end, hath also power to judge of things ordained to the end; for the consideration of the things ordained to the end, riseth of the end. Since therefore the body is ordained for the soul, and temporal things for spiritual, as their end; the church which doth judge of spiritual things, may well judge of temporal things also. All which is sufficiently proved in the Extra De Judiciis, cap. “Novit.” It is also confirmed by the fact that the accessary followeth the nature of the principal; which appeareth sufficiently by example. Forasmuch, therefore, as these two jurisdictions be compared to two luminaries, that is to say, to the sun and moon, and the whole brightness of the moon, both formally and virtually, is from the sun and in the sun, and not the brightness of the sun from the moon or in the moon; it is plain that the spiritual jurisdiction, which is compared to the sun, hath in it, both formally and virtually, the jurisdiction temporal, which is compared to the brightness of the moon, and not contrary.

    Many other reasons might be adduced; but I omit them for brevity’ sake.

    Thirdly, I prove it by the civil law, wherein it is said, “If a secular judge be suspected, let the bishop of the city be joined unto him; but if he be negligent, then let the whole judgment be referred to the bishop.” (Auth. Collatio 6: tit. 15: “Ut differentes.” c. “Si tamen.”) In like manner Theodosius the emperor enacted a law, that “whosoever commenced a suit in any kind of matter, whether at the beginning thereof, or in the course of the suit, or when the matter cometh towards a conclusion and even to sentence; if the plaintiff choose the court and jurisdiction of the holy see, there without any doubt, though the defendant resist, must the cause be argued and determined by the bishops.” Which law afterwards Charlemagne, who was king of France, confirmed in these words, “We will and command, that all, as well Romans as Frenchmen and others, who are either by law or custom subjected under our dominion, he henceforth bound and charged to keep this for a perpetual law; ‘That whosoever commenced a suit,’ etc. as is above mentioned (Causa 11:quaest, 1:cap. 35. “Quicunque litem,” et capp. 36, 37). But you will say perhaps, that that law is abrogated, as the gloss seemeth there to imply. But all will not serve; for although that law is not introduced into the Corpus Juris, yet for all that it is not abrogated. Nay, it is an honorable privilege granted to the whole universal church, which the emperor cannot take away, no more than any other liberty of the church, according to the decree, “Ego Ludovicus.” Also this privilege is confirmed by the canon law (Extra De judiciis, c. “Novit.”).

    Moreover it seemeth to be confirmed by the civil law (Codex, “De Sacro-sanctis Ecclesiis,” cap. “Privilegia”), although it be not there expressly, but generally named; and so it is clear by the civil law, that such jurisdiction doth pertain to ecclesiastical persons. By the canon law in like manner, in places finite (Distinct. 22,. cap. “Omnes, patriarchae;”. Causa 2:quaest. 5, “Si quis Presbyter; Causa 11:quaest. 1. Relatum; Distract. 95, cap. Ecce. Extra De Judiciis, c. “Novit.” De competenti foro, cap. “Lice,;” et multis allis). Yea and further, the canon law so far proceedeth, that whosoever goeth about to interrupt or hinder any, having such jurisdiction by custom only, incurreth sentence ipso facto of excommunication (Sexti, tit. 23, de immunitate Ecclesiasticus cap.

    Quoniam ut intelleximus ). Which is most plain with regard to notorious and approved custom, time out of mind, in the days of the good and Christian princes, where to violate such custom, it is plain sacrilege. (2 Quaest. 1 Titus 1:etc. 2.) For by the law, custom winneth and gaineth jurisdiction, especially to him that is ‘capax’ thereof: yea and further, custom, time out of mind, is amongst all persons reckoned in lieu of statute law. Now, seeing the church of France hath been used, with the temporalty, to take cognizance both in actions personal and real touching the church, it is plain, that such custom winneth jurisdiction to it. Ergo, etc. But the lord Peter avouched, that the custom could not prevail in this case, because here lacked true dealing. Besides, the said right is called imprescriptible, for that it is ‘jus fisci.” But this maketh nothing against us; for the church of France rather challengeth this right by custom than by prescription; which custom seemeth rather to be brought in by the free will and election of the people, frequenting more the ecclesiastical consistories than the secular courts. Besides, this custom is the stronger, in that it hath obtained in spite of judgment to the contrary (judicium contradictorium); for oftentimes, when the prelates had given their sentence, though the barons were not consenting thereto, yet this custom, I say, of the church hath been confirmed by the kings of France, your predecessors, and so peaceably obtained by the church.

    And yet may the church challenge this by prescription, for that there are but three things which are required in prescription; that is to say, title, true dealing, and continuance of time. But it is certain that the church ever had a good title, as for instance the privilege granted by Theodosius the emperor, and confirmed by Charlemagne, who gave in commandment to keep the same inviolably. It hath title also by divine, natural, end human law, as is before alleged. Wherefore it must needs have true dealing, when so many great and clear titles are known to concur thereunto. Also there concurreth such continuance of time, that even against ‘jus fisci’ it is prescriptible: for it hath not only continued for the space of a hundred years, but also more than six hundred years last past.

    Neither is it true, that this right is inprescriptible, especially by the church, which, so far as appertaineth to spirituals, is not subject to the king, bat is much more noble; even as the sun in more noble than the moon, gold than lead, and heaven than the earth. But it is certain that an equal or greater may prescribe right against his equal or inferior; as one king may do to another. Wherefore it appeareth that the church may prescribe this, although it were ‘jus fisci,’ as indeed it is not.

    Finally, This is proved by privilege granted by Charlemagne, king of France, as before stated, and by St. Louis, and by Philip your uncle, and by Louis and Philip your kinsmen, kings of France, which ,privileges we have here ready to show. But perhaps you will say, that it cannot be,. that the church hath: this jurisdiction both by law, custom, and privilege, seeing these three cannot well stand together; for if the church have it by one of these, it should follow that the church lacketh it by another. To this it may be replied in two ways; first, that privilege maybe twofold, either as bringing in a new right, and thus it cannot be reconciled; or, as confirmative and declarative of an old right; and this may well agree; which distinction may also take place in custom. Wherefore it may thus be answered, that although this jurisdiction is due unto the church by law, it appertaineth also unto the same by privilege and custom, but yet not by such kind of custom and privilege which induceth a new right: but which declareth and confirmeth the old. And if any will reply, demanding wherefore the church of France should more challenge this, than any other churches in other realms, which have no such prerogative; I can soon answer them. If the kings of France (whom God with singular grace, honor and privilege, far above all other princes, hath blessed and endued for three special causes, to wit, for their great faith and devotion unto God, for their honor and reverence to the church, and for their good justice showed unto the people) have granted to the church special liberties, or have permitted those which before were granted, peaceably to be kept and observed; why then they should have them, it is no marvel. Yea and further, their devotion unto the church hath been such, that the nearer the churches were unto them, the more liberties they enjoyed; and yet had these princes never the less on that account, but rather the more; which is evident, and redoundeth to the great honor and nobility both of the king and his realm.

    I have oftentimes heard of others, how that four or five things do especially nobilitate and adorn this realm.

    First , their sincere and inviolable faith; for it was at no time read, that the kings of France (since the receiving of the faith) did ever swerve from the same.

    Secondly , the nobility of blood, which descended from Priam the king of the Trojans, and successively from Charlemagne and other royal kings.

    Thirdly , the unity and peace of concord, which especially, above all others, reigned and flourished in the realm of France.

    Fourthly , the solemnity and pomp of the prelates and clergy.

    Fifthly , the well-disposed readiness of the barons and subjects to obey.

    If therefore the prelates of this realm should not have this law and privilege, but should be deprived thereof, then should the king and his realm lose one of his noble estates, whereby they are highly magnified, I mean the bravery, solemnity, and royalty of the prelates; for then, they should not only be neither pompous nor royal, but more beggarly and miserable than any others, the most part of their living consisting herein. I do conclude, therefore, that it is proved both by divine law, natural law, canon law, civil law, custom, and privilege, that the right of determining such temporal matters of the church may of right appertain to the church of France; and so I turn the lord Peter’s theme against himself.

    Besides this, I will propound that which is most plain and manifest; that whatsoever things be offered up to the church, and are converted to the dominion and property of the same, be God’s, and appertain to him; forasmuch as they are said to be dedicated to and sanctified by him, as sufficiently throughout the Levites may appear, as declared [1 Samuel 21] concerning the bread offered to God, where it is said, “I have no common bread under my hands to eat, but holy bread.” Wherefore it was not lawful for the laity to eat of the same bread, but in time of great necessity; which is also proved, where it is read, [Daniel 5] “Because king Belthazzar, and his lords, with his queen, drank in the golden and silver vessels, which his father Nebuchadnezzar had taken out of the temple of Jerusalem; in the same (very) hour there appeared fingers, as it had been of a man’s hand, writing fight over the candlestick upon the plain wall in the king’s palace. And the king saw the palm of the hand that wrote; and that which was written was Mene, Thekel, Phares; the interpretation whereof is this, as there it appeareth: Irene, God hath numbered this kingdom and brought it to an end: Thekel, Thou art weighed in a balance, and art found too light: Phares, Thy kingdom is dealt in parts, and given to the Medes and Persians.” The very selfsame night was Belthazzar, the king of the Chaldees, slain, and Darius succeeded in the kingdom of the Medes; the monarchy of the Assyrians being then translated unto the Medes. Whereby it appeareth, that those things which are offered up to the church, belong to God, and are so dedicated to him that no layman may use them; which if they do, they must look to receive vengeance at God’s hand, as Belthazzar did.

    These things now ended, I will argue out the lord Peter’s theme, which was, “Give unto the emperor, that is the emperor’s; and unto God, that is God’s. But this jurisdiction, which, as I proved before, is diversely converted to the dominion and property of the French church, is now God’s, and therefore to be reserved to and for him; wherefore, whensoever any goeth about to take away the same, the good and godly ought to answer, what Ambrose did to the Gothen soldiers, sent to him by the emperor, which was to this effect: “If the emperor,” quoth he,” had requested that which had been mine, I would not have denied him, albeit that whatsoever I have, all is the poor’s: but because he demandeth those things which belong to God, wherein he hath no right or interest, I had rather he should imprison me, yea and cut off my head, than condescend to his request therein:” alluding to the history of Naboth [1 Kings 21], in which is to be seen how Naboth, the holy man, possessor of the vineyard, was requested by the king to give up his vineyard; who made answer, “I will not give unto thee the inheritance of my fathers,” at which answer the king was marvelously offended. “Wherefore,” quoth Ambrose, “if Naboth would not deliver his vineyard, shall we deliver to you the church of Christ? No, God forbid, that I should deliver you Christ’s heritage. Naboth did not deliver the vineyard, nor surely will I deliver Christ’s church.” And further he addeth a good saying, “I can neither take nor surrender aught from the temple of God, for I received it to keep, not to surrender: besides this, it is my duty and office to consult the interest of the emperor in this matter: a968 and doubtless neither may I surrender any thing to him, nor yet he receive any thing of me.” [Causa 23, quaest. 8. “Convenior.” et “Qui.”] Wherefore, by these and the like reasons it appeareth, that not spiritual jurisdiction only doth belong to God, as the lord Peter falsely hath suggested, but also all other kind of jurisdiction whatsoever possessed by the church, whether it be by law, custom, or privilege; insomuch that neither may we surrender the same to any, nor yet may the king at our hands take the same.

    Further, the lord Peter affirmed, that Christ, for example sake, did pay tribute; which is untrue, as appeareth in Genesis 48; for the lands of priests were free from paying of all kind of toll and tribute.

    And if the lord Peter well considered Matthew 17., he should have found there, how that Christ did not only not pay tribute for example sake, but rather proved how he was not bound to pay any at all. To conclude, therefore, the children be free; but ye pay, to avoid slander and offense: wherefore the text saith: “Lest we should offend them, go to the sea,” etc. But peradventure it may be answered, that by the example of Christ, to avoid offense, ye ought to pay. But this is untrue, because there is a double offense of the weaklings and of the Pharisees: for as concerning the offense of the weaklings, which cometh of ignorance and not of malice, some things are to be omitted for a time, till they be better instructed; as the apostle saith in Romans 14: But as concerning the offense of the Pharisees. who commit and offend of a pretenced malice, there is nothing to be omitted, as Christ saith in Matthew 15; to whom his disciples saying, “Do you not know how that the Pharisees hearing this word are offended?” he answered them, “Behold, suffer them, they are blind, and leaders of the blind;” for that in the time of Christ, the offense then was of little ones: but now is the offense of the Pharisees; wherefore, then it was to be suffered for avoiding of offense, but now not so. Now therefore it is apparent that the third token of the fear of God consisteth in the complete true restoring of goods: and of him who hath such fear whereby he restored to God his own, it is spoken in Ecclesiasties 10: “The seed of the man that feareth God shall be brought to honor: but the seed which transgresseth the commandment of the Lord shall be shamed.”

    And thus it fully appeareth, how loving fear and obedience is due unto God, for the excellency of his majesty; because the words be, “Fear God.”

    Secondly, I do say, that especial honor and reverence are due unto the king, for his dignity’s sake; which followeth in the theme. Now it is said, “Honor the king:” I will allege Ecclesiasticus chap. 10; where it is specified, “In the midst of the brethren the ruler is holden in honor among them;” wherefore it seemeth to me that there are two kinds of honors, one which proceedeth from the lips, and that is named flattery, wherefore it is spoken in Matthew 15; “This people doth honor me with their lips, but their hearts are far from me.”

    There is another kind of honor which is real, and cometh from the heart; and this is the very true honor indeed, wherewith the king ought to be honored. But me thinketh, that he doth really and in very deed honor the king, who wisheth and counselleth him to keep and do those things, whereby his dominion is beloved, his royalty not diminished, his honor and fame preserved, and his conscience not burdened; and he that persuadeth him contrary to these, I think doth not honor the king.

    To proceed therefore further; I say first, that he doth de facto honor the king, who persuadeth him those things whereby he may be beloved of his subjects: for a prince ought to study rather to be beloved than feared. And what greater treasure can a prince wish, than to have the hearts of his subjects? according to the saying of Seneca, “The love of the citizens is a fortress invincible, and a bulwark not saultable.” What thing is more to be wished for, what is better than to live and reign, every man willing and rejoicing thereof? And in my opinion, there is nothing which causeth a prince more to be beloved, than if he keep and maintain his ancient liberties, and bring in no alteration; wherefore it is said [Proverbs 22], “Thou shalt not remove the landmarks which thy fore-elders have set.”

    This place the lord Peter alleged to make for himself, which I will prove to make against him, and that by this reason, ye ought not to transgress the old limits and bounds which the fathers have set, for novelty and alteration doth engender discord; and for this cause, in making of new alterations there ought to be both evident utility, and urgent necessity. If, therefore, the prince will abrogate and take away the liberties granted by his forefathers and predecessors, he shall not be of his realm beloved; as it appeareth by Rehoboam. [1 Kings 12]. It is, likewise, plainly to be seen in the chronicles, how that by these means many kingdoms and dominions have been translated from nation to nation, and from their own native regiment to the rule of strange people. And now, certain it is, that your predecessors Charlemagne, St. Louis, Philip the Fair, Louis and Philip his sons, with many others, have sealed and confirmed this liberty of the church. Wherefore for a man to counsel and persuade your highness to spoil the church of any thing, it is even the next way to spoil and undo yourself, and bereave you of that by which your dominion is beloved; and for this cause I thought good to put your grace in remembrance of 1 Mac. 2:51, where it is written, “Remember the works of your forefathers, which they have done in their generations, and you shall receive great glory and renown for ever.” Note here, your highness, by the way, how king Philip, grandfather to St. Louis, fostered and kept in his realm St.

    Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury; who, because he stoutly defended the liberties of his church, was banished out of England; how much more, therefore, are you bound to defend and maintain your own prelates in their liberties ratified and confirmed by your grace’s predecessors, according to the saying of Gregory (Causa 25:quaest. 2, cap. “Si.”] “If I were to destroy those things which my predecessors and ancestors ordained, I should not be a builder, but I should be justly accounted a stroy-good and puller down, as the voice of Truth itself testifieth, ‘Every kingdom divided within itself shall be brought to desolation.’ All knowledge and law divided against itself shall be destroyed.” In another place he saith, “It is oversharp, and against all good manners, upon any reason and excuse whatsoever to rescind those things which are well ordained; or, by one’s example to teach others at their pleasure to dissolve old constitutions.” Mark here a story about a castle which was given to St. Remy for the use of the church of Laon by king Clovis. a969 which king Pepin afterwards desired to have, giving compensation to the church; to whom the said St. Remy appeared in his sleep, and severely blamed him for it, saying, “A better man than thou gave it me, and yet wilt thou take it away from me!” And with that he smote him; who the next day was found all black and blue; since which time, no king of France durst even lie in that castle. Verily therefore, he doth not in fact honor the king, who giveth him counsel to transgress the old limits that his fathers did set; yea, rather, the king’s majesty ought to say unto them that which is written in John 8, “I do honor my Father” (that is, in keeping the liberties of the church, as they did which granted them); “but you have dishonored me” (in counseling me that which seemeth best to please yourselves); for it is written in Ecclesiasticus chap. 3, “The worship of a man’s father is his own worship, and where the father is without honor, it is the dishonor of the son.”

    Secondly, I say, that he truly doth honor the king, who counselleth him, whereby his power and dignity are not diminished; for as it is great honor to the king’s highness to increase and augment his power, so is it as much dishonor for him to diminish any jot thereof; and therefore the emperors were wont to call themselves victorious, in augmenting and increasing their commonwealth. And to say that you and your predecessors could not grant these things to the church, it were too, too absurd, and to the too much derogation of your majesty’s most honorable estate. And therefore for you, most sovereign lord, who hold and possess such ample right and title in the realm of France, both by election and inheritance, not to grant and leave this to your posterity, it were to the great debasing of your majesty’s honor, crown, and dignity.

    Yea, if it were (as God forbid), it would follow, that your predecessors lived continually in sin; yea, and further, it were as much to say (which were too vile) that blessed St. Louis by whom all France is beautified, could not be justly canonized. For as the lord speaker declared, if he took his oath at his coronation both to alienate nothing, and also to call in that which was before alienated, which is inseparable from the crown, it should follow that he was foresworn, and consequently committed deadly sin, and so could never be canonized, which is too, too absurd to be talked of. And if reply be made, that lie might have repented; it is soon to be answered, that his sin is read of, but of his repentance it is not found, as it is said of Solomon. But put the case that it be true what the lord Peter said, then it must needs follow, that your grace could bestow nothing, neither country, town, nor tower; and yet there be few who willingly would not receive them, notwithstanding their allegiance and homage, which they pretend to your highness. Keep, therefore, and confirm, most renowned prince! that which was granted by your noble progenitors, otherwise your royal honor shall decrease; that it may be verified.

    In you which is read of in Romans 6, “I will honor my ministry.”

    Thirdly, I do affirm, that he rightly honoureth the king, who persuadeth him to that whereby his honor and renown is preserved. For, in matters of weight and of great importance, next after conscience we must have regard to name and fame, as it is written in Proverbs 12, “It is better to have a good name than riches.” A good name far surpasseth all things, and is above silver, and gold; and St. Augustine saith, Two things are necessary for thee, conscience and name; conscience for God, and name for thy neighbor; and therefore it is written in Ecclesiasticus chap. 41, “Labor to get a good name, for that will continue surer by thee than many great treasures of gold.” A good life hath a number of days.

    That renown and name the Lord, who anointed your grace with the oil of gladness, hath in a very little time more abundantly blessed you with, than any other prince; wherefore you ought to be more vigilant and careful how still to keep and enjoy the same, for it is no less virtue to keep that which is gotten, than to seek and get; whereby not only while you live, but also when you are dead, your glorious renown may live for ever; yea and further, that by you nothing be done, whereby any blot or soil should creep into that your so great renown, applying that to your grace which is said in Proverbs 10, “The memorial of the just shall have good report,” etc. Beware therefore, most noble prince, and take heed that in your days and time, the liberties of the church be not taken away (which God forbid) or diminished in any jot; for if your glorious name should be blotted therewith, there be thousands who would chronicle the same to perpetual memory. Wherefore, most Christian prince, if such as trusted after their death for no other life, but only for fame and renown, lived a life most godly and virtuous, how much more ought we Christians, who look after another life, by our well-doings here, to win us a perpetual name and memory after our death? And you besides, if you should dishonor your name and fame, what a matter were it, considering how the kings of France were ever counted the most Christian princes, and most bountiful towards the church, giving examples to other princes how to enrich their churches and the liberties thereof.

    And now especially, if your grace, the church, in some places being in great persecution, should (which God forbid), show light to pull and take away that which was given by your forefathers to the church, what might the world say? For then for the like reason might the emperor deprive the church of all which was given to it by Constantine the emperor. Also other kings would do the like in their realms.

    God forbid that your highness should give such example! And, for my part, I would rather wish myself to be dead, than give you such counsel, that in so pernicious and naughty a matter you should be example to others; especially, when the kings of France, your predecessors, were defenders always, against, such as went about to take away the liberties from the church, which is the office of a king. Hieronymus saith upon Jeremy (see Causa 23, quaest. 5. cap. “Regum,” et cap. “Principes”) after this manner: “Let the princes of the world know and understand, how they are bound to make an account to God for the church which they take upon them to keep.” Note you also, and read some examples out of stories and commentaries, what regard the kings of France had in observing those things; and see you by their example, to follow and do the like; and then shall it be verified in your grace which is written in Ecclesiasticus chap. 37, “A wise man shall obtain honor amongst his people:” as also in chap. 3: “He that honoureth his mother, is like one that gathereth treasure together.”

    Fourthly, I say, that he indeed doth honor the king, who persuadeth him to do that whereby his conscience is not hurt. For, above all things, a Christian man ought to beware how he do that thing, which should be a grudge unto his conscience, because “the life is more than is meat.” [Matthew 6] And assuredly I believe, that your grace would not commit that thing willingly, wherewith your conscience should be burdened, for all the world’s good, and that justly; for the more miraculously God hath called your highness to the state of a king, and hath endued you with his grace, so much the more care ought you to have, and take heed that you offend him not. Nor is it to be doubted, whether in doing the contrary, he will not be the more grievously displeased with you, as he was with Saul. [1 Samuel 15] Consider, therefore, most sovereign lord, that at what time you were crowned, you sware only these things following, and no others. First, that you would defend and maintain the canonical law, privilege, and justice, granted to the bishops and the church, and, as much as in you did lie, to enlarge and amplify the same: also, that by your arbitrement all Christian people, at all times, should keep the true peace of God and his church: also, that you should forbid to all nations all kind of sacrilege, spoilings, and iniquities: also, that in all kind of judgments, you should will and command equity and mercy: also, that throughout your whole territory and jurisdiction, you should sincerely, with all your endeavor, study to exterminate, and cut off from the church the noted heretics: all which, and no other, your majesty swore to fulfill, at the time of your coronation, under the leave and correction of the lord Peter, who affirmed you were sworn to something else. Now therefore, seeing it is a canonical privilege of the church, and in the heart of the whole incorporate (Causa 11:quaest. 1. “Quicunque litem”); when also by custom which is canonical it came in, that the church and spirituality may have cognition in a number of cases, against which divers articles have been here laid in: if this amongst the laity should not be observed in the church, your grace’s conscience thereby might be somewhat burdened. In like manner, if you be bound with all your whole might and power to procure, that the whole of Christendom should keep the true peace of God and his church, much more have you to procure the same amongst your own barons and people, who evermore were all one with the church. And as always, where any church was in honor and estimation, there were belonging to it twenty stout barons and knights, whose office, as it was to defend the church; so was it the part of the church to pray for them, and to offer sacrifice for them unto God. And to this end it was that blessed St. Louis so much labored in his time; who, when the greatest barons of his realm had confederated to suppress these liberties of the church, and had consulted to give him, to that end, the hundredth part of their goods, would never condescend thereunto, but always dissuaded them therefrom; and, finally, by his authority sealed and confirmed these liberties of the church.

    Consider here, your majesty, how pope Innocent at that time proceeded against those barons. I dare be bold to say, that if there should be now dissension between the prelates and barons, it would not be long. before the commonalty would usurp to rule and bear domination; as by experience it hath been seen in many places, and, likewise, by practice we of late time might have seen, at what time the people stomaching the spiritualty in the parts of Champagne and Burgundy, at last rose, and made in every town a king, and therewithal caused officers who brought citations to be well banged, and created a pope of their own, who gave them absolution; and not long after they made insurrection against the lords temporal, and served them with the like sauce; until by the king’s power they were suppressed, and many of them hanged: and all this was in the days of Louis, the last king of that name. And really the nobles ought not to begrudge the church her possessions, for how few of them are there who have not brothers or kinsfolks, who live by the goods of the church; amongst whom if they should divide their own inheritance, they would gradually reduce it to little or nothing. Let the barons also consider, that there are but few who are not attached to the church; and that the church is one, as it saith in Canticles 6. “My dove is one;” wherefore they cannot without great peril of transgression advise, that such liberties of the church be taken away. That therefore your majesty’s conscience may remain unspotted, may it please your highness to confirm to the church her just and canonical privilege; and to revoke any attempts which may have been made to the contrary by way of proclamation or otherwise; and to maintain your mother, the church of France, in her ancient franchises, liberties, and customs; that by you “in all things God may be glorified; to whom be honor and glory for ever and ever: Amen:” (1 Peter 4) and He will then honor you, who saith, “Whosoever shall honor me, I will crown him with that glory” (1 Samuel 2), in which consisteth the true honor, which is granted to none who is unworthy, nay, whereunto none is admitted except him who is worthy, as the blessed Austin saith; which honor grant He unto you and us, who is blessed for ever: Amen. And because many articles have been exhibited, whereof some infringed the whole ecclesiastical jurisdiction, these we are resolved to withstand, according to Ecclesiasticus 4, where it is said, “For the truth strive thou unto the death, and God shall fight for thee against thine enemies: some others there are containing only alleged abuses, which we do not believe our people to be guilty of, but if they were, we would by no means suffer it; and therefore, for the unburdening of our own consciences, for the king’s reverence, and for the People’s profit and peace, but chiefly for the honor of God, all we here assembled have concluded to apply such remedy, that the aforesaid abuses, if any such there be, shall cease, to the quietness of the people, and praise of God. To whom be honor and glory, world without end. a970 Amen.

    ANOTHER SITTING OF THE PARLIAMENT.

    On the Friday next but one, being December the twentyninth, a971 the prelates assembled themselves again together at the king’s palace in Paris, where the reverend father, the lord Peter Bertrand, a972 by divine providence bishop of Autun, spake openly before the king, sitting there as usual with his counsellors and barons about him, taking for his theme that which is written in Genesis 17, “O Lord be not angry that I speak yet more,” etc, which he applied to this end: “That considering the majesty of the king, the prudency of his council, the insufficiency of. the speaker to plead so weighty a cause, he trembled to speak; yet nevertheless, relying on the king s accustom d kindness, he took courage, and presumed to attempt the task which had been appointed him by the prelates, taking for his theme the ninetieth Psalm: “Lord thou art our refuge,” etc. This he prosecuted in extolling the king’s person, declaring his attaining to the crown of France to have been a sort of miracle, and showing how he ought to be the champion of the church; all which he proved concisely, by many authorities and reasons. He afterwards answered those propositions which were propounded by the aforesaid lord Peter de Cugnieres, and for no other cause, as he protested, but only to inform the conscience of his lord the king, and to advise his grace concerning the same; not as going about to make any final judgment or answer, whereby either sentence, ordinance, statute, or any other process, might ensue or be grounded, or new right be acquired by any man. And first, in reply to the commencement of the discourse of the lord Peter, wherein he affirmed that the words “Render unto the emperor what is the emperor’s, and unto God what is his” [Matthew 22: and Mark 12], signified obedience and subjection to the king, and the separation of the spirituality from the temporality; whereof the first member was argued from the text in Peter (1 Peter 2), where it is said, “Be subject to every human creature,” also from the words of Extra “de Majoritate et Obedientia, cap. Solitae, and Extra de Judiciis, cap. Novit, and Causa xi quaest. 1, cap. “Sacerdotibus,” with the notes on the same: while as to the separation between the two jurisdictions, the lord Peter argued to belong to temporal persons, and spirituals to spiritual, because God hath appointed two swords, and saith (Luke 22) “Behold here are two swords,” and because Christ paid tribute (Matthew 17:27), implying thereby that the temporals were to be reserved to temporal persons (Causa 11:quaest. 1, cap. “Si tributum,” and cap. “Magnum”); also by the law of Justinian, wherein it is written that “God bestowed on man two great gifts, priesthood and empire, the former to preside over divine, the latter over human affairs” (Corpus Juris Civilis, Authenticae, Collatio 1, tit. 6, “Quomodo oporteat episcopos);” asserting, moreover, that these be the boundaries (Proverbs 23) which ought never to be removed (ff. , de termino moro.” lib. 47, tit. 21); affirming also that the king could not abdicate such his royal rights, for that they were a part of the royal prerogative, and he had sworn at his coronation not to alienate any rights in the realm, nay, even to restore such as had been alienated; and finally alleging, that the rights in question were imprescriptible, according to Distinction 10, cap. “Quis autem,” and many other chapters of the same Distinction: To the aforesaid reasoning it was answered thus: The right of determining civil causes (about which the present controversy was) belonged to the church, both by divine and human appointment. From the time of Adam to that of Christ it was by divine appointment, according to the words of Innocent in Extra “de Foro Competenti,” cap. “Licet;” from the time of Christ it was committed to Peter and his successors for ever (Matthew 16:and Distinct. 22, cap. “Omnes patriarchae”): and that the church in the realms of catholic princes doth and always did enjoy this right, is proved by Causa 2:quaest. 5, cap. “Si quis presbyter,” Causa xi quaest. 1, cap. “Relatum,” and Distinct. 95, cap.” Ecce.”

    The emperors also confirmed this right to the church by the Authent. Collat. 6, tit. 15, “Ut differentes judices”; also Causa 23, quaest. 8, cap. “His a quibus.” The canon law also saith, that St.

    Peter commanded the princes of the earth and all others to obey the bishop (Matthew 16; Extra “de Majoritate et Obedientia,” cap. “Omnes;” and Distinct. 96,. cap. “Duo sunt”). Wherefore it is to be concluded, that the proposed separation between the two jurisdictions ought by no means to be made, so that the rights in question be taken away from the church. And albeit in the realms of tyrannical princes this state of the church hath been impaired and even abolished, yet in this blessed realm of France it hath been always, even to the present time, duly maintained (Extra “de Judiciis,” cap. “Novit,” in parte decisa). The laws, also, of the emperors Theodosius and Charlemagne confirmed this right to the church according to Extra “de Judiciis,” cap. “Novit,” and Causa 11:quaest. 1, cap. “Quicunque;” and in cap. “Omnes” it is expressly stated, that Charlemagne, king of France and emperor, settled this right especially in France. Moreover, if we consider the subject on the score of custom which hath obtained time out of mind, the said jurisdiction is found to have belonged to the church of France under all its Christian and pious kings, and if any one shall go about-to vitiate this custom, it is sacrilege according to Causa 12:quaest. 2, cap. 1 and 2. Nor let the king’s majesty marvel, if in this realm of France, the noblest in the world, this prerogative belongs to the church, as hereby his own power and nobility is beautified (See Authent. Collat. 2, tit. 2, “Ut judices, sine quoquo suffragio fiant”). Besides, our sovereign lord the king at his coronation swore on the holy gospels of God to preserve to the church her rights. All the barons, also, at least such as were faithful to the church, swore fidelity to her, by the which oath of fidelity they are bound to preserve to the church her rights. Since, therefore, every oath is to be kept which tendeth not to the perdition of the soul a fortiori that oath is to be kept which is taken in favor of the church (Extra “de jure-jurando,” cap. “Si vero;” and Causa 22:quaest. 4, cap. ult.). Besides this, Charlemagne, St. Louis, Philip of Arragon [the Bold], Philip the Fair, and his sons Louis and Charles, did confirm these privileges, customs, and liberties to the church, and were all sworn at their coronations, as before stated. Who, then, can advise the king’s majesty contrary to his oath, especially in relation to these liberties granted and so confirmed to the church, without damning of his own soul? To him, on the contrary, belongeth great reward whosoever bestoweth any thing on the church (See Authenticae, Collat. 2 “De non alienand. ac permut, rebus ecclesiae,” cap. 2, “Sinimus”). Neither maketh the allegation against us that there are two swords; nor yet the distinction between priesthood and empire. For first, while it is true that there are two swords, yet that was said to the church, and the right and power of those two swords is left in the church’s hands, although the execution .by the material sword is committed to the temporal or secular men: which is Christ’s meaning where he saith to Peter, “Put up thy sword into its place.” (Matthew 26.) Secondly, as touching the distinction betwixt priesthood and empire, it is true as far as appertaineth unto the end and to the shedding of blood, but not concerning the beginning or subject, for that both the powers are and may be, nay ought to be, in the same subject; as is before proved. To the allegation that Christ paid tribute it is answered, that he paid it not because he was bound thereto-for it is certain that a king’s sons (and such was he) are not bound to pay—but to avoid offense; nor would the clergy be bound thereto (1 Esdras 8:22): wherefore, such things are not to be drawn into a consequence. Neither doth the allegation about the boundaries make for us, because (as hath been already stated) such things are said with peculiar reference to the church. Neither yet maketh the allegation against us, that our sovereign lord the king cannot abdicate his rights because at his coronation he specially swore thereto, for it is replied, that he may abdicate the whole of them, because he cannot be said to abdicate any thing which he giveth to God and the church; for “the earth is the Lord’s,” and therefore to give in such case is nothing else but to restore to God and the church their own: else it would follow that Constantine’s Donation was not binding, which is false (Distinct. 96, cap. “Constantinus”). Besides, it appeareth by ff. “de legatis,” 1. apud Julianum ult., that an emperor or king may alienate things of the empire: and yet the empire or kingdom is not damaged thereby, because the thing returneth to its pristine state (ff. “de pactis” 1. “Si unus,” § “Pact.,”and Distinction 35, cap. “Ab exordio”). Furthermore, that reasoning would condemn all the kings of France that ever were, especially St. Louis; for if it were true (which God forbid), then all of them were perjured, and died in mortal sin; which is too shocking. Lastly, neither doth it touch us, that such things are said to be imprescriptible. ‘Tis true, indeed, they cannot by subjects or otherwise than by the church be prescribed; but in this matter subjects are out of the question.

    Besides, seeing they may be alienated, they may be prescribed, especially with the consent of the kings who have confirmed the same for so long a time back as excludeth all other right, fiscal and ecclesiastical. In conclusion, therefore, the prelates all with one consent, agree, in asserting the aforesaid positions to be true, and such as must be maintained; and they beseech their lord the king, both for his soul’s welfare and the church’s peace, to innovate nothing, but to maintain the church and preserve her liberties as his predecessors did, taking warning from the examples of others what dangers must attend him in pursuing a contrary course. They beg him to consider, also, what spiritual benefits he daily receiveth of the church, and that the church of France never yet failed him when he needed help even in temporal things. Furthermore, he beseecheth his highness to weigh how entirely the present lord pope loveth, and ever did love, his person and realm; affirming that never any one placed in the chair of Peter loved this realm better than he doth, alleging the text, which saith, “Stand in the multitude of the priests, and believe them with thy heart.” (Ecclesiasticus 6:3, 4.)

    After this, in the said session, the aforesaid bishop of Autun, prolocutor, urged many things besides, and answered particularly to the articles above specified and exhibited by the lord Peter in writing to the king and parliament; which, because they touch more the subtilty of the law and styles of the courts, than is necessary to this our history, and because we would not burden the volume withal, they containing no great profit in them, we have here of purpose for brevity’s sake omitted, passing to the next sitting, which was the following Friday, as ensueth. On that day [January the 5th], a973 the prelates assembled at Vincennes before the king, to hear the answer; where the aforesaid lord Peter de Cugnieres, being prolocutor for the king, spake on this wise, taking for his theme, “I am peace unto you, do not fear,” etc.; which he prosecuted, admonishing that they should not be troubled by any thing that had been spoken, for that the intent and mind of their sovereign lord the king was, to keep the rights of the church and prelates, which they had by law and by good and reasonable custom. Where, between the first and the last conclusions, he went about to prove, that the cognizance of civil causes ought not to appertain to the church; for that such things were temporal, and ought to pertain to the temporality, as spiritual things to the spirituality. And besides his other reasons, he alleged the 96 Distinct. cap. “Cum ad rerum.”

    He asserted, also, that for this intent first the clerks’ crowns were shaven, in sign that they should be free from all worldliness, and forsake all temporal things; alleging to that end Causa 12:Quaest. 1. cap. “Duo sunt genera.” Furthermore, he declared, that the bishops had cognizance in certain cases expressed by law, wherefore, these said cases ministered a certain rule against them, alleging in proof thereof “De regulis juris,” f1057 cap. i., and ff. “de legatis,” 1.1. “Titiae textores.” Also he affirmed, that the Decretal “Novit,” which they supposed to make for them, did speak of the king of France’s state, who hath no superior; but in other persons it was, he said, otherwise. These things thus being proved, he concluded by saying, that, nevertheless, their lord and king was ready to hear the information of those, who would instruct him of any customs, and those customs which were good and reasonable he would have observed.

    To this answer, because it did not seem to please and suffice the prelates, the bishop of Autun immediately replied for them all in manner following:

    First, commending the good and general answer, he spake in this wise, “The prince of the people shall be praised for the prudence of his talk” (Ecclesiasticus 9:17), commending therewithal, as touching the former good general answer of the king, his purpose and talk propounded; but as concerning the words of the lord Peter, which engendered and brought darkness and obscurity, and might give occasion to the temporal lords to break and infringe the rights and customs of the church, his answer seemed not to the prelates full and plain. Speaking, moreover, to the said Peter, he alluded to the words of the Virgin speaking in the Scripture thus to her son, “Why hast thou thus dealt with us?” And so he prosecuted the same, both marveling with himself, and yet covertly complaining of his answer.

    Afterwards, in reply to those things which the lord Peter affirmed, first, in reference to the chapter “Cum ad rerum,” he said that it was before answered, touching the division of the two jurisdictions, that they may be in one subject, as was before proved. Neither did that weigh which the lord Peter said, that these two jurisdictions could not be in one subject, because things that be in themselves diverse and yet be under one genus, as a man and an ass, cannot be in one subject; but if they were under divers kinds, as whiteness and sweetness in milk, they might be well in one subject: whereunto it was answered, that this rule was not true, because justice and temperance are two divers virtues, and under one genus, and yet be in one subject; besides, these differing species, a man and an ass, be not compatible in one subject. Also to that which was spoken concerning the shaving of the crown, it was answered, that the crown did betoken rule and excellency; and the shaving did signify, that they ought not to heap up store of temporal things, so as to apply their hearts thereunto; but that the temporal things ought to be subject to them, and not they to the temporalty, as is proved in the said chapter, “Duo sunt genera.” Also as concerning what was alleged “de regula,” he answered, that this maketh for the church, as before was proved; yea, also, that the custom doth make the rule for the church; also that laws in all kind of cases do always except the custom; and, therefore, that his reasoning made nothing against it. And as to that which the lord Peter spake about the Decretal “Novit,” that the case was only one of the king’s person; yet, for all that, the same thing is expressly said in the context of every Christian man: and although in the said law it is the pope who speaketh, yet the same is applied to all bishops in their diocese in the 63rd Distinct. cap. “Valentinianus.” Wherefore the said bishop concluded and beseeched the king, that it would please his grace to gave unto them a more plain and comfortable answer, and that they might not depart from his presence all pensive and sad, whereby occasion might be given to the laity to impugn the rites and liberties of the church, and that they doubted nothing herein of the good nature and conscience of their sovereign lord and king. In the end, it was answered them in the behalf of the king, that it was not his mind and intent to impugn the customs of the church.

    On the Sunday following, the bishops assembled again before the king at Vincennes, where the lord archbishop of Sens repeated their last supplication, with the last answer made them in the behalf of the king; whereupon the lord archbishop of Bourges gave them to understand, how the king willed them not to fear, as they should suffer no hindrance or damage in his time; yea, and how he would defend them in their rights and customs, and that it should never be said, that he gave ensample to others to impugn the church; the king himself assenting to his having so said. The said lord archbishop of Sens in the name of the whole prelates gave humble thanks to the king for this, and the said archbishop of: Sens beseeched that such proclamations, as had been made to the prejudice of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, might be repealed and called in. Hereunto the king himself answered with his own mouth, that they were not published at his commandment, neither did he know of them, nor ratify them. Thirdly, the archbishop proposed, that those abuses which the temporalty complained of should by the prelates be so ordered and reformed, that every man should be well contented therewith. Last of all, he beseeched the king’s highness, that he would of his gracious goodness give them a more comfortable and fuller answer. Then answered the lord Peter in the name of the king; that if the prelates would see reformation of those things which were to be amended, whereabouts he would take respite between then and the Christmas next following, his grace would innovate nothing in the mean season: but that if in the aforesaid space they should not have corrected and reformed that which was amiss, his majesty would then apply such order and remedy, as should be acceptable both to God and his subjects.

    After this the prelates had leave of the king to depart, and went home. f1058 And thus much concerning French matters, which because they be ecclesiastical, and bear with them some utility to the diligent reader (such as list to search, note, and observe the acts of men, and the course of religion), I thought therefore here to place and adjoin next after the other contention before proceeding between Philip the French king and pope Boniface. Albeit. as touching the perfect keeping of years and time, I am not ignorant that this aforesaid parliament, thus summoned and commenced against the French prelates, falling A.D. 1329, was to be referred rather to the reign of king Edward II., of whom now remaineth (by the grace of Christ) in order of history to prosecute, declaring first the instructions and informations of his father given to him at the time of his departing. In the year of our Lord 150and the last year of the king, the aforesaid king Edward, in his journey marching towards Scotland, in the north fell sick of the flux, which increased so fervently upon him, that he despaired of life. Wherefore calling before him his earls and barons, he caused them to be sworn that they should crown his son Edward in such convenient time after his death as they might, and keep the land to his use, till he were crowned. That done, he called before him his son Edward, informing and lessoning him with wholesome precepts, and he also charged him with divers points upon his blessing: first, that he should be courteous, gentle, upright in judgment, fair spoken to all men, constant in deed and word, familiar with the good; and especially to the miserable be merciful. After this, he gave him also charge not to be too hasty in taking his crown before he had revenged his father’s injuries stoutly against the Scots; but that he should remain in those parts to take with him his father’s bones, being well boiled from the flesh, and so being enclosed in some fit vessel, should carry them with him till he conquered all the Scots; saying, “that so long as he had his father’s bones with him, none should overcome him.” Moreover, he willed and required him to love his brothers, Thomas and Edmund; also to cherish and tender his mother Margaret, the queen. Over and besides, he straightly charged him upon his blessing (as he would avoid his curse) that he should in no case call to him again, or send for Peter Gaveston; which Peter Gaveston the king before had banished the realm, for his naughty and wicked familiarity with his son Edward, and for his seducing of him with sinister counsel; for which cause he had both banished Peter Gaveston a974 utterly out of the realm, and also had put the said Edward his son in prison, and therefore so straightly he charged his son in nowise to send for this Gaveston, or to have him in any case about him. And finally, because he had conceived in himself a vow to return in his own person to the Holy Land (which for his manifold wars with the Scots, he could not perform), therefore he had prepared thirtytwo thousand pounds of silver, for the sending of certain soldiers with his heart unto the Holy Land. This thing he required of his son to see accomplished, so that the aforesaid money, under his curse and malediction, be not employed to other uses. But these injunctions and precepts the disobedient son did not at all observe or keep after the decease of his father. Forsaking and leaving off the war with the Scots, the son, with all speed, hasted him to his coronation. Also contrary to the mind of his nobles, and against the precept of his father, he sent for the aforesaid Peter Gaveston, and prodigally bestowed upon him all that treasure which his father had bequeathed to the Holy Land. He was, moreover, a proud despiser of his peers and nobles; and therefore reigned unfortunately, as by the sequel of the story here following, by the grace of Christ, shall be declared. Thus king Edward, the first of that name, leaving behind him three sons, Thomas and Edmund by his third wife, and Edward by his first wife, whom he had sufficiently thus with precepts instructed, departed this mortal life, A.D. 1307, a975 after he had reigned nearly thirty-five years; of whom this epitaph was written: “Dum viguit rex, et valuit tua magna potestas, Fraus latuit, pax magna fuit, regnavit honestas.” In the time and reign of this king many other things happened, which here I omit to speak of, as the long discord and strife between the prior of Canterbury, and the prior of Dover, which continued above four years, together with much wrangling and unquietness between them. Likewise another like contention growing up between John Romain, archbishop of York, and the archbishop of Canterbury: upon this occasion, that when John, archbishop of York, after his consecration returned from the pope, coming to Dover, contrary to the inhibition of Canterbury, he passed through the middle of Kent, with his cross borne up, although the story reporteth that he had the king’s consent thereunto, A.D. 1286. Item, Between Thomas, bishop of Hereford, and John Pecham, archbishop of Canterbury, arose another wrangling matter, in the time of this king; which bishop of Hereford, appealing from the archbishop to the pope, went up to Rome, and on his journey died. Who with less cost might have tarried at home, A.D. 1282.

    EDWARD THE SECOND F1059 EDWARD II., son of Edward I., who was born (as is aforesaid) at Caernarvon in Wales, after the departure of his father entered upon the government of the land A.D. 1307, but was crowned not before the year next following, by reason of the absence of Robert Winchelsey, who was banished by king Edward I.; whereupon the king, this present year, writeth to the pope for the restitution of the said archbishop, for that by an ancient law of the realm the coronation of the king could not otherwise proceed without the archbishop of Canterbury. Which Edward, as he was personable in body and outward shape, so in conditions and evil disposition much deformed—as, unsteadfast of word, and light to disclose secrets of great counsel; also, refusing the company of his lords and men of honor, he much haunted among villains and vile personages; given, moreover, to overmuch drinking, and such vices as thereupon be wont to ensue. And as of his own nature he was to the said vices disposed, so was he much worse by the counsel and familiarity of certain evil-disposed persons; as first, of Peter or Piers Gaveston beforementioned; then, after him, of the two Spensers and other; whose wanton counsel he following, gave himself to the appetite and pleasure of the body, nothing ordering his commonweal by sadness, discretion, and justice; which thing caused first great variance between him and his nobles, so that shortly he became to them odible, and in the end was deprived of his kingdom. In the first year he took to wife Isabel, daughter of Philip king of France; with whom, the year after, he was crowned at Westminster by the bishop of Winchester, for that Robert Winchelsey, archbishop of Canterbury, was yet in exile, not returned home. Notwithstanding, the barons and lords made first their request to the king to put Peter Gaveston from him, or else they would not consent to his coronation; whereupon he was enforced to promise that they should have their requests accomplished, at the next parliament, a976 and so was crowned. In the mean season the aforesaid Peter or Piers, bearing himself of the king’s favor bold, continued triumphing and setting at light all other states and nobles of the realm, so that he ruled both the king and the realm, and all things went as he would; neither had the king any delight else or kept company with any but with him; with him only he brake all his mind, and conferred all his counsels. This, as it seemed strange unto the lords and earls, so it inflamed their indignation so much against this Peter, that through the exciting of the nobles the bishops of the land did proceed in excommunication against the said Gaveston, unless he departed the land. Upon the occasion whereof the king, the same first year of his reign, being grieved with the bishops, writeth to the pope, a977 complaining that they had proceeded to excommunication of the said Peter unless he departed the realm within a time certain. What answer the king’s letter had from the pope, I find not set clown in story. Over and besides, it befel in the said first year of the king that the bishopric of York being vacant, the king gave the office of the treasure to one of his own clerks; whereof the pope having intelligence writeth to the king, commanding him to call back the same gift; and withal citeth up to Rome the said cleric, there to answer the matter to a nephew of one of his cardinals, upon whom he had bestowed the said dignity: whereunto the king maketh answer, “That if such citations and the execution of the same should proceed, to the impeachment of our kingly jurisdiction, and to the prejudice of our lawful inheritance, and the honor of our crown (especially if the deciding of such matters which principally concern our estate should be prosecuted in any other place than within this our realm, by any manner of ways, etc., certes, although we ourselves should wink thereat, or through sufferance permit matters so to pass our hands; yet the states and nobles of our kingdom, who upon allegiance are obliged and sworn to the protection and defense of the dignity of the crown of England, will in no wise suffer our right and the laws of the land so to be violated.”

    Besides this, the aforesaid pope wrote to the king, complaining that by certain counselors of king Edward his father, lying sick and utterly ignorant thereof, a certain restraint was given out, charging his nuncios and legates, whom he had sent for the gathering of the first-fruits of the benefices vacant within the realm, not hereafter to intermeddle therewith, etc.

    Whereunto the king maketh answer,— Most holy father, it hath been given you to understand otherwise than the truth of the matter is. For most true it is, indeed, that the aforesaid inhibition was ratified by good act of parliament holden at Carlisle, upon certain causes concerning the execution of such collections, the said our father not only being not ignorant, but also witting, willing, and of his own mere knowledge agreeing to the same, in the presence not only of his own earls, barons, and states, and commons of the realm, but also your legates and liegers being called thereunto. Item, upon other letters brought from the pope to the king, for the installing of one Peter, a Savoyard, his kinsman, into the bishopric of Worcester, being then vacant; and withal requiring that if the said Peter would not accept thereof, the election should be referred to the prior and convent of the same place: the king therewith grieved, maketh answer by his letters to the pope, and sundry his cardinals: “That forsomuch as elections of prelates to be placed in cathedral churches within his kingdom are not to be attempted without his license first had and obtained, etc.;” therefore he could not abide that any such strange and unaccustomed reservations should or could take place in his realm without manifest prejudice of his kingly estate; requiring further that he would not cause any such novelties to be brought into his kingdom, contrary to that which his ancestors before him had been accustomed to do.

    Thus the time proceeded, and at length the parliament appointed came, A.D. 1310, which was the fourth of this king’s reign. The articles were drawn by the nobles to be exhibited to the king, which articles were the same as those contained in ‘Magna Charta’ and in ‘Charta de Foresta,’ above specified, with such other articles as his father had charged him with before—to wit, that he should remove from him and his court all Miens and perverse counselors, and that all the matters of the commonwealth should be debated by common counsel of the lords both temporal and spiritual; and that he should stir no war out of England in any other foreign realm, without the common assent of the same, etc. The king perceiving their intent to be (as it was indeed) to sunder Peter Gaveston from his company, and seeing no other remedy but that he needs must yield and grant his consent, agreed that the said Gaveston should be banished into Ireland. And so the parliament breaking up, the lords returned to their own, well appeased: although of the other articles they could not speed, yet, that they had driven Peter Gaveston out of the realm at this time, it did suffice them.

    This Peter Gaveston was a certain gentleman’s son of Gascony; whom, being young, king Edward I. for the good service his father had done him in his wars received to his court, and placed him with his son Edward now reigning. Who, in process of time growing up with him, incensed and provoked him to much outrage and wantonness; by whose occasion first he began in his father’s days to break the park of Walter, bp. of Chester, then lord treasurer of England, and after executor to the king; for the which so doing the king (as is partly touched before) imprisoned his son, and condemned this Peter to perpetual banishment. Notwithstanding, the young king after the death of his father (as ye have heard) sent for this Gaveston again; a979 and withal so persecuted this aforesaid bishop, that he clapped him in the tower and seized upon all his goods; moreover, caused most strict inquisition to be made upon him for guiding his office, wherein if the least crime might have been found, it would have cost him his life. And thus much of Peter Gaveston, and of his origin. Now to the matter.

    The king thus separated from his old compeer, that is, from the company of Peter Gaveston now exiled into Ireland, continued in great mourning and pensiveness, seeking by all means possible how to call him home again, and conferring with such as were about him upon the same; who did insinuate to the king, that forsomuch as the earl of Gloucester was a man well loved and favored in all the realm, if a marriage might be wrought betwixt his sister and Peter Gaveston, it might be a means both for him to obtain more friendship and for the king to have his desire. To make short, Peter Gaveston in all haste was sent for, and the marriage through the king’s procuring proceeded between the earl’s sister and the aforesaid Peter, albeit, sore against the earl’s mind. Gaveston, thus restored and dignified, was so surprised in pride and exaltation more than ever before, that he disdained and derided all other: whose rule and power more and more increased, insomuch that he, having the guiding of all the king’s jewels and treasure, conveyed out of the king’s jewel-house at Westminster a table and a pair of tressels of gold unto certain merchants beyond the sea, with other jewels more, to his behoof; to the great impoverishing both of the king and queen and of the land; and over all that brought the king by mean of his wanton conditions to manifold vices, as adultery and such other like. Wherefore the lords, seeing the mischief that daily increased by occasion of this unhappy man, took their counsel together at Lincoln, and there con-eluded to void him again out of England, so that shortly after he was exiled again, and went into Flanders; for in France or his own country he durst not appear, for fear of Philip the French king, to whom the queen of England, his daughter, had sent over great complaints of the said Gaveston, who had so impoverished her and the whole court, that she had not wherewith to maintain her state. Upon which complaint, the French king through all his dominions laid strait watch to apprehend the said Gaveston; but he, not unwarned thereof, secretly coasted into Flanders, from whence it was not long but he was fet again by the king, as in further process followeth; so much was the king’s heart infatuated by this wicked person.

    About this year, or the next before, came in first the Crouched Friars; and also began first the knights of the order of St. John Baptist, otherwise called the knights of Rhodes, for that they by manly knighthood put out the Turks from the isle of Rhodes.

    In the history of king Edward, this king’s father, before precedent, mention was made of pope Clement V., who succeeded after Benedict; also of putting down of the Templars, which in this year happened by the means of the French king; who, as he caused to be burned in the city of Paris this year fifty-four Templars, with the great master of the same order, so, by his procurement, the aforesaid pope Clement called a council at Vienne, where the whole order and sect of Templars being condemned, was shortly after, by the consent of all Christian kings, deposed all in one day. After which, the French king thought to make his son king of Jerusalem, and to convert to him all the lands of the said Templars. But Clement, the pope, would thereto not agree, transferring all their lands to the order of Hospitallers, for the great sum of money given for the same. The cause why these impious Templars were put down was so abominable and filthy, that for reverence of chaste cars it were better not told, if it be true that some write. Another matter worthy to be noted of like abomination I thought here to insert, touching a certain nunnery in France called Provines, within which, at the cleansing and casting of a fish-pond, were found many bones of young children, and the bodies also of some infants as yet wholly unconsumed; upon occasion whereof divers of the nuns of the said nunnery, to the number of twenty-seven, were had to Paris, and there imprisoned: what became of them afterwards I find not in mine author. f1063 In the same council also, it was decreed by the said Clement, that all religious orders exempted should be subject to the common law as others were; but the Cistercian monks, with money and great gifts, redeemed their privileges and exemptions of the pope, and so had them granted. These Cistercians sped better herein, than did the Minorites of the Franciscan order in their suit, of whom, when certain of them had offered unto the said pope Clement forty thousand florins of gold, besides other silver, that the pope would dispense with them to have lands and possessions against their rule, the pope asked them, Where was that money? They answered, In the merchantmen’s hands. So the space of three days being given them to bring forth these merchants; the pope absolved the merchants of their bond made to the friars, and commanded that all that money should be employed and should revert to his use; declaring to the friars that he would not infringe nor violate the rule of St. Francis lately canonized, neither ought to do it for any money. And thus the beggarly rich friars lost both their money and their indulgence. f1066 Concerning this pope Clement V. Sabellicus writeth, that he excommunicated the Venetians for aiding and preferring of Azo, marquis d’Este, unto the estate of Ferrara; and wrote his letters throughout all Europe, condemning them as enemies of the church, and giving their goods as a lawful prey unto all men; which caused them to sustain great harm.

    But Francis Dandolo, a nobleman of Venice, being ambassador from the Venetians to the said Clement, for the obtaining of their absolution and the safeguard of their city and country, and for pacifying the pope’s fury towards them, was fain so to humble himself before this proud tyrannical prelate, that he suffered a chain of iron to be tied about his neck, and to lie down flat before his table, and so to catch the bones and fragments that fell from his table, as it had been a dog, till the pope’s fury towards them was assuaged; so that after that, in reproach, because he so humbled himself for the behalf and helping of his country, he was of some called a dog. But the city of Venice showed themselves not unkind in return to Dandolo for his gentle good-will declared to his country; for, as he had abased himself before, in the vile and ignominious condition of a dog, for his country’s sake, so they extolled him with as much glory again when he returned home, decking and adorning him after the best array, with the chief princely ornaments of the city, to make him amends for his former reproach received. f1069 Concerning the constitutions of this pope Clement, and his decretals and Clementines, and how Henry the emperor, in his days, was poisoned in receiving the sacrament, ye have heard before. About this time Robert Winchelsey, archbishop of Canterbury, whom this king’s father had banished before, was released, and returned home from Rome.

    These things thus declared, let us proceed, by the Lord’s grace, to the next year (A.D. 1811), and the fifth of this king’s reign. In that year, counting the year from Michaelmas to the same feast again, as then the usage of the realm was, Peter Gaveston, who had wandered the countries about, and could find no safe resting-place (notwithstanding that, upon forfeiture of life and goods, he was utterly banished out of the realm, yet trusting to the king’s favor, and the good will of the earl of Gloucester, whose sister he had married), secretly returning into England with a certain company of strangers, presented himself to the king’s sight. On beholding him, the king for joy ran to him, and embracing him, did not only retain him, but also for his sake undid all such acts as had been, in the parliament before enacted. The queen and the whole court seeing this doating of the king, made a heavy Christmas. After this return of Gaveston was noised among the commons, the peers and nobles of the realm were not a little stirred, casting with themselves what way it were best to take. If he were still suffered, they saw not only themselves rejected, but also that the queen could not enjoy the love of the king, neither could there be any quietness in the realm. Again, to stir up war in the land, it were not the best; to vex or disquiet the king also they were afraid. But forasmuch as they could not abide that all the nobility should be so thrust out and vilipended for the love of one stranger, and also that the realm should be so spoiled and impoverished by the same, this way they took: namely, that Thomas, earl of Lancaster, should be elected among them as the chieftain, and chief doer in that business; to whom all other earls, and barons, and prelates also, did concordly condescend and consent, except only Walter, bishop of Coventry, whom Robert the archbishop, on that account, afterwards did excommunicate. This Thomas of Lancaster, by the public assent of the rest, sent to the king (then lying at York) humble petitions in the name, as well of the whole nobility as of the commons, desiring his grace to give the aforesaid Gaveston unto them; or else, according to the ordinance of the realm, that the land might be voided of him. But the tyrannous king, who set more by the love of one stranger than by his whole realm besides, neither would hearken to their counsel, nor give place to their supplications; but in all hasty fury removed from York to Newcastle, where he remained almost till Midsummer.

    In the meantime, the barons had gathered an host of sufficient and able soldiers, coming toward Newcastle; not intending any molestation against the king, but only the execution of the laws upon the wicked Gaveston.

    The king, not having wherewith to resist their power, removeth in all speedy manner to Tynemouth, where the queen was; and, hearing there.that Newcastle was taken, he taketh shipping, and saileth from thence, notwithstanding the queen there, being great with child, with weeping tears, and all instance, desireth him to tarry with her, as safely as he might; but, nothing relenting to her, took Peter, his compeer, with him, and coasted over to the castle of Scarborough; where, leaving Peter Gaveston to the safe keeping of his men, he himself journeyed toward the coast beside Warwick. The lords, hearing where Peter was, bend thither all their power; so that, at length, Gaveston seeing no remedy, but that he must needs come into their hands, yieldeth and submitteth himself; requiring only this one condition, that he might talk a few words with the king in his presence. Thus Gaveston being apprehended, the king hearing thereof, sent unto the lords, requiring his life to be spared; and that he might be brought to speak to him, and promised that on their so doing, he would satisfy their minds and requests in all things whatsoever. About this, advisement was taken: but the earl of Pembroke, hearing the king’s promise, persuaded the barons to yield to his petition; promising himself, upon pain of losing all his lands, to take the charge upon him of bringing Gaveston to a conference with the king. and so to recommit him to them again: which when he had obtained, he taketh Peter Gaveston with him, to bring him where the king lay; and so coming to Dedington, not far from Warwick, he leaveth him in the keeping of his soldiers, while he that night went to his wife, being not far off from thence. The same night it chanced that Guy, earl of Warwick, came to the same place where Gaveston was left; who, taking him out of the hands of his keepers, carrieth him to the castle of Warwick, where incontinent they would have put him to death; but doubting and fearing the king’s displeasure, they staid a little. At that time one of the company (a man of sage and wise counsel, as mine author writeth) standing up among them, with his grave oration declareth the nature of the man, the wickedness of his own condition, the realm by him so greatly endamaged, the nobles despised and rejected, the pride and ambition of the man intolerable, the ruin of things like to ensue by him, and the great charges and expenses they had been at, in so long pursuing and getting him; and now, being gotten and in their hands, he exhorteth them to use and take the occasion now present; as hereafter, being out of their hands, they might seek, and should not find it.

    Briefly, in such sort, he so persuaded the hearers, that forthwith he was brought out, and by common agreement beheaded in a place called Blakelow; which place in other stories I find to be called Gaveshead; but that name, as I think, was derived upon this occasion, afterward. And thus he that before had called the earl of Warwick the black dog of Arden, a981 was thus by the said dog worried, as ye have heard. His carcass the Dominic friars of Oxford had in their monastery interred for the space of two years; but, after that, the king caused the said carcass to be taken up and buried within his own manor of Langley. After this, great disturbance began to arise between the king and the lords; who having their power lying about Dunstable, sent stout message unto the king at London, to have their former acts confirmed. Gilbert, earl of Gloucester, the king’s nephew (who neither did hold against the king, nor yet against the nobles), with the bishops and prelates of the realm, went between both parties with great diligence to make unity. At this time, also, came two cardinals from Rome, with letters sent unto them from the pope. The nobles answered to the message of the cardinals, lying then at St. Alban’s; that, as touching themselves, they should be at all times welcome to them; but as touching their letters, forasmuch as they were men unlettered, and only brought up in war and feats of arms, therefore they cared not to see the same. Then message was sent again, that they would at least grant but to speak with the popes legates, who purposely came for the intent to establish quiet and unity in the realm. They answered again, that they had bishops both godly and learned, by whose counsel only they would be led; and not by any strangers, who knew not the true cause of their commotion. And, therefore, they said precisely, that they would have no foreigners or aliens to be doers in their business and affairs pertaining to the realm. Yet, notwithstanding, through the mediation of the archbishop and of the earl of Gloucester, the matter at length was so taken up, that the barons should restore to the king, or to his attorney of St. Alban’s, all the treasure, horses, and jewels of the aforesaid Gaveston taken at Newcastle; and so their requests should be granted. And so was the matter at that time composed.

    Shortly after, Isabel the queen was delivered of a fair child at Windsor, whom Louis, the French king:s son, (the queen’s brother, with other Frenchmen there present) would have to be called by the name of the French king; but the English lords were contrary, willing him to be called by the name of Edward, his father. At the birth of this Edward there was great rejoicing throughout the land, and especially the king his father so much joyed thereat, that he began daily more and more to forget the sorrow and remembrance of Gaveston’s death, and was, after that, more agreeable to the will of his nobles.

    Thus peace and concord between them began to be in a good towardness; which more and more might have been confirmed in process of time, had not Satan, the author and sower of discord, stirred up his instruments (certain Frenchmen, titivillers, and make-baits about the king), who ceased not, in carping and depraving the nobles, to inflame the king’s hatred and grudge against them; by the exciting of whom the old quarrels being renewed afresh, the king, in his parliament called upon the same, began to charge the aforesaid barons and nobles with sedition and rebellion, and for slaying Peter Gaveston. Neither were the nobles less stout again in defending their cause, declaring that they in so doing had deserved rather thanks and favor with the king than any displeasure, in vanquishing such a public enemy of the realm; who not only had spoiled and wasted the king’s substance, but also had raised much disturbance in the realm; and, forasmuch as they had begun with the matter to their so great labor and expense, they would proceed further, they said, not ceasing till they saw an end thereof. To be short: great threats there were on both parts, and a foul matter had like to have followed; but again, through the diligent mediation of the queen, the prelates, and the aforesaid earl of Gloucester, the matter was taken up and brought to reconcilement upon these conditions, that the lords and barons openly in Westminster Hall should humble themselves before the king, and ask pardon there of their doings, and that every man there should receive a letter of the king’s pardon, for their indemnity and assurance. And so passed over that year, within which died Robert Winchelsey, archbishop of Canterbury; in whose room Thomas Cobham was elected by the king and church of Canterbury to succeed; but the pope frustrating the election, placed Walter Reinold, bishop of Worcester.

    In the mean time, the Scots hearing this civil discord in the realm, began to be busy, and to rebel anew through the means of Robert Bruce, who being chased out of Scotland by king Edward I., as is above premised, into Norway, was now returned again in, to Scotland, where he demeaned himself in such sort to the lords there, that in short process he was again made king of the realm, and warred so strongly upon those that took the king’s part, that he won from them many castles and strong holds, and invaded the borders of England. The king, hearing this, assembleth a great power, and by water entereth the realm of Scotland; against whom encountered Robert Bruce with his Scots at Estrivelin, where was fought a strong battle, in the end whereof the Englishmen were discomfited, and so eagerly pursued by the Scots, that many of the noblemen were slain, as the earl of Gloucester, Sir Robert Clifford, Sir Edmund Maule, with other lords to the number of forty-two, and knights and barons two hundred and twenty-seven, besides men of name, who were taken prisoners; of common soldiers ten thousand, or, after the Scottish story, fifty thousand slain. After that, Sir Robert Bruce reigned as king of Scotland. About that time, and in that year, died pope Clement, who, keeping in the realm of France, never came to the see of Rome; after whose death the papacy stood void two years.

    The Scots, after this, exalted with pride and fierceness, invaded the realm of England so sorely, killing and destroying man, woman, and child, that they came winning and wasting the north parts as far as to York. Besides this, such dearth of victuals and penury of all things oppressed the whole land, such murrain of sheep and oxen, that men were fain to eat horseflesh, dogs, cats, mice, and what else they could get. Moreover, such a price of corn followed withal, that the king hardly had bread for the sustentation of his own household. Moreover, some there were that did steal children and eat them, and many, for lack of victual, died. And yet all this amended not the king of his evil living.

    The cause and origin of this great dearth, was partly the wars and dissension between them and the Scots, whereby a great part of the land was wasted. But the chiefest cause was the intemperate season of the year, which, contrary to the common course, was so moist with abundance of rain, that the grain laid in the earth could have no ripening by heat of the sun, nor grow to any nourishment; so that they who had to eat, could not be satisfied with fullness, but eftsoons were as hungry again. They that had nothing were driven to steal and rob; the rich were constrained to avoid and diminish their households; the poor for famine died. And not so much the want of victuals which could not be gotten, as the unwholesomeness of the same when it was taken, so consumed the people, that the quick were not sufficient to bury the dead; for the corruption of the meats, by reason of the unseasonableness of the ground, was so infectious that many died of the flux, many of hot fevers, divers of the pestilence. And not only the bodies of men thereby were infected, but also the beasts, by the putrefaction of the herbs and grass, fell into as great a murrain, so far forth as that the eating of flesh was suspected and thought contagious. A quarter of corn and salt, from the month of June to September, rose from thirty shillings to forty shillings. the flesh of horses was then precious to the poor. Many were driven to steal fat dogs, and to eat them. Some were said, in secret comers, to eat their own children. Some would steal other men’s children to kill them and eat them privily. The prisoners and thieves that were in bonds, for hunger fell upon such as were newly brought in unto them, and, tearing them in pieces, did eat them half alive. Briefly, this extreme penury had extinguished and consumed (as it was thought) the greatest part of the people of the land, had not the king, by the statute of the Londoners, given forth command-merit through all his land, that no corn should at that time be turned to the making of drink.

    Such a Lord is God, thus able to do, where he is disposed to strike. And yet we miserable creatures, in our wealth and abundance, will not cease daily to provoke his terrible Majesty.

    But let us return again to the order of our story. After the Scots had thus plagued miserably, as ye have heard, the realm of England, they also invaded Ireland, where they kept up and continued war the space of four years. But in fine, the Irishmen (by aid sent to them from England) did quit themselves so well, that they vanquished the Scots, and slew Edward Bruce, and many of the nobles of Scotland, with many others, and drove the residue out of the country.

    The king, about the twelfth year of his reign, assembled a new host, and went into Scotland, where he laid siege to Berwick. But in the mean time, the Scots, by another way, invaded the marches of Yorkshire, robbing and harassing the country, and they slew much people. Wherefore the archbishop of York, and others, the abbots, priors, clerks, with husbandmen, assembled a great company, and gave them battle at a place called Milton, where the Englishmen were discomfited, and many of them slain; but the archbishop and the abbot of Selby, and divers others there, escaped. So many spiritual men were slain there, that it was called the White Battle; for reason whereof, the king on hearing of it, and partly because winter did approach, was constrained to raise the siege; and so returned, not without great danger.

    At this time the two Spensers (sir Hugh Spenser the father, and Hugh Spenser the son) were of great power in England, and by the favor of the king practiced such cruelty, and bore themselves so haughtily and proudly, that no lord of this land might gainsay them in any thing that they thought good; whereby they were in great hatred and indignation both with the nobles and the commons, no less than Peter Gaveston was before.

    Soon upon this came two legates from Rome, sent by pope John XXII., under pretense to settle an agreement between England and Scotland; who, for their charges and expenses, required of every spiritual person four-pence in every mark. a982 But all their labor nothing availed; for the legates, as they were in the north parts (about Darlington) with their whole family and train, were robbed and despoiled of their horses, treasure, apparel, and what else they had, and with an evil favored handling, retired back again to Durham, where they staid awhile, waiting for an answer from the Scots. But when neither the pope’s legacy, nor his curse, would take any place with the Scots, they returned again to London, here they first excommunicated and cursed as black as soot all those arrogant and presumptuous robbers of Northumberland. Secondly, for supplying of the losses received, they exacted of the clergy, to be given and paid unto them, eight-pence in every mark. But the clergy thereunto would not agree, seeing it was their own covetousness (as they said) that made them venture further than they needed. Still they were contented to relieve them as far as four-pence in a mark, as they promised before; further they would not grant: whereof the king being advertised, and taking part with his clergy, directed his letters to the said legates in form as followeth: f1074 LETTER OF THE KING TO THE LEGATES. a983 The king to Master Rigaud of Asserio, canon of Orleans, greeting: we have taken notice of the clamors and lamentable petitions of the subjects of our realm, perceiving by the same that you practice many and sundry inconveniences very strange, never heretofore accustomed, nor heard of in this our realm, as well against the clergy and ecclesiastical persons, as against the laity, even to the utter oppression and impoverishing of many of our liege people; which if it should be winked at, as God forbid, may, in process of time, be occasion of. greater, perils to ensue; whereat we are (not without cause), moved, and not a little grieved. We forbid you, therefore, that from henceforth you practice not, nor presume in any case to attempt any thing within this our realm either against our clergy or laity, that may in any manner of way tend to the prejudice of our royal person, or of our crown and dignity regal.

    Witness the king at Windsor the sixth day of February, in the 11th year of his reign. Per concilium.

    Likewise in the same year the said king writeth to the same effect to the archbishop of Canterbury, as followeth: f1075 LETTER OF THE KING TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.

    The king to the reverend father in God, W. by the same grace archbishop of Canterbury, primate of England, greeting: We are credibly informed by many of our subjects, that certain strange impositions, never heard of before within any of our dominions, upon lands and tenements, goods and chattels, concerning the testaments and cases of matrimony, are brought into our realm to be executed upon our subjects by you or some others; which, if it should proceed to execution, would manifestly tend to the disherison and impeach-merit of our crown and dignity regal, and the intolerable damage of the subjects of our realm, to the due preservation of the which you are bound by solemn oath of allegiance. We therefore command and straitly charge you, that you proceed not in any case to the execution of any such letters, either in your own person, or by any other, nor yet presume, by color of the same, to attempt any thing that may be prejudicial or hurtful to our crown or dignity regal. And if you, or any other in your name, have done or attempted any tiling by color of the same, that ye call back and revoke the same forthwith without delay. Witness the king at Shene, the 17th of February, the eleventh year of his reign.

    Per ipsum regem.

    The like letters in effect were directed to the archbishop of York, and to every other bishop throughout England; by force of which letters the greedy legates being restrained of their ravening purpose, taking what they could get, and settling a peace, such as it was, between the king and the earl of Lancaster, were fain to pack.

    Besides the restraint above mentioned for strange impositions, there followed, moreover, the same year, the king’s prohibition for the gathering of Peter-pence, directed to the aforesaid legate the tenor whereof followeth.

    A PROHIBITION AGAINST EXTORTION IN GATHERING THE POPE’S PETER-PENCE F1076 The king to Master Rigaud of Asserio, canon of Orleans, greeting:

    We are given to understand that you do demand and purpose to levy the Peter-penny within our realm, otherwise than the said Peter-penny hath been heretofore accustomed to be levied in the time of any one progenitors, exercising herein grievous censures ecclesiastical, to the great annoyance and damnifying of the subjects of our realm; for present remedy whereof our loving subjects have made their humble supplication unto us. And forasmuch as the said Peter-penny hath been hitherto accustomed to be gathered and levied upon lands and tenements within our realm after a due manner and form, we, not willing that any such unaccustomed impositions shall in any wise be made upon the lands and tenements of any of our subjects within our dominions, prohibit you, upon grievous pain, straitly, charging.that in no wise you presume to exact, gather, or levy the stud Peter-penny in any other form or manner than hath been heretofore accustomed to be gathered and levied in the time of our progenitors, or since the beginning of our reign, until further order be taken in our high court of parliament by the advice of the nobles and peers of our realm, such as may wen be taken without prejudice of our crown and damage of subjects. Witness the king at Westminster the first day of March.

    Per ipsum regem et concilium.

    Letters to the same effect were directed to the archbishops, deans, archdeacons, and the rest of the clergy.

    Touching the first original of this Peter-pence, though mention be made before in the life of king Offa and others, yet to make a brief recapitulation of the same, according to the rolls as they come to our hands. It is found recorded in ancient chronicles touching the Peter-pence of St. Peter (A. D. 793), that Offa, king of Mercia, traveled up to Rome in the time of pope Adrian I. to obtain the canonizing of St. Alban; and having performed his vow, visiting the college of English students which then flourished in Rome, he did give to the maintenance of the scholars of England, students in Rome, one penny out of every tenement within this realm, that had land belonging to it amounting to the yearly value of thirty pence. And for this his munificence he obtained of pope Adrian, that no person within his dominion public, repenting him for not performing enjoined penance, should therefore be banished. f1078 Concerning tins Peter-pence, it is touched in the laws of king Edward the Martyr, chap. 10, when, where, of whom, and under what pain, this Peterpence must be gathered; being but the king’s mere alms, as is aforesaid.

    And thus much touching Peter-pence. Now for other letters written by the king to the pope, the same year, for other matters, as craving the pope’s help in compounding the variance betwixt the two archbishops of Canterbury and York, for bearing the cross from the one province to the other, thus it followeth: that the king grievously complaineth, that such hurly-burly and uproar arose thereof, that they could not meet together in one place through the great multitude of armed men, assistants on both parts in the very bearing of the cross, to the great disturbance of the people.

    Now after this long digression, to turn to our English matters again, mention was made before of the variance between the king and the earl of Lancaster, and of a peace concluded between them. But this peace did not long endure, which the king by his own default did break, sending to the Scots a privy messenger (who was taken in the way), to have the aforesaid earl of Lancaster, by their means made away with.

    In the mean time the lords and nobles of England, detesting the outrageous pride of the Spensers, whereby they wrought daily both great dishonor to the king, and hinderance to the commonweal, in such wise conspired against them, that gathering their power together, they made a request to the king, that he should remove the Spensers from his person. For this there was a parliament called at London, and the barons came together with a great company; at which parliament both the Spensers were banished the land for the term of their lives, and they took shipping at Dover, and so voided the land. But not long after, the king (contrary to the ordinance made in the parliament) sent for the Spensers again, and set them in high authority; and they ruled all things after their sensual appetites, nothing regarding justice or the commonwealth. The barons, therefore, intending again to reform this mischief, assembled their powers; but the king (making such hasty speed, and gathering his people so soon) was stronger than they, and pursued them so in divers places, that the barons, not fully joined together (some flying, and some departing to the king, some slain by the way), in the end were chased so eagerly, that in short space the aforesaid Thomas, earl of Lancaster, was taken, and put to death with the rest of the nobility, to the number of two and twenty of the greatest men, and chiefest captains of this realm; of whom only Thomas, earl of Lancaster, for the nobility of his blood, was beheaded, all the other lords and barons being hanged, drawn, and quartered, etc. This bloody unmercifulness of the king toward his natural subjects, not only procured to him great dishonor within the realm, but also turned afterwards to his much greater harm and hinderance, in his foreign wars against the Scots; and, finally, wrought his utter confusion, and the overthrow of his seat royal, as in the sequel of his end appeared, and worthily.

    After the ruin of these noble personages, the king, as though he had gotten a great conquest (who then indeed began first to be overcome and conquered himself, when he so oppressed and cut off the strength and sinews of his chivalry), began to triumph not a little with the Spensers; and, to count himself sure as though he were in heaven, to exercise more sharp severity upon his subjects, trusting and committing all to the counsel only of the aforesaid Spensers, insomuch that both the queen and the residue of the nobles could little be regarded; who, as they grew ever in more contempt with the king, so they increased more in hatred against the Spensers; but strength and ability lacked to work their will.

    The next year the king, being at York, after he had made Sir Hugh Spenser an earl, and Sir John Baldock (a man of evil fame) to be chancellor of England, raised a mighty host against the Scots; but for lack of skillful guiding, expert captains, and for want especially of due provision of victuals necessary for such an army, the great multitude, to the number reckoned of a hundred thousand (wandering through Scotland, from whence the Scots had conveyed all their goods and cattle into mountains and marshes), were so pinched and starved with famine, that a great part of the army, presently perished; and they that returned home, as soon as they tasted of meats, escaped not. a984 The king not having resistance of his enemies, and seeing such a destruction of his subjects, was forced, without any act done, to retire. But in his retiring, Sir James Douglas and the Scots having knowledge thereof, pursued him in such wise, that they slew many Englishmen, and had well nigh taken the king himself. After this distress, the king, thus beaten and wearied with the Scots, would fain have joined in truce with the Scots; but because they stood excommunicated by the pope, he standing in fear thereof, desired license to treat with them of peace, notwithstanding the said excommunication: which license being obtained, a treaty was appointed by commissioners on both parts at Newcastle, at the feast of St. Nicholas next ensuing; and so truce was taken for thirteen years. Whereupon this is to be noted by the way, gentle reader, not unworthy of observation, that whereas in former times, and especially in those of the late king Edward I., so long as the Scots were under the pope’s blessing, and we in displeasure with his holiness for dealing with them, so long we prevailed mightily against them, even to the utter subversion in a manner of their whole estate. But now so soon as the pope took our part, and the Scots were under his curse and excommunication, then gat they greater victories against us than at any time either before or since; insomuch as that being before not able to defend themselves against us, they now pursued us into the bowels of our own country.

    The king purposing to erect a house of friars Augustine, within the town of Boston in Lincolnshire, first prayed the pope’s license in that behalf.

    Polydore Virgil, among other histories of our English nation which he intermeddleth with, prosecuting also the acts and life of this present king, and coming to write of the queen’s going over into France, inferreth much variety and diversity of authors and story-writers concerning the cause thereof. Otherwise, he giveth himself no true certainty of that matter, neither yet toucheth he that which was the real cause; by reason partly, that he being an Italian and a foreigner, could not understand our English tongue, and partly again, being but one man, neither could he alone come to the sight of all our Latin authors. One I am sure came not to his perusing, an old ancient Latin history fairly written in parchment, but without name, belonging to the library of William Cary, citizen of London. In that story, the truth of this matter, without any ambiguity, is fully and with all circumstances expressed, as here briefly is inserted.

    The king of England had been divers and sundry times cited up to the court of France, to do homage to the French king, for the dukedom of Aquitaine, and other lands which the king then held of France; which homage because the king of England refused to tender, the French king began to enter all such possessions as the king then did hold in France: whereupon great contention and conflicts there were, on both sides. At length, in this year now present, a parliament was called at London, where, after much altercation, at last it was determined, that certain should be sent over, to wit, the bishops of Winchester and Norwich, and the earl of Richmond, to make agreement betwixt the two kings; for the better help and fortification of which agreement, it was thought good afterwards, that queen Isabel, sister to Charles, then the French king, should be sent over. Here is to be noted first, that the queen’s lands and possessions and castles a little before, upon the breach between the French king and the king of England, were seized into the king’s hands, and the queen put to her pension, etc.

    Thus the queen being sent over with a few to attend upon her, only Sir John Cromwel, baron, and four knights, took their passage to France; by whose mediation it was there concluded, that the king of England, if he would not himself come to do his homage, should give to his son Edward the dukedom of Aquitaine and the earldom of Pontigny: and so he to come to make his homage to the king, and to possess the same. This being in France concluded, was sent over by message to the king of England, with the king’s letters patent adjoined for the safe conduct of him or of his son.

    Upon this, deliberation was taken in the council of England; but the two Spensers fearing to take the seas with the king, or, without the king, to remain behind, for fear of the nobles, so appointed, that prince Edward, the king’s son, was sent, which happened afterwards to their utter desolation, as it followed: for all things being quieted and ordered according to the agreement in France, king Edward of England, soon after Michaelmas, sendeth for his wife and his son again out of France. But she, sending home most part of her family, refuseth herself to return; for what cause it is not fully certain, whether for indignation that her possessions and lands were seized to the king, as is before premised; or whether for fear and hatred of the Spensers, as is likely; or else for love and familiarity of Sir Roger Mortimer. For here is to be noted, that the said Sir Roger Mortimer, with divers others of the barons’ part, who had broken prison in England, were fled before into France, and now resorted unto the queen.

    The king seeing this, giveth forth in proclamation, and limiteth a certain day to the queen and his son to return; or else to be proclaimed traitors to the king and to the realm. Notwithstanding, the queen persisting in her purpose, denieth to return, unless the other nobles who were fled might be permitted safely also to return with her; whereupon the king immediately caused them both to be proclaimed traitors, and all them that took their parts.

    Here then began great hatred between king and king, between the king and the queen, much preparation of war, great spoiling on the sea, much sending between the pope and them; but that would not serve. Then the king, by the counsel of the Spensers, sendeth privily to procure the death of the queen and of his son, which should be wrought by the execution of the earl of Richmond, the queen’s familiar; but as the Lord would, that imagination was prevented and utterly frustrated. Albeit, the queen, yet notwithstanding (whether misdoubting what corruption of money might do in the court of France; or whether the French king, being threatened by the king of England and by the pope, durst not detain her), removed from thence, and was received with Edward her son, joyously and honourably in the court or country of the earl of Heinault. There, by means of such as were about her, a marriage was concluded between the said Edward her son, being of the age of fourteen years, and Philippa, the aforesaid earl’s daughter. When this was noised in England, divers men of honor and name came over to the queen; and, soon after, the earl of Heinault prepared a crew of five hundred men of arms to set over the young prince with his mother into England. Of this the fame sprang shortly through the realm; wherefore the king in all defensible ways made provision to have the havens and ports of his land surely kept, to resist the landing of his enemies. On the contrary side, the queen, with no less preparation, provideth all things to her expedition necessary; who, when she saw her time, speeding herself to the sea-coast with prince Edward her son, lord Edmund earl of Kent the king’s brother, Sir Roger Mortimer, the lord Wygmore, and other exiles of England, accompanied also by the aforesaid Heinaulders, of whom Sir John of Heinault, the earl’s brother, was captain, having with her of Englishmen and strangers the number of two thousand seven hundred and fifty-seven soldiers; she took shipping in those parts, and had the wind so favorable, that they landed in England at a port called Orwel, beside Harwich in Suffolk, in the dominion of the earl marshal, in the month of September; to whom, after her landing, resorted earl marshal the earl of Leicester, with other barons, knights, and bishops also namely of Lincoln, Hereford, Durham, and Ely. The archbishop of Canterbury, though he came not himself, yet sent his aid and money. Thus the queen, well furnished with plenty both of men and victuals, setteth forward toward London; so that the further she. came, the more her number daily increased, and the king’s power contrarily decreased; insomuch that, as mine author affirmeth, not one almost in all the realm could be hired with any wages to fight on the king’s behalf against the queen, neither did the queen’s army hurt any man or child, either in goods or any other tiling, by the way.

    At the arriving of the queen, the king was in London, who first would not believe it to be true. Afterwards, seeing and perceiving how it was, he asketh help of the Londoners, who, after mature advisement, rendered this answer to the king again: that as touching the king, the queen, and their son, the lawful heir of the kingdom, they were ready, with all duty and service, to honor and obey. As for strangers and traitors to the realm, they would receive none such within their city gates. Furthermore, to go out of the city to fight, that, they said, they would not, unless it were so, that according to the liberties of their city, they might return home again before sunset. The king hearing this answer (which liked him not well), fortifieth the Tower of London with men and victuals, committing the custody thereof to John Ealtham, his younger son, and to the wife of Hugh Spenser, his niece; and leaving Walter Stapleton, bishop of Exeter, behind him, to have the ride of the city of London, he himself, hearing daily the great recourse of the people that drew to the queen, for more safeguard to himself, fled with a small company westward, towards Wales. But, before his departing from London, he caused a proclamation to be made, wherein all and singular persons were charged, upon forfeit of life and goods, every man with all his power to rise and invade the rebels and destroy them all, only the lives of the queen, his son, and his brother, reserved. Also that no man, upon pain pretaxate, should help, rescue, or relieve the said rebels, with goods, victuals, or otherwise. Item, it was also proclaimed, that whosoever would bring to the king the head and body of Sir Roger Mortimer, either dead or alive, should have out of the king’s coffers a thousand pounds.

    In contrariwise, the queen setteth forth another proclamation, wherein it was forbidden to take or spoil violently the value of any man’s goods against the will of the owner, under pain of losing his finger, if it were three-pence; of his hand, if it were sixpence; of his head, if it were twelvepence.

    Moreover, whosoever would bring to the queen the head of Hugh Spenser the younger, chopped off from his body, should receive of the queen for so doing, two thousand pounds. This done, the queen sendeth her letters to the city of London for aid and succor to subdue the oppressor of the realm, to which letters at first no answer was made.

    Again, sloe wrote the second letter, which was then tacked upon the cross in Cheap, which was then called the new cross; the copy and tenor of which letter was this:

    COPY OF A LETTER THAT THE QUEEN SENT UNTO THE MAYOR AND CITIZENS OF LONDON.

    Isabel, by the grace of God, queen of England, lady of Ireland, and countess of Pountif. And we Edward, the first son of the king of England, duke of Guienne, earl of Chester, of Pountif, and of Mounstrell, to rite mayor and all the commonalty of London, send greeting.

    Forasmuch as we have before this time sent to you by our letters, and how we come into this land in good array, and good manner, for the profit of holy church, and of our right dear lord and king, and all the realm, with all our might and strength to keep and maintain the realm, as all good people ought for to do; upon that, we pray you and desire you that ye would be helping to us for the health and profit of the realm; and we have had none answer of you, nor know not your will in that part: wherefore we send to you again, and pray you, and charge you, that ye bear you so against us, that ye have no nor make cause us to grieve, but that ye be to us helping in all the ways that you may. And wete ye well in certain, that we, and also those that cometh with us into this realm, nothing for to done, but that shall be pleasing to God, and common profit to all the realm; not else, but for to destroy the Spensers, enemies to the realm, as ye well know. Wherefore we pray and charge you, in the faith that ye owe to our lord the king, to the crown, and to us, and upon all that ye may forfeit, that if Hugh Spenser, both the father and the son, our enemies, come within your power, that ye do them hastily to be taken, and safely kept, till we have ordained for them our will, as ye desire profit and honor of us, and of the realm. Understanding well, if it be so, that ye do our desire and prayer, we shall the more be beholden to you.

    And also we shall do you profit and worship if that ye send us hastily word again of your will.

    Given at Baldocke, the sixth day of October.

    These aforesaid letters being published and perused, the bishop of Exeter, to whom, as ye heard, was committed the rule of the city, sent to the mayor for the keys of the gates, using such sharp words in the king’s name, that variance began to kindle between him and the citizens; so much so that the commons in their rage took the bishop and beheaded him and two of his household at the Standard in Cheap. Then the king went to Bristol, and ordained Sir Hugh Spenser the father, to keep the castle and town there; and the king, with Hugh Spenser the son, and Sir Robert Baldock, the chancellor, and the earl of Arundel, went into Wales. The queen’s forces so pursued them, that they first took the town, yielded up to her; then they took Sir Hugh Spenser the father, whom, being drawn and torn, they at last hanged up at Bristol, in chains of iron. As the king was thus flying, the queen caused to be proclaimed throughout her army, that the king should come and appear, and so receive his kingdom again, if he would be comfortable to his liege subjects: who when he did not appear, prince Edward, his son, was proclaimed high keeper of the realm.

    In the mean time Henry earl of Lancaster, and brother to the good earl Thomas, who before was beheaded, also lord William Souch, and Master Uphowel, were sent by the queen into Wales to pursue the king, and there they took him, and sent him to the castle of Kenilworth; and took Hugh Spenser the son, and Sir Robert Baldock the chancellor, and Sir John, earl of Arundel, and brought them all to the town of Hereford. Soon after, Hugh Spenser the son, was drawn, and hanged on a gallows fifty feet high, and afterwards beheaded and quartered, whose quarters were sent into the four quarters of the realm. Sir John of Arundel was beheaded, and Sir Robert, Baldock was put in Newgate at London, where, shortly after, he pined away and died among the thieves. This done, a parliament was assembled at London, from whence message was sent to the king, that if he would resign up his crown, his son should have it after him; if not, another should take it, to whom the lot would give it: whereupon the king, being constrained to yield up his crown to his son, was kept in prison, and after had to Barkley; where he is said to have taken great repentance. After this message being sent, and the king half condescending thereunto (the parliament notwithstanding prosecuting and going forward), there was a bill exhibited and put up, containing certain articles against the said king, then in prison in the castle of Barkley, touching his misbehaviour and imprudent governing of the realm; which bill openly before the lords and commons, by the speaker of the parliament house, was read. After long consultation thereupon amongst themselves touching those articles, and also for the better and more circumspect government of the realm from that time forth, it was consulted and agreed upon by the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons there assembled, that the said Edward was a man not meet to be their king, nor from that time forth any more to bear the crown royal, or title of a king; but that Edward his eldest son, who there in the same court of high parliament was present, as he was rightful heir and inheritor thereunto, so should he be crowned king thereof in his father’s stead, with these conditions thereunto annexed: that he should take wise, sage, and true counselors unto him, that the realm might be better and more circumspectly governed, than before in the time of Edward his father it was; and that the old king, his father, should be honorably provided for and kept, so long as he lived, according as unto his estate it appertained, etc. These and other things thus finished and ended, the parliament breaketh up, and all things necessary, and to the coronation of a prince appertaining, were in speedy wise prepared, whereof more hereafter (Christ willing) shall be specified.

    In the mean time as touching the king, who was yet in prison, it is thought by some writers, that the next year following, by the means of Sir Roger Mortimer, he was miserably slain, by a spit, as it is said, being thrust up into his body, and was buried at Gloucester, after he had reigned nineteen years.

    In the time and reign of this king, the college of Cambridge, called Michael House, was founded and built by Sir Henry Stanton, knight, to the use and increase of learning, a thing in a commonwealth very profitable and necessary to be had; the want and need whereof, many sundry times, is sooner felt in this realm of ours and other realms abroad, than is the discommodity thereof of most men commonly understood.

    About the same time also was Nicolaus de Lyra, a985 who wrote the ordinary Gloss of the Bible: also Gulielmus Ocham, a worthy divine, and of a right sincere judgment, as the times then would either give or suffer.

    In the tractation of this kings history, it was declared before what grudge did kindle in the hearts of the barons against the king, for revoking such acts and customs as had been before in the parliament established, both for Peter Gaveston, and for the two Spensers. Also, what severe punishment the king did execute upon them for the same, in such cruel and rigorous sort, that as he spared none of those whom he could there find, so he never ceased all his life after to inquire out and to be revenged of all such as had been in any part or consenting to that matter. For this his extreme and implacable tyranny, he was in such hatred of all the people, that, as he said, he could not find one of all the commons to take his part, when need required. Among others who were for that matter troubled, was one Adam, bishop of Hereford, a986 who being impeached of treason with others besides, was at length arrested in the parliament to appear and answer to that which should be to him objected. Many things were there laid against him, for taking part with them that rose against the king, with more matters, and heinous rebukes, etc.; whereunto the bishop for a great while answered nothing. f1081 At length the bishop, claiming the liberties and privileges of the church, answered the king in this form: “The due reverence of your princely majesty ever saved, I, an humble minister and member of the holy church of God, and a bishop consecrated (albeit unworthy), cannot, neither ought, to answer to these so high matters without authority of the archbishop of Canterbury, my direct judge next under the high bishop of Rome, whose suffragan also I am, and the consent likewise of the other my fellow- bishops.” After these words by him pronounced, the archbishop and other bishops with him were ready to make humble intercession for him to the king, and did. But when the king would not be won nor turned with any supplication, the said bishop, together with the archbishop and the clergy, coming with their crosses, took him away, challenging him for the church, without any more answer-making; charging moreover, under the censures of the church and excommunication, none to presume to lay any further hands upon him. The king, moved with this boldness and stoutness of the clergy, commandeth, notwithstanding, to proceed in judgment, and the jury of twelve men to go upon the inquiry of his cause; who finding and pronouncing the bishop to be guilty, the king caused immediately all his goods and possessions to be confiscated unto himself: moreover, he made his plate and all his household provision to be thrown out of his house into the street; but yet he remained still under the protection and defense of the archbishop, etc.

    This archbishop was Walter Reynold; a987 after whom succeeded Simon Mepham, in the same see of Canterbury, A.D. 1328. f1083 After pope Clement V., by whose decease the Romish see stood vacant, as ye have heard, two years and three months, next was elected pope John XXII., a Cistercian monk, who sat in that papacy eighteen years. He was stout and inflexible, and given so much to the heaping up of riches, that he proclaimed them heretics who taught that Christ and his apostles had no possessions of their own in this world. At this time was emperor Louis of Bavaria, a worthy man, who, with this pope, and others that followed him, had no less contention than had Frederic before mentioned, in the time of king Henry III.; insomuch that this contention and variance continued the space of four and twenty years. The cause and first origin of this tragical conflict, arose upon the constitution of Clement V., the predecessor to this pope; by whom it was ordained, as is before mentioned, that emperors, by the German princes elected, might be called kings of the Romans, but might not enjoy the title or right of the empire to be nominated emperors, without their confirmation given by the pope.

    Wherefore, this emperor, because he used the imperial dignity in Italy, before he was authorised by the pope, the said pope therefore excommunicated him. And notwithstanding the emperor oftentimes did proffer himself to make entreaty of peace and concord; yet the pope, inflexible, would not bend. The writings on both parts be yet extant, wherein the said bishop doth make his vaunt, that he had full power to create and depose kings and emperors at his pleasure. In the same time were divers learned men, who seeing the matter, did greatly disallow the doings of the bishops of Rome; among whom was William Ocham, whose tractactions were afterwards condemned by the pope, for writing against the temporal jurisdiction of their see; as did another, named Marsilius Patavinus, who wrote the book entitled ‘Defensor Pacis,’ which was given into the hands of the said emperor; wherein the controversy of the pope’s unlawful jurisdiction in things temporal is largely disputed, and the usurped authority of that see set forth to the uttermost. It is found In some writers, that a great cause of this variance first began, for that one of the emperor’s secretaries, unknown to the emperor, in certain of his letters had likened the papal see to the beast rising out of the sea, in the Apocalypse. At length, when the emperor, after much suit made to the pope at Avignon, could not obtain his coronation, coming to Rome, he was there received with great honor; where he, with his wife, were both crowned, by the full consent of all the lords and cardinals present; and moreover, another pope was there set up, called Nicoals V. After these things done, the pope, not long after, departed at Avignon in France; after whom succeeded Benedict XII., a monk of the Benedict order, and reigned seven years; who, by the counsel of Philip, the French king, confirmed and prosecuted the censures and cursings that John, his predecessor, had published against Louis, the emperor: moreover, he deprived him of his imperial crown, and also of his dukedom of Bavaria.

    The emperor upon this cometh to Germany, and assembling, the. princes electors, dukes, bishops, nobles, and the learned, in a council at Frankfort, there declared before them, out of the ancient laws and customs of the empire, how it standeth only in the princes electors, and in no others to elect the kings or the emperors of the Romans (for in both these names there was no difference), so that the same electors, in choosing the king of the Romans, did also elect and choose the emperor; which emperor, so by them constituted, had lawful right, without any information of the apostolical see, to exercise the administration of the empire. And if he were lawfully elect, he ought to be anointed by the Roman bishop; which if he do refuse, then might he be anointed and declared emperor and Augustus by any other catholic bishop thereunto appointed, as by the old manner and custom hath been; especially seeing these injunctions are only certain solemnities added and invented by the bishops, for a token of unity between the church and empire, to govern and defend the faith together.

    Wherefore, in that the emperor sweareth to the bishop of Rome, in that is to be understood no homage or fealty made to the bishop, but only that it is a sacrament and a promise given to defend the faith; which oath or sacrament so given, giveth no majority to the pope.in any temporal rule, but only bindeth the emperor to be prompt and ready to defend the faith and church of Christ, when need shall require obedience. Wherefore, whereas the pope leaneth only to the electors’ authority to make the king of Romans, and taketh upon himself alone power to make the emperor; that, as it is newly brought in and devised of late by pope Clement V., so is it contrary both to all ancient order, and also derogatory to the liberty and majesty of the sacred empire. Again, neither is that also less absurd and contrary to all right and reason, that the pope, in time of the imperial seat being vacant, taketh upon him to have the whole and full doings of the empire, as lawful emperor for the time; which prerogative and function, by ancient orders of our ancestors, should properly and only appertain to the Palatine of the Rhine; the constitution Clementine of the aforesaid pope Clement to the contrary notwithstanding. Then, in the end, for his own excuse, he, in the presence of them all, reciteth the public confession of his faith, to answer and purge himself of those objections laid to him by the pope. This did the meek emperor Louis in that council. Yet, all this notwithstanding, the said emperor remained still excommunicate, till the time that variance happened between this pope Benedict and Philip, the French king. Wherefore, to make his party good, at least to have some friends to flee to, he began to pretend favor and absolution, rather for necessity than for any good will to the emperor. But, not long after, this pope died; of whom this epitaph was made: “Hic situs est Nero, laicis mors, vipera clero, Devius a vero, cupa repleta mero.” After Benedict followed pope Clement VI., a man most furious and cruel; who renewing the excommunications of his predecessors, caused his letters to be set upon church-doors, wherein he threatened and denounced most terrible thunderbolts against the said Louis, the emperor, unless within three days he should satisfy to God and the church, and renounce the imperial possession of the crown. The emperor upon this cometh to Frankfort, and there, ready to stand in all things to the ordinance of the pope, sendeth his orators to the court of Rome, to entreat the pope’s favor and good will towards him: to which messengers the pope answered again, that he would never pardon the emperor, before he gave over and confessed his errors and heretics, and,. resigning up his empire to his hands, would submit himself, his children, and all his goods, to the will and pleasure of the bishop; promising that he should not receive again any part of the same, but upon his good grace, as his will should be to restore them.

    The heresy here mentioned, which was to this emperor objected by the pope, was this; because (as is above touched upon) he used and executed the imperial dignity after his election, before he was by the pope confirmed. Over and besides, the pope sendeth to the emperor, by the said orators, a certain form of a bill contained in writing with certain conditions, which he commanded to be given into the hands of the emperor. Here, if the emperor Louis had had as much mind to set upon the pope with (lint of sword, as he lacked neither occasion nor power so to do, what blood might have been spilt! But the good emperor, sparing the effusion of blood, receiveth gently the bill; and not only with his seal doth confirm it, but also sweareth to observe all the conditions thereof; which the pope hearing of, doth greatly marvel. But yet all this would nothing help to mollify the modest heart of this Pharaoh.

    The princes and electors, seeing the bill of the articles and conditions, whereof some sounded to the malicious defacing and destruction of the empire, and abhorring the wickedness thereof, desired the emperor to stand to the defense of the imperial dominion, as he had begun, promising that their assistance and aid to the uttermost thereunto should not lack. Upon that other orators were sent to pope Clement from the princes, desiring him to abstain from such manner of articles conceived against the state and majesty of the empire. The pope, surmising all this to spring from Louis the emperor, to the utter subversion of him and all his posterity, on Maundy-Thursday blustereth out most black curses against him; also he reneweth all the former processes of his predecessor against him, as against both a heretic and a schismatic: commanding, moreover, the princes electors to proceed in choosing a new emperor. The archbishop of Mentz, seeing the innocency of the emperor, would not consent to the violating of his majesty; wherefore he was deprived by the pope of all his dignities.

    The other bishops electors, as the archbishop of Cologne, who took eight thousand marks, with the duke of Saxony, who took two thousand marks, being corrupted with money by John, king of Bohemia, elected Charles, the son of the said John; whom pope Clement eftsoons in his consistory did approve. Who seeth not here what matter of war and bloodshed was ministered by the pope between these two emperors, if the patience of Louis had not been more prudent to quench the fire, than the pope was to kindle it? Charles then, the new emperor elect, a989 sped him to Aix-la- Chapelle, according to the custom, there to be crowned; but by the citizens there and the empress (the wife of Louis keeping thereabout) he was repelled. All this happened in the time and reign of Edward III., king of England; against whom the said Charles, with the French king, and the king of Bohemia, set on by the pope, encountered in war; where the king of England had against them a noble victory, and slew a great number of the Frenchmen and Almains, and put Charles, the new emperor, to flight. In the mean time, among the princes and citizens of Germany what sorrow and what complaints were against pope Clement and those electors, cannot be expressed; for as they were all together at Spires congregated in a general assembly, so there was none among them all, that allowed the election of Charles, or that cared for the pope’s process; promising all to adhere and continue faithful subjects to Louis, their lawful emperor. But Louis, remembering his oath made before to the pope’s bill, voluntarily and willingly gave over his imperial dignity, and went to Furstenfeld; where, shortly after, through the procured practice of pope Clement (as Hieronymus Marius doth write), poison was given him to drink; after which being drank, when he would have vomited out and could not, he took his horse and went to hunt the bear, thereby, through the chafing and heat of his body, to expel the venom. And there the good and gentle emperor, wickedly persecuted and murdered of the pope, fell down dead, whom I may well account among the innocent and blessed martyrs of Christ; for if the cause being righteous doth make a martyr, what papist can justly disprove his cause or faith? If persecution joined thereunto causeth martyrdom, what martyr could be more persecuted than he, who, having three popes like three ban-dogs upon him, at length was devoured by the same? the princes hearing of his death, assembled themselves to a new election, who, refusing Charles aforesaid, elected another for emperor, named Gunterus de Monte Nigro, who, shortly after falling sick at Frankfort, was likewise poisoned through his physician’s servant, whom the aforesaid Charles had hired with money to work that feat. Gunterus tasting of the poison, although he did partly cast it up again, yet so much remained within him, as made him unable afterwards to serve that place; wherefore, for concord’s sake, being counseled thereto by the Germans, he gave over his empire to Charles, for else, great bloodshed was likely to ensue. This Charles thus ambitiously aspiring to the imperial seat contrary to the minds of the states and peers of the empire, as he did wickedly and unlawfully come by it, so was he by his ambitious guiding, the first and principal mean of the utter ruin of that monarchy; for that he, to have his son set up emperor after him, convented and granted to the princes electors of Germany all the public taxes and tributes of the empire. This covenant, being once made between the emperor and them, they afterwards held so fast, that they caused the emperor to swear never to revoke or call back again the same: by reason whereof, the tribute of the countries of Germany, which then belonged only to the emperor for the sustentation of his wars, ever since to this day is dispersed diversely into the hands of the princes, and to the free cities within the said monarchy; so that both the empire being disfurnished and left desolate, and the emperors weakened thereby, they have neither been able sufficiently since to defend themselves, nor yet to resist the Turk, or other foreign enemies. Of this a great part, as ye have heard, may be imputed unto the popes, etc. f1090 This pope Clement first reduced the year of jubilee to every fiftieth year, which before was kept but in the hundredth year; and so he being absent at Avignon (which he then purchased with his money to the see of Rome), caused it to be celebrated at Rome, A.D. 1850. In that year were numbered, of peregrines going in and coming out every day at Rome, to the estimation of five thousand. The bull of pope Clement, given out for this present year of jubilee, proceedeth in these words:

    What person or persons soever, for devotion sake, shall take their peregrination unto the holy city, the same day when he setteth forth out of his house, he may choose unto him what confessor or confessors either in the way or where else he listeth: unto the which confessors we grant, by our authority, plenary power to absolve all cases papal, as fully as if we were in our proper person there present. Item, we grant that whosoever being truly confessed shall chance by the way to die, he shall be quit and absolved of all his sins. Moreover, we command the angels of paradise to take his soul out of his body, being absolved, and to carry it into the glory of paradise, etc.

    And in another bull he saith,— We will, that no pain of hell shall touch him: granting, moreover, to all and singular person and persons signed with the holy cross, power and authority to deliver and release three or four souls, whom they list themselves, out of the pains of purgatory, etc.

    This Clement, as mine author affirmeth, took upon him so prodigally in his popedom, that he gave to his cardinals of Rome bishoprics and benefices which then were vacant in England, and began to give them new titles for the same livings he gave them in England; wherewith the king, as good cause he had, was offended, and undid all the provisions of the pope within .his realm; commanding, under pain of imprisonment and life, no man to be so hardy, as to induce and bring in any such provisions of the pope, any more within his land. And under the same punishment he charged the two cardinals to void the realm, (A.D. 1348). In the same year all the tenths, as well of the Templars as of other spiritual men, were given and paid to the king through the whole realm. And thus much concerning good Louis, emperor and martyr, and pope Clement VI., his enemy; wherein, because we have a little exceeded the course of years whereat we left off, let us return somewhat back again, and take such things in order as belong to the church of England and Scotland, setting forth the reign of king Edward III., and the doings of the church which in his time have happened, as the grace of Christ our Lord will assist and enable us thereto.

    This aforesaid king Edward II. in his time built two houses in Oxford for good letters, to wit, Oriel-College, and St. Mary-Hall.

    Here I omit also by the way the furious outrage and conflict which happened in the time of this king, a little before his death, A.D. 1326, between the townsmen and the abbey of Bury; wherein the townsmen gathering themselves together in a great multitude (for what cause or old grudge between them, the register doth not. declare), invaded and sacked the monastery. And after they had Imprisoned the monks, they rifled the goods and treasure of the whole house, spoiling and carrying away their plate, money, copes, vestments, censers, crosses, chalices, basons, jewels, cups, masers, books, with other ornaments and implements of the house, to a value unestimable: In that conflict, certain also on both sides were slain. Such was the madness then of that people, that when they had gathered unto them a great concourse of servants and light persons of that country to the number of twenty thousand, to whom they promised liberty and freedom; by virtue of such writs as they had out of that house, first they got into their hands all their evidences, copies, and instruments, that they could find; then they took off the lead; that done, setting fire to the abbey-gates, they burned up nearly the whole house. After that they proceeded to the farms and granges belonging to the same abbey, whereof they wasted, spoiled, and burned to the number of two and twenty manorplaces in one week; transporting away the corn, horses, cattle, and other moveables belonging to the same, the price whereof is registered to come to 9221. 4s. 11d. besides the valuation of other riches and treasures within the abbey, which cannot be estimated.

    The abbot was all this space at London, in the parliament, by whose procurement at length such rescue was sent down, that twenty-four of the chief of the town (submitting themselves) were committed to ward; thirty carts-full of the townsmen were carried to Norwich, of whom nineteen were there hanged, and divers convicted were put to prison. The whole township was condemned in seven-score thousand pounds, to be paid for damages of the house. John Berton, alderman, and W. Herling, with thirtytwo priests, thirteen women, and one hundred and thirty-eight others of the said town were outlawed; of whom divers, after grudging at the abbot for breaking promise with them at London, did confederate themselves together; and privily, in the night, coming to the manor of Chenington, where the abbot did lie, burst open the gates, and entering in, first bound all his family. After they had robbed him of all his plate, jewels and money, they took the abbot and shaved him, and secretly conveyed him away with them to London; where they, removing him from street to street unknown, front thence had him over the Thames into Kent: at length over the sea they ferried to Dist in Brabant, where they a sufficient time kept him in much penury, misery, and thraldom; till, at length, the matter being searched out, they were all excommunicated, first by the archbishop of Canterbury, then by the pope. At last it being known where he was, he was delivered and rescued by his friends out of the thieves’ hands, and finally brought home with procession, and restored to his house again: and thus was that abbey with the abbot of the same, for what demerits I know not, vexed and afflicted about this time, as more largely I have seen in their Latin register. But thus much briefly; the rest I omit here, passing over to the reign of the next king.

    EDWARD THE THIRD F1094 CONCERNING the acts and story of king Edward II., his deposition, and his cruel death, wrought by the false and counterfeit letter of Sir Roger Mortimer, sent in the king’s name to the keepers, for the which he was afterwards charged, drawn, and quartered, I have written sufficiently before, and more, peradventure, than the profession of this ecclesiastical history will well admit. Notwithstanding, for certain respects and causes, I thought somewhat to extend my limits herein the more; whereby both kings, and such as climb to be about them, may take the better example by the same; the one to have the love of his subjects, the other to learn to flee ambition, and not bear themselves to brag of their fortune and state, how high soever it be: considering with themselves nothing to be in this world so firm and sure, that may promise itself any certain continuance, and that is not in perpetual danger of mutation, unless it be fastened by God’s protection.

    After the suppression of this king, as is above expressed, Edward his son was crowned king of England, being about the age of fifteen, who reigned the space of fifty years, and was a prince of much and great temperance, in feats of arms very expert, and no less fortunate and lucky in all his wars, than his father was unfortunate before him. For liberality, also, and clemency, he was worthily commended; briefly, in all princely virtues, famous and excellent. Concerning the memorable acts of this prince, clone both in war and peace, as how he subdued the Scots, had great victories by the sea, conquered France, A.D. 1332, won Calais, A.D. 1348, and translated the staple thither, took the French king prisoner, and how the French arms first by him were brought in, and conjoined with the English arms; also how the order of the garter first by the said king was invented and ordained, A.D. 1356, also, A.D. 1857, how the king, in his parliament at Nottingham decreed, that all such, in Flanders or elsewhere, as had skill in making cloth, should peaceably inhabit the land, and be welcome (for three years before that, it was enacted, that no wool should be transported over the sea; which was, to bridle the pride of the Flemings, who then loved better the sacks of wool, than the nation of Englishmen): all these things, with other noble acts of this worthy prince, although in other chronicles they be fully treated of, yet, according to that order which I have begun (saying somewhat of each king’s reign, although not pertinent to our ecclesiastical history), I have here inserted the same; making haste to other matters, shortly and compendiously abridging them out of divers and sundry authors together compacted, mentioned in this wise.

    The coronation and solemnity of king Edward III., and all the pomp thereof, was no sooner ended, but Robert Bruce, king of Scotland, understanding the state and government of the realm to be, as it was indeed, in the queen, the young king, the earl of Kent, and Sir Roger Mortimer; and that the lords and barons, as he was informed, did scarcely well agree amongst themselves, although he grew now in age, and was troubled with the falling disease, yet thought he this a meet time for his purpose, to make invasion: hoping for as good success and like victory now, as but lately before he had at the castle of Eustrivelin. f1095 Whereupon, about the feast of Easter, he sent his ambassadors with heralds and letters of defiance to the young king Edward III., the queen, and the council; declaring, that his purpose was, with fire and sword to enter and invade the realm of England, etc. The king, queen, and council, hearing this bold defiance, commanded in all speedy preparation musters to be made throughout all the realm; appointing to every, band captains convenient, and at the city of York, by a day assigned them, commanding every man to be, with all their necessary furniture, ready and thoroughly provided. They directed their letters also with all speed to Sir John of Heinault, requiring him, with such soldiers and men-at-arms as he might conveniently provide in Flanders, Heinault, and Brabant, to meet the king and queen, upon the Ascension-day next ensuing, at their city of York.

    The king and queen made speedy preparation for this expedition; the noblemen provided themselves with all things necessary thereunto; the English captains and soldiers, their bands thoroughly furnished, were ready at their appointed time and place. Sir John of Heinault, lord Beaumont mustering his men as fast, was ready to take shipping, where, at Wysant, in English bottoms there lying for him ready, he went aboard, and with a merry wind landed at Dover, traveling from thence by small journeys daily, till he came, within three days after the feast of Pentecost, to the city of York, where the king and queen, with a great power of sixty thousand men, within and about the city of York, expected his coming; before whom, in courteous wise he presented himself, and mustered his troop, wherein he had to the number of five hundred good men-at-arms well appointed and mounted. His coming and furniture were well liked both by the king and queen; and he was, by the harbinger, appointed to be lodged, with his household retinue, in the abbey of white monks. To be brief, such grudge and variance arose between some of the king’s soldiers and his, within the suburbs of the town being together lodged, that from the little to more, whilst the king and queen, with divers other of the nobles (strangers and others), were at dinner, the said fray so greatly increased, that the whole army, as many as were in the town then lodged, stood to their defense; so that there were slain of the English archers, in a short space, by the strangers, to the number of three hundred men.

    Whereupon, after the fray was, with much difficulty both of the king and queen, ended, such heart-burning grew between the parties, that the number of six thousand conspired together against them, thinking to have burned them in their lodgings, had they not been, by the great grace of God and discreet handling, otherwise prevented and let. Whereupon the Heinaulders were fain to take and keep the field, using as diligent watch and ward as though they had been among their hostile enemies. After this, the king set forward his army towards Durham, and encamped himself near about the same; who also sent the lord Ufford and the lord Mowbray to Carlisle with a sufficient company to keep that entrance; and also the lord marshal of England to keep the town of Newcastle, with a sufficient company to defend the same, and the country adjoining. For well knew the king, that by one of these two entries the Scots must pass into England, standing both of them upon the river Tyne, twenty-four miles distant.

    But the Scots privily with their army passed the river betwixt the two towns into England, few understanding thereof, till the great fires which the Scots had kindled and made in England, bewrayed them; who came burning and destroying the country all about as far as Stanhope park. This thing being declared to the king, he commandeth his host with all speed to march towards them; who so long traveled, that they came in sight each of other. The king also commanded the passages of the river to be so straitly and narrowly guarded, that by no means the Scots could retire and escape back again into Scotland, without battle given them of the king. But the Scots, understanding the great power of the king, kept always the advantage of the hills, retiring in the nights from one to another; so that, without great odds and advantage on the one side, and hazard to the other, the king could not set upon them.

    Thus, in the day time, the Scots, keeping the advantage of the hills, and in the night time retiring to the advantage of other similar ones, came near against that river where they first passed over, where they made a show to offer battle to the king upon the morrow. Hereupon the king being busied in putting his men and battles in readiness to fight the next morning, being almost wearied out in pursuing the Scots from place to place, the Scots, in the mean season, got over the river, and escaped the danger of the king. As this thing could not be done without great treason of some near about the king; so Sir Roger Mortimer was grievously suspected thereof, and, afterwards, it was laid to his charge. But to be short, by this means the Scots escaped the river; after whom it should have availed the king very little to have made pursuit, as the wily Scots knew full well. For joy thereof, the lord William Douglas, one of the Scottish generals, with two hundred horse, gave alarm in the king’s camp; and came so near, that he cut certain of the lines of the king’s tent in sunder with his sword, and retired to his company without great loss of any of his men. Then, on the morrow, the king, perceiving the Scots to be gone, came to the place where over-night they lodged, where were found five hundred great oxen and kine ready killed; five hundred cauldrons made of beasts’ skins full of flesh, over the fire seething; a thousand spits full of flesh ready to be roasted; and more than ten thousand shoes of raw leather (the hair still upon the same), which the Scots had left behind; and five poor English prisoners tied to trees, and their legs broken. All which the king seeing, he left any further pursuing the Scots, and returned with his army to Durham, where he dismissed his army, and came again to London; sending with Sir John of Heinault two hundred men at arms for their better safeguard against the English archers (with whom at York, as you have heard, they frayed) till they had taken shipping; and so they returned home.

    The king, then being at London, confirmed the liberties of the citizens, and ordained that the mayor should sit in all places as chief justice within the liberties of the same; and that what alderman soever had been mayor before, should be a justice of peace within his own ward.

    Then the king, the queen, and the council, sent over to the earl of Heinault certain ambassadors, touching the solemnization of the marriage between the king and the lady Philippa, his daughter; who in such sort sped their message, that she was soon after conveyed over to England very honorably, and at Dover arrived. And from thence she came to’ London (some chronicles affirm to York), where, upon the day of the conversion of St. Paul, the year above specified, the marriage and coronation of the queen were with much triumph, during the space of three weeks, solemnized.

    After this coronation and marriage, the king summoned his parliament to be kept at Northampton; whereat, by the means of Sir Roger Mortimer and the old queen, a peace was purchased for the Scots a991 (who had for that purpose sent their ambassadors) to continue for four years. Also the king (then being within age) granted to release the Scots of all their homage and fealty unto the realm of England, which by their charter ensealed they were bound to; as also their indenture, which was called the Ragman Roll, wherein were specified the aforesaid homage and fealty to the king and crown of England, by the said king of Scots, nobles, and prelates, to be made; having all their seals annexed to the same. Also there was then delivered unto them the black cross of Scotland, which king Edward before, for a rich jewel and relic, had conquered and brought from Scone abbey; with all such rights and titles as any of the barons else had enjoyed in the said realm of Scotland, with many other things more, to the great prejudice both of the realm, and discontent of all the nobles and barons for the most part, more than the old queen, Sir Roger Mortimer and the bishop of Ely, who in such sort ruled the roast, that all the rest of the nobles and barons cast with themselves how best they might redress and remedy the great inconveniences, that unto the realm, by means of them, grew and happened. Hereupon the king and queen, and Sir Roger Mortimer, caused another parliament to be called at Salisbury, where the said Sir Roger Mortimer was made earl of March, against all the barons’ wills, to prevent and disappoint the aforesaid purpose of them; but the earl Henry of Lancaster, with others, would not be at the same: wherefore it was laid unto their charges, that they went about to conspire the king’s death.

    And further, because the king was under the government of the earl of Kent, his uncle, as well as under that of the queen his mother and the earl of March; and because they could not do in all things as they listed on account of the said earl the king’s uncle, who loved the king and the realm, envy began to arise between the earl Mortimer and him; and, by Isabel the queen’s practice, he found the means to persuade the king, that the earl of Kent (to enjoy the crown, as next heir unto the king) went about to poison him. To this the king giving easy credit, caused his said uncle to be apprehended; and, without making answer to his accusation and accusers, to be beheaded at Winchester, the third of October, in the third year of his reign. But the just judgment of God not permitting such odious crimes in him to be unpunished or undetected, so in fine it fell out, that Isabel the old queen, the king’s mother, was found and understood to be with child by the said Mortimer. Complaint hereof was made to the king, as also of the killing of king Edward, his father, and of the conspiracy of Mortimer against the earl of Kent, the king’s uncle, put to death before. Hereupon, divers other articles being laid against him, and manifestly read in the court, he was arraigned and indicted, and by verdict found guilty, having his judgment as in cases of high treason, and suffered death accordingly at London; a992 where, upon London bridge, next unto Spenser’s, his head obtained a place. The queen also, the king’s mother, by good advice of the council, was restrained of her liberty, and within a certain castle not permitted once to come abroad: unto whom the king her son once or twice a year would resort, and visit her. a993 This year prince Edward was born at Woodstock; a994 who in process of time and years grew to be a most valiant prince, and was, before he died, accounted throughout the world the flower of chivalry.

    After this the king prepared another army into Scotland in the year prefixed. But first he summoned king David of Scotland, who, in the last truce (four years to continue as you heard), his father then living, had married the lady Jane, sister to this king Edward (termed Jane Makepeace), to do him homage; but that he refused. Whereupon, not forgetting therewithal the scoffing rhymes, which daily from that time of truce the Scots had in their mouths, he did so much, that with an army well furnished he entered Scotland by the river Tweed; for the Scots had then the possession of the town of Berwick. The Scottish gigs and rhymes were these: “Longbeards heartless, painted hoods witless; Gay coats graceless, make England thriftless.” To be short, the king wasted the land; burned, destroyed, and took towns and castles with small resistance or none; and, for the space of six months together, did in that land what he listed, without any battle offered to him: for the king of Scots was but a child, and not above the age of fifteen years, and wanted good captains that should have defended the realm; insomuch that they were all, saving those that kept in holds for their defense, fain to take the forest of Godworth; and there kept themselves as long as the king remained in Scotland. At length, when he had sufficiently wasted, and spoiled, and burned the same, he returned towards Berwick, about which he bent his siege, vowing not to discontinue the same, till he had gotten the town.

    The Scots who kept the same, after a certain time and many assaults made, were contented, upon certain conditions, to have delivered up the town; but that the king refused, unless, all conditions set apart, they would, with bag and baggage, depart. Hereupon they condescended to the king, that if by a certain time they were not by the king of Scots rescued, they would render up the town, and with bag and baggage depart; and so, the time having expired, frustrate of all hope and rescue, at the day appointed they did. The king then entered the town, and tarried there the space of twelve days; who, after he had appointed Sir Edward Baliol captain over the town, and leaving also behind him other knights, squires, and soldiers, as well to keep the same as other holds the king had conquered in Scotland and on the frontiers thereof, he returned with his people towards London, permitting every man to depart and go what way he liked.

    Then Sir Robert d’Artois, a nobleman of France, and descended of the blood royal, being in England with the king, ceased not oftentimes to advertise the king, and put him in memory of his good and right title to the inheritance of the crown of France. This Sir Robert, for a certain displeasure that Philip, the French king, took against him for a certain plea which by him was moved before the king, was fain, for the safeguard of his life, to flee the realm of France, and so come to the king’s court. King Edward was not unwilling at all to hear thereof, but took delight oftentimes to reason and debate that matter with him concerning his right, title, and inheritance to the crown of France. But yet, notwithstanding, he thought it not good to make any attempt thereunto without advised and circumspect counsel; for that it contained matter of no small, but most difficult, importance: neither yet he took it to deserve the fame either of wisdom or prowess to let so good a title die, or so fit opportunity to pass. Wherefore he, calling together certain of his council, used their deliberate advices touching the seriousness of this matter. In fine, it was by them thought good, that the king should send certain ambassadors over to the earl of Heinault, whose daughter he had married, as well to hear his advice and counsel herein; as also what friends and aid, by him and his means, in this so great an expedition to be begun in the empire, to him might be procured. the king hereunto condescended, and appointeth for this embassage the bishop of Lincoln with two other baronets, and two doctors; who in such speedy wise made their voyage, that in short space they returned again to the king with this answer, that not only the earl’s counsel and advice should be herein pressed to the king of England their master, but also the whole country of Heinault. And further, for that to such an expedition as appertained, the province of Heinault was but a small matter to make account of—he said he would procure for the king greater aid and friendship in the empire; as the duke of Brabant his cousin-german and a puissant prince, the duke of Gueldres, the archbishop of Cologne, the marquis of Juliers, etc., who are all good men of war, and able to make ten thousand fighting men, saith he. This answer well pleased the king, and made him joyous thereof; but this counsel of the king, as secret as it was, came to Philip the French king’s ears; whereupon he stayed the voyage of the cross which he then had in hand, Sending forth countermands to stay the same, till he knew further the purpose of the king of England.

    The king hereupon himself taketh shipping, accompanied as to a king appertained; and when he had consulted with all the aforesaid lords of the empire in this matter, and understood their fidelity, he made his repair to the emperor, at whose hands he was well entertained, and honorably received; whom the emperor appointed to be his lieutenant-general, having thereby more authority both to will and command such as for this his expedition he sted unto, and had made convention with. Philip, hearing this, prepared his army, and rigged his navy, that as soon as the king should enter into the dominion of France, they also might enter into England, requiting like for like.

    The king of England next year, after the feast of St. John Baptist, according to his purpose, prepared all things ready to such an expedition, conducting his army, and gathering a greater strength in the empire, as before to him was promised, using the emperor’s authority therein, as his lieutenantgeneral; howbeit at the charge altogether of the king of England. The French king,, as soon as king Edward had landed his army at Machelen in Flanders, hearing of the defiance which the king and other noblemen of the empire had sent unto him, sent certain ships lying ready thereunto, and waiting for such opportunity upon the coast of England; who, upon a Sunday, whilst the townsmen were at the church little looking for any such matter, entered the haven of Southampton, took the town and spoiled the same, committed most revolting excesses, burned, killed, took captives, and carried away rich spoils and great booties to their ships; and so again departed into France. Further, as the king of England had allied himself with the noblemen of the empire, and had the friendly favor of the emperor also thereunto, so the French king made the like league and alliance with David, king of Scots (whom the king had so hardly dealt with in Scotland, as partly before you heard, keeping the most part of Scotland under his subjection), binding the said David, as well by writing as by oath and pledge, that without his consent he should make no peace, nor conclude any truce with the king of England. The French king again assured him of aid, and rescue, and help, and promised to recover his kingdom and dominion to his use; and forthwith sent certain garrisons and bands into Scotland to keep play with the Englishmen, and there to fortify divers places till further opportunity served. He also fortified with men, money, victuals, and munition, the town of Cambray, which he suspected would be besieged, lying so near upon the empire, as indeed it came to pass; for king Edward, departing from Machelen, set forward his host towards Heinault, and by the way assembled such power as in the empire he looked for, marching forward still till that they came to Cambray, and besieged it with forty thousand men, while another company, the Flemings, Brabanters, and Hollanders, went to St. Quintin. But in effect, neither there, nor at Cambray, nor elsewhere, any thing notorious was achieved, but the summer being well spent, and little prevailing in the siege of Cambray, being of situation strong and well defenced therewithal with men and munition, he broke up the siege, and marched further into the heart of France towards Mutterel. The French king having understanding of this, prepared himself to give battle to the king of England, who, with another great army, came to Vironfosse, where days were appointed to meet in battle; but in the end, nothing was done or attempted between the princes, and the king of England (without any battle either given or taken) returned with his army from thence to Ghent. Concerning the cause of the sudden removing of the king out of France, it seemeth most especially to arise from the pope; who at the same time sent down his legates, for the order of a peace to be made between the kings. At Ghent were gathered in council together, by the king’s appointment, all the nobles as well of England, as of the empire, to consider what was best to be done; where this plain answer was made to the king of England: That unless he would take upon him the claim and title of France, as his lawful inheritance, and as king thereof prosecute his wars, it would not be lawful for them any further to aid the king of England, or to fight with him against the French king; for that the pope had bound them in two millions of florins of gold, and under pain of excommunication, that they should not fight against the lawful king of France. Whereupon, the king thought good, therefore, presently to make open challenge to the realm and crown of France; and further, to quarter and intermingle the arms of France with the arms of England in one escutcheon; whereupon king Edward immediately made answer to the pope again, directing unto him his letters, wherein he declareth at large his right and title to the crown of France, purging thereby himself and his cause unto the bishop. the copy and tenor of his letter is too long to express, but it is to be found in the story of Thomas Walsingham, remaining in the library of J. Stephenson, citizen of London, whoso hath list or leisure to peruse the same. Besides this letter to the pope, he, remaining yet at Ghent, directed another to the peers and prelates of France in tenor as followeth.

    THE LETTER OF KING EDWARD TO THE NOBLES AND COMMONS OF FRANCE.

    Edward, by the grace of God, king of France and England, lord of Ireland: unto all prelates and ecclesiastical persons, to the peers, dukes, earls, barons, and to the commons of France, greeting. The high Lord and King above, to whom although his will be in his own power, yet would he that power should be subject unto law; commanding every thing to be given unto him which is his, declaring thereby that justice and judgment ought to be the preparation of the king’s seat. Wherefore seeing the kingdom of France, through the providence of God, by the death of Charles, the last king of France of famous memory, brother-german to our lady mother, is fallen unto us by plain and manifest law; and forasmuch as lord Philip de Valois, being the son of the uncle of the aforesaid king, and so being far from the crown by a further degree of consanguinity, through force and usurpation hath intruded himself into the aforesaid kingdom, whilst we were yet in our minority, and so, contrary both to God and to justice, doth detain and occupy the same; and lest we should seem to neglect our own right and the gift given us of God, or not to submit our will to God’s ordinance: we have thought good to acknowledge the title of France, and by supportation of the Almighty King have taken upon us the defense and regiment of the said kingdom; firmly purposing with ourselves, as every good man ought to do, graciously to minister justice to every one, according to the rites and laudable custom of the aforesaid kingdom. Also to renew the good laws and customs which have been in the time of Louis our progenitor; adding, moreover, that which shall seem expedient according to the condition and quality of the time. As to any change of coin, or any other inordinate exactions, we intend not to seek our profits by your detriments, when (the Almighty be praised for it) we abound and have enough. And as concerning the affairs of the realm, our purpose is not to proceed rashly., or by our own will, but by the discreet advice and counsel of the peers, prelates, nobles, and other our faithful subjects of the kingdom, so far forth as shall make for the honor of God, the defense and advancement of the church (which in all fullness of devotion we do reverence), and to the profit both public and private of all the subjects thereof, with full execution of justice by the grace of God to be executed upon all and singular persons, being earnestly care fid for the honor, profit and tranquillity of you all. For, as the Lord knoweth nothing shall be more grateful to us, than that by our careful solicitude peace may be engendered, especially betwixt us, and universally among all Christian men; so that by our concord the force and strength of all Christian princes may be joined together for the recovery of the Holy Land, which our Savior and Redeemer hath dedicated with his own proper blood, whereunto we will endeavor ourselves, through the grace of the Holy Ghost. And forasmuch as we have offered to the aforesaid lord Philip divers friendly and reasonable conditions of peace, whereunto he would neither condescend, nor agree to any conformation; yea, rather moveth against us unjust war, to the utter subversion of our state, we are forced of necessity, to the uttermost of our power, for the defense both of ns, and recovery of our rights, to defend ourselves by force of battle; not seeking any slaughter of good and humble subjects, but desiring their safeguard and profit.

    For the which cause, all and singular such subjects of the kingdom of France, who shall submit themselves to us as the true king of France, within the feast of Easter next ensuing; professing unto us their fealty, and doing to us as to the king of France by duty appertaineth, so as our beloved subjects of Flanders have done already, or be ready to offer themselves so to do: all. such we willingly admit and receive to our peace and grace, under our protection to be defended, them to maintain as is convenient from all molestation and unquietness whatsoever in person or goods, hereafter to be enforced either by us, or by our officers, upon whatsoever occasion of rebellion before passed. And, forasmuch as the premises cannot easily be intimated to all and singular persons, we have provided the same to be fixed upon church doors, and other public places, whereby the manifest notice thereof may come to all men, to the comfort of you that be to us devout, and to the true information of those who through sinister surmises of our enemies are otherwise informed of us. ¾ Given at Ghent the eighth day of February, in the year of our reign over France, the first; over England, the fourteenth.

    This done, for that the winter then drew on, neither was there any hope, as the time served, of farther doing good, the king thought best for a season to return again to England with his company, giving over the wars until the next spring; and so he did, taking shipping, and arrived at Dover. When he came to London, it was declared unto him, of the great spoil the Frenchmen had made at Southampton; who answered again, “That within one year he doubted not but the same should be well paid for and recompensed.” And according to the same purpose of his he lingered no time, but calling a parliament at Westminster, with much grudge and evilwill of his subjects there was for the maintenance of his wars granted to him a great subsidy, which was the fifth of every man’s goods, and also the customs of his wools, two years beforehand, and the ninth sheaf of every man’s corn. At the spring the king again prepared his army, and rigged his navy, purposing to land in Flanders. But the archbishop of Canterbury, then lord chancellor, having understanding of the French power upon the sea, lying for the king, gave him advertisement there, willing him to go more strongly, or else not to venture. But the king, not crediting the archbishop, and being angry with him therefor, said, “That he would go forward;” whereupon the bishop resigned the chancellorship, and removed himself from his council. Then the king, consulting thereupon further with the lord Morley his admiral, and others, hearing also the same of them, furnished himself with stronger power, and committed him to his ship, and did so much, that a few days before Midsummer, he was upon the sea with a great fleet. Before the town of Sluys the French king, to stop his passage, had got ready a great navy, well nigh to the number of twenty score sail, and had made the Christopher of England which before the Frenchmen took at Southampton, their admiral. Betwixt the two navies was a long and terrible in the end, the victory, by Gods grace, fell to the king of England, in which fight he himself was personally; so that of the number of thirty thousand Frenchmen, few or none were left and escaped alive, and two hundred sail of ships were taken, in one of which were found four hundred dead bodies. a995 After this great slaughter of the Frenchmen, of whom many for fear of the sword leaped into the sea, when no man durst bring tidings thereof to the French king, they who were next about the king did suborn his fool, to insinuate the understanding thereof by subtlety of covert words; which was thus. As the fool, being in the king’s presence, was talking of many things, among other talk he suddenly burst out (being prompted by others) into a vehement railing against the Englishmen, calling them cowards and dastards, with many such opprobrious words tending to that effect. The king, not knowing whereunto the words of the fool did appertain, asked the fool, why he called the Englishmen such weaklings and cowards, etc. “Why,” saith the fool, “because the fearful and cowardly Englishmen had not the hearts to leap into the sea so lustily as our Normans and gentlemen of France had.” By this the French king began to understand the victory on his part to be lost, and the Englishmen to be victors.

    This victory achieved, the fame thereof spreading abroad in England, at first was not believed, till letters thereof came from the king, prince Edward his son being then at Waltham, directed to the bishops and prelates of the realm: the effect of which letters here followeth under written.

    THE LETTER OF KING EDWARD TO THE BISHOPS OF ENGLAND.

    The bountiful benignity of God’s great clemency poured upon us of late, for your true certification and rejoicing, we thought good to intimate unto you. It is not unknown (we suppose) to you, and to others our faithful subjects, who also have been partakers with us of the same, with what storms of boisterous wars of late we have been tossed and shaken, as in the great ocean. But although the rising surges of the sea be marvelous, yet more marvelous is the Lord above, who, turning the tempest into calm, in so great dangers, so mercifully hath respected us. For whereas we of late did ordain our passage upon urgent causes into Flanders, the lord Philip de Valois our bitter enemy understanding thereof, laid against us a mighty navy of ships, a996 intending thereby either to take us, or at least to stop our voyage; which voyage if it had been staid, it had been the cutting off of all the great enterprises by us intended and taken in hand, and, moreover, we ourselves had been brought to a great confusion. But the God of mercies, seeing us so distressed in such perils and dangers, hath graciously, and beyond man’s expectation, sent to us great succor and strength of fighting soldiers, and a prosperous wind after our own desires, by the means and help whereof we set out of the haven into the seas, where we eftsoons perceived our enemies well appointed and prepared with a main multitude to set upon us, upon Midsummer day last past; against whom, notwithstanding, Christ our Lord and Savior hath rendered to us the victory, through a strong and vehement conflict, in the which conflict, a mighty number of our enemies were destroyed, and well nigh all their whole navy was taken, with some loss also on our part, but nothing like in comparison to theirs; by reason whereof we doubt not but our passage by the seas hereafter shall be more quiet and safe for our subjects, and also man other commodities shall ensue thereof, as we have good cause to hope well of the same. For which cause we, devoutly considering the heavenly grace so mercifully wrought upon us, do render most humble thanks and praise to Christ our Lord and Savior; beseeching hint, that as he hath been, and always is, ready to prevent our necessities in time of opportunity, so he will continue his helping hand ever towards us, and so direct us here temporally, that we may reign and joy with him in heaven eternally. And, in like sort, we require your charity, that you also with us rising up to the praise of God alone, who hath begun so favorably to work with us to our goodness, in your prayers and divine service do instantly recommend us unto the Lord, traveling here in these foreign countries, and studying to recover not only our right here in France, but also to advance the whole catholic church of Christ, and to rule our people in justice; and that also ye call. upon .the clergy and people, every one through his diocese to do the same, invocating the name of our Savior, that of his mercy he will give to us his humble servant a docible heart, so to judge and nile hereupon rightly, doing that which he hath commanded, that at length we may attain to that which he hath promised, etc.

    This letter was written to the bishops A.D. 1840. a997 After this aforesaid victory on the sea, and that news thereof, with due thanks to our Savior, had been sent into England: the king striking into Flanders, came to Ghent in Brabant, where he had left the queen who joyfully received him, being a little before purified or churched, as we texan it, of her fourth son, whose name was John, and commonly called John of Gaunt, and was earl of Richmond, and duke of Lancaster. At Vilvorde the king assembled his council, whereat the noblemen of Flanders, Brabant, and Heinault conjoined together in most firm league, the one to help and defend the other with the king of England, against the French king, purposing and determining from thence to march toward Tournay, and it to besiege. But the French king, understanding their counsel, fortified and victualled the same before their coming thither. Furthermore the French king at the same time, to stop the siege of king Edward, sent with king David of Scotland a great power, to the intent to make invasion in England, thereby the sooner to cause the king to remove his siege. In the mean time king Edward wrote his letters to Philip de Valois, making unto him certain requests, as in the same his letters here following is to be seen; who, for that he wrote not unto him as king of France, but by the name of Philip de Valois, refused to answer him touching the same, as by their letters here placed may be seen.

    THE LETTER OF THE KING OF ENGLAND TO PHILIP DE VALOIS, THE FRENCH KING, GOING TO THE SIEGE OF TOURNAY. a998 Philip of Valois, we have long labored with you by embassages and all other reasonable ways, to the end you should restore unto us our rightful inheritance of France, which this long while you have with great injury and guilt usurped: and forsomuch as we well perceive that you intend to persevere in the same injurious usurpation, without returning any satisfactory answer to our just demand, we have entered the land of Flanders, as sovereign lord thereof, and are now passing through the country. And we hereby signify unto you, that with the help of our Lord Jesus Christ and our own right, with the forces of the said country, and with our subjects and allies, we purpose to vindicate the right which we have to that inheritance, which you by your injurious violence detain from us; and that we are now approaching toward you, to make a quick decision of this our rightful challenge, if you will do the like. And forasmuch as so great a power of assembled hosts as we bring with us on our part, and as we may well suppose you also bring on your part, cannot long remain assembled together without doing great damage both to the people and the country, which thing every Christian ought to eschew (and especially the princes and others who have the government of the same), we much desire, as the shortest way, and to prevent the waste of Christian life, and as the quarrel plainly lieth between you and me, that the controversy between us should be decided by our own persons, body to body; to which thing we offer ourselves for the reasons aforesaid, content if only we may see the great prowess of your person, your good sense, and your discretion. And in case you do not choose this way, then let us end the dispute by the battle of one hundred of the most able persons of your part, and as many of mine, which each of us shall bring into the field. But if you will not admit either the one way or the other, then do you assign unto us a certain day before the city of Tournay, within ten days next after the date of this our letter, wherein to combat both of us, power against power. And we would have all the world to know, that it is not of any pride or presumption on our part that we offer unto your choice the above-specified conditions, but for the causes aforesaid, and to the intent that the will of our Lord Jesus Christ being declared between us two, peace may grow more and more among Christians, the power of God’s enemies may he abated, and Christianity advanced. Be pleased to write by the bearer of these our letters and signify to us which of our aforesaid offers you will accept, sending us quick and speedy answer.—Given under our great seal, at Chyn upon the Skell, in the fields near Tournay, the 27th day of July, A.D. 1340. f1098 THE ANSWER OF THE LORD PHILIP DE VALOIS UNTO THE LETTER AFORESAID.

    Philip, by the grace of God king of France, to Edward, king of England. We have seen your letters brought to our court, and sent on your part to one Philip de Valois; wherein are contained certain requests, which you make to the said Philip de Valois. And because the said letters did not come to us, and the said requests were not made to us, as by the tenor of the said letters clearly appeareth, we do not return you any answer to the premises. Nevertheless, forsomuch as we have learned by the said letters and by other ways that you have entered into our realm of France, doing great damage to us and to our realm and people, more through presumption than reason, and disregarding the duty which a liegeman oweth unto his lord—(for you formerly entered our liegehomage, when you acknowledged us, as reason is, for king of France, and promised obedience such as men ought to promise to their liege-lords; as more clearly appeareth by your letters patent from you to us which we have in our possession sealed with your great seal, and of which you ought to have the counterpart from us to you)—it is our intent then, as shall seem best to ourselves, to drive you out of our realm, to the honor both of us and of our kingdom, and to the commodity of our people. And this we have a firm hope of accomplishing through Jesus Christ, from whom we derive all our power. For by your unreasonable demand, proceeding more from presumption than reason, hath been hindered the holy expedition beyond the sea, and great numbers of Christian people have perished, the worship of God hath been diminished, and Holy Church less reverenced. And as touching that which you write, that you look to be assisted by the Flemings, we hope and believe surely, that the good people and commons of that country will so behave towards our cousin the earl of Flanders their immediate lord, and us their sovereign lord, as that they shall keep their honor and their loyalty unsullied. And as for what they have hitherto done otherwise than well, that hath been occasioned by the evil advice of persons, who neither have regard to the public weal, nor to the honor of their country, but only to their own private advantage.—Given in the fields near to the priory of St. Andrew les Aire, under our privy seal, in the absence of our great seal, the 30th day of July, in the year of grace 1340.

    Mention was made a little before of David, king of Scots, whom the French king had supported and stirred up against the ling and realm of England; which David, with the aid of the Scots and Frenchmen, did so much prevail, that they recovered again almost all Scotland, which before he had lost, when he was constrained to live in the forest of Gedworth many years before. Then invaded they England, and came with their army, wasting and burning the country before them, till they came as far as Durham; and then returned again into Scotland, where they recovered all their holds again, saving the town of Benwick. Edinburgh they took by a stratagem or subtle device practiced by Douglas and certain others, who, apparelling themselves in poor men’s habits, as victuallers with corn and provender and other things, demanded the porter early in the morning, what need they had thereof; who, nothing mistrusting, opened the outward gate, where they should tarry till the captain rose; and perceiving the porter to have the keys of the inward gate, they threw down their sacks in the outward gate, that it might not be shut again, and slew the porter, taking from him the keys of the town. Then they blew their horn as a warning to their bands, which privily they had laid not far off; who, in haste coming, and finding the gates ready opened, entered upon a sudden, and killed as many as resisted them, and so obtained again the city of Edinburgh.

    The Scots being thus busy in England, the French king, in the mean season, gathered together a puissant power, purposing to remove the siege from Tournay; and among others sent for the king of Scots, who came to him with great force, besides divers other noblemen of France; insomuch that the French king had a great army, and thought himself able enough to raise the siege, and thither bent his host. But the French king, for all this his aforesaid huge power and force, durst not yet approach the king so near, as either to give him battle, or remove his siege, but kept himself with his army aloof, in a sure place for his better defense. And notwithstanding the king of England wasted, burned, spoiled, and destroyed the country for twenty miles round about Tournay, and took divers and sundry strong towns and holds, as Ortois, Urses, Greney, Orchies, Odint, St. Amand, and the town of Lille, where he slew above three hundred men at arms, and, about St. Omer, he slew and killed of noblemen, the lord of Duskune, of Maurisleou, of Rely, of Chastillion, of Melly, of Fenis, of Hamelar, Mountfaucon, and other barons, to the number of fourteen; and also slew and killed above one hundred and twenty knights, being all men of great possessions and prowess, and took other small cities and towns, to the number of three hundred: yet, for all this, Philip de Valois, the French king, durst neither rescue his towns, nor relieve his own men; but of his great army he lost (which is to be marveled at, being in the midst of his own country), by famine and other inconveniences, and for want of water, more than twenty thousand men, without any battle by him given. Whereupon, at the entreaty of the said Philip, by his ambassadors sent to the king, and by the mediation of the lady Jane, sister to the said Philip, and mother to the earl of Heinault, whose daughter king Edward, as you heard, had married, a truce, containing the number of fourteen articles, for one year, was concluded, the king of England being very unwilling and loath thereunto. Yet, notwithstanding, partly by the instance of the aforesaid lady, but especially for that the king was greatly disappointed, through the negligence of his officers in England, who sent him not over such money as he needed for the continuance of his wars and payment of his soldiers’ wages, the articles being somewhat reasonable, he agreeth to the truce; the conditions of which, as there concluded, here follow under-written.

    ARTICLES OF TRUCE. 1. That during the said truce no aggression [novitas], mischief, or grievance, shall be committed by either party upon the other, in prejudice of the said truce. 2. Item, that during the said truce either of the princes, and their coadjutors, and confederates, whosoever they be, shall remain in quiet possession and seizin as at this present day of all such goods, lands, and possessions, as they hold and enjoy within the realm and dominion of France, in what manner soever they have achieved the same. 3. Item, that the said princes, and their coadjutors and confederates, whosoever they be, shall pass safely from one country to another, and all merchants with their merchandise, as well by sea as by land, as accustomably they have been wont; except such outlaws as have been banished out of the said realms, or any of them, for other cause’s than the war between the said princes. 4. Item, that the said two princes shall not procure, either by themselves or any other, any aggression or grievance to be committed on either of the said kings or their allies, by the bishop of Rome or any ecclesiastical persons whatsoever; either for the said war, or any other cause, nor for any service rendered to either of them by any of their said allies or coadjutors: And that if either our holy father the pope, or any other, should attempt any such thing during the said truce, the said kings shall hinder it to their utmost. 5. Item, that the truce be immediately proclaimed in both the hosts, and that they shall stand bound on either side to keep and observe the same. 6. Item, that within twenty days next and immediately ensuing, each of the princes shall cause to be proclaimed in Gascony and Aquitaine, and other their lands, these articles of truce, to the intent they may be the better observed, kept, and known. 7. Item, if by any the said princes, their people, confederates, or coadjutors, any sieges are laid in Gascony or the duchy of Aquitaine, or any isles of the sea, as Guernsey or Jersey, or elsewhere, that the same sieges be raised as soon as they shall hear of this truce: and that fourteen persons, seven from each side, survey those places now, and put them in precisely the same condition at the end of the truce. 8. Item, that such as are outlaws and fugitives out of the country of Flanders, as being partisans of the king of France, shall not return during the truce; and if they do, that justice shall be done upon them within that realm, and they shall forfeit all the goods they have in Flanders. 9. Item, that the debts due to Arras, Crespigny, or other towns of France, shall neither be demanded nor exacted during the said truce. 10. Item, that all such prisoners, as have been taken during this war, shall be released out of prison, and sent home upon their faith and oath to return, unless it so happen that they were ransomed before the date of this present truce: And if any shall refuse so to do, that then the lord under whom he is, shall constrain him to return again to prison. 11. Item, that all the levies, whatsoever they be, which have been made before this said truce in the time of war, whether they be of goods spiritual or temporal. remain without restitution during the said truce. a999 12. Also, that these conditions of truce immediately may take effect between the English and Scots, their lords, alders, and allies; and the same to endure until the nativity of St. John Baptist next coming; and that certain persons be appointed by a certain day to be at the marches of England and Scotland to confirm the said truce, under such conditions as have been accustomed in those parts: And if the said Scots refuse so to do, that then they have no aid out of France during the said truce. 13. Item, that this said truce be proclaimed in England and in Scotland, within twenty-five days after the date hereof. 14. Item, it is recorded that within this truce be included the Spaniards, Catalonians, Genevese, Prevencons, the bishop and chapter, the town and castle, and all the inhabitants of Cambray, and the lords of Bret, Fronsac, Gascony, Lisle, Tenbon, Vervin, and Reyes.

    In witness whereof, we John, by the grace of God king of Bohemia and earl of Luxemburgh, Adulph, bishop of Liege, Radulph, duke of Lorraine, Ayemes, earl of Savoy, and John, earl of Armagnac, on the one party; and John, duke of Brabant, Renaud, duke of Gueldre, William, marquis of Juliers, and Sir John of Heinault, lord Beaumont, on the other party, betwixt the high and puissant princes of France and England, have sealed this instrument of truce and respite, and delivered the same accordingly in the church of Esplechin, on Monday the twenty-fifth day of September, in the year of grace 1340. f1099 This truce thus finished, king Edward brake up his camp, removing his siege from Tournay, and came again to Ghent; from whence, very early in the morning, he, with a small company, took shipping and by long seas came to the Tower of London, very few or none having understanding thereof. And being greatly displeased with divers of his council and high officers, for that through their default he was constrained against his will, not having money to maintain his wars, to condescend unto the aforesaid truce, he commanded, to be apprehended and brought unto him to the Tower the lord John Stonehore, chief justice of England, and Sir John St.

    Paul, with divers others.

    And the next morning he sent for the lord Robert, bishop of Chichester, the lord Wake, the lord. treasurer, and divers other such that were in authority and office, and commanded them all to be kept as prisoners in the said Tower, only the said bishop excepted; whom, for fear of the constitution of pope Clement, which commandeth that no bishop should be by the king imprisoned, he set at liberty and suffered him to go his way, and in his place he substituted Sir Roger Boucher, knight, as lord chancellor of England.

    The history intreating of this matter reporteth thus: that the king had this time under him evil substitutes and covetous officers, who, attending more to their own gain than to the public honor and commodity of the realm, left the king destitute and naked of money. With which crime also John Stratford, archbishop then of Canterbury, was vehemently noted and suspected; whether of his true deserving, or by the setting on of other, hereafter shall more appear; insomuch that the king, ardently incensed against him, charged him with great falsehood used against his person. The archbishop subtilely and featly excuseth himself to the king of the aforesaid objections, and cunningly handleth the matter in words by his letter directed to the king, as followeth:

    LETTER OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY TO THE KING. F1100 Very sweet Sire, may it please you to consider, that the most sovereign thing for keeping kings and princes in the love of God and a prosperous condition is good and wise counsel. And therefore the wise man saith, “In the words of counselors” (that is good counselors) “there is safety.” [Proverbs 11:14; 24:6.] And therefore it is written in the Book of Kings, that Solomon, the wisest king that ever was, chose the most ancient and wise persons of his realm to stand before him, by whose advice, tempered with his own judgment, he always kept the land of Israel in peace and quiet; and besides that, all the kings round about him were at his will. And after his death his son Rehoboam reigned, who, neglecting the good counsel of his father and of the ancient and wise men who had stood before his father, did after the counsel of young men who sought to please him but had little understanding; whereby he lost the whole land of Israel except the twelfth part. In like manner, many kings of Israel and of other countries have been brought to harm through evil counsel. And, Sire, let it not displease you to be reminded of the events of your own time: for it was through evil counsel that our Sire, your father (whom God assoil), caused peers and others of his realm to be apprehended contrary to the law of his realm and the Magna Charta, and put some of them to a villainous death, of some he caused their goods and all they had to be seized, some he put to ransom; and you know, Sire, what happened to him in consequence. And then, to come to your own time, Sire, you have had some counselors through whom you nearly lost the hearts of your people, from whom God was graciously pleased to deliver you. And from that time to the present, through good advice of the prelates, peers, great men, and wise counselors of the realm, your affairs have been managed in such manner, that you entirely possess the hearts of all your subjects, as well clergy as laity, as much or more than any king of England ever did. So that, what with your good counsel, the aid of your people, and the favor of God toward you, you have gained the victory over your enemies in Scotland and France and everywhere: so that you are this day (glory be to God!) accounted the most noble prince in Christendom.

    But now, set on by the evil counsels of some persons in the realm who are not so wise as could be wished, and of others who desire more their own profit than your honor or the country’s welfare, you are beginning to issue writs of apprehension against clerks, peers, and other persons of the realm, and to institute improper processes contrary to the law of the land, to the keeping and maintenance whereof you are bound by your coronation oath; also contrary to the Great Charter, whereof all contraveners are excommunicated by all the prelates of England, according to a sentence confirmed by papal bull, which we have by us: which things are done with the great peril of your soul and the disparagement of your honor.

    And albeit, Sire, those who now assume to be your guides and counselors, more than their condition entitleth them, give you to understand that your present doings are and will be acceptable to your people, know, Sire, for certain (and if you go on as you have begun you will find it so, and that, Sire, for a long time to come, except God interpose a remedy), know, I say, that if you pursue the course now begun you will lose the hearts of your people, as also your good and rightful enterprise, and will embroil yourself thereby in such a manner that you will be unable to accomplish your enterprise, and will rather force your enemies to destroy you and deprive you (which God forbid) of your fair fame and your kingdom.

    Wherefore, Sire, as you value your honor and your kingdom, and would successfully maintain your enterprise, be pleased to take to you the noble and wise men of your realm, and to avail yourself in your affairs of them and their counsels, as hath been heretofore customary; for without their aid and counsel you can neither maintain your enterprise, nor govern well at home.

    And forsomuch as some who are about you falsely surmise of us treason and unfaithfulness (who are there-for excommunicate, and for such we hold them, and as your spiritual adviser pray you also to hold them for such); while of others they say openly that they have basely and falsely served you, and that by their means you have lost Tournay and much honor else which you might there have gained—be pleased, Sire, to assemble the prelates, nobles, and peers of the land, at some convenient place whither we and other people may resort securely, and let there be (if you please) an investigation and inquiry made, into whose hands have come the wools, monies, and other filings granted you in aid of your war, from the commencement thereof to this present day, and by whom they have been expended, and by whose default it was that you so departed from Tournay; and, as a good lord, let those who shall be found in any point guilty towards you be well punished according to the law. And as for ourselves, we will abide in all points the judgment of our peers, saving always (as heretofore we have done) the status of holy church, of ourselves, and of our order. And for God’s sake, Sire, do not believe of us or of your good people otherwise than well, before you have ascertained the truth; for if men are to be punished without being permitted to answer for themselves, there is an end of all discrimination between the good and the bad.

    And, Sire, be pleased to consider well the greatness of your enterprise, and the strong friendship which for this cause you have need of, also your enemies in Scotland, and the great peril of your realm thereby. For if your prelates and nobles and all the wise men of your realm were day and night of one mind, without any division among them, to deal with the multiplied business attendant on such a vast concern, there would be enough for them to think about in order to maintain your enterprise, the honor of your person, and the well-being of your realm. And be pleased, Sire, not to take it amiss, that we have in so homely a manner sent you the truth: for the great affection we ever did and shall bear you, the desire of preserving your honor and realm, and a sense of our duty as primate (however unworthy) of all England and your spiritual father, incite us to speak and even command, where your own soul and your kingdom and estate are all at stake. The Holy Spirit preserve you, body and soul, and grant you grace to hear and believe good counsel, and then—victory over your enemies.

    Written at Canterbury, the first day of January, by your chaplain the archbishop of Canterbury.

    Albeit the king, this yet notwithstanding, directeth his letters abroad against the said archbishop, and amongst others to the dean and chapter of Paul’s, whereof the tenor here followeth:

    THE KING’S LETTER TO THE DEAN AND CHAPTER OF ST. PAUL’S F1101 Edward, by the Grace of God King of England and France and Lord of Ireland, to his well-beloved in Christ, the Dean and Chapter of the Church of St. Paul in London, greeting in the Lord:

    It is manifest by authentic histories, but more clearly appears by what is daily practiced, that many men, abusing in their pride the favor of princes and the honor conferred upon them, do sometimes maliciously endeavor to deprave the laudable undertakings of kings.

    And that what we say may be rendered more manifest to all our liege subjects, we suppose that neither you nor they have forgotten, how we, being formerly exalted to the regal throne in the years of our tender youth, and desiring at our first undertaking that royal charge to be directed by wholesome counsels, did call unto us John, then bishop of Winchester but now archbishop of Canterbury, because we supposed him to excel others in loyalty and discretion, and made use both of his spiritual advice in matters concerning the health of our soul, and also of his temporal in affairs relating to the aggrandizement and conservation of our kingdom.

    Nay, he was by us received into such familiarity, and experienced so much of our favor towards him, that he was called our Father, and honored of all men next unto the king.

    Now afterwards, when by right of succession the kingdom of France had devolved unto us and by the lord Philip de Valois was manifestly usurped, the said archbishop by his importunities persuaded us to make a league with the princes of Almain against the said Philip, and so to expose ourselves and ours to the expenses of war; promising and affirming that he would see us abundantly supplied with the necessary funds out of the profit of our lands and from other sources; adding, moreover, that we should only take care to provide men of courage and skill sufficient for the war, for that he himself would effectually procure such sums of money as should both answer our necessities and the soldiers’ pay.

    Whereupon having passed the seas, we set our hand to great undertakings, and made an immense outlay (as it behoved us) in providing for the war, and bound ourselves in very large sums of money to our confederates, in confidence of the aid promised us as aforesaid. But alas! since we put our confidence “in the staff of a broken reed, whereon” (according to the Prophet) “if a man lean, it will go into his hand and pierce it,” being defrauded of the expected subsidy, of mere necessity we were compelled under very heavy usury to contract an insupportable load of debt, and so our expedition being staid, we were obliged to desist for that time from our enterprises so valiantly begun against our enemies, and to return into England: where having laid before the said archbishop our manifold vexations and misfortunes aforesaid, and thereupon calling a parliament, the prelates, barons, and other liege subjects of our kingdom gave us (besides a tenth granted us by the clergy) a subsidy of the ninth of their corn, lambs, and wool; which subsidy, had it been faithfully collected and obtained in due time, had not a little availed, nay would probably (in the opinion of many) have been quite sufficient for expediting the said war, for the payment of our debts, and the confusion of our enemies. The said archbishop, meanwhile, promised us zealously to do his part toward the collecting the said subsidy, and in procuring other things necessary for us. Whereupon, relying on his promises, having recruited our forces, with a navy collected for the purpose we set sail for Flanders, and upon the way had a fierce encounter at sea with our enemies, who had combined to the destruction of us and of our whole English nation; but by the merciful kindness of Him, who ruleth both the winds and the sea, and not for our own merits, we obtained over the whole multitude of those enemies a victory and triumph. Which done, passing forward with a very great army for the recovery of our rights, we encamped near the very strong city of Tournay; in the siege whereof after we had been for some time busily occupied, and were wearied with continual toils and charges, yet silently waiting for the promised aid, we hoped every day by means of the said archbishop to be relieved in our many and great necessities. At length being frustrated of our conceived hope, though by many messengers and divers letters we fully signified to the said archbishop, and other our counselors joined in commission with him, our necessities and the sundry dangers we were exposed to for want of the aforesaid promised subsidy, as also the advantage and honor which we saw we might easily obtain by a seasonable supply of money, yet we could get no help from them; because, minding their own business, and wholly neglecting ours, and studying only their own interests, they palliated their own idleness (not to say fraud or wickedness) with frivolous excuses and a false parade of words; like those mockers, who (as Isaiah saith) deridingly scoff; saying, “Precept upon precept, precept upon precept; line upon line, line upon line; here a little, and there a little.” Whence (alas, for sorrow!) it came to pass, that just when the hope of triumphing over our enemies most graciously smiled upon us, we were by absolute want constrained against our will to consent to a truce, to the shameful stoppage of our expedition, and the no small joy of our adversaries. Returning thereupon into Flanders, void of money, and loaded with debt, with nothing left in our own purses nor our friends’ purses, to supply our own necessities and to pay the soldiers in our service, we were compelled to plunge into the gulf of usury, and to submit our shoulders to a fresh load of debt. At last our faithful friends, the companions of our expedition and partakers of our troubles, came round us, with whom we seriously consulted for some remedy, whereby we might get free from such a tempest of misfortunes and recover ourselves. It appeared to them all that the sad circumstance of our late stoppage, and the manifold inconveniences proceeding from our want of supply, happened all through the fault or idleness (not to say wickedness) of the aforesaid archbishop, on whose discretion, with that of others whom we placed in conjunction with him over the affairs of the realm, the whole disposal of our kingdom seemed to depend; and vehemently wondering, and secretly murmuring at us, for that our royal gentleness would so long leave unpunished the insolence of the said archbishop and the other officials, they publicly protested that, unless we would speedily apply a fit remedy to these evils, they must of necessity withdraw from our service, and go back from their alliance made with us: and this certainly would redound to the subversion of our kingdom, our own perpetual infamy, and the lasting reproach of the English nation; which God our most merciful Father, on whom the anchor of our hope is immovably fixed, of his goodness forbid should happen in our time. Whereupon, addressing ourselves to the due correction of our said officers, some of them, whom for good reasons we suspected guilty of mal-administration, subversion of justice, oppression of our subjects, bribery and corruption, and other serious offenses, we caused (as it was lawful for us to do) to be removed from their offices: others also of inferior degree, but culpable in the premises, we caused to be detained in safe custody, lest if they enjoyed their wonted liberty, the execution of justice should by their craftiness be prevented, and the inquisition of the truth cunningly eluded. And since we believed that we should elicit that truth more certainly and fully from the said archbishop than from any one else—(because it was reasonably to be expected, that nothing which could be important for our information herein would be unknown to him, seeing we had thought fit for a long time past to commit to him the administration of our whole common-weal, and the chief conduct of affairs),—therefore by our trusty Nicholas de Cantilupe we sent him our commands without delay to come to us at London, as we wished to have the pleasure of a personal interview with him. But he like himself, as timid in adversity as tumid in prosperity, fearing where no fear was, did untruly allege that he would be in imminent peril of his life, which was menaced and threatened by certain about our person, should he leave the church of Canterbury: whereas (God and our pure conscience are witnesses) no such matter ever entered into our mind, nor (as I believe) into the mind of any of our servants. Yet we suppose, he glanced herein at our cousin the earl of Derby; though not only to him, but to all others, as well of the clergy as laity, he had become deservedly odious through his malignant character. But we, who desire that all our subjects who wish to have access to our person, especially when sent for by our letters or messengers, should be able to come with a feeling of perfect security, to confute his malicious suggestion, sent unto him our trusty and well-beloved Ralph de Stafford, highsteward of our household, to offer and give him safe conduct: nevertheless, over and above that, we caused our royal letters patent, signed with our royal seal, to be presented unto him, again commanding him personally to appear before us, to give information about the affairs of our realm, which he had conducted for a long time past, as aforesaid. Yet he, setting at nought our gentle requests and commands, answered disdainfully, that he would by no means come either to our sight or speech except in full parliament, which for good reasons, it is inexpedient should be called at this time.

    Thus this archbishop, whom our royal bounty hath enriched with magnificent preferments and houours, and admitted to the most intimate familiarity, even to the cordiality of friendship and the confidence of sworn companions; upon whom, as on a dear father, our whole spirit and soul did repose; who also, while we acquiesced altogether in his wishes, put on toward us a face of seeming affection, cloaked with a false show of benevolence, as though he were a loving father—even this man is cruelly turned to be an oppressive and severe step-father, and wholly forgetful of the benefits he hath received, with tumid arrogance pursueth his benefactor, and requiteth us just as (according to the proverb ) “a mouse in a bag, a serpent in the lap, and fire in the bosom,” a1002 requite their entertainers. For, albeit ever since we were by divine grace and hereditary right raised to the throne it hath been (as it ever will be) hateful to us to abuse the greatness of our power, and we are most desirous in the government of our subjects to blend justice with mercy and gentleness, so that we may enjoy that peace which is desired of all men—yet notwithstanding, this man goeth about to defame our innocence, and the fidelity and diligence of our counselors and officers who are pursuing only justice; publicly preaching, and by his letters patent ordering it to be declared in divers parts, that in these latter times the laity are unjustly oppressed by the royal power, the clergy confounded, and holy church over-burthened with exactions, levies, and talliages.”

    And whereas he is craftily endeavoring to gain the name (which he hath never yet earned) of a good shepherd, when in reality he is, both after the common opinion and even on his own public confession (as is said), no better than a hireling, he cloaketh his foxcraft with a reigned zeal for the liberties of the church; and yet if she hath experienced any vexations in our time, either in her property or clergy, they are really to be ascribed to the carelessness, and the cunning inventions, and the false counsels, of the aforesaid archbishop. And in order to damage the king’s popularity, to defame his ministers aforesaid, traitorously to stir up sedition among the people committed to our charge, and to withdraw from our royal person the attachment of our earls, lords, and barons of the realm, he wickedly pretendeth that he hath by him certain sentences of excommunication lately passed against the violators generally of the church’s liberty and the Magna Charta; and he hath by his letters commanded certain articles, in divers eminent places of resort to be published, besides and contrary to the usual means in such case provided in a provincial council.

    Wherefore we, wishing (as we ought) to take heed to the integrity of cur fame, to obviate the malicious designs of the said archbishop, and to avoid the snares he hath laid for us and ours, have taken measures, beside those things above rehearsed, to bring into public notice some other of his many perverse doings, forbearing to enlarge on them at present. In particular, when we were in our minority, it was by his imprudent counsel and persuasion, that we made so many prodigal donations, unlawful alienations, and excessive largesses, that our treasure was wholly exhausted thereby, and our revenues enormously diminished: and we find that he, being corrupted with bribes, without good reason forgave certain persons large sums of money which were owing to us, when neither necessity, nor any prospect of advantage, so required; and also that he hath applied to the use of himself and his friends, and other ill-deserving persons, many of our rents and revenues, which ought to have been kept for our own use and necessity. Moreover, being an accepter of persons as well as. of bribes, contrary to our wish and his oath of fidelity made to us, he hath admitted to public office in our dominions persons altogether unworthy, neglecting and putting back the deserving: and many other things out of a refractory mind he hath rashly presumed to take in hand, to the detriment of our state, the hurt of our royal dignity, and the no small damage and grievance of our subjects; abusing the authority and office committed to him. All which, if he shall still persist in his proud obstinacy and his stout and continued rebellion, we will hereafter at convenient time and place manifestly prove; in the mean while, enjoining and commanding you to publish the same, and cause it by others to be published, openly and distinctly in those places where you shall think it expedient; setting forth at the same time, as it shall seem best to your godly wisdoms, our pious resolution of redressing grievances, and promoting the comforts and advantages of our subjects; so behaving yourselves herein, that we may have just cause to commend your care and prudence. Witness myself at Westminster the twelfth day of February, in the fifteenth year of our reign over England, and our second over France.

    By these aforesaid objections and accusations of the king, premised and laid against the archbishop of Canterbury, what is to be thought of the doings of the said archbishop, I leave it to thy judgment, gentle reader (as I said before), to be conjected; forsomuch as our histories, somewhat bearing with the said archbishop, seem either to be uncertain of the truth of the matter, or else covertly to dissemble some part of that they knew. And especially of Polydore Virgil I marvel, who, having so good occasion to touch the matter, doth so slightly pass it over without any word mentioning. In which matter, if probable conjecture, besides history, might here be heard, it is not unlike but that some old practice of prelates hath herein been put in use, through some crafty conspiracy between the pope and the archbishop; and the rather to be gathered, for that as the pope was enemy unto the king in this his challenge to the crown of France, so the archbishop against his prince (as for the most part always they have been) was a friend, as no man need to doubt thereof, unto the pope. Which thing also more probably may be supposed, because of the coming down of the two cardinals the same time, from the pope to the king of England, about the matter of further truce. This is certain, that the archbishop, nothing abashed, replied again to the king’s letters aforesaid, calling them an infamous libel, and wishing for the king’s honor they had not been written or published. a1003 f1103 And thus stood the case between the archbishop of Canterbury and the king, who coming thus (as is said) in secret wise into England from the siege of Tournay, his army in the mean while by ships was conveyed to Bretagne. Of whom a great number, through unseasonable and inconvenient meats and drinks, was there consumed; to whom also no less danger happened, by the seas coming out of Bretagne into England, by tempest, thunder, and lightning, stirred up (as was thought) by the necromancers of the French king.

    The year following, A.D. 1541, were sent from the pope two other cardinals to treat with king Edward for one year’s truce to be con-eluded more with the French king, besides the former truce taken before; and all by the pope’s means. For here is to be understand, that as it was not for the pope’s purpose to have the king of England to reign over so many countries, so his privy supportation lacked not by all means possible, both by his archbishops and cardinals, and also by the emperor, to maintain the state of the French king, and to establish him in his possession. f1104 In the said histories where these things be mentioned it is also noted, that the same year such plenty there was here in the realm of victuals, that a quarter of wheat was sold for two shillings, a fat ox for a noble, and (as some say) a sheep for four-pence. And thus far endureth the history of Ranulphus Cestrensis, called ‘Polychronicon.’

    The same year, A.D. 1341, Louis of Bavaria, the emperor, who before had showed great courtesy to king Edward as in his first viage over, insomuch that he made him his vicar or vicegerent general, and offered him also aid against the French king; now (either turned by inconstancy, or seduced by the pope) writeth to him contrary letters, wherein he revoketh the vicegerentship granted to him, and seeketh all means in favor of the French king, and against king Edward; as by his letters here under written may better appear.

    LETTER OF THE EMPEROR TO THE KING OF ENGLAND.

    Louis, by the grace of God emperor of the Romans, always Augustus, etc. To Edward king of England, his beloved brother, greeting and unfeigned love. Although great and urgent business of our own do oppress us, and about the stone our weighty affairs we are daily encumbered, yet with the discord and variance between your kingly dignity and the renowned Philip, the king of France our cousin, for your sake, we are not a little troubled. And the rather, the great charges which may hereafter grow both to you and to your kingdom thereby considered, both of men and money, unless the same be taken up, doth more easily provoke us to give ourself to the careful study of your affairs. Wherefore we give you to understand that the aforesaid Philip, at our request, hath given unto us, by his letters, authority and power to treat and conclude a peace between you, touching the variance begun: which peace (all the state diligently considered both of yourself, your kingdom, and subjects) we take and believe to be right expedient for you; moving therewithal your charity, and earnestly desiring you, that to this also you will give your consent, whereby we may bring you both to concord and unity, and establish between you a firm peace to endure; whereunto with willing mind we would apply ourself, and bestow our painful labor in prosecuting the same. And herein if you will condescend and agree unto our counsel, as we trust you will, it may please you by your letters to give unto us the like authority as is above said, to treat of peace or for the ordering of a truce for one year or two at least to continue. Neither let it move you, that between us and the said Philip of France a truce is taken; for, seeing that you without our consent took truce with him, we, by the advice of our princes who know the bonds, deeds, and covenants betwixt us, who also thought no less but that, saving your honor, we might do the same, have also made a league with the said Philip king of France; and for certain causes do revoke and call back the lieutenant-ship which we assigned unto you by our letters. Nevertheless, giving you for certain to understand that in our said treaties and peace concluded, we have so brotherly considered you, that, if you will agree and condescend unto our counsel, your cause, by our mean and help, shall be brought to good pass and effect; about which things further to confer with your brotherhood herein, we have sent a devout and religious man, friar Everard, reader of the order of the Eremites of St. Augustine and chaplain of our court; whom about the premises we desire with speedy expedition to be sent unto us again.

    Given at Frankfort, the twenty-fifth day of June, in the twentysixth year of our reign, and the fourteenth of our empire.

    ANSWER OF THE KING OF ENGLAND TO THE EMPEROR.

    To the most serene Prince Lord Louis, by the grace of God Emperor of the Romans, always Augustus, Edward, by the same grace King of France and England, and Lord of Ireland, health and prosperous success.

    We have reverently received your highness’ letters, amongst other things containing, that the noble Philip de Valois, to the intent a peace and concord between us and him might be concluded, hath given unto you, by his letters, full power and authority thereunto at your highness’ request; and that if the same might content us to do in like sort, your highness would travail to bring the concord to pass; and that it would not move us any whit at all, that your highness and the said Philip are in league together: forasmuch as we, without your assent and consent, you say, took truce with the said Philip, .you have also done the like with him (which thing you might well do saving your honor, by the counsel of all your nobles and princes), and for certain causes you revoke again the lieutenantship which you committed unto us. Doubtless the zeal and good will you have to make this concord and agreement, we much commend; letting you to understand that we always have been desirous, and still are, to have a reasonable peace with the said Philip; which peace as much as to us (our honor saved) appertained, we have in justice and by law prosecuted; and in very deed, it should be to us acceptable, and as we would wish, if by such a mediator as your highness is, it might be brought to pass.

    But, forasmuch as we understand the same our right and title to the kingdom of France to be manifest and clear enough, we purpose not to commit the same by any of our letters to doubtful arbitrement: but while we well consider and revolve with ourselves, how, upon circumspect consideration (you manifestly beholding our just and rightful doing, and the strait dealing and obstinate purpose and injury of the said Philip), your gracious highness made a special league with us, and in our behalf, against the said Philip, adopting us of your great and bountiful love towards our person to be one of your sons; wherefore, that you should thus again alter and break the same, we cannot sufficiently marvel, seeing your invincible highness, being instituted of God to the laud and commendation of good men, and revenge of evil and wicked doers, hath made a league against us with the said Philip de Valois, our notorious and injurious enemy. And as touching that which you say, that without your assignment and consent we took a truce, or days of respite, with the said Philip, which we ought not to have done; if your grace well consider the circumstance of the matter, we have done hut as we might therein; for when we laid our siege to Tournay, it was requisite that we should follow their advice, whose aid and society therein we had. Besides, the sudden and imminent necessity which we there stood in, and the distance of the place betwixt your highness and us furthermore was such, as that by no means we might attain the same, nor use your assent therein. Yea and further, if your grace well remember yourself, your grant unto us was such, that whensoever opportunity thereunto should serve, we might treat of any peace, and grant what time we thought meet thereunto, without your consent therein; so that to conclude any final peace with the said Philip de Valois, without either your consent, or otherwise making your highness privy thereunto, it might not be lawful for us; which thing, without your said counsel, consent and advice, we never minded nor purposed to do, but have in all our doings done that which us beseemed, so far as by any means our. power would stretch; hoping, likewise that your brotherly, benevolence for a time would have more lovingly supported us. It as thought also by some, that the revoking back again, or restraint of your aforesaid lieutenantship, was premature or done all out of time; when, according to your promise made to us herein by your letters imperial, you ought not so to have done, before the realm and kingdom of France, or at the least the greatest part thereof, were of us obtained and quietly in peaceable wise enjoyed. These things premised, therefore, we desire you, according to your nobility, duly to consider, and hereafter to do, that which shall be thought both meet and convenient; because that (God willing) we mean to recompense and gratify both you and yours, according to the measure of your benevolence bestowed upon us. The Most High grant unto your highness so much felicity as your heart desireth.

    Given at London the 14th day of July, in the second year of the reign of our kingdom of France, and of England the fifteenth. [A.D. 1341.] The following year died pope Benedict XII., a1006 mentioned a little before; after whom succeeded in that room pope Clement VI. Of whom it is reported in stories, that he was very liberal and bountiful to his cardinals of Rome, enriching and heaping them with goods and possessions not of his own, but with the ecclesiastical dignities and preferments of the churches of England; for so recordeth the author, that he bestowed upon his cardinals the livings and promotions, such as were or should be vacant in churches of England, and went about to set up new titles for his cardinals here within this realm. But the king being offended therewith, made void and frustrate all those aforesaid provisions of the pope; charging moreover and commanding no person whatsoever to busy himself with any such provisions, under pain of prisonment and of losing his life; which law was made the next year following (A.D. 1343). Whereupon the nobles and commons addressed a letter to the pope. The argument and tenor of which letter out of French we have caused to be translated into English, as ensueth:

    THE LETTER OF THE NOBLES OF ENGLAND AND COMMONS OF THE SAME TO THE POPE, AGAINST THE RESERVATIONS AND PROVISIONS WHICH HE HAD IN ENGLAND. a1008 F1106 To the most holy father in God lord Clement, by divine providence of the holy church of Rome and of the universal church sovereign bishop, his humble and devout sons the princes, dukes, earls, barons, knights, citizens, burgesses, and all the commonalty of the realm of England, assembled at the parliament holden at Westminster the Quindime of Easter [April 28th] last past, devout kissings of his most holy feet, with all reverence and humility. Most holy father! the holy discretion, government, and equity, which manifest themselves in you, and ought to reign in so high and holy a prelate, the head of holy church, by whom holy church and the people of God ought to be, as by a sun, illumined, give us strong hope that the just petitions, to the honor of Jesus Christ and holy church and of your holiness also, by us exhibited, will be of you graciously heard, and that all errors and iniquities will be taken away and removed, and that some fruitful amendment and remedy thereof (through the grace of the Holy Spirit, which you to so high a degree have received) will be by you graciously ordained. Wherefore, most holy father! all we upon full deliberation with common assent declare to your holiness, that the noble kings of England, the progenitors of his majesty that now is, and our ancestors, and ourselves, according to the grace of the Holy Spirit to them and us given, have, every one according to his devotion, established, founded, and endowed within the realm of England cathedrals, colleges, abbeys, priories, and divers other houses of religion; and have settled thereon, and given to the prelates and governors of the said places, lands, possessions, patrimonies, franchises, advowsons, and patronages of dignities, prebends, offices, churches, and many and divers other benefices unto them given; whereby the service of God and the Christian faith might be honored, increased, and beautified, hospitality and alms-giving practiced, all the sacred edifices honestly kept and maintained, devout prayers offered in the said places for the founders, and the poor parishioners aided and comforted: and such only ought to have the cure thereof, as are able to hear confessions in the native tongue, and are otherwise fully informed and instructed for their office. And forsomuch as, most holy father! you cannot well have knowledge of errors and defaults, nor yet understand the condition of places, so far off, unless you be informed; we, having full and certain knowledge of the errors and defaults of the places and persons above mentioned within the said realm, have thought meet to signify unto your holiness, that—in consequence of divers reservations, provisions, and collations granted by your predecessors apostolic of Rome, and by yourself, most holy father! in your own time (and that, more largely than they were wont to be granted), unto divers persons, not merely strangers and foreigners, but some of them even our enemies, having no knowledge of the language and conditions of those of whom they ought to have the government and cure—beside other sad consequences hereof, the souls of the parishioners are in peril, the service of God is destroyed, alms-giving is restrained, and hospitality perished, the churches with their appurtenances decayed, charity withdrawn, the honest persons of the realm unadvaneed, the cure and government of souls neglected, the devotion of the people restrained, many poor scholars unadvanced, and the treasure of the realm carried away, and all this against the intent of the founders. The which errors, defaults, and scandals, most holy father! we neither can nor ought to suffer or endure. We, therefore, most humbly require of your holiness, that the scandals, errors, and defaults, which may thus happen, being with due discretion considered, you would be pleased totally to forbid such reservations, provisions, and collations, and ordain that from henceforth they be no more practiced; and to take such order and remedy therein, that the said benefices and edifices, with their rights and appurtenances, may be (to the honor of God) by our own countrymen administered, defended, and governed. And may it further please your holiness by your letters to signify unto us without delay, what your intention is touching this our request; but know for certain, that we shall on no account cease to apply our best efforts, to obtain a remedy for the redress of the matters above mentioned. In witness whereof, unto these letters patent we have set our seals. Given in the full parliament at Westminster, the 18th day of May, in the year of grace 1343.

    It followed then, that the said pope Clement again began to make new provisions for two of his cardinals of benefices and churches that should be next vacant, besides bishoprics and abbotships, to the extent of two thousand marks; whereupon the procurators of the said cardinals were sent down for the same. But the king and nobility of the realm, not suffering that, under pain of imprisonment caused the said procurators forthwith to depart the realm; whereupon the pope writeth to the king, complaining thereof; but the king shortly after writeth a fruitful epistle to the pope, for the maintenance of the liberties of the English church; whereunto, as saith the author, the pope and the cardinals were not able to answer. f1108 In the meantime, king Edward, to repel certain aggressions of the French king, had sailed over into Bretagne, and laid siege to Vannes, etc.; but by the mediation of the pope a truce was concluded at Males-troit this year, February 20th, to last till the following Michaelmas and for three years afterwards. f1109 After these things thus passed over, the king shortly after sent over his procurators, the earl of Lancaster and Derby, Hugh le Despencer, lord Ralph Stafford, with the bishop of Exeter, and divers other, to the pope’s court, to discuss and plead about the right of his title to France before the pope: unto whom the said pope Clement VI., not long after, sent down this message, How that Louis, duke of Bavaria, the emperor, whom the pope had before deposed, had submitted himself to him in all things, and therefore deserved at his hands the benefit of absolution; and how the pope therefore had conferred and restored unto him, justly and graciously, the empire, which he before unjustly did hold, etc. This message when the king did hear, being therewith moved to anger, he answered saying, that if he did agree and compound also with the French king, he was ready to fight with them both, etc. f1110 Within the time of this year, the castle of Windsor, where the king was born, began to be repaired; and in the same the house called the round-table was situate, the diameter whereof, from the one side to the other, contained two hundred feet; to the expenses of which house weekly was allowed a hundred pound for the maintaining of the king’s chivalry, till at length, by the occasion of the French wars, it came down to nine pound a week. By the example whereof the French king being provoked, began also the like round-table in France for the maintaining of his knighthood. At which time the said French king, moreover, gave free liberty through his realm to fell down trees for making of ships and maintaining of his navy, whereby the realm of England was not a little damnified.

    About this present time, at the setting up of the round-table, the king made prince Edward, his eldest son, the first prince of Wales. a1009 In the year following, which was A.D. 1344, pence, halfpence, and farthings, began to be coined in the Tower. During the same year the clergy of England granted to the king tenths for three years; for the which the king in recompense again granted to them his charter, containing these privileges: That no archbishop nor bishop should be arraigned before his justices “sire ad sectam suam, sive parris, a1014 ” if the said clerk do submit and claim his clergy, professing himself to be a member of holy church; who, so doing, shall not be bound to come to his answer before the justices. And if it shall be laid unto them to have married two wives, or to have married a widow, the justices shall have no power to proceed against them, to inquire for the matter; so that the cause shall be reserved to the spiritual court, etc.

    All this while yet continued the truce between the two kings, albeit it is likely to be thought that the French king gave many attempts to infringe the same. Now, for the more evidence of the matter concerning the falling of the French king from the league, and other his wrongs and untrue dealing, it shall better in the king’s letter appear; who, hearing word that the lord Philip de Valois, contrary to the form of truce taken at Vannes, had apprehended certain of his nobles of England, and had brought them to Paris to be imprisoned and put to death; besides other slaughters and spoilings made in Bretagne, Gascony, and other places more—he therefore, seeing the truce to be broken of the French king’s part, and being thereto of necessity compelled, in the year of our Lord 1345, the fourteenth of the month of June, did publish and send abroad his letters of defiance, containing this effect:— THE KING’S LETTERS OF DEFIANCE AGAINST THE FRENCH KING. F1114 To all and singular, to whom these presents shall come, greeting.

    We doubt not it is publicly known, that after the decease of Charles late king of France, of famous memory, brother to the most serene lady Isabel queen of England, our mother, the realm of France having inalienably fallen unto us as the next heir male of the said king then living, nevertheless the lord Philip de Valois, being but only son to the uncle of the aforesaid king Charles, and therefore in degree of consanguinity further off removed from the same, did, we being in our minority, by force and power, contrary to God and justice, usurp and occupy, and doth yet occupy, the same; invading further and spoiling our lands in the dukedom of Aquitaine, and joining himself with our rebellious enemies the Scots, seeking our subversion both by land and by sea, to the uttermost of his endeavor. And although we, to prevent the incalculable damages which might rise by war, offered to the said Philip divers friendly ways of peace to our own disadvantage, to the intent we might better intend our purposed war against Christ’s enemies the Turks; yet he, driving us off by crafty dissimulation, would do nothing effectual, but while pretended negotiations were kept pending added injury to injury. Whereupon we, not neglecting the grace and gift of God, but wishing to defend the right of our inheritance and to repulse the injuries of our enemy, did not refuse by force of arms (since we could do nothing by peaceable means) to enter Bretagne, preferring rather to sally out for the succor of our adherents and encounter with him in open field, than tamely await at home the dangers which threatened us. And so we being occupied in our wars, there repaired unto us the reverend fathers Peter and Anibald, cardinal-bishops of Palaestrine and Frascati, from pope Clement VI., to propose a truce and ultimately a peace between us; at whose request we consented to such conditions of truce as then were taken between us, sending moreover our ambassadors to the court of Rome, specially to treat of a peace.

    And thus, while some hope of peace seemed between us to appear, news suddenly came unto us in England which not a little astonished our mind, of the death of certain nobles our adherents, whom the said Philip contrary to the said truce had seized in Bretagne, and had commanded to be executed at Paris; besides the wasting and spoiling our lands and subjects in Bretagne, Gascony, and other places; with secret intrigues to withdraw our subjects and confederates from us, and innumerable wrongs and injuries, deceitfully intended against us, both by sea and land. By reason whereof the truce on his part being notoriously broken, it is most manifest that it had been lawful for us forthwith to have re-opened the war upon him. Yet notwithstanding, to avoid those incommodities that come by war, we thought first to prove, whether by any gentle means some reformation might be had touching the premises. And therefore sundry times we sent ambassadors to the pope’s presence for a treaty of peace and for reformation to be had in those aforesaid excesses; and several times fixed for the tractation thereof certain terms of time, always reserving to ourselves, notwithstanding, the liberty to resume war at our pleasure, which the doings of the said Philip had clearly given us. And now, forsomuch as the aforesaid terms he already expired, and yet no reasonable offer of peace appeareth, neither hath the said Philip reformed his doings, notwithstanding his being required and admonished thereunto by the pope’s letter (as the pope by his letter hath written unto us), but is always multiplying his conspiracies and fetches, to our utter ruin;—to say nothing of the excesses of the pope’s nuncio, who being sent lately by the bishop of Rome into Bretagne for the keeping of the truce, and whose part had been rather to have quenched the discord, but instead thereof stirred up our enemy more eagerly against us; neither did the bishop of Rome (saving his reverence) provide any remedy herein, albeit he was required of us so to do (as he ought to have done)—these things, I say, being so, we ought to be excused both before God and man, if, in the defect of other remedy to be had, we proceed to repel such wrongs and injuries, especially having so righteous a cause as is notorious to all. Deeming therefore the aforesaid truce broken (as it really is) for reasons which we know and can prove to be true, and ourselves to be released from the observance of the same, we defy the aforesaid Philip, as the violator of the truce and the unjust invader of our kingdom: protesting, that this we do, not for any offense to the bishop of Rome or to the apostolic see, but only for the reasonable prosecution of our rights, and in defense of us and ours; intending always rather to have peace, if by any reasonable way it might be had. And thus much, for the stopping of slanderous fame and the mouths of backbiters, we thought good to signify, first to the high bishop of Rome, and the aforesaid cardinals; that by them, as persons indifferent, the same may be intimated to the contrary part; recommending unto you all our own innocency, and the common cause of justice. Given at Westminster the fourteenth day of June, the nineteenth year of our reign in England, and of France the sixth. [A.D. 1345.] And thus much for the king’s letters, showing how the French king began first to infringe the truce taken. Whereupon Henry, earl of Lancaster, a1016 with six hundred men of arms, and as many archers, was sent over to Gascony, who there so valiantly is said to behave himself, that he subdued fifty-five townships unto the king; twenty-three noble men he took prisoners, encountering with the Frenchmen at Auberoche. So courteously and liberally he dealt with his soldiers, that it was a joy to them and a preferment to fight underneath him. His manner was, in winning any town, little or nothing to reserve to himself, but to sparse the whole spoil to his soldiers. One example in the author whom I follow is touched; how the aforesaid earl at the winning of the town of Bergerac, where he had granted to every soldier for his booty the house, with all the implements therein, which he by victory should obtain, among his other soldiers, to one named Reh fell a certain house with the implements thereof, wherein were contained the mint and money coined for that country, to the value of a great substance; which when the soldier had found, in breaking up a house where first the gross metal was not yet perfectly wrought, he came to the earl, declaring to him the treasure, to know what was his pleasure therein.

    To whom the earl answered, that the house was his, and whatsoever he found therein. Afterward the soldier, finding a whole mint of pure silver ready coined, signified the same to the earl, forsomuch as he thought such treasure to be too great for his portion; to whom the said earl again answering declared, that he had once given him the whole house, and that he had once given he would not call back again, as children use to play, and therefore bade him enjoy that which was granted to him; and if the money were thrice as much, it should be his own. Which story, whether it were true or otherwise in those days, I have not to affirm. But certes, if in these our covetous wretched days now present any author should report the like act to be practiced, I would hardly believe it to be true.

    As the earl of Lancaster was thus occupied in Gascony, the Scots were as busy here in England, wasting and spoiling without mercy; who were thought (and not unlike) to be set on by the French king; and therefore he was judged both by that, and by divers other ways, to have broken the covenants of truce between him and the king of England. Wherefore, the next year ensuing (A.D. 1346) king Edward, first sending his letters to the court of Rome, and therein complaining to the pope of Philip de Valois, how he had transgressed and broken the truce between them made, which by evident probations he there made manifest, about the month of July made his viage into Normandy, in such secret wise, that no man well knew whither he intended. Where first he entered the town of la Hogue, and from thence proceeded unto Caen: where, about the twenty-seventh of July, by the river Orne, which flows by Caen, he had a strong battle with the Normans and other Frenchmen, who, to stop his passage, defended the bridge; at which battle were taken of the lords of France, the earls of Eu and Tankerville; and of knights with other men of arms, to the number of one hundred; of footmen six hundred; and the town and suburbs were beaten down to the hard walls, and all that could be borne away was transported to the ships.

    Concerning the passage of the king, with the order of his acts achieved in the same, from the winning of Caen unto the town of Poissy, is sufficiently described by the king’s confessor, a Dominic friar, being an eye-witness, who writeth thereof as followeth: f1116 A LETTER OF THE KING’S CONFESSOR TOUCHING HIS ACTS-DOING FROM CAEN TO POISSY. F1117 Great cause we have to bless the God of heaven, and worthily to confess him before all living, for that he hath so wrought his mercy toward us. For after the conflict had at Caen, in the which very many were slain, and the town taken and sacked even to the bare walls, the city of Baieux immediately yielded itself of its own accord, fearing lest they should suffer the like. After this our lord the king directed his march towards Rouen; who being at the city of Lisieux, there came certain cardinals to him, greatly exhorting him to peace; which cardinals being courteously entertained of the king for the reverence of the pope’s see and holy church, it was answered to them again, that the king being always desirous of peace, had sought it by all reasonable ways and means he could think of; and had offered manifold ways of peace (such was his desire to obtain it) to the no small prejudice of his own cause; and was ready still to admit any reasonable offer of peace. With this answer the cardinals having gone to the French king, our king’s adversary, to persuade with him in like manner, returned to king Edward, offering him in the French king’s name the dukedom of Aquitaine, on the same tenure as his father before him had held it; besides further hope also of obtaining more through matrimonial alliance, if treaty of peace might be obtained. But forsomuch as that proposal contented not the king’s mind, neither did the cardinals find the French king at all tractable, the cardinals returned in despair to Avignon, leaving the matter as they found it. And so the king, speeding forward, won all the large towns by which he passed, without any resistance of the inhabitants, who all fled away. For God so agitated them, that they seemed quite to have lost heart. In the same viage, the king also subdued castles and munitions very strong, and that with little stress. His enemy assembled at the same time a great army at Rouen; who, notwithstanding his being well manned, ever kept on the other side of the river Seine, breaking down all the bridges, that we should not come over to him. And although the country round about was continually spoiled and with fire consumed by the circuit of twenty miles round about, to within the space of only one mile of him; yet the French king either would not, or else durst not (when he might easily have passed over the river), make any resistance for defense of his country and people. And so our king, journeying forward, came to Poissy, where likewise he found the bridge broken down, and the enemy keeping on the other side of the river would rest in no place.

    After the king’s coming to Poissy, a certain clerk, named Michael Northburgh, an able man and one of the king’s council, who accompanied him all through his journey, describing the king’s viage and the acts of the Englishmen from the town of Poissy to his coming to Calais, in his letters writeth in this wise: f1118 A LETTER OF MICHAEL NORTHBURGH, THE KING’S COUNCILLOR, DESCRIBING THE KING’S VIAGE THROUGH FRANCE.

    Salutations premised, we give you to understand, that our lord the king came to the town of Poissy on the eve of the Assumption of our Lady, where was a bridge over the water of Seine which had been broken down by the enemy: but the king tarried there till that the bridge was repaired; and while the bridge was in repairing, there came a great number of men of arms, and of the commons of the country and burghers of Amiens well armed, to hinder the same; but the earl of Northampton issued out against them and slew of them more than five hundred (thanks be to God); the rest fled away. At another time our men passed the water, and slew a great number of the commons of France and of the city of Paris and country adjoining, being part of the French king’s army, and thoroughly well appointed; so that our people have now made other good bridges upon our enemies (thanks be to God) without any great loss of our people. On the morrow after the Assumption of our Lady the king passed the water of Seine, and marched toward Pontoise, which is a strong town, and surrounded with walls, and a very strong castle within the same, which our enemies kept; and when our vanguard and second guard were passed the town, our rear-guard gave an assault thereunto, and took the same, where were slain more than three hundred men of arms on our enemies’ part. The next day following, the earl of Suffolk and Sir Hugh le Despencer marched forth upon the commons of the country who were assembled and well armed, and discomfited them, and slew of them more than two hundred, and took above sixty gentlemen prisoners. After that, the king marched toward Grand Villers, and while he was there encamped, the king’s vanguard was descried by the men of arms of the king of Bohemia; whereupon our men issued out in great haste, and joined battle with them, but were overthrown.

    Notwithstanding, (thanks be to God) the earl of Northampton issued out, and rescued the knights with the other soldiers, so that none of them were either taken or slain except only Thomas Talbot, and he had the enemy in chase to within two leagues of Amiens, of whom he took eight, and slew twelve of their men of arms: the rest, being well horsed, took to the town of Amiens.

    After this, the king of England marched toward Ponthieu on St.

    Bartholomew’s day, and came unto the water of Somme, which floweth by Abbeville to the sea, where the French king had laid five hundred men of arms, and three thousand armed commons, to keep the passage; but (thanks be to God) the king of England and his host took the said water of Somme, where never man passed before, without the loss of any of our men, and encountered with the enemy, and slew of them more than two thousand men of arms, chasing the rest to the gate of Abbeville, in which chase were taken many knights, squires, and men of arms. The same day Sir Hugh le Despencer took the town of Crotoy, where he and his soldiers slew four hundred men of arms, and kept the town, where they found great plenty of victuals. The same night encamped the king of England in the forrest of Cressy upon the same water, for that the French king’s host arrived from the other side of the town [Abbeville] after our passage; however, he would not take the water upon us, but returned toward Abbeville. Upon the Friday following, the king lay still encamped in the said forest of Cressy.

    On the Saturday morning he moved toward Cressy, when our scurriers descried the French king, who marched toward us in four great battalions; and having then understanding of our enemies (as God’s will was), a little before the hour of vespers we drew unto the plain field, and set our battels in array; and immediately the fight began, which was very sore, and endured long, for our enemies behaved themselves right nobly. But (God be praised) our enemies were discomfited and the king, our adversary, was put to flight; where also were slain the king of Bohemia, the duke of Lorraine, the earl of Alencon, the earl of Flanders, the earl of Bids, the earl of Harcourt with his two sons; the earl of Aumale, the earl of Nevers and his brother, the lord of Tronard, the archbishop of Nismes, the archbishop of Sens, the high prior of the Hospital of France, the earl of Savoy, the lord of Morles, the lord de Guise, the lord de St.

    Venant, the lord de Rosinburgh, with six earls of Almain, and divers other earls, barons, knights, and squires, whose names are unknown. Philip de Valois himself, with the marquis, who is called king elect of the Romans, escaped from the battle. The number of the men of arms who were found dead in the field, besides the common soldiers and footmen, was one thousand five hundred and forty-two. All that night the king of England, with his host, remained under arms in the field where the battle was fought. On the morrow, before the sun rose, there marched toward us another great and strong host of the Frenchmen; but the earl of Northampton and the earls of Suffolk and Warwick issued out against them, and them in like wise they discomfited; where they took of knights and squires a great number, and slew above two thousand, pursuing the chase three leagues from the place where the battle was fought. The same night also the king encamped at Cressy, and on the morrow marched toward Boulogne, and by the way he took the town of Etaples; and from thence he marched toward Calais, where he intendeth (as I have heard) to plant his siege, and lay his battery to the same; and therefore our sovereign lord the king willeth and commandeth you,. in all that ever you may, to send to the stud siege victuals convenient; for, since the time of our departing from Caen, we have traveled through the country with great toil and loss of our people, but yet always had of victuals plenty, thanks be to God therefor! But now, as the case standeth, we partly need your help to be refreshed with victuals.

    Thus fare you well.

    Written before the town of Calais, the fourth day of September.

    After the battle and victory of Cressy, the twenty-sixth day of August, A.D. 1346, the king directed his passage unto Calais, as by the tenor of this letter you hear, and besieged the same; which siege he continued from the third of September in the year aforesaid, till the third day of August the year next following, upon the which day it was rendered up unto the said king Edward III., and subdued unto the crown of England; as after, the Lord willing, shall more appear.

    In the mean time, during the siege of Calais, David the Scottish king, at the request of the French king, with a great army brast into the north parts of England; and first besieging the town of Liddell, within six days obtained the greatest part of the town; and there taking all that he could find, with Sir Walter Selby, a valiant knight, who was the keeper of the hold, he caused him uncourteously to be but to the sword; and so from thence he proceeded further into England, till at length being met withal by William Surch, archbishop of York, and the lord Percy, and the lord Nevil, with other nobles of those parts (calling and gathering their men together) in the plain near to Durham, the seventeenth day of October in the year above mentioned, through the gracious hand of Christ, there they were subdued and conquered. In that conflict, the carls of Murray and Strathern, with the flower of all the chivalry, and the principal warriors of Scotland, were slain. Also the aforesaid king David, with the earls of Mentife and Fife, and other lords, and William Douglas Masklime a Fleming, and William Douglas, and many more men at arms were taken prisoners; and so the mischief which they intended to others, fed upon their own heads.

    Moreover, during the said siege of Calais, the aforesaid pope Clement VI., writing to the king of England, went about under the pretense of peace to stop his proceedings; whose letters here follow.

    LETTER OF THE POPE TO THE KING OF ENGLAND, IN THE BEHALF OF THE FRENCHMEN. a1021 Clement the bishop, servant of God’s servants, to his well-beloved son in Christ, Edward the puissant king of England, salutation and apostolical blessing. If you diligently consider, dear son! as ought a catholic prince to do, the slaughter of such an innumerable sort, bought with the precious blood of Christ our Redeemer; the loss of their substance and souls, and the lamentable perils which the dissensions and wars stirred up between you and our well-beloved son Philip, the noble king of France, have brought upon us, and yet daily do without intermission; and also the bewailing of so many poor people, crying out of orphans and pupils, lamentation of widows, and other miserable people who be robbed and spoiled, and almost famished; what exclamation they make with tears running down their cheeks, yelling and crying unto God for help; as also the destruction of churches, monasteries, and holy places, holy vessels, and other ornaments unto God’s service dedicated; the sacriligious robberies, sackings, and imprisonings, the spoiling of holy churches, and religious persons, with many other such innumerable, detestable, execrable mischiefs, offending the eyes of the Divine Majesty; all which, if your princely heart would consider and well remember, with this also, that catholic faith (especially in the east parts) and the Christians there abiding, by means of the same dissensions and wars, destitute of the helps of such catholic men as are in the west parts, are so afflicted of the infidels; seeing the other parts of Christendom so troubled with cruel persecutions, yea, and more cruel than ever it hath been (although in these times to amplify this our faith in the said east parts is cruel persecution showed, more than hath been of many years past), doubtless we believe it would pity your heart. And to the end that such and so great evils should no further proceed; nor yet that so great good as might be done by dilating of our aforesaid faith, in these times, should be let and hindered, we desire you that you would apply your mind to make some agreement and peace with the aforesaid king. For if, my well-beloved son! God hath given unto you prosperous success and fortune, ye ought rather to humble than to extol yourself; and be so much the more ready to incline to his peace, and to endeavor yourself to please God, who loveth peace, and delighteth in peaceable men; and to eschew the aforesaid evils, which without doubt do grievously offend him.

    Furthermore, we marvel greatly, that unto our reverend brother Anibald, bishop of Frascati, and our beloved son Stephen, priestcardinal of the apostolical see, by the title of St. John and St. Paul, being sent as legates by us and the same see apostolic, to entreat a peace, who diligently and faithfully laboring for the same, as lovers of verity, justice and equity, and therewithal regarders of your honor, could not be suffered, touching the entreaty of the same peace, to come unto your grace’s presence.

    Wherefore we desire your kingly highness more earnestly, and, for the mercy of God, with more vehemency we require the same, that you, taking up the aforesaid horrible evils, and preventing the sweetness of piety and compassion, may escape the vengeance of God’s indignation, which were to be feared, if you should persevere in your former evils; as God forbid! And as touching the entreaty for peace, for which our aforesaid cardinals were sent unto you (howbeit secretly, lest it should be any derogation to your honor), we desire you to condescend thereunto, and that with all your affection you will Incline your mind to the same, so pleasant unto God, so desired of the world; as also to you, the aforesaid king, and unto the catholic faith, profitable. And that the same peace by God’s help and grace established and made perfect, you might essay your puissant strength about God’s business in the aforesaid east parts (such good occasion serving, as before is said, in these our times), being such apt advancements of your honor, and happy increasing of your princely name; for we have heard it of you reported, that you behave yourself fervently in all your attempts. Thus we doubt not but that you will write unto us again touching the premises, and the purpose of your intention touching the same. Given at Avignon, the fifteenth day of January, and the fifth year of our papacy. [A.D. 1347.] ANSWER OF THE KING OF ENGLAND, TO THE AFORESAID LETTER OF THE POPE. a1021 Most holy father! we understand by the letters of the reverend fathers in God, the bishop of Frascati, and Stephen of the title of St. John, priest, cardinals, and legates of the court of Rome, as also by the letters of your holiness sent unto us, that ye marvel greatly for that your said legates were of purpose sent unto us, and commanded to treat of a peace between our adversary of France and us, that we would not suffer them secretly to talk with us, for the safeguard of our honor, the intention of your heart being to make the aforesaid peace; complaining and bewailing therein the death of Christian men, the loss of their goods, the peril of their souls, the lamentable wailings of the poor, of orphans, of widows, and the destruction of other pitiful persons, the pillage and robberies of churches, and other mischiefs innumerable; and especially, the diminshing of Christian faith in the east parts, which, by the war between our adversary of France and us, is sore decayed, as the said letters plainly do import. And that forasmuch as God hath given us triumphant fortune, so much the more we ought to abase and humble our heart, and to be the readier to make and incline to a peace. As touching these things, holy father! we give your holiness to understand, that as well unto your aforesaid legates, as other messengers sent from you unto us, we have offered unto every one of them reasonable ways of peace, and every day declare the same, and that not secretly, but openly. For we doubt not to let our purpose be understood; for he that is the high Judge both of him and us, in whose disposition all things lie, hath given unto us the crown of France to our right and proper heritage; the which right our aforesaid adversary hath, by force, of long time detained from us, we seeking to obtain the same in peaceable wise; and yet do, if we might obtain the same in any good manner, rather for the benefit of Christian men, and that the aforesaid evils might cease, which by his wrongful means only have increased and grown. Yet notwithstanding, as before this time you know, we assented to a truce, with certain articles contained in the same writing; all this he hath infringed; neither doth the wrong suffice him which he offereth us in our aforesaid heritage, but he endeavoureth himself, during the said truce, to invade our realm of England, and our other lands; and furthermore, maintaineth the Scots, and aideth them to the utter destruction of us, our people and lands aforesaid; wherein we were enforced, for the safeguard of our people and lands, by such lawful means as we may, to defend ourselves, and put him from his wicked purpose. And furthermore for the same, our quarrel being in the hands of God, have we come against him to conquer our inheritance of France: over whom God hath given us divers victories, as we have trusted he would, by his right wise judgment and power: which thing he hath showed upon us (all chance of fortune set apart), in respect of our rightful title therein, and without our deserts; wherefore, with all humility of heart we give him thanks always therefore, most devoutly night and day praising his holy name; for we acknowledge the same cometh not by our strength and force Wherefore, most holy father! we desire your holiness, and, so much as in us lieth, require the same, that you that supply the place of the Son of God on earth, and have the government of the souls of all Christian men, and ought to be upright and equal towards all men, without exception of persons, that ye, I say, will receive good information and true, of the objections above said, and will put to your holy helping hand, as much as in you is, that our said adversary of France may acknowledge his wrong which he hath done to us herein, and that it may be by your aid redressed; and that he, in this his wrong, have no maintenance and aid at your hand. For if it be so, we then appeal unto the Judge of judges, who suffereth wrongs to be done for a time, for the sinful default of man, but in the end redresseth the same, leaving no good deed unrewarded, nor evil unpunished; most humbly requiring him to be to us a true and upright judge of all our controversies, for his mercies’ sake, as in the mean time we repose our full trust and confidence in him. The Hoist Spirit of God, etc.

    Moreover, during the siege of Calais, the French king had sent certain offers to the men of Flanders, that if they would relinquish the king of England, and adhere to him: 1. He would remit all their former transgressions. 2. He would unburden them of their interdict. 3. He would send unto them such plenty of corn, that what was sold for twelve shillings with them, should be sold for four shillings, and that for six years. 4. He would store them with plenty of French wool to make cloth for a small price; and that they might sell the said cloths at their own price, both in Flanders and in France, and that the Frenchmen should use the same cloth, forasmuch as all other manner of cloth should be forbidden to be sold in France, so long as any of that (made of French wool) might be found for sale. 5. He would restore to them these three cities, Lisle, Douay, and Be. thune. 6. He would defend them from all their adversaries; and in pledge of the same would send them money beforehand. 7. Such as were able and forward men among them, he would retain and promote them, etc.

    But these offers, seeming to proceed more of fair words to serve the present turn, than of any hearty truth, were not received. Then the lord John, prince and heir to the French king, during the aforesaid siege of Calais above mentioned, coming with a mighty army of Frenchmen, set upon the men of Flanders and Englishmen in the town of Cassel; in which conflict, enduring from morning to noon, the Frenchmen were vanquished, and the young dauphin driven back from whence he came. Of their number divers were slain and taken prisoners; where, on the other side, through the Lord’s defense, not one is reported to have been grievously wounded.

    As this passed on, not long after, about the twenty-seventh day of July, A.D. 1847, a1022 king Edward still continuing his siege against Calais, Philip the French king came down with a mighty army, purposing to remove the siege; where, not far off from the English host, he en-camped himself.

    Which done, two cardinals, Anibald and Stephen, procured for the same purpose, going between the two kings, gave to the king of England thus to understand; that if he would condescend to any reasonable way of peace, the French king was ready to offer such honest proffers unto him, as to reason and to his contentation should seem agreeable: but, in conclusion, when it came to talk, the nobles could not agree upon the conditions; wherefore the French king, seeing no other remedy, caused it to be signified to king Edward, that between that present Tuesday and the next Friday, if he would come forth into the field, he should have battle given him. Thus the place being viewed by four captains of either host for the battle to be fought; it so fell out, that the French king, on Wednesday at night, before the battle should join, secretly by night setting his pavilions on fire, returned back with his army out of the sight of the Englishmen.

    Upon the Friday following, those who were besieged in the town of Calais, seeing the king to be retired, upon whose help they trusted (being also in great penury and famine for lack of victuals, and otherwise, in much misery, vehemently distressed), surrendered the town to the king’s hands; who, like a merciful prince, only detaining certain of the chief, the rest with the whole commons he let go with bag and baggage, diminishing no part of their goods, showing therein more princely favor to them, than they did of late in queen Mary’s days unto our men, in recovering the said town of Calais again.

    After the winning thus of Calais, as hath been premised, king Edward, remaining in the said town a certain space, was in consultation concerning his voyage and proceeding further into France. But by means of the aforesaid cardinals, truce for a certain time was taken, and instruments made (so provided)that certain noblemen as well for the French king, as for the king of England, should come to the pope, there to debate upon the articles; unto which king Edward, for peace’ sake, was not greatly disagreeing: which was A.D. 1347. f1121 The next year following, which was A.D. 1848, fell a sore plague, which they call the first general pestilence in the realm of England. This plague, as they say, first springing from the east, and so spreading westward, did so mightily prevail here in this land, beginning first at Dorchester and the countries thereabout, that every day lightly twenty, some days forty, some sixty and more, dead corses were brought and laid together in one pit.

    This beginning the first day of August, by the first of November it came to London; where the vehement rage thereof was so hot, and did increase so much, that the next year after, A.D. 1349, a1023 from the first day of February till about the beginning of May, in a churchyard then newly made by Smithfield, above two hundred dead corses every day were buried, besides those which in other churchyards of the city were laid also.

    At length, by the grace of Christ ceasing there, it proceeded from thence to the north parts; where also about Michaelmas following it suaged.

    After this, in the next year ensuing (A.D. 1850) the town of Calais was by treason of the keeper of the castle almost betrayed and won from the Englishmen. Within the compass of which year died Philip the French king; after whom king John his son succeeded in the crown, who, the next year after, under false pretense of friendship caused the constable of France, the earl of Eu, to be beheaded; who, being taken prisoner before in war by Englishmen, and long detained in prison in England, was licensed by king Edward to visit his country of France. In the same year the town of Guines was taken by Englishmen, while the keepers of the hold were negligent and asleep.

    In the year after, was Henry first made duke of Lancaster, who before was earl of Derby and Lancaster; also divers good ordinances were appointed in the parliament at Westminster, which after by avarice and partial favor of the head men were again undone.

    The year next following, the marshal of France with a great army was put to flight by Sir Roger Bentele, knight, and captain in Bretagne, having but only six hundred soldiers with him. In this battle were taken nine knights, esquires and gentlemen one hundred and forty. The Frenchmen and Bretons by this victory were exceedingly discouraged and their pride cut down.

    Concord and agreement about A.D. 1354, began to come well forward, and instruments were drown upon the same between the two kings; but the matter being brought up to pope Innocent VI., partly by the quarreling of the Frenchmen, partly by the winking of the pope, who ever held with the French side, the conditions were repealed, which were these: That to the king of England, all the dukedom of Aquitaine, with other lands there, should be restored, without homage to the French king; and that king Edward again should surrender to him all his right and title, which he had in France. Upon this rose the occasion of the great war and tumult which followed after between the two realms.

    It followed after this (A.D. 1355), that king Edward hearing of the death of Philip the French king, and that king John his son had granted the dukedom of Aquitaine to Charles his eldest son and dauphin of Vienne, sent over prince Edward with the earls of Warwick, Salisbury, and Oxford, and with them a sufficient number of able soldiers into Aquitaine, where he, being willingly received of divers, the rest partly by force of sword he subdued, partly received, submitting themselves to his protection.

    Not long after this, in the same year, word being brought to king Edward, that John the French king was ready to meet him at St. Omer, there to give him battle, he gathered his power, and set over to Calais with his two sons, Lionel earl of Wilton, and John of Gaunt earl of Richmond, and with Henry duke of Lancaster, etc.. who being come to St. Omer, the French king, with a mighty army of his Francklings, hearing of his coming, the nearer he approached to them, the further they retired back; wasting and destroying behind them, to the intent that the English army in pursuing them, should find no victuals. By reason whereof, King Edward, following him by the space of nine or ten days unto Hesdin, when neither he could find his enemy to fight, nor victuals nor forage for his army, returned to Calais; where war again being offered in the name of the king, upon unstable conditions, and yet the same not performed, king Edward seeing the shrinking of his enemy, from Calais crossed the seas into England, where he recovered again the town of Betwick, which the Scots before, by subtle train, had gotten. At that time was granted unto the king in parliament, fifty shillings for every sack or pack of wool that should be carried over, for the space of six years together; by the which grant, the king might dispend every day by estimation above one hundred marks sterling. And forasmuch as every year one hundred thousand sacks of wool were thought to be exported out of the realm, the sum thereof for six years’ space was estimated to amount to 1,500,000 sterling.

    The same year, when king Edward had recovered Berwick and subdued Scotland, prince Edward being in Gascony, made towards the French king; who, notwithstanding all the bridges in the way were cast down, and great resistance made, yet the victorious prince making way with his sword, after much slaughter of the Frenchmen, and many prisoners taken, at length, joining with the French king at Poictiers, with scarcely two thousand, gave the overthrow to the French king with seven thousand men at ams and more. In that conflict, the French king himself, and Philip his son, with Lord James of Bourbon, the archbishop of Sens, eleven earls, and twentytwo lords were taken; of other warriors and men at arms two thousand. Some affirm that in this conflict were slain two dukes; of lords and noblemen twenty-four; of men at arms two thousand and two; of other soldiers about eight thousand. a1024 The common report is, that more Frenchmen were there taken prisoners, than was the number of those who took them. This noble victory, gotten by the grace of God, brought no little admiration to all men.

    It were too long, and little pertaining to the purpose of this history, to comprehend in order all the doings of this king, with the circumstances of his victories, of the bringing in of the French king into England, of his abode there, of the ransom levied on him, and on David the Scottish king; of whom, the one was rated at three millions of scutes, the other at a hundred thousand marks, to be paid in ten years: how the staple was after translated to Calais, with such like. I refer them that would see more, to the chronicles of Thomas Walsingham, of St. Alban’s, of John Froysard, and of Adam Meri-mouth, who discourse all this at large.

    Thus having discoursed at large all such martial affairs and warlike exploits, incident in the reign of this king betwixt him and the realms of France and Scotland; now, to return again to our matters ecclesiastical, it followeth, in order, to recapitulate and notify the troubles and contentions growing between the same king and the pope, and other ecclesiastical persons, in matters touching the church, taken out of the records remaining in the Tower, in order of years, as followeth. As where first, in the fourth year of his reign, the king wrote to the archbishop of Canterbury to this effect: that whereas Edward I., his grandfather, did give to a clerk of his own, being his chaplain, the dignity of treasurer of York, the archbishopric of York being then vacant and in the king’s hands; in the quiet possession whereof the said clerk continued, until the pope misliking therewith would have displaced him, and promoted to the same dignity a cardinal of Rome, to the manifest prejudice of the crown of England; the king therefore straitly chargeth the archbishop of Canterbury not to suffer any matter to pass, that may be prejudice to the donation of his grandfather, but that his own clerk should enjoy the said dignity accordingly, upon pain of his highness’ displeasure. f1123 The like precepts were also directed to these bishops following, namely, to the bishop of Lincoln, the bishop of Worcester, the bishop of Sarum, Monsieur Marmion, the archdeacon of Richmond, the archdeacon of Lincoln, the prior of Lewes, the prior of Lenton, to Master Rich of Bentworth, to Master Iherico de Concoreto, to the pope’s nuncio, to Master Guido of Calma. And withal, he wrote his letters unto the pope, as touching the same matter, consisting in three parts: first, in the declaration and defense of his right and title to the donation and gift of all manner of temporalties, of offices, prebends, benefices and dignities ecclesiastical, holden of him ‘ in capite,’ as in the right of his crown of England: secondly, in expostulating with the pope for intruding himself into the ancient right of the crown of England, intermeddling with such collations, contrary to right and reason, and the example of all his predecessors who were popes before: thirdly, entreating him that he would henceforth abstain and desist from molesting the realm with such novelties and strange usurpations; and so much the more, for that, in the public parliament lately holden at Westminster, it was generally agreed upon, by the universal assent of all the estates of the realm, that the king should stand to the defense of all such rights and jurisdictions as to his regal dignity and crown any way appertained. f1124 After this, in the ninth year of the reign of this king, pope Benedict XII. sendeth down letters touching his new creation, with certain other matters and requests to the king; whereunto the king answering again, declareth how glad he is of that his preferment; adding, moreover, that his purpose was to have sent unto him certain ambassadors for congratulation of the same; but that, being otherwise occupied by reason of wars, he could not attend his holiness’ requests: notwithstanding, he minded to call a parliament about the feast of Ascension next, where, upon the assembly of his clergy and other estates, he would take order for the same, and so direct his ambassadors to his holiness accordingly.

    The next year after, which was the tenth year of his reign, the king writeth another letter to the pope: that forasmuch as his clergy had granted him one year’s tenth for the supportation of his wars, and for that the pope also had the same time to take up the payment of six years’ tenths granted him by the clergy a little before, therefore the pope would vouchsafe, at his request, to forbear the exaction of that money for one year, till his tenth for the necessities of his wars were despatched.

    The same year he wrote also to the pope to this effect: that whereas the prior and chapter of Norwich did nominate a clerk to be bishop of Norwich, and sent him to Rome for his investiture, without the king’s knowledge; therefore the pope would withdraw his consent, and not intermeddle in the matter appertaining to the king’s peculiar jurisdiction and prerogative.

    After this, in the sixteenth year of this king, it happened that the pope sent over certain legates to hear and determine matters appertaining to the right of patronages of benefices; which the king perceiving to tend to the no small derogation of his right and of the liberties of his subjects, writeth unto the said legates, admonishing and requiring them not to proceed therein, nor attempt any thing unadvisedly, otherwise than might stand with the lawful ordinances and customs of the laws of his realm, and the freedom and liberties of his subjects.

    Moreover he writeth the same year to other legates on their being sent over by the pope to treat of peace between the king and the French king, with request that they would first make their repair to the French king, who had so often broken with him, and prove what conformity the French king would offer, which if he found reasonable, they should soon accord with him; otherwise he exhorted them not to enter into the land, nor to proceed any further in that behalf.

    The year following, which was the seventeenth of his reign, ensueth another letter to the pope, against his provisions and reservations of benefices, worthy here to be placed and specified, but that the sum thereof is before set down, to be found in page 689.

    The year following, another letter likewise was sent by the king to the pope, upon occasion taken of the church of Norwich, requiring him to surcease his reservations and provisions of the bishoprics within the realm, and to leave the elections thereof free to the chapters of such cathedral churches, according to the ancient grants and ordinances of his noble progenitors.

    Proceeding now to the nineteenth year of this king’s reign, there came to the presence of the king certain legates from Rome, complaining of certain statutes passed in his parliament, tending to the prejudice of the church of Rome, and the pope’s primacy: viz. That if abbots, priors, or any other ecclesiastical patrons of benefices, should not present to the said benefices within a certain time, the lapse of the same should come to the ordinary or chapter thereof; or if they did not present, then to the archbishop; if the archbishop likewise did fail to present, then the gift to pertain not unto the lord pope, but unto the king and his heirs. Another complaint also was this-That if archbishops should be slack in giving such benefices as properly pertained to their own patronage in due time, then the collation thereof likewise should appertain to the aforesaid king and his heirs.

    Another complaint was: That if the pope should make void any elections in the church of England, for any defect found therein, and so had placed some honest and discreet persons in the same, that then the king and his heirs were not bound to render the temporalties unto the parties placed by the pope’s provision. Whereupon the pope being not a little aggrieved, the king writeth unto him, certifying that he was misinformed, denying that there was any such statute made in that parliament. And further, as touching all other things, he would confer with his prelates and nobles, and thereof would return answer by his legates.

    In the twentieth year of his reign, another letter was written to the pope by the king, the effect whereof, in few words to express it, was this: to certify him that, in respect of his great charges sustained in his wars, he hath by the counsel of his nobles, taken into his own hands the fruits and profits of all his benefices here in England.

    To proceed in the order of years: in the twenty-sixth year of this king, one Nicholas Heath, clerk, a busy-headed body, and a troubler of the realm, had procured divers bishops, and others of the king’s council, to be cited up to the court of Rome, there to answer such complaints as he had made against them. Whereupon command-merit was given by the king to all the ports of the realm, for the restraint of all passengers out, and for searching and arresting all persons bringing m any bulls or other process from Rome, tending to the derogation of the dignity of the crown, or molestation of the subjects; concerning which Nicholas Heath, the king also writeth to he pope his letters, complaining of the said Heath, and desiring him to give no ear to his lewd complaints.

    The same year the king writeth also to the pope’s legate resident in England, requiring him to surcease from exacting divers sums of money of the clergy, under the name of first knits of benefices.

    The thirty-first year of this king’s reign, the king, by his letters, complaineth to the pope of a troublesome fellow named Nicholas Stanway, remaining in Rome, who, by his slanderous complaints, procured divers citations to be sent into the realm, to the great disturbance of many and sundry honest men; whereupon he prayeth and adviseth the pope to stay himself, and not to send over such hasty citations upon every light occasion.

    To pass further, to the thirty-eighth year of the same king, thus we find in the rolls: that the king the same year took order by two of his clergy, to wit, John a Stock, and John of Norton, to take into their hands all the temporalities of all deaneries, prebends, dignities, and benefices, being then vacant in England, and to answer the profits of the same to the king’s use.

    The same year an ordinance was made by the king and his council, and the same was proclaimed in all port-towns within the realm, as follows:

    That good and diligent search should be made, that no person whatsoever, coming from the court of Rome, etc., do bring into the realm with him any bull, instrument, letters-patent, or other process, that may be prejudicial to the king, or any of his subjects; nor that any person passing out of this realm towards the court of Rome, do carry with him any instrument or process that may redound to the prejudice of the king or his subjects; and that all persons passing to the said court of Rome, etc., with the king’s special license, do notwithstanding promise and find surety to the lord chancellor, that they shall not in any wise attempt or pursue any matter to the prejudice of the king or his subjects, under pain to be put out of the king’s protection, and to forfeit his body, goods, and chattels, according to the statute thereof made, in the twenty-seventh year, etc.

    And thus much concerning the letters and writings of the king, with such other domestic matters, perturbations, and troubles, passing between him and the pope, taken out of the public records of the realm; whereby I thought to give the reader to understand the horrible abuses, the intolerable pride, and the insatiable avarice of that bishop, more like a proud Lucifer than a pastor of the church of Christ, in abusing the king, and oppressing his subjects with exactions unmeasurable; and not only exercising his tyranny, in this realm, but raging also against other princes, both far and near, amongst whom neither spared he the emperor himself. In the story and acts of that emperor Louis, mentioned a little before (p. 663), whom the pope did most arrogantly excommunicate upon Maundy-Thursday, and the self-same day placed another emperor in his room, relation was made of certain learned men who took the emperor’s part against the pope. In the number of them was Marsilius of Padua, William Ockam, John de Janduno of Ghent, Lupold of Bamberg, Andrew of Lodi, Ulric Hangenor, treasurer to the emperor, Dante Aligerio, etc.; of whom Marsilius of Padua compiled and exhibited unto the emperor Louis a worthy work, intituled ‘Defensor Pacis,’ written in the emperor’s behalf against the pope. Wherein (both godly and learnedly disputing against the pope) he proveth the bishop and the priest to be originally and essentially equal, and that the pope hath no superiority above other bishops, much less above the emperor; that the word of God ought to be only the chief judge in deciding and determining causes ecclesiastical; that not only spiritual persons, but laymen also, being godly and learned, ought to be admitted into general councils; that the clergy and the pope ought to be subject unto magistrates; that the church is the university of the faithful, and that the foundation and head of the church is Christ, and that he never appointed any vicar or pope over his universal church; that bishops ought to be chosen every one by their own church and clergy; that the marriage of priests may lawfully be permitted; that St. Peter was never at Rome; that the synagogue of the pope is a den of thieves; that the doctrine of the pope is not to be followed, because it leadeth to eternal destruction; and that the corrupt manners of Christians do spring and flow out of the wickedness of the spiritualty, etc. He disputeth, moreover, in another work, of free justification by grace; and extenuateth merits, saying, that they are a cause of our salvation ‘sine qua non,’ that is to say, that works be no cause efficient of our justification, but yet our justification goeth not without them. For the which his doctrine most sound and catholic, he was condemned (A.D. 1327) by the pope’s decree ‘Extravagant;’ f1128 concerning the which man and his doctrine, I thought good thus much to commit to history, to the intent men may see that they who charge this doctrine now taught in the church with the note of novelty or newness, how ignorant and unskilful they be in the history and order of times forepast. f1129 In the same part of condemnation, at the same time, was also Johannes de Janduno of Ghent, A.D. 1380, and contained also in the aforesaid ‘Extravagant’ with Marsilius of Padua. Which Johannes wrote much upon Aristotle and Averroes, which is yet remaining and valued; and no doubt but he wrote also works of divinity, and that they were excellent, but it is not unlike that these works have been abolished. f1130 In the same number and catalogue cometh also William Ockam, who flourished A.D. 1326, as is before mentioned, and who wrote, likewise, in defense of Louis the emperor against the pope; and also in defense of Michael Cesenas, general of the Grey-friars, whom theft pope had excommunicated and cursed for a heretic. Divers treatises were by the said Ockam set forth, as his Questions, and the Dialogue between a master and his scholar, whereof part is extant and in print, part is extinct and suppressed, as Ascentius reporteth, being reckoned somewhat too sharp. Some again he published under no name of the author, being of his doing, as, the dialogue between the soldier and the clerk. From a passage which occurs in the prologue to his “Dialogus” it is to be conjectured, that many learned works had already appeared against the pope. Of this Ockam John Sleidan in his history inferreth mention to his great commendation, whose words be these: “William Ockam, in the time of Louis IV., emperor, did flourish about A.D. 1326, who, among other things, wrote of the authority of the bishop of Rome; in which book he handleth these eight questions very copiously:—First, whether the pontiff’s office and the emperor’s may both at the same time be administered by the same man; secondly, whether the emperor taketh his power and authority only from God, or else of the pope also; thirdly, whether the pope and church of Rome have power by Christ to set up and place kings and emperors, and to commit to them their jurisdiction to be exercised; fourthly, whether the emperor, being elected, hath full authority, upon the said his election, to administer his empire; fifthly, whether other kings besides the emperor and king of the Romans, in that they are consecrated of priests, receive of them any part of their power; sixthly, whether the said kings in any case be subject to their consecrators; seventhly, whether if the said kings should admit any new sacrifice, or should take to themselves the diadem without any further consecration, they should thereby lose their kingly right and title; eighthly, whether the seven princeselectors give as much right to the emperor elected, as legitimate succession giveth to other kings.—Upon these questions he disputeth and argueth with sundry arguments and reasons on both sides; at length he decideth the matter on the part of the civil magistrate, and by occasion thereof entereth into the mention of the ‘Extravagants’ of pope John XXII., declaring how little regard was had thereunto by sound men, as being heretical and utterly false. f1135 Trithemius maketh mention of one Gregorius Ariminensis, a man famous both for his learning and piety; who, not much differing from the age of this Ockam, about A.D. 1350 thought the same on the doctrines of grace and free-will as we do now, and dissented therein from the sophists and papists, counting them only Pelagians under new names. Of the like judgment, and in the same time, was also Andreas de Castro, and Johannes Buridanus upon the ethics of Aristotle; who both maintained the grace of the gospel, as it is now in the church received, above two hundred years since. f1139 And what should I speak of the duke of Burgundy, named Eudo, who at the same time (.A.D. 1350) persuaded the French king not to suffer the new found constitutions, called ‘Extravagantes Communes,’ within his realm; whose sage counsel then given yet remaineth among the French king’s records, as withesseth Carolus Molinaeus. Dante, an Italian writer, a Florentine, lived in the time of Louis, the emperor, about A.D. 1300, and took his part with Marsilius of Padua. Certain of his writings be extant abroad, particularly his ‘ De Mo-narchia;’ wherein he proveth the pope not to be above the emperor, nor to have any right or jurisdiction in the empire, and confuteth the Donation of Constantine as a forged and a reigned thing, and as what could not stand with any law nor right; for which he was taken by many for a heretic: three sorts of men, he also saith, were enemies to the truth respecting the imperial supremacy; first, the pope and some of the Greek bishops, being jealous of the right of the keys and the honor of mother church; secondly, the democrats, who hated the very term “most sacred majesty,” and yet counted themselves sons of the church, though they were the children of their father the devil; thirdly, the decretalists, who in their doting fondness for the decrees would settle every thing thereby, to the damage of the imperial state. He complaineth somewhere, moreover, very much of the preaching of God’s word being omitted; and that instead thereof, the vain fables of monks and friars were preached and believed by the people, and that so the flock of Christ was fed not with the food of the gospel, but with wind. “The pope,” saith he, “of a pastor is made a wolf, to waste the church of Christ, and with his clergy careth not for the word of God, but only for his own decrees.” In canto the thirty-second of his “Purgatory” he declareth the pope to be the whore of Babylon; and as to her ministers, i.e. the bishops, to some he applieth two horns, and to some four, to the patriarchs one; whom he noteth to be the tower of the said whore Babylonical. f1141 Hereunto may be added the saying out of the book of Jornandus, f1142 imprinted with the aforesaid Dante; that forsomuch as Antichrist cometh not before the destruction of the empire, therefore such as go about to have the empire extinct, are in so doing forerunners and messengers of Antichrist. “Therefore let the Romans,” saith he, “and their bishops beware, lest, their sins and wickedness so deserving, by the just judgment of God the priesthood be taken from them. Furthermore, let also the prelates and princes of Germany take heed,” etc. f1143 And because our adversaries, who object unto us the newness of our doctrine, shall see the cause and form of this religion now received not to have been either such a new thing now, or a thing so strange in times past, I will add to these above recited Master John Tauler, a preacher at Strasburg, in Germany, A.D. 1350; who, contrary to the pope’s proceedings, taught openly against human merits, and against the invocation of saints, and preached sincerely of our free justification by grace, referring all man’s trust only to the mercy of God, and was an enemy to all superstition. f1144 With whom also may be adjoined Francis Petrarch, a writer of the same age, who in his works and his Italian metre, speaking of the court of Rome, calleth it Babylon, and the whore of Babylon sitting on the waters, the mother of idolatry and fornication, the spouse of error, the temple of heresy, the nest of treachery, growing rich and powerful by the oppressing of others; and saith further, that she (meaning the pope’s court) extolleth herself against her founders, that is, the emperors who first set her up, and did so enrich her; and seemeth plainly to have thought that the pope was Antichrist; and he often declared that no greater evil could happen to any man, than to be made pope. This Petrarch was about A.D. 1350. f1145 And if time would serve us to seek out old histories, we should find plenty of faithful witnesses, of old and ancient time, to give witness with us against the pope, besides the others above rehearsed: as Johannes de Rupe- Scissa, A.D. l340; who, for rebuking the spiritualty for their great enormities and for neglecting their office and duty, was cast into prison.

    Illyricus, a writer in our days, testifieth that he found and read in an old pamphlet, that the said Johannes asserted the church of Rome to be the whore of Babylon, and the pope to be the minister of Antichrist, and the cardinals to be false prophets. Being in prison, he wrote a book of prophecies, bearing the title, ‘Vade mecum in tribulatione:’ in which book (which also I have seen) he prophesied affliction and tribulation to hang over the spirituality, and plainly foreshowed, that God would purge the clergy, and have priests that would be poor and godly, and that should faithfully feed the Lord’s flock; moreover, that the goods of the church should return again to the laymen. He had prophesied also (as he himself saith in the same book), that the French king and his army should have an overthrow; which likewise had come to pass during the time of his imprisonment. Of this Johannes de Rupe writeth Froysart about his time, and also Wickliff; of whose prophecies much more may be said at more leisure, Christ willing, hereafter. f1146 About the same year (A.D. 1340) in the city of Wurtzburg lived one named Master Conrad Hager; who, as appeareth by some old bulls and registers of Otho, bishop of the said city, confessed to have thought and taught, for the space of twenty-four years together, the mass to be no manner of sacrifice, neither that it profiteth any man either quick or dead, and that it ought to be abolished; and that the money left by the dying for masses was very robbery and sacrilege of priests, which they wickedly did intercept and take away from the poor; and he said, moreover, that if he had a stove full of gold and silver, he would not give one farthing for any mass. For this doctrine this good preacher was condemned and shut up in prison; what afterwards became of him we do not find. f1147 There is among other old and ancient records of antiquity belonging to this present time a certain monument in verses poetically compiled, but not without a certain moral, intituled, ‘Poenitentiarius Asini,’ ‘The Ass’s Confessor,’ bearing the date, ‘Completus, A.D. 1343.’ In this treatise are brought forth the wolf, the fox, and the ass, coming to shrift and doing penance. First, the wolf confesseth him to the fox, who easily doth absolve him from all his faults, and also excuseth him in the same. In like manner the wolf, hearing the fox’s shrift, showeth to him the like favor in return.

    After this cometh the ass to confession, whose fault was this; that he, being hungry, took a straw out from the sheaf of one that went in peregrination unto Rome. The ass, although repenting of this fact, yet, because he thought it not so heinous as the faults of the other, the more he hoped for his absolution. But what followed? After the silly ass had uttered his crime in auricular confession, immediately the discipline of the law was executed upon him with all severity; neither was he judged worthy of any absolution, but was apprehended upon the same, slain, and devoured. Whosoever was the author of this fabulous tale, he had a mystical understanding in the same, for by the wolf no doubt was meant the pope; but the fox represented the prelates, courtesans, priests, and the rest of the spiritualty. Of the spiritualty the lord pope is soon absoyled; as, contrary, the pope doth soon absoyle them in like manner.

    By the ass is meant the poor laity, upon whose back the strait censure of the law is sharply executed; especially when the German emperors come under the pope’s inquisition, to be examined by his discipline, there is no absolution nor pardon to be found, but in all haste he must be deposed, as in these stories may partly appear before. And though the matter be not the weight of a straw, yet what saith the holy father, the wolf, if it please him to make any matter of it?— “Immensum scelus est injuria quam peregrino Fecisti, stramen subripiendo sibi.

    Non advertisti quod plura pericula passus, Plurima passurus, quod peregrinus erat.

    Non advertisti, quod ei per maxima terrae Et pelagi spatia sit peragranda via.

    Non advertisti sanctos, nec limina sancta, Sanctorum sanctum sed nec Hierusalem.

    Es fur, ignoto cum feceris hoc peregrino,” Scis bene fur quail debet honore mori.

    Cum sis confessus, cum sis convictus, habesne Quo tales noxas occuluisse queas? (Ille retransivit eadem loca, tam violentum Ex inopinato sensit adesse malum.) f1149 De papa taceo, cujus protectio talem Conduxit, cujus tu vilipendis opera.

    Totius ecclesiae fuerit cum nuncius iste, Pertulit abstracto gramine damna viae.” etc.

    And thus they, aggravating and exaggerating the fault to the uttermost, fly upon the poor ass and devour him. By the which apology, the tyrannical and fraudulent practices of these spiritual Romanists are lively described. f1150 Not long after these above rehearsed (about A.D. 1350) Gerard Ridder wrote also against the monks and friars a book intituled, ‘Lacrymae Ecclesiae:’ wherein he disputeth against the aforesaid religious orders, namely, against the begging friars; proving that kind of life to be far from Christian perfection, for that it is against charity to live upon others, when a man may live by his own labors; and he affirmeth them to be hypocrites, and filthy livers, and such as for man’s favor and for lucre’ sake do mix with true divinity apocryphal fables and dreams of vanity. Also that they, under pretense of long prayer, devour widows’ houses, and with their confessions, sermons, and burials, do trouble the church of Christ manifold ways. And therefore persuadeth he the prelates to bridle and keep short the inordinate license and abuses of these monastical persons, etc. f1151 I have as yet made no mention of Michael Cesenas, general of the Greyfriars, nor of Petrus de Corbaria, of whom writeth Antoninus ‘in quarta parte Summae.’ They were condemned in the Extravagants of pope John XXII., with Bonagratia, Ocham, and others. Their opinions, as saith Antoninus, were these: that Peter the apostle was no more the head of the church, than the other apostles; that Christ left no vicar behind him or head in his church; and that the pope hath no such authority to correct and punish, to institute or depose the emperor: Item, That all priests, of what degree soever, are of equal authority, power, and jurisdiction, by the institution of Christ; but that by the institution of the emperor, the pope is superior, which supremacy by the same emperor also may be revoked again: Item, That neither the pope, nor yet the whole church,, may punish any man ‘punitione coactiva’, that is, by extern coaction, unless they receive license of the emperor. This aforesaid Michael, general of the Grey-friars, wrote against the tyranny, pride, and primacy of the pope, accusing him to be Antichrist, and the church of Rome to be the whore of Babylon, drunk with the blood of saints. He said there were two churches; one of the wicked, flourishing, wherein reigned the pope; the other of the godly, afflicted: Item, that the verity was almost utterly extinct: and for this cause he was deprived of his dignity, and condemned of the pope.

    Notwithstanding, he stood constant in his opinions. This Michael was about .A.D. 1322, and left behind him many fautors and followers of his doctrine, of whom a great part were slain by the pope; some were condemned, as William Ockam; some were burned, as Johannes de Castilione, and Franciscus de Arcatara. f1153 Besides these, was condemned in the Extravagant ‘Vas electionis’ f1154 Johannes de Poliaco, whose assertions were these: That the pope could not give license to hear confessions to whom he would, but that every one ought to confess to the pastor of his parish: Item, that pastors and bishops had their authority immediately from Christ and his apostles and disciples, and not from the pope: Item, That the constitution of pope Benedict XI. “Inter cunctas,” wherein he granteth larger privileges to the friars against the pastors, was no declaration of the law, but a subversion: and for this he was by the said friars and the pope oppressed, about A.D. 1322.

    After Simon Mepham, archbishop of Canterbury before mentioned, who lived not long, succeeded John Stratford. After whom came John Offord, who lived but ten months; in whose room succeeded Thomas Bradwardin, and remained but two months, A.D. 1349; and after him Simon Islip was made archbishop of Canterbury by pope Clement VI., who sat sixteen years, and built Canterbury college in Oxford. After which Simon Islip succeeded the bishop of Ely, named Simon Langham, who within two years was made cardinal. In whose stead pope Urban V. ordained William Wittlesey, bishop of Worcester, to be archbishop of Canterbury, A.D. 1368. In the same year. William Wickham was elected bishop of Winchester, who founded the New College in Oxford.

    Again, in the order of the popes, next unto pope Clement VI. before mentioned, about the same time (A.D. 1352), succeeded pope Innocent VI.; in the first year of which pope two friars Minors or Franciscans were burned at Avignon, “pro opinionibus,” as mine author saith, “erroneis, prout D. Papae et ejus cardinalibus videbatur,” that is, “for certain opinions (as seemed to the pope and his cardinals) erroneous. Of the which two friars I find in the history of Petrus Premonstratensis (cited in John Bale’s “Acta Romans Pontificum”) that the one was named Johannes Rochtaylada, or rather (as I find his name cited by Illyricus in his “Catalog.

    Testium,” out of the Chronicle of Henry of Herford) Hayabalus; who being (as that writer recordeth) a friar Minorite, began first in the time of pope Clement VI. (A.D. 1345) to preach and affirm openly, that he was by God commanded to preach, that the church of Rome was the whore of Babylon, and that the pope and his cardinals were very Antichrists; and that popes Benedict and John, his predecessors, were damned; with many other such like things, tending much against the pope’s tyrannical majesty; and that the aforesaid Hayabalus being brought before the pope’s face constantly did stand in the same, saying, that he was commanded by God in a vision so to say, and that he would still preach the same if he might.

    To whom it was then objected, that he had some heretical books, and so he was committed to prison for life. In the time of his accusation, and just as he was charging the pope with injustice, it happened that a certain priest, coming before the pope, cast the pope’s bull down before his feet, saying: “Lo here, take your bull unto you, for it doth me no good at all. I have been begging and praying here now these three years withal, and yet notwithstanding, for all this your bull, I cannot get my rights restored.”

    The pope hearing this, and stung at this confirmation of the friar’s charge, commanded the poor priest to be scourged, and after to be laid in prison with the aforesaid friar. What became of them afterwards the aforesaid writer, Henry of Herford, maketh no mention; but I may probably conjecture that this priest and this friar Rochtaylada (or rather Hayabalus)were the two, whom mine author, Thomas Walsingham, writeth to be burned at this time in Avignon, about the first beginning of this pope Innocent VI. Of this Rochtaylada I thought good here to infer the testimony and mention of John Froysard, written of him in his first volume, chap. 211, in these words:

    There was, saith Froysard, in the city of Avignon, a friar minor called John de la Roche Taillade [Angilce, Cutcliffe], full of great clergy, the which friar pope Innocent VI. held in prison in the castle of Baignour, for showing of many marvels about to come (as he said), principally on the prelates and chief men of the church, on account of the great luxury and ambition to which they were addicted; and he also foretold many things as about to fall on the realm of France, and of the more powerful princes of Christendom, for the miserable oppression that they did to the poor common people. This friar said, he would prove all his sayings by the authority of the Revelation, and by the ancient books of the holy prophets, the which were opened to him by the grace of the Holy Ghost: so that he showed many things hard to believe. And sure enough, many remarkable things afterwards befel as he had said.

    Nor yet did he say them as a prophet, but he showed them by authority of ancient Scriptures and by the grace of the Holy Ghost, who gave him understanding to expound all the ancient prophecies, and to show to all Christian people the years and times when such things should fall. He made divers books founded on great sciences and clergy, whereof one was made A.D. 1346, wherein were written such marvels, that it were hard to believe them; howbeit we have seen many of them come to pass. And when he was interrogated concerning the war of England against France, he said that all that had been seen was nothing to that should be seen after; for that the war in France should not be ended, till the realm were utterly wasted and exiled in every part. All which was afterwards seen so to befal, for the noble realm of France was afflicted and prostrated by every kind of misfortune, and specially in the term that the said friar had said, which was in 1356, and the three years following. He said that in those years the princes and gentlemen of the realm should not, for fear, show themselves against the people of low estate, assembled of all countries without head or captain; and they should do as they list in the realm of France: the which fell after, as ye have heard, how the companions assembled them together, and by reason of their robbery and pillage waxed rich, and became great captains.

    About the same time happened in France a certain contention between the French prelates and the friars of Paris, testified and recorded by Godfridus de Fontanis; the brief effect of which story is this. The prelates of France conventing together in the city of Paris, after long deliberation among themselves, caused by the beadles to be called together all the masters, bachelors, and students of every faculty, with the chief friars also of all the religious orders:, in the hall of the bishop of Paris: who all there congregated together on the morrow, being St. Nicholas’ day; where there were present four archbishops, and twenty bishops. First stood up the archbishop of Bourges, who there made a sermon concerning charity, taking for his theme the place of St. Paul (Ephesians 3:17-19), “Ut sciatis quae sit longitudo, latitudo, altitudo, et profunditas charitatis,” etc. and concluded thereupon, first, that true charity compelled them to provide for the flock committed to them; secondly, that the vigor of charity armed them to withstand errors; thirdly, he concluded, that by duty of charity they were bound to give their lives, if needs be, for the souls of the flock committed to their charge; fourthly, that by the same charity every man ought to be content with his own, and not to intermeddle with another’s office. “For there,” saith he, “all ecclesiastical order is confounded, unless men contain themselves in their own precincts. But alas! this charity,” saith he, “now-a-days is waxed cold, and all ecclesiastical order is utterly confounded. For many there be, who now-a-days presume to thrust in their sickle into another man’s harvest; a1030 so that now the church may be called a monster. For as in a natural body it is deemed a monster, when one member doeth the office of another; so is it in the spiritual body, which is the church, when our learned and wise brethren, to wit the friars Major and Minor, do take upon them the office specially committed to us, doing unrighteously therein, seeing none ought to take upon him any office, except he be called thereunto of the Lord, as Aaron was. Whereas, then, we have oftentimes procured the said friars, both by the king himself in his own person, and also by other great men, to be requested to surcease from doing our office; and yet they have not; but against our wills preach and hear confessions all about our dioceses, saying, that they have the pope’s privileges to bear them out therein:—for this cause we who are here present, having also the proxies of all our absent brother-bishops of the kingdom of France, are come to complain to you of this so great insolence of the friars: for that as we are, so you shall be: for I believe there is not a prelate among us to-day who was not taken from this university. We have requested, moreover, and have caused to be requested of the said friars, that they would send their said privileges to the see apostolic, to be more clearly interpreted by the lord pope: which in like manner they have refused to do. Wherefore, to the intent you may the better understand and see what right their privileges really give them, we have resolved that they shall be here openly read to you.”

    Then stood up another in the public tribune, and there read the privileges, and afterwards read also the constitution of pope Innocent III., written in the fifth book of the Decretals, and beginning, “Omnis utriusque sexus,” etc.; which constitution was contradictory to the aforesaid privileges, as he there showed, declaring how both the said privileges were derogatory to that constitution.

    This done, up rose the bishop of Amiens, a very great jurist, who running from article to article, there clearly proved by good law, that the said constitution might in no respect be infringed by the said privileges, and that it was not lawful for the friars to intrude themselves in hearing confessions and in enjoining penances, without the special license of the bishop of the diocese and curate of the parish: unto whom never a friar at that time answered a single word. And so the bishop proceeding to his conclusion, begged the university to deign to assist them in that case, for that they had all unanimously determined (said he) to resist such injury even unto blood.—This happened on a Saturday, the sixth day of December, which they dedicate to St. Nicholas.

    The next day (being a Sunday), one of the order of the Minorites, or Franciscans, made a sermon at the church of the Majorites or Preaching friars (a thing which I believe was never before seen, the one order to come and resort to the other), and finishing his subject in a few words, he began to speak of the aforesaid matter, and in reply expounded in order every article as well as he could for the better; adding, moreover, that had they wished, they might lawfully have gone much further in the use of their privileges. And he said moreover, that what time the said privileges were in obtaining at Rome, the bishop of Amiens was there present himself, and resisted the same with all his might; yea all the prelates of France sent and wrote up to the court against the same, and yet did not prevail. For when the friars there explained to the pope in what manner and how far they had used their privileges, the pope said “Placet,” that is, “I am satisfied.” “And now,” saith he, “the prelates again wish and require us to send up our privileges to the Roman court, as if to solicit them again; which would be great folly in us, for so we should be giving place and occasion for revoking the authority which is so given us already. Furthermore, our Master is just dead, and the Master of the Dominic friars is not now present. Wherefore, we dare not determine for the whole order in such a weighty cause, without their presence. And therefore we beg you to hold us therein excused, and not to be so lightly stirred against us, for that we are not members of any university,” etc.

    The next day, being the eighth of the same month, which is dedicated to the conception of St. Mary, the feast was kept at the friars Minors, when, behold! one of the Dominic friars preached in the church of the Franciscan or Grey-friars, a sermon, tending to the same end as the other. And doubtless the Scripture was there fulfilled which saith, “On that day Herod and Pilate were made friends together.”

    Not long after, on the vigil of the feast of St. Thomas, all the university were again warned to congregate together on the morrow (being a Sunday) in the church of St. Bernard at the sermon time. Which being done, a sermon was made by a divine of the university, who took for his theme, “Prope est Dominus omnibus invocantibus eum in veritate,” etc.; wherein, with many words and authorities he censured generally those who would not be obedient unto their superiors and prelates, etc. The sermon being ended, then rose up again the bishop of Amiens (the only other prelate there being the archbishop of Rheims), who, going on with the same theme, dwelt on the word “veritate,” dividing verity into three parts, according to the verses often inserted in the common gloss of the Decretals: “Est verum vitae, doctrinae, justitiaeque:

    Primum semper habe; duo propter scandala linque:” showing and declaring by many authorities, both in theology, and the canons, and the laws, and by plain facts, that the friars first had no verity of life, because they were plainly convicted of hypocrisy; neither had they verity of doctrine, because they carried gall in their heart, and honey on their tongue; neither verity of justice, because they usurped other men’s offices. And in conclusion, he caused the said privileges again to be read, with the said constitution,” Omnis utriusque sexus.” And so, comparing sentence with sentence, he dearly showed that the said constitution in no part was made void or infringed by the privileges aforesaid. He added, moreover, that “whereas the friars say,” said he, “that I was present in the obtaining of the privileges, I grant it to be true; and when word came to me thrice thereof, I went to the pope reclaiming and begging the said privileges might be revoked; but the next day after I was sent by the lord pope to a distant part upon weighty affairs, so that he did not wish then to make up the matter. After that, we sent also our messengers for the same object to the court of Rome, whom the friars assert not to have prevailed, but they lie therein; for the said messengers brought back letters sealed with the seals of the chief of the court of Rome (which letters we have often presented to our lord the king, and will shortly show them to you all), in the which letter the lord pope hath promised us either wholly to revoke the said privileges, or else more clearly to explain them by an interpretation, which we trust shortly to have from the pope in a public bull.” f1169 At last, the said bishop requested all there present, of what nation soever they were, to copy out the aforesaid privileges, and send them to their respective countries, that all men might see what was really conceded to the friars by the aforesaid privileges. the matter was afterward brought into open disputation by Master friar Gilles, a1037 of the Augustine order, who is esteemed altogether the best person in all Paris; who gave it as his determination, that the prelates had by far the best of the argument.

    Godfridus saith that he had not yet got a copy of this determination, on account of the recency of the affair.

    Concerning this wrangling contention between the university and friars of France here before mentioned, whereof partly the original cause may be understood, by that which hath been said, to arise upon certain privileges granted by popes to the friars, to intermeddle in matters of parish churches; as to hear confessions, to preach and teach, with power thereunto annexed to gather for their labor, to bury within their houses, and to receive impropriations, etc., because it were too long here to describe the full circumstances thereof, also because the said contention did not only endure a long time in France, but also came over into England; the whole discourse thereof more amply (Christ willing) shall be declared in the beginning of the next book, when we come to the story of Armachanus.

    About the time and year that this brawl was in the university of Paris between the friars and prelates there, as hath been declared, the like contention happened also in the university of Oxford in the year above prefixed (A.D. 1354), save only that the strife among the masters of Paris, as it rose upon friarly ceremonies, so it went no further than brawling words and matter of excommunication; but this tumult, rising out of a drunken cause, proceeded further unto bloody stripes. The first origin of it began in a tavern, between a scholar and the good man of the house; who, falling together into altercation, grew to such height of words, that the student (contra jus hospitii) poured the wine upon the head of the host, and brake his head with the quart pot. Upon this occasion given, eftsoons parts began to be taken between the townsmen and the scholars, insomuch that a grievous sedition and conflict followed upon the same; wherein many of the townsmen were wounded, and to the number of twenty slain; and divers of the scholars also were grievously hurt. For the space of two days this hurly-burly continued. On the second day certain religious and devout persons ordained a solemn procession general, to pray for peace; yet, notwithstanding, all that procession, holy as it was, would not bring peace. In the which procession, the skirmish still waxing hot, one of the students, being hardly pursued by the townsmen, for succor in his flight came running to the priest or friar, who carried about, as the manner was, the pix; thinking to find refuge at the presence of the transubstantiated God of the altar there carried and imboxed. Notwithstanding, the god being not there present, or else not seeing him, or else peradventure being asleep, the scholar found there small help; for the townsmen, in the heat of the chase, forgetting belike the virtue of the pope’s transubstantiation, followed him so hard, that in the presence of the pix they brake his head, and wounded him grievously. This done, at length some peace or truce for that day was taken. On the morrow, other townsmen in the villages about, joining with the townsmen of Oxford, confederated together in great force and power to set upon the students there, and so did, having a black flag borne before them, and so invaded the university men; whereupon the scholars, being overmatched, and compelled to flee into their halls and hostels, were so pursued by their enemies, that twenty of the doors of their halls and chambers were broken open, and many of them wounded, and, as it is said, slain and thrown into the draughts; their books with knives and bills cut all in pieces, and much of their goods carried away.

    And thus the students of that university, being conquered by the townsmen of Oxford, and of the country about, departed and left the university, so that for a time the schools there, and all school acts, did utterly cease from all exercise of study, except only Merton college-hall, with a few others remaining behind.

    This being done the twelfth day of February, the queen at the same time being at Woodstock was brought to bed, and purified on the first Sunday in Lent with great solemnity of justing. About which time the bishop of Lincoln, their diocesan, hearing of this excessive outrage, sendeth his inhibition, to all parsons and priests, forbidding them throughout all Oxford, to celebrate mass or any divine service in the presence of any lay person within the said town of Oxford, interdicting withal the whole town; which interdiction endured the space of a whole year and more.

    The king also sent thither his justices to examine and inquire into the matter, before whom divers of the laymen and clergy were indicted, and four of the chief burgesses of the said town were indicted, and by the king’s commandment sent to the Tower of London, and were there imprisoned. At length, through much labor of the nobles, the king so took up the matter, that sending his writings unto all sheriffs in England, he offered pardon to all and singular the students of that university, wheresoever dispersed, for that transgression; whereby the university in a short time was replenished again as before. Moreover, it was granted to the vice-chancellor or commissary, as they term him, of the town and university of Oxford, to have the assize of bread, ale, wine, and all other victuals; the mayor of the said town being excluded. Also it was granted and decreed, that the commons of Oxford should give to the university of Oxford two hundred pounds sterling, in part of satisfaction for their excesses; there being reserved, notwithstanding, to every one of the students his several action against any several person of the townsmen, etc.

    About A.D. 1354, the king, with the consent of his council, called home again out of Flanders the staple of wool, with all things thereunto appertaining, and. established the same in sundry, places within the realm, namely, m Westminster, Canterbury, Chichester, Bristol, Lincoln, and Hull; which staple, after A.D. 1362, was translated over to Calais.

    Of Simon Islip, archbishop of Canterbury, mentioned a little before, page 710, I read in the said author above specified, that he, by his letters patent, directed to all parsons and vicars within his province, straightly charged them and their parishioners, under pain of excommunication, not to abstain from bodily labor upon certain saints’ days, which before were wont to be hallowed and consecrated to unthrifty idleness. Item, that to priests should be given no more for their yearly stipend, but three pounds, six shillings, and eight pence, which made divers of them to rob and steal, etc.

    A.D. 1362.

    In the year following, king Edward kept his parliament at London in the month of October; wherein it was prohibited that either gold or silver should be worn in knives, girdles, brooches, rings, or in any other ornament belonging to the body, except the wearer might dispend ten pounds a year. Item, That none should wear either silks or costly furs, except such as might dispend one hundred pounds a year. Also that merchant adventurers should not export any merchandise out of the realm, or seek for wines in other countries; whereby other nations should be constrained rather to seek to us, etc. But none of this did take any great effect.

    After this Simon Islip, as is above recorded, followed Simon Langham, then William Wittlesey; after whom next in place succeeded Simon Sudbury.

    Much about the same time the nuns of St. Bridget’s order first began; about which time also was built Queen’s College in Oxford, by queen Philippa of England, wife to king Edward III., about A.D. 1360.

    Moreover, in the time of pope Innocent VI., friar John Lyle, bishop of Ely, moved with certain injuries, as he thought, done to him by the lady Blanch Wake, made his complaint to the pope; who, sending down his curse to the bishop of Lincoln and other prelates, to be executed upon the adversaries of the bishop of E]y, commanded them, that if’ they did know any of the said adversaries (lead and buried, that notwithstanding, they should cause the same to be taken up: which also they performed accordingly, of whom some had been of the king’s council; wherefore the king being displeased, and not unworthily, did again trouble and molest the said prelates. This coining to the pope’s hearing, certain were directed down from the court of Rome, in behalf of the aforesaid bishop of Ely; who, meeting with the bishop of Rochester, the king’s treasurer, delivered unto him, being armed, letters from the bishop of Rome, the tenor whereof was not known. This done, they incontinently voided away, but certain of the king’s servants pursuing did overtake them; of whom some they imprisoned, some they brought to the justices, and so they were condemned to be hanged. Herein may appear what reverence the pope’s letters in this king’s days, had in this realm of England. This pope Innocent ordained the feast of the Holy Spear, and of the Holy Nails.

    And here, to make an end of this Fourth Book, now remaineth, after our order and custom before begun, to prosecute the race of the archbishops of Canterbury, in this aforesaid Fourth Book contained; beginning where before we left off, at Lanfranc.

    A TABLE OF THE ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY IN THE FOURTH BOOK CONTAINED. 34. Lanfranc was archbishop of Canterbury for nineteen years.

    Polydore Virgil, lib. 9, numbereth this Lanfranc to be the thirty-third archbishop; but by the account of other authors, namely, by the chronicle of the monk of Dover, he seemeth to be deceived; as he was in the twenty-eight years of Dunstan, who indeed did sit but nineteen or twenty at the most. This error of Polydore seemeth to come by leaving out either Elsius, who was the twenty-third, or by leaving out Elfric, who was the twenty-sixth, as in some authors I find.

    Moreover, here is to be noted, that although the said Elfric were left out, yet Lanfranc cannot be the thirty-third.

    Note also, that in the previous table of the third book, after Siricius, you must put in St. Alured, whom, in the order of archbishops, I left out in the end of the third book, page 104.

    This Lanfranc was an Italian, and a stout champion of the pope. After his stubborn dissension with Thomas, archbishop of York, he wrote against Berengarius, entitling his book ‘Opus Scintillarum,’ page 114. Also the same Lanfranc built the new church at Canterbury, and plucked down the old. By him was built the church of St. Gregory. At length he was expelled by king William Rufus. 35. Anselm, for twenty years. Of this Anselm, and the strife between him and the king, look in page 144. 36. Radulph for eight years. Under Radulph the order of Cistercians began. 37. William Curboil, for thirteen years. By this William the new work of the church of St. Martin’s, at Dover, was built. 38. Theobald, for twenty-four years. By this Theobald monks were first brought into the church of Dover. He was expelled by king Stephen. In his time the church of St. Gregory at Canterbury was burned. 39. Thomas Becket, for nine years. For the life and death of this Becket, see page 196. f1173 40. Richard, for ten years. This Richard was a monk In his time Christ’s Church, at Canterbury, was burned. 41. Baldwin, for seven years. Between this Baldwin and the monks was great discord. He suspended the prior from his priorship, and two and twenty monks from all service. He caused the sub-prior, with all his adherents, to be excommunicated through all Kent. 42 . Hubert, for fourteen years. In the time of this Hubert the chapel of Lambeth was plucked down. Also the church of Dover was burned. 43 . Stephen Langton, for twenty-two years. This Stephen, with the monks of Canterbury, was expelled by king John.

    This Stephen, intending to give orders in the chapel of Lambeth, was stopped by the monks of Canterbury, through their appeal and prohibition. Wherefore he required Eustace, bishop of London, to minister the same orders in the church of St. Paul.

    In his time fell great variance between the monks of Rochester and the monks of Canterbury, for the election of their bishop, which election the monks of Canterbury would not admit before the Rochester monks had presented the bishop’s staff in the church of Canterbury; so that both the churches sent their messengers to the court of Rome. 44 . Richardus Magnus, for four years. At the consecration of this Richard, contention arose between the bishop of Rochester and the bishop of Bath, who should consecrate him. Item, between the said Richard and the monks of Canterbury fell a grievous discord, about certain liberties belonging to the archbishop.

    The said archbishop, for certain quarrels against the king, went up to Rome, who died in Tuscia.

    After this Richard, the election of three archbishops was disannulled at Rome; namely, of Radulphus de Nova Villa, of John, prior of Canterbury, and of John Blund. 45 . Edmund of Abingdon for seven years. This Edmund was called St.

    Edmund, at whose election the prior of Dover, thinking to be present, as at the marriage of his mother, was not permitted by the monks of Canterbury. For that injury he appealed and went to Rome to complain, not against the elect, but against the election; where he obtained of the pope, for all the priors and successors of Dover, to have full interest in the election of the archbishops, besides other privileges which he obtained; percase not without some good store of money. Afterwards the monks of Canterbury accused him to the archbishop as though he stood against the person of the elect, and so obtained of the archbishop, being angry with him, to have brought him under the chapter of Canterbury, there to be punished. Whereupon the prior, seeing himself so destitute of all help of lawyers, was constrained in the aforesaid chapter to cry ‘peccavi.’ Then, being suspended from his priorship, he was at length sent home from Dover, being compelled first to set his hand to a certain composition between him and the aforesaid monks.

    The said Edmund, archbishop, having also some quarrel against the king, went up to Rome, and died before his coming home. 46 . Boniface, for twenty-five years. In the time of this Boniface, Pope Gregory wickedly granted to king Henry III. (for the getting of the kingdom of Sicily, which belonged not to him to give, nor to the other to take) tenths of goods, temporal and spiritual, for five years. Item, All the first year’s fruits of churches that should be vacant for five years. Item, Half of all the goods of beneficed men, not resident on their benefices. Item, All legacies not distinctly given. And yet the kingdom of Sicily never came into his hands, which belonged to Manfred, son of Frederic the emperor. Strife there was between this Boniface and the prior of Canterbury, Item. Between him and the bishop of Rochester. Item, Between him and the chapter of Lincoln: all which was after agreed. f1174 Strife in Winchester about choosing the bishop after the death of Adomar or Ethelmar, the king’s brother.

    Strife also in the convocation which Boniface did hold at Lambeth; in the which council were recited the statutes of Octobonus, and other new statutes made, against which John Hemelingford, the king’s chaplain, with others besides, and Prince Edward on the king’s behalf, did appeal. f1175 Under this Boniface, Tunbridge and Hadlow first came under the custody of the archbishop of Canterbury.

    Master John of Exeter bought the bishopric of Winchester for six thousand marks; which being known he was fain to pay the same sum again to the pope, and so was sent home.

    Boniface the archbishop being in the parts of Savoy (A.D. 1262), fell another altercation between the prior and chapter of Canterbury on the one part, and the prior and chapter of Dover on the other; which two houses were almost never in quiet, and all about certain liberties and privileges; as, for making the sub-prior, for receiving in of monks, and for visitations of the church of Dover.

    A.D. 1268. Boniface, archbishop, interdicted the city of London, because in the same city the archbishop of York did hold up his cross, the archbishop of Canterbury being there present, the king holding then his parliament at Westminster.

    This archbishop died in the parts of Savoy.

    John, prior of Canterbury, was elected by the monks against the king’s mind, but by the pope refused.

    Adam Chilinden was elect, but he resigned his election to the pope. 47 . Robert Kilwarby, friar, for six years. In the time of this Robert Kilwarby, appeal was taken against the chapter of Canterbury by the bishops of Winchester, Worcester, and Exeter; for which cause the said bishops went up to Rome to prosecute the appeal. The matter was, because they did not their obedience to the monks of Canterbury, the see being empty.

    Walter Giffard, archbishop of York, going toward the general council, bore up his cross through the middle of Kent, in the time of this Robert, archbishop of Canterbury, A.D. 1272.

    By pope Gregory X. in the general council at Lyons, all the orders of friars were put down, four orders only excepted, that is, Dominies, Franciscans, Carmelites, and Augustines.

    This Robert Kilwarby, by the commandment of pope Nicholas, was made cardinal of Rome and bishop of Porto.

    Here is to be noted an untruth in Polydore Virgil, who saith, that he was made cardinal by pope Gregory, which could not be.

    Robert Burnel, bishop of Bath, was elected, but by the pope refused; for whom John Peckham, a Grey-friar, was placed in by pope Nicholas. 48 . John Peckham, for thirteen years. In the first year of this friar Peckham, W. Wikewane, archbishop of York, coming from his consecration at Rome to Dover, bore up his cross through the midst of Kent, whereat was no little ado.

    Robert Gernemine, archdeacon of Canterbury, went to law at Rome for the liberties and possessions of his archdeaconship two years, and there died.

    In this time also another wrangling occurred between the monks of Canterbury and the monks of Dover, in the time of this John Peckham, for admitting certain novices of Dover into orders. f1177 This Peckham, holding a council at Lambeth, ordained divers statutes, and caused the ordinances of the council of Lyons, and of Boniface archbishop of Canterbury, and his predecessor, to be observed.

    Great grief and hatred existed between this Peckham, and Thomas bishop of Hereford, who, being excommunicated by Peckham, appealed to Rome, and went to the pope.

    The prior and covent of Canterbury made their appeal against this archbishop Peckham, that he should not consecrate Walter le Schamele, the newly elect bishop of Salisbury, in any other place, except only in the church of Canterbury, but by their leave and license first obtained.

    Notwithstanding, the archbishop, nothing regarding their appeal, proceeded in the consecration of the said bishop near to the town of Reading, whereupon the prior and covent ceased not to prosecute their appeal against the archbishop.

    Between Richard Ferrings, archdeacon of Canterbury, of the one part, and the barons of Dover of the other part, the same year fell out another like wrangling, for that the archdeacon claimed to visit the church of Dover: contrary the barons affirmed, that none had, nor should have, to do thereto, or order or dispose in spiritual matters, but only the archbishop, and the prior and covent of St. Martin. f1178 After the death of William Wicwane, archbishop of York, John de Roma succeeded; and coming from his consecration at Rome to Dover, bare his cross through the middle of Kent, contrary to the inhibition of John Peckham. 49 . Robert Winchelsey was archbishop for nineteen years. This Robert, who was archbishop in the latter time of king Edward I., for certain displeasure the king had conceived against him, departed the realm, and in his banishment remained two or three years; and, about the beginning of the reign of king Edward II., he was restored again. (A.D. 1309.) Thus few archbishops of Canterbury we find, with whom kings have not had some quarrel or other. “The cause between the king and him,” saith mine author, “was this; That the king accused him to pope Clement of disturbing his realm, and of taking part with rebels,” etc. f1180 This Robert also excommunicated Walter, bishop of Coventry, for holding with the king and Peter Gaveston against the ordinances of the barons; wherefore the said bishop appealed to the pope, against whom the archbishop sent Adam Mirimouth.

    In the time of this Robert, archbishop, the order of Templars was abolished by pope Clement V. in the council of Vienne, with this sentence definitive: “Quanquam de jure non possumus, tamen ad plenitudinem potestatis dictum ordinem reprobamus.” 50 . Walter Reynald for fifteen years. After the decease of Robert Winchelsey, who departed .A.D. 1513, Thomas Cobham, a learned man, was elected by full consent of the monks, who came to Avignon to have his election confirmed; but the pope reserving the vacant seat in his own hands, put in Walter Reynald, bishop of Worcester, chancellor of England, who governed the see fifteen years.

    The chronicler of St. Alban’s recordeth also, how in the days of this archbishop (A.D. 1319), certain lepers conspiring with the Turks and Jews went about to impotionate, and infect all Christendom, by envenoming their fountains, lakes, pits, barrels, and such other places; of the which crime divers of them being convicted, were worthily burned in France.

    About the same year, the said author maketh also relation, how, in the realm of England, much murrain prevailed among the beasts; insomuch that the dogs, feeding upon their flesh (infected belike by the waters and fountains), fell down dead incon-tinently; neither durst men, for that cause, almost taste of any beef. (A.D. 1318, 1319.) f1181 This Walter, archbishop, taking part with the queen Isabel against king Edward her husband, died the same year in which he was deposed. (A.D. 1327.) f1182 After Walter the archbishop, as affirmeth the chronicle of St. Alban, succeeded Simon Mepham; of whom I marvel that Polydore maketh no word nor mention; belike he sat not long: after hint followed, 51 . John Stratford, for twenty-nine years. In the story of Adam Merimouth, it is recorded that this John Stratford, intending to visit the diocese of Norfolk, was not received by the bishop, the chapter and clergy there alleging that he observed not the ordinary canon therein. To whom the archbishop said again, he had the pope’s letters, and showed the saute. But the other answered, that those letters were falsely obtained, and tended to the suppression of the clergy, and therefore they would not obey: wherefore the archbishop excommunicated the bishop, suspended the prior, and interdicted the covent. (A.D. 1343.) 52 . John Offord, ten months. Master John Offord, chancellor of England, was elected and confirmed archbishop of Canterbury, but not consecrated, and sat but ten months, dying A.D. 1349, the time of the pestilence in England. 53 . Thomas Braidwarden, archbishop for one year. This Thomas Braidwarden following after John Stratford, sat not long, but died within ten months, of the plague, as they say. This was called the first great plague in England, raging so sore in all quarters, that it was thought scarcely the tenth part of men to be left alive. 54 . Simon Islip, for seventeen years. In the time of Simon Islip, who followed after Braidwarden, king Edward (A.D. 12,62) is reported, after the blind superstition of those days, to offer in the church of Westminster the vestments wherein St. Peter did celebrate mass; which belike were well kept from moths, to last so long. f1183 The same Simon Islip, among other constitutions, ordained through all churches and chapels, under pain of excommunication, that no man should abstain from bodily labors upon certain saints’ days, as is before mentioned; which fact of his is not a little noted in our monkish histories.

    This Simon built Canterbury College in Oxford. f1184 THE CONCLUSION OF THIS FOURTH BOOK.

    Forasmuch as Satan, being chained up all this while for the space of a thousand years, beginneth about this time to be loosed and to come abroad, according to the forewarning of St. John’s Revelation: therefore, to conclude the Fourth Book, wherein sufficiently hath been described the excessive pride and pomp of Antichrist, flourishing in his ruff and security, from the time of William the Conqueror hitherto: now (Christ willing and assisting us thereunto) we mind in these latter books hereafter following, in order of history to express the latter persecutions and horrible troubles of the church, raised up by Satan in his minister Antichrist; with the resistance again of Christ’s church against him. And so to prosecute, by the merciful grace of Christ, the proceeding and course of times, till we come at length to the fall and ruin of the said Antichrist; to the intent that if any be in such error as to think that Antichrist is yet to come, he may consider and ponder well the tragical rages, the miserable and most sorrowful persecutions, murders, and vexations, of these latter three hundred years now following; and then, I doubt not but he will be put out of all doubt, and know that not only Antichrist is already come, but also know where he sitteth, and how he is now falling apace (the Lord Christ be thanked for ever!) to his decay and confusion.

    The following Table is a continuation of that given at p. 104, note (1); it contains the dates of the election or consecration, and death, of each archbishop, taken from Richardson’s edition of “Godwin De Praesulibus, etc.” It will be found to agree with the list given by Sir Harris Nicholas in his “Synopsis of the Peerage,” and it will serve to correct several errors in Foxe’s text, derived from the chronicles which he consulted.

    END OF BOOK THE FOURTH.

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