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    CONTAINING Other Three Hundred Years, From William The Conqueror To The Time Of JOHN WICKLIFFE Wherein Is Described The Proud And Misordered Reign Of Antichrist, Beginning To Stir In The Church Of Christ f197 WILLIAM, duke of Normandy, surnamed Conqueror, base son of Duke Robert, the sixth duke of Normandy, and nephew unto King Edward, after the aforesaid victory against Harold and the English men obtained, was received king over the realm of England, not so much by assent, as for fear and necessity of time; for else the Londoners had promised their assistance to Edgar Etheling to the utter. most of their power. But being weakened and wasted so greatly in, battles before, and the duke coming so fast upon them, fearing not to make their party good, they submitted themselves. Whereupon the said William (of a duke made a king) was crowned upon Christmas-day, A.D. 1066, by the hands of Aldred, archbishop of York; foras much as at that time Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury, was absent, or else durst not, or would not come in the presence of the king. A little before the coming of this duke, a terrible blazing star was seen for the space of seven days, which was the same year; in record whereof, as well of the conquest of the duke, as of the blazing star, these verses yet remain: “Sexagenus erat sextus millesimus annus, Cum pereunt Angli stella monstrante cometa.” f199 Which king, thus being crowned, did reign over the realm of England the space of one and twenty years and ten months, with great severity and cruelness toward the Englishmen burdening them with great tributes and exactions; which was to pay of every hide of ground containing twenty acres, six shillings; by means whereof certain parts of the land rebelled, and especially the city of Exeter, but at last William overcame them, and won the city, and punished them grievously. But for that and for other stern deeds of this prince, divers of the lords departed to Scotland: wherefore he kept the other lords that tarried the straiter, and exalted the Normans, giving to them the chief possessions of the land; and forsomuch as he obtained the kingdom by force and dint of sword, he changed the whole state of the governance of this commonweal, and ordained new laws at his own pleasure, profitable to himself, but grievous and hurtful to the people, abolishing the laws of King Edward, whereunto notwithstanding he was sworn before, to observe and maintain them. For the which great commotions and rebellions remained long after among the people, as histories record, to have the said laws of King Edward revived again. * Here, by the way, speaking of laws, a126 this is memorable, that even in this king’s time the authority of the temporal magistrate was distinct from that of the church; but yet in such sort, that if need required, he should deal in causes ecclesiastical, and be assistant to the bishop, whose jurisdiction, what it was, and how qualified by King William now holding the stern of government in his hand, the words following do declare. f202 William, by the grace of God king of England, to all earls and sheriffs, and to all French-born and English, who in the bishopric of bishop Remigius have lands, greeting. Know you all, and the rest my faithful subjects, who abide in England, that the episcopal laws which have been not well, nor according to the precepts of the holy canons, even to my time, in the kingdom of England, by the common council and counsel of mine archbishops, bishops, and abbots, and all the princes of my kingdom, I have judged to be amended. Wherefore I command, and by my royal authority give in charge, that no bishop or arch deacon do hold any more pleas of law by the episcopal laws in the Hundred, nor bring any cause which pertaineth to the cure of souls unto the judgment of secular men: but whosoever shall be troubled about any suit or default under the episcopal laws, shall come to the place which to this end the bishop shall choose and name, and there answer his cause, and not according to the Hundred, but according to the canons and the episcopal laws, shall do right unto God and to his bishop. And if any, puffed up with pride, being called once, twice, and thrice to the bishop’s court, refuseth to come, and will not so be drawn to amendment, let him be excommunicated. And to enforce this, if need be, let the power and authority of the king or the sheriff be used. And he who, being called to the bishop’s court, will not come, for every such calling shall be put to his answer before the bishop, and make amends. And this I defend, and by mine authority forbid, that any sheriff or provost, or officer of the king, or any layman, interfere with the episcopal laws; nor that any layman bring or sue another out of the bishop’s court of justice unto judgment. And as for judgment, let it be given in no place but in the bishop’s see, or in that place which in this behalf the bishop shall appoint.

    By this evidence of record it is manifest, as you see, that Duke William (now king) having assumed unto himself the absolute authority royal, endeavored to establish a form of government both in the church and commonwealth answerable to his own mind: howbeit this is to be noted, that he allowed unto the clergy a kind of jurisdiction of conventing persons before them, and likewise of exercising such ecclesiastical discipline as the quality of that age and time did use, whereon we will not stand to debate any thing at large, but proceed in the course of our story, as the Spirit of God shall vouchsafe to direct us.* Over and besides this, the aforesaid William, as he was a warrior, so he delighting in forts and bulwarks, f203 buildt four strong castles, two at York, one at Nottingham, and another at Lincoln, which garrisons he furnished with Normans.

    About the third year of his reign, Harold and Canute, sons of Swanus, king of Denmark, entered into the north country. The Normans within York, fearing that the Englishmen would aid the Danes, fired the suburbs of the town; whereof the flame was so big, and the wind so strong, that it reached the city, and burnt a great part thereof, with the minister of St. Peter, where no doubt many worthy works and monuments of books were consumed, in the time whereof the Danes, by favor of some of the citizens, entered the city, and slew more than three thousand of the Normans. But not long after King William chased them out, and drove them to their ships, and took such displeasure with the inhabitants of that country, that he destroyed the land from York to Durham, so that nine years after the province lay waste and unmanured, except only St. John’s land of Beverly; and the people thereof were so strictly kept in penury by the war of the king, that, as our English story saith, they eat rats, cats, and dogs, and other vermin.

    Also, in the fourth year of this king, Malcolm, king of Scots, entered into Northumberland, and destroyed the country, and slew there much of the people, both men, women, and children, after a lamentable sort, and took some prisoners. But within two years after, King William made such war upon the Scots, that he forced Malcolm their king to do him homage.

    And thus much concerning the outward calamities of this realm under this foreign conqueror, which is now the fifth time that the said land with the inhabitants thereof hath been scourged by the hand of God. First, by the Romans in the time of Julius Caesar; then by the Scots and Picts, as hath been showed; afterward by the Saxons. Again, the Saxons or Englishmen did not enjoy the possession of Britain with long quiet, but were brought into as much subjection themselves under the Danes as they had brought the Britons before, and even much more, insomuch that through all England, if an Englishman had met a Dane upon a bridge, he might not stir one foot before the Lord Dane (otherwise Lurdane) were past. And then if the Englishman had not given low reverence to the Dane at his coming by, he was sure to be sharply punished, as above hath been declared. This subjection continued almost from the reign of King Ethelwolf till the reign of King Edward, for the space of two hundred and thirty years; a127 and yet the indignation of God then ceased not, but stirred up the Normans against them, who conquered and altered the whole realm after their own purpose; insomuch that besides the innovation of the laws, coins, and possessions, there was almost in no church in England any English bishop, but only Normans and foreigners placed through all their dioceses. To such misery was this land then brought, that not only of all the English nobility not one house was standing, but also it was thought reproachful to be called an Englishman. This punishment of God against the English nation, writers do ass,g~ diversely to divers causes, as partly before is touched; of whom some assign this to be the cause as followeth in the words of the story: that whereas they grew to such dissoluteness, that they left no other realm like unto them in iniquity, etc. Again some, writing of the vision of King Edward, a little before the invasion of the Normans, testify how the king, reporting of his own Vision, should hear that for the great enormity and misbehavior of the head dukes, bishops, and abbots of the realm, the kingdom should be given to the hand of their enemies after the decease of him, for the space of one hundred years and one day; which space was also seen by William the Conqueror, to be one hundred and fifty years, and that his progeny so long should continue.

    Again, some writers, treating of this so great wrath of God upon the English people, declare the cause thereof as followeth: “ Like as the Englishmen did subdue the Britons, whom God proposed for their descryings to exterminate, and them unjustly did dispossess of their land, so they should like wise be subdued and scourged with a double persecution, first by the Danes,. and after by the Normans:” etc.- Moreover to these injuries and iniquities done and wrought by the Englishmen, hitherto recited, let us add also the cruel villany of this nation, in murdering and tithing the innocent Normans before, who coming as strangers with Alfred, the lawful heir of the crown, were despitefully put to death; which seemeth to me no little cause why the Lord, whose doings be always just and right, did suffer the Normans so to prevail. By the coming in of these Normans, and by their quarrel unto the realm, three things we may note and learn. First, to consider and learn the righteous retribution and wrath of God from heaven upon all iniquity and unrighteous dealing of men. Secondly, we may thereby note, what it is for princes to leave no issue or sure succession behind them. Thirdly, what dangers often do chance to realms public by foreign marriage with other princes.

    In the same fourth year of this king, between Easter and Whitsuntide, a128 was holden a solemn council at Winchester of the clergy of England, at the which were present Hermenfred, bishop of Sion, and two cardinals sent from Pope Alexander II, Peter and John. In this council, the king being present, were deposed divers bishops, abbots, and priors, by the means of the king, without any evident cause; to the intent his Normans might be preferred to the rule of the church, as he had preferred his knights before to the rule of the temporalty, thereby to stand in more surety of the land; amongst whom also Stigand, archbishop of Canterbury, was put down for three causes against him pretended.

    The first was , for that he had unlawfully held the bishopric of Winchester together with the archbishopric, a129 The second was , for that while Robert the archbishop above mentioned was living, he sometimes used his pall which he had left at Canterbury when he was unjustly banished from England. a129 The third cause was , for that he had received a pall of Benedict X, bishop of Rome, which Benedict for buying his popedom was de posed, as is showed before. a129 f208 Then Stigand well proved the benevolence of King William, for whereas before, the king seemed in friendly countenance to make much of him, and did unto him great reverence, then he changed all his mildness into sternness, and excused himself by the bishop of Rome authority, so that in the end Stigand was deprived of his dignity, and kept in Winchester as a prisoner during his life. This Stigand is noted for a man so covetous and sparing, that when he would take nothing of his own, and would swear that he had not a penny, yet by a key fastened about his neck was found great treasure of his under the ground.

    At the same time was preferred to the archbishopric of York, Thomas, a Norman, and canon of Baieux. a130 At the which time also Lanfranc, abbot of St. Stephen’s at Caen, a Lombard and Italian born, was sent for, and made archbishop of Canterbury, between which two archbishops, about their consecration, first began a contention for giving and taking the oath of obedience; but that contention was, at that time, appeased by the king, and Thomas was contented to sub scribe to the archbishop of Canterbury’s obedience.

    After this, it followed within short space, that the said Lanfranc, and Thomas, archbishop of York, who first built the minister of York, and gave possessions thereunto, came to Rome with Remigias, bishop of Dorchester, fox their palls, as the manner was; without which no archbishop nor bishop could be confirmed, although their election were never so lawful. This pall must be asked nowhere but of the pope or his assigns, and that within three months; also it must be asked not faintly, but mightily (Dist. 100, cap. “prisca”); which, as it was a chargeable thing to other nations, especially such as were far from Rome, so it was no small gain to the Romish see, so as they did order it. For although at the beginning, the pall was given without money, according to the decree Dist. 100, or for little, as was the case in this time of Lanfranc; yet, in process of years it grew to such excess, that whereas the bishop of Mentz was wont to give to Rome but ten thousand florins, afterwards it arose so, that he who asked his confirmation, could not obtain it without twenty thousand; and from thence it exceeded to five and twenty thousand, and at length to seven and twenty thousand florins, which sum Jacob, archbishop of Mentz, was pressed to pay; insomuch that the said Jacob at his departing, which was within four years after, said, that his death did not so much grieve him as to remember his poor subjects, who should be constrained to pay so terrible a fine for the pope’s pall. Now by this, what did arise to the pope in the whole of Germany, containing in it above fifty bishoprics, besides the abbeys, may be easily conjectured. Lanfranc thus coming to Rome, with the other two bishops, he, for the estimation of his learning, obtained of Alexander two palls, one of honor, the other of love. Item, he ob tained for the other two bishops also their confirmation.

    At this time, they being there present before Alexander, the controversy began first to be moved, or rather renewed, for the primacy betwixt the two metropolitans, that is, betwixt the archbishop of Canterbury and the archbishop of York, whether of them should have pre-eminence above the other; for Canterbury challenged to himself prerogative and the primacy over the whole of Britain and Ireland. The which contention continued a long season betwixt these two churches, and was often renewed in the days of divers kings after this; as in the reign of Henry I, betwixt Thurstin of York and Radulph of Canterbury; and again, in the seven and twentieth year of the said king, at his second coronation, for Radulph would not suffer the first coronation to stand, because it was done by the bishop of York, without his assent . a132 Also, in the reign of Henry II, where Pope Alexander III made a letter decretal betwixt these two metropolitans, for bearing the cross, .A.D. 1159. Also, another time, in the reign of the said king, betwixt Richard of Canterbury and Roger of York. Again, about A.D. 1170, when Thomas Becket, hearing the king to be crowned of Roger, bishop of York, complained thereof grievously to Pope Alexander III. Item, another time, A.D. 1176, betwixt Richard and the said Roger, whether of them should sit on the right hand of Cardinal Hugo in his council in London. Moreover, in the beginning of the reign of King Richard, A.D. 1190, betwixt Baldwin of Canterbury and Godfrid of York.

    Now to proceed in the story hereof: after this question was brought, as is said, to the pope’s presence, he, not disposed to decide the matter, sent them home to England, there to have their cause determined. Whereupon they, speeding themselves from Rome to England, A.D. 1072, and in the sixth year (as it is said) of this William, brought the matter a133 before the king and the clergy at Windsor. Where Lanfranc, first alleging for himself brought in, how that from the time of Austin to the time of Bede (which was about one hundred and forty years) the bishop of Canterbury had ever the primacy over the whole land of Britain and Ireland; how he kept his councils divers times within the precincts of York; how he did call and cite the bishops of York thereto, whereof some he did constitute, some he did excommunicate, and some he did remove: besides also he alleged divers privileges granted by princes and prelates to the primacy of that see.

    To this Thomas, archbishop of York, replieth again, and first beginning with the first original of the Britons’ church declareth, in order of time, how the Britons, first possessioners of this kingdom of Britain, which endured from Brutus and Cadwallader two thousand and seventy-six years under a hundred and. two kings, at length received the Christian, faith A.D. 180, in the time of Lucius, their king; when Eleutherius, bishop of Rome, sent Faganus and Damianus preachers unto them; at which time, after their conversion, they assigned and ordained in the realm eight and twenty bishops, with two archbishops, Theonus, the archbishop of London, and Theodosius, archbishop of York. Under those bishops and archbishops the church of Britain was governed after their conversion, almost three hundred years, till at length the Saxons, being then infidels, with Hengist their king, subdued the Britons by fraudulent murder, and invaded their land, which was about A.D. 440. After this, the Britons being driven into Cambria, which we now call Wales, the Saxons overrunning the land, divided themselves into seven kingdoms; and so, being infidels and pagans, continued till the time that Gregory, bishop of Rome, sent Augustine to preach unto them; who, coming first to Dover, being then the chief city of Kent (called in Latin Dorobernia), and there planting himself, converted first the king of Kent, called Ethelbert, who had then subdued certain other kings as far as the Humber. By reason of this Augustine was made archbishop of Dover, by the appointment of Gregory I., about A.D. 600, who sent him certain palls with his letter from Rome, as before is expressed, which letter being recited, Thomas expounding upon the same, beginneth to declare for himself, how the meaning of Gregory in this letter was, to reduce the new church of Saxons or Englishmen to the order that was in the old time among the Britons; that is, to be under two metropolitans, one of London, the other of York; for so the church was ordered in the time of the Britons, as is before declared.

    Notwithstanding he giveth to Augustine this prerogative during his lifetime, to have authority and jurisdiction, not only over his twelve bishops, but upon all other bishops and priests in England; and after his decease then these two metropolitans, London and York, to oversee the whole clergy, as in times past amongst the Britons, whom he joineth together after the death of Augustine, to constitute bishops, and to oversee the church. That he meaneth London to be equal in authority with York, it appeareth by four arguments: First, in that he willeth London to be consecrated by no bishop, but of his own synod: Secondly, in that he willeth no distinction of honor to be betwixt London and York, but only according to that as each one of them is elder in time Thirdly, in that he matcheth these two together in common counsel and with one agreement to consent together in doing and disposing such things as they shall consult upon, in the zeal of Christ Jesus; and that, in such sort, that one should not dissent nor discord from the other; what meaneth this, but that they should govern together, whom he would not to dissent together? Fourthly, in that he writeth, that the bishop of York should not be subject to the bishop of London; what meaneth this, but that the bishop of London should be equivalent with the metropolitan of York, or rather superior unto him?

    And thus he expounded the meaning of Gregory to be in the aforesaid letter. To whom Lanfranc again answereth, that he was not the bishop of London, and that the question pertained not to London. Thomas replieth, having on his part many favorers, that this privilege was granted by Gregory to Augustine alone, to have all other bishops subject to him; but after his decease there should be equality of honor betwixt London and York, without any distinction of priority, save only that priority of time should make superiority between them. And although Augustine translated the see from London to Kent, yet Gregory, if his mind had been to give the same prerogative to the successors of Augustine, which he gave to him, would expressly have uttered it in the words of his epistle, writing thus to Augustine: “That which I give to thee, Augustine, I give also and grant to all thy successors after thee.” But in that he maketh here no mention of his successors, it appeareth thereby, that it was not his mind so to do.

    To this Lanfranc argueth again, “If this authority had been given to Augustine alone, and not to his successors, it had been but a small gift, proceeding from the apostolic see, to his special and familiar friend; especially seeing also that Augustine in all his life did constitute no bishop of York, neither was there any such bishop to be subject to him. Again, we have privileges from the apostolic see, which confirm this dignity in the successors of Augustine, in the same see of Dover. Moreover, all Englishmen think it both right and reason to fetch the direction of well living from that place, where first they took the sparkle of fight believing.

    Further, whereas you say that Gregory might have confirmed with plain words the same thing to the successors of Augustine, which he gave unto him; all that I grant: yet notwithstanding, this is nothing prejudicial to the see of Canterbury. For, if you know your logic, that which is true in the whole is also true in the part; and what is true in the more, is also true in the less. Now the church of Rome is as the whole, to whom all other churches be as parts thereof; and as ‘homo,’ i.e. mankind, is ‘genus,’ i.e. the general in a certain respect to all his ‘individua,’ i.e. to all particular persons, yet in every particular person lieth the property of the general; so in like manner the see of Rome in a certain respect is the general, and the whole to other churches, and yet in every particular church is contained the whole fullness of the whole Christian faith. As the church of Rome is greater than all churches, that which is wrought in it ought to work in the less churches also, so that the authority of every chief head of the church ought to stand also in them that do succeed, unless there be any precise exception made by name. Wherefore like as the Lord said to all bishops of Rome the same thing which he said to Peter, so Gregory in like manner said to all the successors of Augustine, that which he said to Augustine. So thus I conclude: Likewise as the bishop of Canterbury is subject to Rome, because he had his faith from thence, so York ought to be in subjection to Canterbury, which sent the first preachers thither. Now, whereas you allege, that Gregory would Augustine to be resident in London, that is utterly uncertain, for how is it to be thought that such a disciple would do contrary to the mind of such a master? But grant, as you say, that Augustine removed to London, what is that to me, who am not bishop of London? Notwithstanding all this controversy ceasing betwixt us, if it shall please you to come to some peaceable compo sition with me, all contention set apart, you shall find me not out of the way, so far as reason and equity shall extend.”

    With these reasons of Lanfranc, Thomas gave over, condescend ing that his province should begin at the Humber. Whereupon it was then decreed that York from that time should be subject to Canterbury in all matters appertaining to the rites and regiment of the catholic church; so that wheresoever within England Canterbury should or would hold his council, the bishop of York should resort thither with his bishops, and be obedient to his decrees canonical. Provided moreover that when the bishop of Canter bury should decease, York should repair unto Dover, there to consecrate with others the bishop that should be elect. And if York should decease, his successor should resort to Canterbury, or else where the bishop of Canterbury should appoint, there to receive his consecration, making his profession there, with an oath of canonical obedience. Thomas being content withal, Lanfranc, the Italian, triumpheth with no small joy, and putteth the matter forthwith in writing, that the memory thereof might remain to the posterity of his successors. But yet that decree did not long stand; for, shortly after, the same sear, so superficially cured, burst out again, insomuch that in the reign of King Henry I, A.D. 1121, Thurstin, archbishop of York, could not be compelled to swear to the archbishop of Canterbury; and yet, notwithstanding, by the letters of Calixtus II, was consecrated without any profession made to the said bishop, with much more matter of contention, all which to recite it were too long. But this I thought to commit to history, to the intent men might see the lamentable decay of true Christianity amongst the Christian bishops, who, inflamed with glorious ambition, so contended for honor, that without mere forcement of law, no modesty could take place.

    Of such like contentions among prelates of the clergy for superiority, we read of divers in old chronicles, a134 as in the history entitled Chronicon Hirsfeldense, where is declared a bloody conflict, which twice happened in the church of Goslar, between Hecdon, bishop of Hildesheim, and Wederatus, bishop of Fulda, and all for the superior place, who should sit next to the emperor; the emperor himself being there present, and looking on, and yet not able to stay them.

    Thus I have described the troublous contention between Lanfranc and Thomas, metropolitan of York, in the days of Alexander, of which controversy, and of the whole discourse thereof, Lanfranc writeth to Pope Alexander. f217 In the story before of King Egelred, was declared, about A.D. 1016, how the bishopric of Lindisfarne, otherwise named Holy-island, in the flood of Tweed, was translated to Durham; so likewise in the days of this Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, A.D. 1076, divers bishops’ sees were altered and removed from townships to greater cities; as the bishopric of Selsey, to Chichester; of Cornwall to Exeter; of Wells to Bath; of Sherborne to Salisbury; of Dorchester to Lincoln; of Lichfield to Chester; the bishopric of Chester, Robert being then bishop, being reduced from Chester to Coventry. Like wise after that, in the reign of William Rufus, A.D. 1095, Herbert, bishop of Thetford, from thence reduced the see to Norwich, etc.

    As concerning Dover and Canterbury, whether the see was like wise translated from the town of Dover to the city of Canterbury in the time of Theodore, or whether Canterbury in old time had the name of Dorobernia, as the letter of Lanfranc to Pope Alexander abovementioned doth pretend, I find it not in histories expressly defined; save that I read in the words of William, being yet duke of Normandy, charging then Harold to make a well of water for the king’s use in the castle of Dorobernia, that the said Dorobernia then was taken for that which we now call Dover; but whether Dorobernia and the city of Canterbury be both one or divers, the matter is not great. Notwithstanding a135 this I read in the epistle of Pope Boniface III to King Ethelbert, as also in one of Boniface V to Justus, the archbishop; in one of Pope Honorius I to archbishop. Honorius; in one of Pope Vitalian to Theodore; in one of Pope Sergius I to Icings Ethelred, Alfred, and Adulphus, and to the bishops of England; like-wise in one of Pope Gregory III to the bishops of England; of Pope Leo III. to Athelard, archbishop of Canterbury; of Formosus to the bishops of England; and of Pope John XII. to Dunstan; that the names of Dorobernia and Canterbury indifferently are taken for one matter. f218 In this time, and by the procuring of this Lanfranc, the ninth year of this king a council was holden at London, where among the acts thereof these were the principal things concluded: f219 1. For the order of sitting, a136 that the archbishop of York should sit on the right hand and the bishop of London on the left hand, and Winchester next to York; or in the absence of York, London should have the right, and Winchester the left hand of the archbishop of Canterbury sitting in council. 2. That bishops should translate their sees from villages into cities: whereupon the sees of Sherborn, Selsey, and Lichfield, were translated to Salisbury, Chichester, and Chester: some others were reserved for the king’s decision on his return from France. f220 3. That monks should have nothing in proper; and if any so had, he dying unconfessed should not be rung for, nor buried in the churchyard, nor mass said for his soul. 4. That no clerk or monk of any other diocese should be retained as such, or admitted to orders, without letters commendatory or testimonial. 5. That none should speak in the council except bishops and abbots, without leave of the metropolitan, 6. That none should marry within the seventh degree, with any either of his own kindred, or kindred of his wife’s departed. 7. That none should either buy or sell holy orders, or any office within the church pertaining to the cure of souls. 8. That no sorcery or any divination should be used or permitted. 9. That no bishop or abbot, or any of the clergy, should be at the judgment of any man’s death or dismembering, neither should be any fautor of the judicants in such causes.

    Moreover in the days of this Lanfranc divers good bishops of the realm began to take part with priests against the monks, in displacing these out of their churches, and to restore the married priests again, insomuch that Walkelm, bishop of Winchester, had placed above forty canons instead of monks for his part; but this godly enter- prize was stopped by stout Lanfranc, the Italian Lombard. This lusty prelate sat nineteen years, but at his latter end he was not so favored of William Rufus, and died for sorrow.

    Although this Italian Frank being archbishop had little leisure to write, yet something he thought to do to set out his famous learning, and wrote a book against Berengarius, entitling it “Opus Scintillarum.” The old church of Canterbury he plucked down, and built up the new. a138 After the death of Pope Alexander II., abovementioned, next unto him followed Hildebrand, surnamed Gregory VII. This Hildebrand, as he was a sorcerer, so was he the first and principal cause of all this perturbation that is now, and hath been since his time, in the church; by reason that through his example all this ambition, stoutness, and pride, entered first into the church of Rome, and hath ever since continued. For before Hildebrand came to Rome, working there his feats, setting up and displacing what bishops he listed, corrupting them with pernicious counsel, and setting them against emperors, under pretense of chastity destroying matrimony, and under the title of liberty breaking peace, and resisting authority; before this, I say, the church of Rome was in some order, and bishops quietly governed under christian emperors, and also were defended by the same; as Marcellus, a139 Miltiades, and Sylvester, were subdued and under obedience to Constantine, A.D. 840; Siricius to Theodosius, A.D. 388; Hilary to Justinian, A.D. 528; Gregory to Mauritius, A.D. 600; Adrian and Leo to Charlemagne, A.D. 801; Paschal and Valentine to Ludovicus Pins, A.D. 820: Sergius II unto Lothaire, A.D. 845; Benedict III and John VIII unto Louis, son of Lothaire, a.D. 856.

    Against this obedience and subjection Hildebrand was the first who began to spurn, and by his example taught all other bishops to do the like; insomuch that at length they wrought and brought to pass that it should be lawful for a few courtesans and cardinals (contrary to ancient ordinance and statutes decretal)to choose what pope they list, without any consent of the emperor at all. And whereas before it stood in the emperors’ gift to give and to grant bishoprics, archbishoprics, benefices, and other ecclesiastical preferments within their own limits, to whom they list; now the popes, through much wrestling, wars, and contention, have extorted all that into their own hands, and to their assigns, yea, have plucked in all the riches and power of the whole world; and not content with that, have usurped and prevailed so much above emperors, that, as before, no pope might be chosen without the confirmation of the emperor, so now no emperor may be elected without the confirmation of the pope, taking upon them more than princes to place or displace emperors at their pleasure for every light cause, and to put down or set up when and whom they listed; as Frederic I, for holding the left stirrup of the pope’s saddle, was persecuted almost to excommunication; which cause moveth me to strain more diligence here, in setting out the history, acts, and doings of this Hildebrand, from whom, as the first patron and founder, sprang all this ambition and contention about the liberties and dominion of the Roman church; to the intent that such as cannot read the Latin histories may understand in English the original of evils: how and by what occasion they first began, and how long they have continued.

    And first, how this Hildebrand hitherto had behaved himself before he was pope, I have partly declared. For though he was not yet pope in name, yet he was then pope indeed, and ruled the popes and all their doings as him listed. Item, what ways and fetches he had attempted ever since his first coming to the court of Rome, to magnify and maintain false liberty against true authority; what practice he wrought by councils, what factions and conspiracies he made, in stirring up popes against emperors, striving for superiority; and what wars followed thereof, I have also expressed. Now let us see further (by the help of Christ) the worthy virtues of this princely prelate, after he came to be pope, as they remain in histories of divers and sundry writers described.

    THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF GREGORY VII, OTHERWISE NAMED HILDEBRAND Hitherto the bishops of Rome have been elected by voices and suffrages of all sorts and deuces, as well of the priests and the clergy, as of the nobility, people, and senate, all conventing and assembling together.

    And this election a141 I find to stand in force, if so be it were ratified and confirmed by the consent of the Roman emperors, who had authority to call these, as well as other bishops, unto councils as case required.

    Moreover, all other prelates whatso ever, and the masters of monasteries and religious houses—both in Germany, France, Italy, and throughout the whole Roman world—according to the ancient usage were appointed by the emperors, with the advice of their council, and by the suffrages of the chief estates assembled together, as is declared by Aventine in his account of Charlemagne. The holy and ancient fathers (like as Christ our Lord with his disciples and apostles both taught and did) honored and esteemed their emperors as the supreme potestate next under God on earth, as above all other mortal men, and as set up, ordained, elected, and crowned of God, and called them their lords. To them they yielded tribute, and paid their subsidies, and also prayed every day for their life. Such as rebelled against them they took as rebels and resisters against God’s ordinance and Christian piety. the name of the emperor then was of great majesty, and received as given from God. Then these fathers of the church never intermeddled nor en tangled themselves with politic affairs of the commonweal; much less occupied they martial arms and matters of chivalry. Only in poverty and modesty was all their contention with other Christians, who should be poorest and most modest among them, and the more humbleness appeared in any, the higher opinion they conceived of him. The sharp and two-edged sword they took, given to the church of Christ, to save, and not to kill; to quicken, and not to destroy; and called it the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God, the life and light of men, and revoketh from death to life, making of men, gods; of mortal, immortal.

    Far were they from that, to thrust out any prince or king (though he were ever so far out of the way, yea an Arian) from his kingdom, or to curse him, to release his sub jects from their oath and their allegiance, to change and translate kingdoms, to subvert empires, to pollute themselves with Christian blood, or to war with their Christian brethren for rule and principality. This was not their spirit and manner then, but rather they loved and obeyed their princes. Again, princes loved them also like fathers and fellow-princes with them over the souls of men. Now this Gregory VII, otherwise named Hildebrand, trusting to the Normans, who then ruffled about Apulia, Calabria, and Campania, trusting also to the power of Matilda, a stout woman there about Rome, and partly again bearing himself bold for the discord among the Germans, first of all others (contrary to the manner of the elders) contemning the authority of the emperor, invaded the cathedral see of Rome, vaunting himself as having both the ecclesiastical and temporal sword committed to him by Christ, and that fullness of power was in his hand, to bind and loose whatsoever he listed. Whereupon thus he presumed to occupy both the regiments, to challenge all the whole dominion of the West, a142 yea, and to encroach all power to himself alone, abiding none to be equal, much less superior unto him; derogating from others, and arrogating to himself their due right and honor, setting at light Cesars, kings, and emperors, as who thus reigned but by his own god-a-mercy. Bishops and prelates as his underlings he kept in awe, suspending and cursing, and chopping off their heads, stirring up strife and wars, sowing of discord, making factions, releasing oaths, defeating fidelity and due allegiance of subjects to their princes. Yea, and if he had offended or injured the emperor himself, yet notwithstanding he ought to be feared, as he himself glorieth in a certain epistle, as one that could not err, and had received of Christ our Savior, and of Peter, authority to bind and unbind at his will and pleasure. Priests then in those days had wives openly and lawfully (no law forbidding to the contrary), as appeareth by the deeds and writings of the donations, which were given to churches and monasteries, wherein their wives also be cited with them for witness, and are called Presbyterissae. Also bishops, a143 prelates, parsons of churches, governors of the clergy, masters of mo nasteries and religious houses—all these were, in those times, in the emperor’s ordination, to assign by voice or consent to whom he would. Now these two things this Pope Gregory could not abide; for which two causes only was all his striving and driving from his first beginning to abolish the marriage of priests, and to translate the authority imperial to the clergy; for to this scope only tended all his labor, practice, and devices, as appeared before in the council of Lateran under Pope Nicholas, and also in the council of Mantua under Alexander, making their marriage heresy, and the other to be simony. And that which before he went about by others, now he practiseth by himself, to condemn ministers that were married for Nicolaitans, and to treat any spiritual regiment of secular persons as simony, directing forth his letters upon the same to Henry the emperor; also to dukes, princes, potestates, tetrarchs; namely to Berchtold duke of Zeringhen, to Ro-dolph duke of Suabia, to Welph duke of Bavaria, Adalberon bishop of Wurtzburg, and to their wives; item, to bishops, archbishops, priests, and to all the people. In the which letters he denounceth them to be no priests, so many as were married, forbidding men to salute them, to talk, to eat, to company with them, to pay them tithes, or to obey them, if they would not be obedient to him. Amongst all other he directed special letters to Otho, bishop of Constance, concerning this matter; but Otho, perceiving the ungodly and unreasonable pretense of Hildebrand, would neither separate those who were married from their wives, nor yet forbid those to marry who were unmarried.”

    THE COPY OF THE LETTER OF HILDEBRAND SENT TO THE BISHOP OF CONSTANCE, AGAINST PRIESTS’ MARRIAGES.

    Gregory, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to the clergy and laity, both more and less, within the diocese of Constance, salutation and benediction. We have directed to our brother Otho, your bishop, our letters exhortatory; wherein we enjoined him, according to the necessity of our duty, by the authority apostolical, that he should utterly abolish out of his church the heresy of simony, and also should cause with all diligence to be preached the chastity of priests. But he, neither moved with reverence for St. Peter’s precept, nor yet with the regard of his duty, neglected to do these things, whereunto we so fatherly have exhorted him; incurring thereby a double offense, not only of disobedience, but also of rebellion, in that he hath gone and done clean contrary to our commandment, yea, rather the commandment of blessed St. Peter, so that he hath permitted his clergy, not only such as had wives, not to put them away, but also such as had none, to take unto them. Whereupon we being truly informed thereof, and grieved therewith, have directed to him another letter, declaring the motion of our displeasure and indignation. In which letters also we have cited him up to our council at Rome, there to appear and give account of his disobedience in the audience of the whole synod. And now therefore we thought it best to signify this to you (our dear children), whereby in this behalf we might the better provide for your health and salvation; for if your bishop shall continue so obstinately to repugn and resist against our commandment, he is not meet to sit over you, etc. Wherefore these shall be to command you, and all those that be obedient to God, and to blessed St. Peter, by our apostolical authority, that if this your bishop shall persist in his obstinacy, you that be his subjects hereafter give to him no service nor obedience; for the which thing doing, we here discharge you before God and your souls. For if your bishop shall seem contrary to the decreements and injunctions apostolical, we, through the apostolical authority of St. Peter, discharge and absolve you from the band of your allegiance to him.

    So that if you be sworn to him, so long as he is a rebel against God and the apostolic seat, we loose you from the peril of your oath, that you shall not need to fear therein any danger, etc.

    Otho, bishop of Constance, thus being cited, whether he did appear personally himself, I do not read. This I read and find, that in the said council holden at Rome, Hildebrand, with other bishops of Rome, did then enact, among many others, these three things most special: First, that no priest, hereafter, should marry. Secondly, that all such as were married should be divorced. Thirdly, that none hereafter should be admitted to the order of priesthood, but should swear perpetual chastity, etc. This council of Rome being ended, forthwith the act of Hildebrand concerning the single life of priests was proclaimed and published in all places, and strict commandment given to bishops to execute the same.

    THE COPY OF HIS BULL SENT INTO ITALY AND GERMANY.

    Gregory, the pope, otherwise Hildebrand, the servant of the servants of God, sendeth the apostle’s blessing to all those within the kingdoms of Italy and Germany, who show their true obedience to St. Peter. If there be any priests, deacons, and subdeacons, that still will remain in the sin of fornication, we forbid them the church’s entrance, by the omnipotent power of God, and by the authority of St. Peter, till in time they amend and repent. But, if they persevere in their sin, we charge that none of you presume to hear their service; for their blessing is turned into cursing, and their prayer into sin, as the Lord doth testify to us by his prophets, “I will turn your blessing,” etc.

    The bishops of France a144 being called upon daily with the pope’s letters, were compelled to obey the decree of the council; but the residue of the clergy, manfully and stoutly withstanding the pope’s decree and enforcement of their bishops, would not agree, but repined thereat, and said that the council did manifestly repugn against the word of God, and that the pope did take from priests that which both God and nature had given them; and therefore that that person was a heretic, and author of a wicked doctrine, who ruled and governed not by the Spirit of God, but by Satan. That the decree and act set forth tended directly against the word of God and the saying of Christ, “ Non omnes capiunt verbum hoc:” “All men have not the gift and capacity of this word.” Also that it was against the sound doctrine of St. Paul, writing these words, — “ As concerning virginity, I have no commandment of the Lord,” etc.; again; “He that cannot otherwise live continent, let him marry.” Also, that it was against the canons both of the apostles and of the Nicene Council. Moreover, that it was against the course of nature, which he required, namely, that men being sequestered from their natural wives and women, should be coacted to live as angels; that is, to perform that which nature doth not give; and, therefore, that the bishop therein did open .a pernicious window to uncleanness and to fornication. In sum, giving up their answer, thus they concluded: that they had rather give up their benefices than forsake their natural and lawful wives, against the word of Christ; and, finally, if married priests could not please them, they should call down angels from heaven to serve the churches. But Hildebrand, nothing moved, neither with honest reason nor with the authority of holy Scripture, nor with the determination of the Nicene Council, nor any thing else, followeth up this matter, and calling upon the bishops still, with his letters and legates, doth solicit their minds, accusing them of negligence and dastardliness, and threatening them with excommunication, unless they cause their priests to obey his decree enjoined them. Where upon a great number of bishops, for fear of the pope’s tyranny, labored the matter with their priests, by all means possible, to bereave them of their accustomed matrimony.

    Amongst others, the archbishop of Mentz, perceiving this act of: taking away priests’ marriage might breed him no little trouble, talketh with his clergy gently, admonisheth them of the pope’s mind and decree, and giveth them half a year’s respite to deliberate upon the case; exhorting them diligently to show themselves obedient to the pope and to him, and to grant with good will that which at length, will they, hill they, they must needs be forced unto; and therefore of their own accord to stand content therewith, lest the pope should be compelled to attempt ways of sharper severity. The time of deliberation expired, the archbishop assembleth his clergy at Erfurdt, in the month of October, and there willeth them, according to the pontifical decree, either to abjure for ever all matrimony, or else to renounce their benefices and ecclesiastical livings. the clergy again defend themselves against the pope’s decree with the Scriptures, with reason, with the acts of general councils, with the examples of their ancestors, by divers strong arguments declaring the pope’s decree not to be consonant nor one that ought to take effect. But the arch bishop said he was compelled so of the pope, and could not otherwise do, but execute that was enjoined him.

    The clergy seeing that no reason nor prayer, nor disputation would serve, left the synod on pretense of consulting among themselves what was best to be done. Some gave counsel not to return again to the synod: some thought it good to return and to thrust out the arch bishop from his see, and to give him due punishment of death for his deserving, that by the example of him other might be warned hereafter never to attempt that thing any more, to the prejudice of the church and the rightful liberty of ministers. After that it was signified to the archbishop by certain spies that were amongst them, what the clergy intended to do, the archbishop, to prevent and salve the matter sendeth to the priests certain messengers, bidding them to compose their minds and to return again to the synod, and promising that on the first favorable opportunity he would send to Rome and do his endeavor what he could to revoke and turn the mind of the bishop of Rome from the rigour of that sentence. So being persuaded, the next day they came again to the synod. The next year following, in the month of October, the archbishop of Mentz assembled there a council, to the which Hildebrand, the soldier of Satan, sendeth his legate, the bishop of Coire, with letters, wherein the archbishop was directed, under pain of degradation, again to propose the matter, and command all his clergy there to abrenounce for ever either their wives or their cure and ministry. the clergy defended their cause again with great constancy: but when no defension could take place, but all went by tyranny and mere extortion, it burst in the end to an uproar and tumult, where the legate and the archbishop, being in great danger, hardly escaped with their lives; and so the council brake up. By this schism and tumult it followed, that the churches after that, in choosing their priests, would not send them to the bishops (the enemies and suppressors of matrimony) to be confirmed and inducted, but did elect them within themselves, and so put them in their office without all leave or knowledge of bishops; who then agreed and were determined to admit no priests, but such as should take an oath of perpetual singleness, never to marry after: and thus first came up the oath and profession of single priesthood. Notwith standing, if other nations had followed the like constancy and concord of these German ministers, the devilish drift and decree of this Hildebrand, or rather ‘Hellbrand,’ had been frustrate and avoided; but this greediness of livings in weak priests made them to yield up their godly liberty to wicked tyranny. Yet this remaineth in these Germans to be noted, what concord can do in repressing inordinate requests of evil bishops, if they constantly stand to the truth, and hold together. And thus much for banishing of matrimony, f229 Now let us proceed to the contentions between wicked Hildebrand and the godly emperor. But before, by the way of digression, it shall not be much wide from the purpose to touch a little of the properties of this pope, as we find them described in certain epistles of Benno, a cardinal, writing to other cardinals of Rome; which Benno lived in the same time of Hildebrand, and detecteth the prodigious acts and doings of this monstrous pope. First he declares that he was a sorcerer most notable, and a necromancer, an old companion of Sylvester, of Laurentius, and. Theophylact, called other wise Benedict IX. Amongst others, Benno the cardinal writeth this history of him. f230 “Upon a certain time this Gregory, coming from Albano to Rome, had forgot behind him his familiar book of necromancy, which he was wont commonly to carry always with him. Whereupon remembering himself, on entering the port of Lateran, he calleth two of his most trusty familiars to fetch the book, charging them on no account to look within it. But they being so restrained, were the more desirous to open it, and to ‘peruse it, and so did. After they had read a little the secrets of the satanical book, suddenly there came about them the messengers of Satan, the multitude and terror of whom made them almost out of their wits. At length, they coming to them selves, the spirits were instant upon them to know wherefore they were called up, wherefore they were vexed; ‘quickly,’ said they, ‘tell us what ye would us to do, or else we will fall upon you, if ye retain us longer.’ Then spake one of the young men to them, bidding them go and pluck down yonder walls, pointing unto certain high walls there nigh to Rome, which they did in a moment. The young men crossing themselves for fear of the spirits, and scarcely recovering themselves, at length came to their master.”

    We read, moreover, in the epistle of the said Benno to the cardinals, as followeth: f231 “We have divers eminent persons and colleges of the church of Rome to mention, which refused to communicate with him; as Leo, then arch-priest of the cardinals, Benno, Ugobald, John the cardinal, and Peter, chancellor and cardinal, who were all instituted before this Hildebrand. These three, who were consecrated by him, that is to say, Natro, Innocent, and Leo, forsook him, cursing the detestable errors which he held: in like case Theodinus, whom he constituted archdeacon, and other cardinal-deacons more, John the present archdeacon, and Crescentius, John the master of the singing school, a147 with all his company, and Peter the Oblationer, with all his company except one; and certain others.

    And now, when this Hildebrand saw that the bishops also would forsake him, he called unto him the laymen and. made them privy of his design, that he intended to separate the bishops, that they should have no conference with the cardinals. After that he called together those bishops, and being guarded with bands of laymen he enforced the bishops, partly for fear, and partly by his menacing words, to swear unto him, that they should never disagree unto that which he would have done, that they should never defend the king’s quarrel, and that they should never favor or obey the pope that should in his stead be instituted. Which thing being done, he sent them, by means of the prince of Salerno, into Campagna; and thus did he separate them from the company of the cardinals, and from the city of Rome. And not only the bishops, but also the priests of the city, and clerks of inferior orders, as also the laymen, he bound by their oaths, that at no time nor for any cause they should condescend unto the king. “As soon as Pope Alexander was dead, who died somewhat before night, the same day, contrary to the canons, he was chosen pope of the laymen; but the cardinals subscribed not to his election, for the canons prescribe, under pain of cursing, that none should be chosen pope before the third day after the burial of his predecessor. But he, having thus by sinister means climbed to the see, removed the cardinals of the sacred see from being his privy council. With what persons, however, he consulted night and day, Rome well heard and saw. And he now, having put the cardinals from his counsels and person, his life, faith, and doctrine, no man could accuse or bear witness of; whereas in the canons, is commanded, that wheresoever the pope is, there should be with him three cardinal-priests and two deacons,to be his ecclesiastical witnesses, and for the honor of the truth. He violently wrested the sacred Scriptures to cover his falsehood; which kind of idolatry how great it is, manifestly throughout all the Scripture appeareth. Contrary to the minds and counsel of the cardinals, and beside the order of pro nouncing judgment determined by the canons, he rashly did excommunicate the emperor, being in no synod canonically accused before, to the which excommunicatian (saith Benno) none of the cardinals subscribed. As soon as he arose out of his seat papal to excommunicate the emperor, the same seat, being made but a little before with the strongest timber, suddenly, by the appointment of God, was rent and shivered in pieces; that all men might plainly understand, how great and terrible schisms that lubber was sowing against the church of Christ, and against the seat of St. Peter, by that his so perilous and presumptuous excommunication, and how cruelly he was breaking in pieces the chair of Christ, in trampling on the laws of the church, and ruling by might and austerity. “In the body of the said excommunication he inserted those very things wherein he himself erred from the catholic faith, viz. how he cut off the emperor by an unjust excommunication, and the bishops also communicating with him, and those who communicated with them; and thus rending the unity of the church, did as much as in him lay to make two churches. f234 Also the same bold merchant commanded that the cardinals should fast, to the intent that God might reveal whose opinion was better, whether that of the church of Rome, or of Berengarius, touching the controversy of the Lord’s body in the sacrament. And hereby he proved himself to be a manifest infidel, for that in the Nicene Council it is written: ‘He that doubteth in the faith is an infidel.’

    Further he sought for the sign to establish his faith concerning the article of the Lord’s body, which was vouchsafed to Gregory to confirm a woman’s faith, when the consecrated bread was transubstantiated into the form of a finger. He also sent two cardinals, Atto and Cuno, to St. Anastasie’s, that with Suppo the arch-priest of the same church they should begin a fast of three days’ space, and that every one of them, every day during those three days, should say over the Psalter, and sing masses, that Christ might show unto them the aforesaid sign of his body; which thing they could not obtain The emperor was wont oftentimes to go to St. Mary’s church, in the mount Aventine, to pray. Hildebrand, when he had by his espials searched out and knew all the doings of the emperor, caused the place to be marked where the emperor was accustomed, either standing or prostrate on his face, to pray, and for money he hired a naughty pack like himself, to gather and lay together a heap of great stones on the beams in the vaulted roof of the church, directly over the place where the emperor would stand, that in throwing the same down upon his bead, he might slay the emperor. About which purpose as the hireling hasted and was busy removing to the place a stone of great hugeness and weight, it broke the plank whereon it lay, and, the hireling standing thereupon, both together fell down from the roof to the pavement of the church, and with the same was dashed all in pieces. After the Romans had understanding of the handling of this matter, they fastened a rope to one of the feet of this hireling, and caused him to be drawn through the streets of the city three days together for an example to others. The emperor, notwithstanding, according to his wonted clemency, caused him to be buried.

    John, bishop of Porto, being one of the secret council of Hildebrand, came up into the pulpit of St. Peter, and amongst other things, in the hearing both of the clergy and people, said, ‘Hildebrand and we have committed such a deed, and so horrible, for the which we are all worthy to be burned alive,’ meaning of the sacrament of the body of Christ; which sacrament Hildebrand, when he thereof required a divine answer against the emperor, and it would not speak, threw into the fire and burned it, contrary to the persuasion of the cardinals who were there present, and would have resisted the same.

    On the Monday in the Easter-week, when the clergy and the people were assembled at St. Peter’s church to hear mass, after the gospel he went up into the pulpit, arrayed in his pontifical attire, and, in the presence of divers bishops and cardinals, and of a great company of the clergy, and of the senate and people of Rome, openly preached, among many other words of divination, that king Henry should die, without all peradventure, before the feast of St.

    Peter next ensuing; or else, at leastwise, that he should be so dejected from his kingdom, that he should not be able to muster above the number of six knights. To also declared from the pulpit with a loud voice to the bishops and cardinals, and to all that were present, ‘Never accept me for pope any more, but pluck me from the altar, if this prophecy be not fulfilled by the day appointed.’

    About the same time he went about, by help of privy murderers, to kill the emperor, but God preserved him. And many there were, even at the time, who thought Pope Hildebrand to have been privy to, nay, the deviser of, the treason, because that just before the attempt was made he presumed on the death of the king, being by him falsely prophesied of before; which words of His struck many men’s hearts. And so it came to pass that Hildebrand was openly condemned by his own mouth in the congregation, because, as we have said, he had adjudged himself to be no pope, neither that he ought be counted for pope any longer, but a traitor and liar, unless that before the feast of St. Peter, next coming, the emperor should die, or else should be deprived of all kingly honor, insomuch flint he should not be able to muster above six knights on his part. And thus by the appointment of God it came to pass, that by his own mouth he was condemned for a heretic.

    Thus saith the Lord, The prophet who of arrogancy will prophesy in my name those things which I have not commanded him, or else will prophesy in the name of other gods, let him be slain. And if thou shalt say with thyself, How shall I know what thing it is that the Lord hath not commanded to be spoken? this token shalt thou have to know it by: whatsoever thing the prophet shall prophesy in the name of the Lord, and the same come not to pass, that mayest thou be sure the Lord hath not spoken, but the prophet hath imagined through the haughtiness of his own mind, and therefore thou shalt not be afraid of him.’

    When the time was expired which Hildebrand in his divination had set, and yet neither the king was dead, nor the number of His troops impaired; fear ing, lest by the words of his own mouth he should be entrapped and condemned, subtilely he turned his tale, saying, and persuading the ignorant people, that he meant not of the body of the king, but of his soul; as though the soul of the king had lost all, saving six, of his knights, or else had been dead during that space; and thus by these sleights he beguiled the ignorant people. Against such prophets St. Gregory on Ezekiel saith, ‘Between true prophets and false this difference there is, that true prophets, if they speak any thing of their own mind, they be soon rebuked; but the false prophets both tell lies, and, not having the spirit of truth, persevere in their falsity. “Over and besides, the said Hildebrand sentenced to death three men, before they were convicted, or had confessed their crime, without the sentence of any secular judge, and caused them to be hanged upon a pair of gallows, over against the church of St. Peter, in a place called Palatiolum, without any delay or advisement, contrary to the laws which command, that even notorious criminals should have thirty days’ space before they be put to execution; which thing even amongst the pagans is in use and observed, as teacheth the authority of St. Ambrose, and the martyrdom of holy Marcellinus and Marcus.

    He cast Centius the son of Stephen, the praefect, into prison, being, before his trusty friend; and, in a vessel thick set with sharp nails, he put him to tortures worse than a thousand deaths; who, after he was escaped, apprehended the said Hildebrand. Of this apprehension, before he was set at liberty, he openly forgave all the conspirators; which thing afterwards, contrary to good faith, he revoked, and in revenge persecuted Centius, to whom he had forgiven all offenses, and nine of his men he hanged upon the gallows before St. Peter’s porch.

    There was, at the apprehension of Pope Hildebrand, a certain widow’s son, to whom, and to others more, for their penance, he enjoined a year’s banishment; which time being run out, the widow, in token of more ample satisfaction, thinking thereby to have appeased the mind of Hildebrand, put a halter about her son’s neck, and drawing him by the rope to the feet of Hildebrand said, ‘My lord pope, at your hands will I receive again my son, who one whole year hath endured banishment, and other penance, by your holiness enjoined.’ Then the said Hildebrand, dissembling his wrath for that instant because of those who were with him in company, delivered her her son very churlishly, saying, ‘Get thee hence, woman, I bid thee, and let me be at rest.’ After this he sent his officers, and apprehended the widow’s son, and gave commandment to the judges to put him to death; who with one consent answered and said, ‘That they could no more condemn or meddle with him, for that he had appealed once to the pope, and abidden the banishment, and done the penance by him enjoined for his crime committed.’ Hereupon this glorious Hildebrand, displeased with the judges, caused the foot of the widow’s son to be cut off, making neither repentance, nor the laws and ordinances, to be of any estima tion with him; and thus, his foot being cut off, he died within three days after with the pain thereof. Many other wicked deeds did this Hildebrand, upon whom the blood of the church crieth vengeance, shed by the sword of his tongue, with miserable treachery; for which things, and that justly, the church refused to communicate with him.” f235 ANOTHER EPISTLE OF BENNO TO THE CARDINALS To the venerable fathers of the church of Rome, and to his beloved and ever to be beloved brethren in Christ, Benno, cardinal of the church of Rome, wisheth faithful service, and health, in the communion of the catholic church: of the communion, and discipline, or power whereof, he vainly braggeth, who ever, presuming on his authority, shall unjustly bind or loose any manner of person. And he doth unjustly bind, whoever curseth any man who is willing to make satisfaction, and implores a hearing, being unconvicted, and not confessing the crime; nay rather, by cursing that party in vain he curseth and condemneth himself, turning his weapon upon his own person to his destruction. O strange and new-found treachery, proceeding from the sanctuary, nay, rather from him who, as high-priest, seemed to rule the church, and to be a judge over the judges!

    Hildebrand was earnestly in hand with the emperor, that he should deprive those bishops who came in by simony. The emperor, thinking, as a zealous prince, that this commission had proceeded from the throne of God, without delay obeyed the same, and, forthwith, without any consideration, or judicial order, deprived certain bishops, and thought that by this his obedience to Hildebrand he offered an acceptable sacrifice to God; not knowing as yet the crafty handling of the man. But Hildebrand then again replaced those whom the emperor for simony at his commandment had before deposed, and those whom by that means he had caused to bear a hateful heart to the emperor he attached to him self in great familiarity; and securing their fidelity by many and solemn oaths taken of them, he promoted them above all the rest. And, by these pranks, the imperial house being shortly after troubled and almost destitute of friends, he, craftily purchasing the friendship and favor of the greatest princes, the better to bring his matters to pass, suddenly, without any lawful accusation, without any canonical citation, without any judicial order, excommunicated the emperor (always so obedient to him), and set the princes of the empire all against him. And notwithstanding, as the apostle saith, that no man ought to circumvent his brother in any matter, as much as in him lay he rather mortally wounded him, than brotherly corrected him. Thus the emperor being many ways circumvented, and excommunicated against all canonical order, and by the consent and counsel of Hildebrand spoiled of the greatest part of his imperial honor, and overcharged with wars and immense slaughter of his faithful adherents, in vain desired and sued to have a canonical hearing, but was forced against his will at Canossa, in the presence of Hildebrand, to accuse himself’ by an extorted confession.

    Say you now, I pray you, all such as love justice, and know not to lean either to the right hand or to the left in favor of any person, say your minds, whether such a confession, so extorted, ought to be prejudicial to never so poor a man, much less to an emperor? and whether he who extorted the same confession is not amenable to the canons, rather than he who, being so perversely judged, for three days together suffered the injury and violence of his perverse judge, patiently and publicly, and with lamentable affliction, being barefoot, and clothed in linsey wolsey in an unusually sharp winter, being made a spectacle at Canossa both to angels and men, and a mocking-stock to that proud Hildebrand? Never trust me, if thirteen of the more wise and pious cardinals, the archdeacon himself, and the master of the singing school, besides many others of the clerks of Lateran (to whose judgment by the privilege of the holy see the whole world is obedient), weighing and considering his intolerable apostasy, did not depart from participating and refuse to communicate with him.

    This glorious Hildebrand, and his familiar, Turbanus, a152 by their new authority, breaking the decrees of the Chalcedon Council not only in words but also in public writings, have agreed, that it is allowable both to baptize and communicate out of the church of God: and how blind these men were, and also what heretics they were, their own writings do declare. What a mischief is this (saith Benno) that they presume to judge in the church, who swarm themselves in all errors: who also convert the truth itself into a lie; for lest the poisoned errors both of their words and writings should appear, they have, like sorcerers, the better to deceive, mixed the honey of truth therewithal: but a lie, saith St. Augustine, is every thing pronounced with the intent of deceiving others.

    It were too long and tedious here to recite all the detestable doings, and diabolical practices of conjurings, charms, and filthy sorceries, exercised between him, and Laurentius, and Theophylact, otherwise named Pope Benedict IX, whereof a long narration followeth in the aforesaid epistle of Benno to the cardinals to be seen, to which the reader may repair, whoso hath either leisure to read or mind to understand more of the abominable parts and devilish acts of this Hildebrand.

    Thus having sufficiently alleged the words and testimonies of Benno and Aventinus, concerning the acts and facts of this pope; now let us proceed, in the order as followeth in his story, to set forth the miserable vexation which the virtuous and godly emperor sustained by that ungodly person.

    About what time Hildebrand was made pope, Henry IV, the emperor, was encumbered and much vexed with civil dissention in Germany, by reason of certain grievances of the Saxons against him and his father, Henry III; whereupon the matter growing to sedition, sides were taken, and great wars ensued betwixt Otho, duke of Saxony, and Henry, the emperor. This busy time seemed to Hildebrand very opportune to work his feats, whose study and drift was ever from the beginning to advance the dominion of the Romish seat above all other bishops, and also to press down the authority of the temporal rulers under the spiritual men of the church. And although he went about the same long before by subtle trains and acts set forth concerning simony, yet now he thought more effectuously to accomplish his purposed intent, after that he was exalted thither where he would be.

    And therefore now bearing himself the bolder, by the authority of St.

    Peter’s throne, first he began to pursue the act set out by his predecessor, as touching simony, cursing and excommunicating, whosoever they were, that received any spiritual living or promotion at laymen’s hands, as also all such as were the givers thereof. For this he then called simony, that under that color he might defeat the temporal potestates of their right, and so bring the whole clergy at length to the lure of Rome. And forasmuch as the emperor was the head, thinking first to begin with him, he sendeth for him, by letters and legates, to appear in the council of Lateran at Rome. But the emperor, busied in his wars against the Saxons, had no leisure to attend to councils. Notwith standing Gregory, the pope, proceedeth in his council, rendering there the cause and reason before the bishops, why he had excommunicated divers of the clergy, as Herman, bishop of Bamberg, a153 counselor to the emperor, and other priests more, for simony. And there, moreover, in the said council he threateneth to excommunicate likewise the emperor himself, and to depose him from his regal kingdom, unless he would renounce the heresy of simony, and do penance. The council being ended, Guibert, archbishop of Ravenna, persuaded one Centius, the Roman praefect’s son, whom the pope had excommunicated, to take the emperor’s part against the pope, who, watching his time in the temple of St, Mary, upon Christmas-day in the morning, taketh the pope and putteth him fast in a strong tower. The next day the people of Rome, hearing this, harness themselves with all expedition to help the bishop, whom when they loosed out of prison, they besieged the house of Centius, and plucked it down to the ground; his family having their noses cut off were cast out of the city. Centius himself escaping, fled to the emperor. Guibert, the archbishop, pretending goodwill to the pope, departed from Rome; who, likewise, had wrought with Hugo Candidus, cardinal, and with Theobald, archbishop of Milan, also with divers other bishops about Italy, to forsake the pope and take the emperor’s part. Gregory the pope, called Hildebrand, hearing of the conspiracy, layeth the sentence of excommunication upon them all, and depriveth them of their dignity. the emperor, being moved not unworthily, with the arrogant presumption of the proud prelate, called together a council at Worms, in which all the bishops a154 not only of Saxony, but of all the whole empire of the Germans, agree and conclude upon the deposition of Hildebrand, and that no obedience hereafter should be given to him. This being determined in the council, Rowland, a priest of Parma, was sent to Rome with the sentence, who, in the name of the council, should command Gregory to yield up his seat, and also charge the cardinals to resort to the emperor, for a new election of another pope. The tenor of the sentence sent up by Rowland was this: — THE SENTENCE OF THE COUNCIL OF WORMS AGAINST HILDEBRAND Forasmuch as thy first ingress and coming in hath been so spotted with so many perjuries, and also the church of God brought into no little danger through thine abuse and new-fangleness: moreover, because thou hast defamed thine own life and conversation with so much and great dishonesty, that we see no little peril or slander to arise thereof; therefore the obedience, which yet we never promised thee, hereafter we utterly renounce, and never intend to give thee.

    And as thou hast never taken us yet for bishops (as thou hast openly reported of us), so neither will we hereafter take thee to be apostolic. Vale.

    Gregory the pope, tickled with this sentence, first condemneth it in his council of Lateran, with excommunication; secondly, depriveth Sigifrid, archbishop of Mentz, of his dignities and ecclesiastical livings, with all other bishops, abbots, and priests, as many as took the emperor’s part; thirdly, he accuseth a155 the emperor Henry himself, depriving him of his kingdom and regal possessions, and releasing all his subjects of their oath of allegiance given unto him, after this form and manner.

    THE TENOR OF THE SENTENCE EXCOMMUNICATORY AGAINST HENRY THE EMPEROR, BY POPE HILDEBRAND O blessed St. Peter, prince of the apostles! bow down thine ears I beseech thee, and hear me thy servant, whom thou hast brought up even from mine in fancy, and hast delivered me unto this day from the hands of the wicked, who hate and persecute me, because of my faith in thee. Thou art my witness, and also the blessed mother of Jesus Christ, and thy brother St. Paul, fellow-partner of thy martyrdom, how that I entered this function not willingly, but enforced against my will; not that I take it so as a robbery, lawfully to ascend into this seat, but because that I had rather pass over my life like a pilgrim or private person, than for any fame or glory to climb up to it. I do acknowledge, and that worthily, all this to come of thy grace, and not of my merits, that this charge over Christian people, and this power of binding and loosing, are committed to me. Wherefore, trusting upon this assurance for the dignity and tuition of holy church in the name of God Omnipotent, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, I do here depose Henry, the son of Henry, once the emperor, from his imperial seat and princely government, who hath so boldly and pre sumptuously laid hands upon thy church. And, furthermore, all such as here tofore have sworn to be his subjects, I release them of their oath, whereby all subjects are bound to the allegiance of their princes; for it is meet and convenient, that he should be void of dignity, who seeketh to diminish the majesty of thy church. Moreover, for that he hath contemned my monitions, tending to his health and to the wealth of his people, and hath separated himself from the fellowship of the church, which he, through his seditions, studieth to destroy, therefore I bind him by virtue of excommunication, trusting and knowing most certainly, that thou art Peter, on the rock of whom, as on the true foundation, Christ, our king, hath built his church. f239 The emperor, thus assaulted with the pope’s censure, sendeth abroad his letters through all nations to purge himself, declaring how wrongfully, and against all right, he was condemned. The princes of Almany, partly fearing the crack of the pope’s thunder-clap, partly again rejoicing that occasion was renewed to rebel against the emperor, assembled a commencement, f240 where they did consult and so conclude; to elect another emperor, and so fall from Henry, unless the pope would come to Aosta, and he would there be content to submit himself and obtain his pardon, Wherein is to be considered the lamentable affections of the Germans in those days, so to forsake such a valiant emperor, and so much to repute a vile bishop: but this was the rudeness of the world then, for lack of better knowledge. The emperor, seeing the chief princes ready to forsake him, promiseth them with an oath, that if the pope would repair to Aosta, in Lombardy, he would there ask forgiveness of him.

    Upon this the bishop of Treves was sent up in commission to Rome, to entreat the pope to come to Aosta. The pope, at the instance of the legate and the princes, was content. He entered into Lombardy, f241 thinking to come to Aosta. After he was come to Vercelli, the bishop of that city (being the chancellor of Italy, and desirous to disturb peace for the old grudge he had to the emperor) falsely persuaded the pope, that he was certain the emperor was coming with a mighty great army against him, counseling him ‘therefore to provide betimes for his own safeguard in some stronger place; whereby the pope’s mind being altered, he retired back to Canusium, or Canossa, a city being subject to Matilda, a countess of Italy, where he should not need to fear the emperor.

    Henry, understanding the false fear of the pope, and of his retiring to Canusium, incontinent (coming out of Spires with his wife and his young son, in the deep and sharp winter) resorteth to Canusium. All his peers and nobles had left him for fear of the pope’s curse, neither did any accompany him. Wherefore the emperor, being not a little troubled, and laying apart his regal ornaments, came bare footed with his wife and child to the gate of Canusium, where he from morning to night (all the day fasting) most humbly desireth absolution, craving to be let in, to the speech of the bishop: but no ingress might be given him once within the gates. Thus, he continuing three days together in his petition and suit, at length answer came, that the pope’s majesty had yet no leisure to talk with him. The emperor, nothing moved therewith, that he was not let into the city, patient and with an humble mind, abideth without the walls, with no little grievance and painful labor; for it was a sharp winter, and all frozen with cold. Notwithstanding, yet through his importunate suit, at length it was granted, through the entreating of Matilda, the pope’s paramour, and of Adelaide, countess of Savoy, a158 and of the abbot of Clugny, that he should be admitted to the pope’s speech. On the fourth day being let in, for a token of his true repentance, he yieldeth to the pope’s hands his crown, with all other ornaments imperial, and confessed himself unworthy of the empire, if ever he do against the pope hereafter, as he hath done before, desiring for that time to be absolved and forgiven.

    The pope answereth, he will neither forgive him, nor release the bond of his excommunication, but upon conditions. First, to promise that he shall be content to stand to his arbitrement in the council, and to take such penance as he shall enjoin him; also that he shall be prest and ready to appear, in what place or time the pope shall appoint him. Moreover, that he, being content to take the pope as judge of his cause, shall answer in the said council to all objections and accusations laid against him, and that he shall never seek any revengement herein. Item, that he, though he be quit and cleared therein, shall stand to the pope’s mind and pleasure, whether to have his kingdom restored, or to lose it. Finally, that before the trim of his cause, he shall use neither his kingly ornaments, scepters, nor crown, nor usurp the authority to govern, nor exact any oath of allegiance upon his subjects, etc. These things being promised to the bishop by an oath, and put in writing, the emperor is only released of excommunication.

    THE FORM AND TENOR OF THE OATH, WHICH HENRY MADE TO THE POPE.

    I Henry, king, after peace and agreement made to the mind and sentence of our lord Gregory the Seventh, promise to keep all covenants and bonds betwixt us, and to provide that the pope go safely wheresoever he will, without any danger either to him, ca’ to his retinue; especially in all such places as he subject to our empire.

    And that I shall not at any time stay or hinder him, but that he may do what belongeth to his function, where and whensoever his plea sure shall be. And these things I bind myself with an oath to keep.” f244 Thus, the matter being decided between them after the pope’s own prescribement, the emperor taketh his journey to Pavia. The pope, with his cardinals, did vaunt and triumph with no little pride, that they had so quailed the emperor, and brought him on his knees to ask them forgiveness.

    Yet, notwithstanding, mistrusting them selves, and misdoubting time, what might befall them hereafter if fortune should turn, and God give the emperor to enjoy a more quiet kingdom; therefore, to prevent such dangers betimes, they study and consult privily with themselves how to displace Henry clean from his kingdom, and how that device might safely be conveyed. They conclude and determine to divert the empire unto Rodolph, a man of great nobility amongst the chiefest states of Germany; and also to incite and stir up all other princes and subjects, being yet free and discharged from their oaths, against Henry, and so, by force of arms, to expel the emperor out of his kingdom. To bring this purpose the better to pass, legates were sent down from the pope, Sigehard patriarch of Aquileia, and Altman bishop of Passau, a159 who should persuade through all France, that Henry the emperor was rightfully excommunicated, and that they should give to the bishop of Rome their consents in choosing Rodolph to be emperor. This being done, a160 there was sent to the said Rodolph, duke of Suabia, a crown from the pope with this verse: “Petra dedit Petro, Petrus diadema Rodulpho.” “The Rock gave the crown to Peter, Peter giveth it to Rodolph.” Here, by the way of digression, to make a little gloss upon this barbarous verse, two notable lies are to be noted. One, where he lieth about Christ, the other, where he lieth about St. Peter. First, that Christ gave any temporal diadem to Peter, it is a most manifest lie, and against the Scriptures, whereas he would not take it, being given to himself, saying, “My kingdom is not of this world.” Again, where he saith that Peter giveth it to Rodolph, here he playeth the poet; for neither had Peter any such thing to give; and if he had, yet he would not have given it to Rodolph from the right heir; neither is it true that Peter did give it, because Hildebrand gave it. For it is no good argument—Hildebrand did give it, ergo, Peter did give it; except ye will say — Hildebrand stirred up great wars and bloodshed in Germany, ergo, Peter stirred up great wars in Germany. So Peter neither could, nor would, nor did, give it to Rodolph, but only Hildebrand, the pope; who, after he had so done, gave commandment to the archbishops of Mentz and of Cologne to elect this Rodolph for emperor, and to anoint him king, and also to defend him with all the force and strength they might. f245 While this conspiracy was in hand, Henry the emperor was absent, and the pope’s ambassadors with him also. In the mean space Rodolph was elected emperor, unknown to Henry. Upon this cometh the bishop of Strasburg to the emperor, certifying him what was done. He, suspecting and seeing the stomach and doings of the Saxons so bent against him, mustereth his men with expedition, and marcheth forward to defend his right; but first sendeth to Rome, trusting to the league betwixt him and his pope, and requireth the bishop to proceed with his sentence against Rodolph for the rebellious invasion .of his empire. But the bishop, minding nothing less, sendeth word again, that it was not right to condemn any person, his cause being not heard; thus, under pretense of the law, coloring his unlawful treachery. Henry, thus disappointed, and forsaken on every side, with his men about him, attempteth battle against Rodolph; in which battle there was a marvelous great slaughter on both sides, but the victory on neither part was certain, so that both the captains still challenged the empire. After the battle, and great murder on both sides, they both sent to Rome to know of the pope’s determination, to whether of them two he judged the right title of the empire to appertain. The bishop commanded them both to break up their armies, and depart the field, promising that he shortly would call a council, where this matter should be disputed: in the mean time they should cease from war. But before the messengers returned, their armies being refreshed, they had another conflict a161 together, but no victory got on either part. Thus both the captains being wearied in wars, the Romish beast, the bishop, who was the cause thereof, perceiving whither these cruel wars would tend, to the great calamity not only of the Germans, but also of other nations, and trusting to find another way to help Rodolph and his adherents, sendeth down a commission by Udo, archbishop of Treves, Bernard a deacon, and Bernard, abbot of Marseilles, to whom he gave in charge that they should call together a council or sitting in Almany, and that there it should be defined to which party the empire should pertain, by most right and public consideration; promising that what they should therein determine, he (looking upon the matter through the authority of God omnipotent, and of St. Peter and St.

    Paul) would ratify the same. Moreover, for that no let nor impeachment should happen to the legates by the way, he giveth them letters to the princes and nations of Germany, whereof the contents be declared briefly in Platina, if any list to read them.

    But the emperor would not permit the legates to have any council within Germany, except they would first deprive Rodolph of his kingdom. The legates, considering that to be against the drift and intention of the pope, returned again from whence they came. The pope hearing this, and seeing his purpose was thus disappoirited by the emperor, [the emperor moreover being worsted in a third battle with his adversary,] draweth out another excommunication against him, and again bereaveth him of his kingdom; sending about his letters excommunicatory throughout all places, thinking thereby to further the part of Rodolph the better. Platina hath in his book the whole effect of the writing, which tendeth after this sort.

    THE COPY OF THE SECOND EXCOMMUNICATION OF HILDEBRAND AGAINST THE EMPEROR.

    Blessed St. Peter, prince of the apostles, and thou St. Paul also, the teacher of the Genthes, give ear unto me, I beseech you, a little, and gently hear me, for you are the disciples and lovers of truth! The things that I shall say ax true. This matter I take in hand for truth’s sake, that my brethren, whose salvation I seek, may the more obsequiously obey me, and better under stand, how that I, trusting upon your defense, next to Christ, and his mother, the immaculate Virgin, resist the wicked, and am ready to help the faithful. I did not enter this seat of mine own accord, but much against my will and with tears, for that I accounted myself unworthy to occupy so high a throne. And this I say, not that I have chosen you, but you have chosen me, and have laid this great burden upon our shoulders. And now, whereas by this your assignment I have ascended up this hill, crying to the people, and showing them their faults, and to the children of the church their iniquities, the members of Satan have risen up against me, and have laid hands together to seek my blood. For the kings of the earth have risen up against me, and the princes of this world, with whom also have conspired certain of the clergy, subjects against the Lord, and against us his anointed, saying, “Let us break asunder their bands, and cast off from us their yoke.” This have they done against me, to bring me either to death or to banishment; in the number of whom is Henry, whom they call king, the son of Henry the emperor, who hath lift up so proudly his horns and heel against the church of God, making conspiracy with divers other bishops, both Italians, French, and Germans; against the pride of whom, hitherto, your authority hath resisted; who, rather being broken than amended, coming to me in Cisalpina, made humble suit to me for pardon and absolution. I, thinking nothing else but true repentance in him, received him again to favor, and did restore him to the communion only, from which he was excommunicate; but to his kingdom, from which in the synod of Rome he was worthily expelled, I did not restore him, nor to the rents and fruits thereof, that he might return to the faith again; that I granted not to him.

    And that I did, for this purpose, that if he should defer to fall to agreement with certain of his neighbors whom he hath always vexed, and to restore again the goods both of the church and otherwise, then he might be compelled by the censures of the church and force of arms thereunto: whereby divers and sundry bishops and princes of Germany (such as he had long troubled) being helped by this opportunity, elected Rodolph, their duke, to be king in the place of Henry, whom they for his transgressions had removed and despatched from his empire. But Rodolph, first in this matter using a princely modesty and integrity, sent up his messengers to me, declaring how he is constrained (wild he, nild he) to take that regal government upon him, albeit he was not so desirous thereof, but that he would rather show himself obedient to us, than to the other that offered him the kingdom; and, whatsoever our arbitrement should be therein, he would be under obedience both of God and of us. And, for more assurance of his obedience, he hath sent his own children hither for pledges. Upon this Henry began to snuff, and first entreated us to restrain and inhibit Rodolph, through the pain of our curse, from the usurpation of his kingdom. I answered again, I would see whether of them had more right and title thereunto, and so send our legates thither upon the same, to know the whole state of the matter; and thereupon I would decide betwixt them, whether of them had the truer part.

    But Henry would not suffer our legates to come to take up the matter, and slew divers, both secular men, and of the clergy, spoiling and profaning churches; and so by this means hath endangered himself in the bonds of excommunication. I, therefore, trusting in the judgment and mercy of God, and in the supportation of the blessed Virgin, also bold upon your authority do lay the sentence of curse upon the said Henry and all his adherents; and here again I take his regal government from him, charging and forbidding all christian men that have been sworn unto him, whom I discharge here of their oath, that hereafter they obey him in nothing, but that they take Rodolph to their king, who is elected by many princes of the province. For so right it is and convenient, that as Henry, for his pride and stubbornness, is deprived of his dignity and possession, so Rodolph, being grateful to all men, for his virtue and devotion be exalted to the imperial throne and dominion.

    Therefore, O you blessed princes of the apostles! grant to this, and confirm with your authority what I have said, so that all men may understand, if you have power to bind and loose in heaven, you have also power in earth to give and take away empires, kingdoms, principalities, and whatsoever here in earth belongeth to mortal men. For if you have power to judge in such matters as appertain to God, what then should we think you have, of these inferior and profane things? And if it be in your power to judge the angels, ruling over proud princes, what then shall it beseem you to do upon their servants? There fore let the kings understand by this example, and all other princes of the world, what you be able to do in heaven, and what you are with God; that thereby they may fear to contemn the commandment of holy church. And now do you exercise this judgment quickly upon Henry, whereby all men may see this son of iniquity to fall from his kingdom, not by any chance, but by your provision and only work. Notwithstanding, this I would crave of you, that he, being brought to repentance through your intercession, still in the day of judgment may find favor and grace with the Lord.—Actum Romae, nonis Martii, Indictione iii.

    Furthermore, Hildebrand, not yet content with this, interdicteth and deposeth also Guibert, archbishop of Ravenna, for taking the emperor’s part, commanding all priests to give no manner of obedience to him, and sendeth thither to Ravenna another archbishop with full authority.

    The emperor, on his part, a163 calleth together a council or assembly of divers bishops of Italy, Lombardy, and Germany, at Brixen, A.D. 1080, where he purged himself, and accused the bishop Hildebrand of divers crimes, to be an usurper, perjured, a necromancer and sorcerer, a sower of discord; complaining, moreover, of wrongs and injuries done by the bishop and church of Rome, in that the church of Rome preferred the bishop before him, when that his father, being emperor before him, had enthronized and set in divers and sundry pontiffs there by his assignment, without all others’ election. And now this pontiff, contrary to his oath and promise made, thrust in himself without the will and knowledge of him, being their king and magistrate. For, in the time of his father Henry II1., this Hildebrand, with others, bound themselves with a corporal oath, that so long as the emperor and his son, then king of the Romans, should live, they should neither themselves presume, nor suffer any other, to aspire to the papal seat, without the assent and approbation of the aforesaid emperors; which now this Hildebrand, contrary to his corpora] oath, had done. Wherefore the aforesaid council, with one agreement, condemned this Gregory, that he should be deposed; the tenor of which condemnation is thus expressed in the abbot Urspergensis.

    THE SENTENCE OF THE COUNCIL OF BRIXEN AGAINST HILDEBRAND F248 Because it is not unknown that this bishop was not elected of God, but intruded himself by fraud and money, and hath subverted all ecclesiastical order, and hath disturbed the government of the Christian empire, menacing tenth of body and soul against our catholic and peaceable king, and hath set up and maintained a perjured king, sowing discord where concord was, causing debate amongst friends, slanders and offenses amongst brethren, divorcements and separation amongst the married, and finally disquieting the peaceable state of all quiet life: Therefore we, here in the name and authority of God congregated together, with the letters and sign-manual of nineteen bishops assembled on the day of Pentecost at Mentz, do proceed in canonical judgment against Hildebrand, a man most wicked, preaching sacrilege and burning, maintaining perjury and murders, calling in question the catholic faith of the body and blood of the Lord, a follower of divination and dreams, a manifest necromancer, a sorcerer, and infected with a Pythonical spirit, and therefore departed from the true. faith; and we judge him to be deposed and expelled, and, unless he hearing this shall yield and depart the seat, to be perpetually condemned.

    Enacted 7, Calend. Julii, feria v., Indictione iii. [i. e. Thursday, June 25th, A.D. 1080.] This being enacted and sent to Rome, they elected Guibert, arch bishop of Ravenna, in the place of Hildebrand, to govern the church of Rome, named Clement III.

    After and upon this, a164 Henry and Rodolph, to try the matter by the sword, coped together in battle, not without bloodshed, where Henry, by the favor of God, against the judgment of Hildebrand, had the victory.

    Rodolph there greatly wounded in the conflict, was had out of the army, and carried to Merseburg, a165 where he commanded the bishops and chief doers of his conspiracy to be brought before him. When they came, he lifted up his right hand in which he had taken his deadly wound, and said, “This is the hand which gave the oath and sacrament unto Henry my prince, and which, through your instigation, so oft hath fought against him in vain: now go and perform your first, oath and allegiance to your king, for I must to my fathers;” and so died. Thus the pope gave battle, but God gave the victory.

    Henry, after his enemy had been thus subdued, and wars had ceased in Germany, forgat not the old injuries received of Hildebrand, by whom he was twice excommunicated, and expelled from his king dom, and to whom he was three days making humble suit, yea, and that in sharp winter, but could find no favor with him. Besides that, he incited moreover, and aided his enemy against him. Where fore when Hildebrand neither would give over his hold, nor give place to Clement, the emperor, gathering an army to send to Italy, came to Rome to depose Gregory, and to place Clement. But Hildebrand, sending to Matilda, the countess before mentioned, required her, in remission of all her sins, to withstand Henry the emperor; and so she did. Notwithstanding, Henry prevailing came to Rome on Whitsuneve, where he besieged the city two years, a166 and got it June 2d, A.D. 1083, the Romans being compelled to open the gates unto him; so he coming to the temple of St. Peter, there placeth Clement in his papacy.

    Hildebrand straight flieth into Adrian’s tower with his adherents, where he, being beset round about, at length sendeth for Robert Guiscard, his friend, a Norman. In the mean time, while Robert collecteth his power, the abbot of Clugny, conferring with Gregory, exhorteth him to crown Henry emperor in Lateran; which if he would do, the other promiseth to bring about, that Henry should depart with his army into Germany; whereunto the people of Rome also did likewise move him. To whom Gregory answered, “That he was content so to do, but upon condition that the emperor would submit himself to ask pardon, to amend his fault, and to promise obedience.” The emperor not agreeing to those conditions, went to Sienna, a168 taking Clement, the newly stalled pope, with him.

    After the return of the emperor, the aforesaid Robert Guiscard, approaching with his soldiers, burst in at one of the gates, and spoileth the city, and not long after delivereth Hildebrand out of his enemies’ hands, and carried him away to Campagna, a169 where he not long continuing, afterwards died in exile. f251 Antoninus writeth, that Hildebrand, as he did lie a dying, called to him one of his chief cardinals, bewailing to him his fault and misorder of his spiritual ministry, in stirring up discord, war, and dissension; whereupon he desired the cardinal to go to the emperor, and desire of him forgiveness, absolving from the danger of excommunication both him and all his partakers, both quick and dead.

    Thus hast thou, gentle reader, the full history of Pope Gregory VII, called Hildebrand, which I have laid out more at large, and desire thee to mark, because that from this pope, if thou mark well, springeth all the occasions of mischief, of pomp, pride, stoutness, presumption, and tyranny, which since that time have reigned in his successors hitherto, in the cathedral church of the Romish clergy. For here came first the subjection of the temporal regiment under the spiritual jurisdiction; and emperors, which before were their masters, now are made their underlings. Also here came in the suppression of priests’ marriage, as is sufficiently declared. Here came in, moreover, the authority of both the swords spiritual and secular into spiritual men’s hands; so that Christian magistrates could do nothing in election, in giving bishoprics or benefices, in calling councils, in hearing and correcting the excesses of the clergy, but only the pope must do all.

    Yea, moreover, no bishop or pastor in his own parish could excommunicate or exercise any discipline among his flock, but only the pope challenged that prerogative to himself. Finally, here came in the first example to persecute emperors and kings with rebellion and excommunication, as the clergy themselves hereafter do testify and witness in proceeding against Paschal. Thus, these notes being well observed, let us, by the grace of Christ, now repair again to our country history of England.

    About the death of Pope Hildebrand, or not long after, a170 followed the death of King William the Conqueror, A.D. 1087, after he had reigned in England the space of one and twenty years and ten months. The cause of his sickness and death is said to be this: for that Philip, the French king, upon a time jesting said, that “King William lay in childbed, and nourished his fat belly.” To this the aforesaid William, hearing thereof, answered again and said, “When he should be churched, he would offer a thousand candles to him in France, wherewithal the king should have little joy.”

    Whereupon King William, in the month of July, when the corn, fruit, and grapes, were most flourishing, entered into France, and set on fire many cities and towns in the west side of France. And lastly, coming to the city of Mantes, a171 where he, burning a woman being as a recluse in a wall enclosed (or as some say, two men anchorites enclosed) was so fervent and furious about the fire, that with the heat partly of the fire, partly of the time of year, he fed sick and died.

    By the life and acts of this king it may appear true, as stories of him report, that he was wise, but guileful; rich, but covetous; a fair speaker, but a great dissembler; glorious in victory, and strong in arms, but rigorous in oppressing those whom he overcame, and in levying of tasks passing all others; insomuch that he caused to be enrolled and numbered in his treasury every hide of land and owner thereof, what fruit and revenues surmounted of every lord ship, of every township, castle, village, field, river, and wood, within the realm of England. Moreover, how many parish churches, how many living cattle there were, what and how much every baron in the realm could dispend, what fees were belonging, what wages were taken, etc.: the tenor and contents of which taskment yet remaineth in rolls. After this tasking or numbering, which was in the year before his death, followed an exceeding murrain of cattle and barrenness of the ground, with much pestilence and hot fevers among the people, so that such as escaped the fever were con sumed with famine. Moreover, at the same season, among certain other cities, a great part of the city of London, with the church of St. Paul’s, was wasted with fire, A.D. 1085.

    In hunting and in parks the aforesaid king had such pleasure, that in the county of Southampton, for the space of thirty miles, he cast down churches and townships, and there made the New Forest; loving his deer so dearly, as though he had been to them a father, making sharp laws for the increasing thereof, under pain of losing both the eyes. So hard he was to Englishmen, and so favorable to his own country, that as there was no English bishop remaining, but only Wolstan of Worcester, he, being commanded of the king and Lan-franc to resign his staff, partly for inability, partly for lack of the French tongue, refused to resign it, except to him that gave it, and so went to the tomb of King Edward, where he thought to resign it, but was permitted to enjoy it still; so likewise in his days there was almost no Englishman that bare office of honor or rule in the land, insomuch that it was half a shame at that time to be called an Englishman. Notwithstanding he a good deal favored the city of London, and granted unto the citizens the first charter that ever they had, written in the Saxon, sealed with green wax, and contained in few lines.

    Among his other conditions, this in him is noted, that so given he was to peace and quiet, that any maiden being laden with gold or silver, might pass through the whole realm without harm or resistance. This William in his time built two monasteries, one in England, at Battle in Sussex, where he won the field against Harold, called the abbey of Battle; another beside, named the abbey of Caen, in his country of Normandy. a172 After the life and story of King William, thus briefly described, with the acts and order of battle between him and King Harold (although much more might have been written of that matter, if the book had come sooner to my hands, which afterwards I saw), now remaineth in the end of this story to describe the names of such barons and nob]es of Normandy, as entered with him into this land, as well of them who were embarked with him; and also the slain, as appeareth, in the battle; as also of those who were planted and advanced, by the said conqueror, in the lands and possessions of English lords, whom he either expelled, or else beheaded: the names of which Normans here follow underwritten. Out of the Annals of Normandy, in French, whereof one very ancient book in parchment remaineth in the custody of the writer The day after the battle, very early in the morning, Odo, bishop of Bayeux, sung mass for those that were departed. The duke, after that, desirous to know the state of his battle, and what people he had therein lost and were slain, he caused to come unto him a clerk who had written their names when they were embarked at St. Valeries, and commanded him to call them all by their names, who called them that had been at the battle, and had passed the seas with Duke William. And hereafter follow their names.

    THE NAMES OF THOSE THAT WERE AT THE CONQUEST OF ENGLAND Odo Auffroy et Mangier de Cartrait bishop of Bayeux Robert conte de Mortaign Baudwin de Buillon Roger conte de Beaumont Guillaume Malet Le sire de Monfort sur Rille Guillaume de Viexpont Neel de S. Sauveur le vi comte Le sire de Fougiers Henry seigneur de Feheres Le sire Daubemare Guillaume sire de Rommare Le sire de Lithehare Le sire de Touque Le sire de la Mare Le sire de Neauhou Le sire de Pirou Robert sire de Beaufou Le sire Danou Guill Le sire de Soteuille Le sire de Bereville Le sire de Margneville Le sire de Tancarville Eustace Dambleville Le sire de Marngneville Le sire de Grantmesnil Guillaume Crespin Le sire de S. Martin Guillaume de Moulins Le sire de Pros Le viconte de Touars sire de Mayenne Auffroy de Bohon Odo Guillaume de Garrennes Hue de Gournay sire de Bray Le conte Hue de Gournay Euguemont de l’aigle Geoffray Richard Dauverenehin Le sire de Biars Le sire de Solligny Le bouteiller Daubigny Le sire de Maire Le sire de Vitry Le sire de Lacy Le sire du val Dary Le sire de Tracy Hue sire de Montfort Le sire de Piquegny Hamon de Kayeu Le sire de Despinay Le sire de Port Le sire de Torcy Le sire de Jort Le sire de Breante Le sire de Riviers Gillaume Moyonne Raoul Tesson de Tingueleiz Roger Marmion Raoul de Guel Avenel des Byars Paennel du Monatier Hubert Robert Bertran le Tort Le sire de Seulle Le sire de Dorival Le sire de Breval Le sire de S. Jehan Le sire de Bris Le sire de Breante Le sire Destouteville Le sire du Homme Le sire de Sauchoy Le sire de Cailly Le sire de Semilly Le sire de Tilly Le sire de Romelli Marq. de Basqueville Le sire de Preaulx Le sire de Gonis Le sire de Sanceaulx Le sire de Moulloy Le sire de Monceaulx The Archers du val du Ruel Toustan du Bec Le sire de S. Saen i. de S. Sydonio Le sire de Clere Le sire de la Kiviere Le sire de Salnarville Le sire de Rony Eude de Beaugieu Le sire de Oblie Le sire de Sacie Le sire de Nassie Le sire de Clere Le Visquaius de Chaymes Le sire du Sap Le sire de Glos Le sire de Mine Le sire de Pavilly Le sire de Glanville Le sire de Breencon Le Vidam de Partay Raoul de Morimont Pierre de Bailleul sire de Fiscamp Le sire de Freanville Le sire de Beausault Le sire de Tillieres Le sire de Pacy Le sire Maugny Le seneschal de Torcy Le sire de Gacy Le sire de Doully Le sire de Sacy Le sire de Vacy Le sire de Tourneeur Le sire de Praeres Gull. de Coulombieres Hue sire de Bollebec Richard sire Dorbeck Le sire de Bonneboz Le sire de Tresgoz Le sire de Montfiquet Hue le Bigot de Maletot Le sire de la Haye Le sire de Mombray Le sire de Saye Le sire de la Ferte Boutevillain Troussebout conte de Hoymes et Darques Guillaume Patric de la Laund Le sire de Harecourt Le sire Danvillers Le sire Donnebaut Le sire de S. Cler Rob de filz Herneys duc d’Orleans Hue de Mortemer Le sire de Crevecoeur Le sire de Deyncourt Le sire de Brimetot Le sire Combray Le sire Daunay Le sire de Fontenay Le conte Deureux Le sire de Rebelchil Amaury de Touars Alain Fergant conte de Bretaigne Le sire de S. Vallery Le conte Deu Le conte Thomas Daubmalle conte de Longeville Gualtier Gifford Roger de Montgomery Le conte Deu Over and besides the great number of knights and esquires that were under them; in the same battle between the said William the Bastard, duke of Normandy, on the one part, and King Harold, on the other part, there were slain on King Harold’s side, of Englishmen, 66,654; and on Duke William’s side, there were slain 6,013 men, as is to be found in the Chronicle of St. Peter of Westminster, besides those that were drowned in the river Thames.

    When the abovenamed and many other great lords were so called, some of them appeared, and others did not, for some of them were slain there in the field, and others so wounded, that they could not come forth to show them selves. Then gave the duke commandment that the dead should be buried, and those that were sick comforted, and eased the best that might. Out of the ancient Chronicles of England, touching the names of other Normans who seemed to remain alive after the battle, and who were advanced to the seigniories of this land.

    NAMES John de Maundevile Adam Undevile Bernard de Frevile Richard de Rochvile Gilbard de Frankvile Hugo de Dovile Symond de Rotevile R. de Evyle B. de Knevuile Hugo de Morvile R. de Colevile A. de Warvile C. de Karvile R. de Rotevile S. de Stotevile H. Bonum J. Monum W. de Vignoum K. de Vispount W. Bailbeof S. de Baleyne H. de Marreys J. Aguleyne G. Agilon R. Chamburlayne N. de Vendres H. de Verdon H. de Verto C. de Vernon H. Hardul C. Cappan W. de Camvile I. de Cameyes R. de Rotes R. de Boys W. de Waren T. de Wardboys R. de Boys W. de Audeley K. Dynham R. de Vaures G. Vargenteyn I. de Hastings G. de Hastank L. de Burgee R. de Butuileyn H. de Malebranche S. de Malemain G. de Hautevile H. Hauteyn R. de Morteyn R. de Mortimere G. de Kanovile E. de Columb W. Paynel C. Panner H. Pontrel I. de Rivers T. Revile W. de Beauchamp R. de Beaupale E. de Ou F. Lovel S. de Troys I. de Artel John de Montebrugg H. de Mounteserel W. Trussebut W. Trussel H. Byset R. Basset R. Molet H. Malovile G. Bonet P. de Bonvile S. de Rovile N. de Norbec I. de Corneux P. de Corbet W. de Mountague S. de Mountfychet I. de Genevyle H. Gyffard I. de Say T. Gilbard R. de Chalons S. de Chauward S. de Chauward Hugo Pepard H. Feret J. de Harecourt H. de Haunsard J. de Lamare P. de Mautrever G. de Ferron R. de Ferrets I. de Desty W. de Werders H. de Bornevyle J. de Saintenys S. de Seueler R. de Gorges E. de Gemere W. de Feus S. de Filberd H. de Turberwyle R. Troblenuer R. de Angon T. de Morer T. de Rotelet H. de Spencer E. de Saintquinten G. de Custan I. de Saint Martin Saint Constantin Saint Leger et Saint Med. M. de Cronu et de St. Viger.

    S. de Crayel R. de Crenker N. Meyuell I. de Berners S. de Chumli E. de Charers J. de Grey W. de Grangers S. de Grangers S. Baubenyn H. Vamgers E. Bertram R. Bygot S. Treoly I. Trigos G. de Feues H. Filiot R. Taperyn S. Talbot It. Santsaver T. de Samford G. de Vandien C. de Vantort G. de Mountague Thomas de Chambernon S. de Montfort R. de Fernevaux W. de Valence T. Clarel S. de Clervaus P. de Aubemarle H. de Saint Arvant E. de Auganuteys S. de Gant G. de Malearbe H. Mandut W. Chesun L. de Chandut B. Filzurs B. vicount de Low G. de Cantemere T. de Cantlow R. Breaunce T. de Broxeboof S. de Bolebee B. Mol de Boef J. de Muelis R. de Bins S. de Brewes J. de Lylle T. de Bellyle I. de Watervile G. de Nevyle R. de Neuburgh H. de Burgoyne G. de Bourgh S. de Lymoges L. de Lyben W. de Helyun H. de Hildrebron R. de Loges S. de Seintlow I. de Maubank P. de Saint Malow R. de Leoferne J. de Lovotot G. de Dabbevyte H. de Appetot W. de Percy I. de Lacy C. de Quincy E. Tracy R. de la Souche S. de Somery I. de Saint John T. de Saint Gory P. de Boyly Richard de Saint Valery P. de Pinkeni S. de Pavely G. de Monthaut T. de Mountchesy R. de Lymozy G. de Lucy J. de Artoys N. de Arty P. de Grenvyle I. de Greys S. de Cresty F. de Courcy T. de Lamar H. de Lymastz J. de Monbray C. de Morley S. de Gorney R. de Courtenay P. de Gourney R. de Cony I. de la Huse R. de la Huse V. de Longevyle P. Longespye J. Pouchardon R. de la Pomercy J. de Pountz R. de Pontlarge R. Estraunge Thomas Savage A little above mention was made of the bishop’s see of Sherborne, translated from thence to Salisbury. The first bishop of Salisbury was Hirman, a Norman who first began the new church and minister of Salisbury. After him succeeded Osmund, who finished the work, and replenished the house with great living and much good singing. This Osmund first began the ordinary, which was called ‘Secundum usum Sarum.’ Anno. 1076, the occasion whereof was this as I find in an old story-book, entitled ‘ Eulogium.’ a173 A great contention chanced at Glastonbury between Thurstan the abbot, and his convent, in the days of William the Conqueror. This Thurstan the said William had brought out of Normandy from the abbey of Caen, and placed him abbot of Glastonbury.

    The cause of this contentious battle was, for that Thurstan, contemning their choir-service, then called ‘The use of St. Gregory,’ compelled his monks to ‘The use of William,’ a monk of Fescam, in Normandy.

    Whereupon came strife and contentions amongst them, first in words, then from words to blows, after blows then to armor. The abbot, with his guard of harnessed men, fell upon the monks, and drove them to the steps of the high altar, where two were slain, and eight were wounded with shafts, swords, and pikes. The monks, then driven to such a strait and narrow shift, were compelled to defend themselves with forms and candlesticks, wherewith they did wound certain of the soldiers. One monk there was, an aged man, who instead of his shield took an image of the crucifix in his arms for his defense, which image was wounded in the breast by one of the bowmen, whereby the monk was saved. My story addeth more, that the striker, incontinent upon the same, fell mad, which savoureth of some monkish addition besides the text. This matter being brought before the king, the abbot was sent again to Caen, and the monks, by the commandment of the king, were scattered in far countries. Thus, by the occasion hereof, Osmund, bishop of Salisbury, devised that ordinary, which is called, ‘The use of Sarum,’ and was afterward received in a manner through all England, Ireland, and Wales. And thus much for this matter, done in the time of this King William.

    This William, after his death, by his wife Matilda, or Maud, left three sons, Robert Courtsey, to whom he gave the duchy of Normandy; William Rufus, his second son, to whom he gave the kingdom of England; and Henry, the third son, to whom he left and gave treasure, and warned William to be to his people loving and liberal, Robert to be to his people stern and sturdy.

    In the history called ‘Jornalensis,’ it is reported of a certain great man, who about this time of King William was compassed about with mice and rats, and flying to the midst of a river, yet when that would not serve, came to the land again, and was of them devoured. The Germans say that this was a bishop, who dwelling between Cologne and Mentz, in time of famine and dearth, having store of corn and grain, would not help the poverty crying to him for relief, but rather wished his corn to be eaten up of mice and rats.

    Wherefore, being compassed with mice and rats, by the just judgment of God, to avoid the annoyance of them, he built a tower in the midst of the river Rhine, which yet to this day the Dutchmen call ‘Rat’s Tower;’ but all that would not help, for the rats and mice swam over to him in as great abundance as they did before, of whom at length he was devoured.

    WILLIAM RUFUS F254 WILLIAM RUFUS, the second son of William the Conqueror, began his reign A.D. 1087, and reigned thirteen years, being crowned at Westminster by Lanfranc; who, after his coronation, released out of prison, by the request of his father, divers English lords, who before had been in custody. It chanced that, at the death of William the Conqueror, Robert Courtsey, his eldest son, was absent in Almany, who, hearing of the death of his father, and how William, his younger brother, had taken upon him the kingdom, was therewith greatly moved; insomuch that he laid his dukedom to pledge unto his brother Henry, and with that good gathered unto him an army, and so landed at Hampton, to the intent to have expelled his brother from the kingdom. But William Rufus, hearing thereof, sent to him fair and gentle words, promising him dedition and subjection, as to the more worthy and cider brother; this thing only requiring, that seeing he was now in place and possession, he might enjoy it during his life, paying to him yearly three thousand marks, on condition that which of them overlived the other should enjoy the kingdom. The occasion of this variance between these brethren wrought a great dissension between the Norman lords and bishops, both in England and in Normandy, insomuch that all the Norman bishops within the realm almost rebelled against the king, taking part with Duke Robert, except only Lanfranc, and Wolstan, bishop of Worcester, above-mentioned, an Englishman; who, for his virtue and constancy, was so well liked and favored of his citizens, that emboldened with his presence and prayer, they stoutly maintained the city of Worcester against the siege of their enemies, and at last vanquished them with utter ruin. But Duke Robert, at length, by the advice of his council (hearing the words sent unto him, and wagging his head thereat, as one conceiving some matter of doubt or doubleness), was yet content to assent to all that was desired, and so returned shortly after into Normandy, leaving the bishops, and such others, in the briars, who were in England, taking his part against the king.

    This Rufus was so ill liked of the Normans, that between him and his lords was oft dissension; wherefore well near all the Normans took part against him, so that he was forced of necessity to draw to him the Englishmen.

    Again, so covetous he was, and so immeasurable in his tasks and takings, in selling benefices, abbies, and bishoprics, that he was hated of all Englishmen.

    In the third year of this king died Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, from whose commendation and worthiness, as I list not to detract anything (being so greatly magnified of Polydore, his countryman) so neither do I see any great cause why to add any thing thereunto. This I think, unless that man had brought with him less superstition, and more sincere science into Christ’s church, he might have kept him in his own country still, and have confuted Berengrius at home. After the decease of Lanfranc, the see of Canterbury stood empty four years.

    After the council of Lanfranc above mentioned, wherein was concluded for translating of bishops’ sees from villages into head cities, Remigius, bishop of Dorchester, who, as ye heard, accom panied Lanfranc to Rome, removed his bishop’s see from Dorchester to Lincoln, where he built the minster, situated upon a hill within the said city of Lincoln. The dedication of that church Robert, archbishop of York, did resist, saying, that it was built within the ground of his precinct; but afterwards it had his Romish dedication by Robert Bleuet, next bishop that followed. By the same Remigius, also, was founded the cloister or monastery of Stow, etc.

    In the fourth year of this king great tempests fell in sundry places in England, specially at Winchcombe, where the steeple was burned with lightning, the church wall burst through, the head and right leg of the crucifix, with the image of our Lady on the right side of the crucifix, thrown down, and such a stencil left in the church, that none might abide it. In London the force of the weather and tempest overturned six hundred houses. In the same tempest the roof of Bow church was hurled up in the wind, and by the vehe-mency thereof was pitched down a great deepness into the ground.

    King William, as ye have heard, an exceeding pillager, or ravener rather, of church goods, after he had given the bishopric of Lincoln to his chancellor, Robert Bleuet, above mentioned, began to cavil; a vouching the see of Lincoln to belong to the see of York, till the bishop of Lincoln had pleased him with a great sum of money, of five thousand marks, etc.

    As nothing could come in those days without money from the king, so Herbert Losinga, paying to the king a piece of money, was made bishop of Thetford, as he had paid a little before to be abbot of Ramsey; who, likewise, at the same time, removing his see from Thetford to the city of Norwich, there erected the cathedral church, with the cloister, in the said city of Norwich, where he furnished the monks with sufficient living and rents of his own charges, besides the bishop’s lands. Afterward, repenting of his open and manifest simony, he went to Rome, where he resigned into the pope’s hands his bishopric, but so that immediately he received it again. This Herbert was the son of an abbot called Robert, for whom he purchased of the king to be bishop of Winchester, whereof run these verses: “Filius est praesul, pater abba, Simon uterque:

    Quid non speremus si nummos possideamus?

    Omnia nummus habet, quod vult facit, addit et aufert.

    Res nimis injusta, nummis fit praesul et abba.” Ye heard a little before of the death of Pope Hildebrand, after the time of which Hildebrand the German emperors began to lose their authority and right in the pope’s election, and in giving of benefices. For next after this Hildebrand came Pope Victor III, by the setting up of Matilda and the duke of Normandy, with the faction and retinue of Hildebrand, who likewise showed himself stout against the emperor. But God gave the shrewd cow short horns, for Victor being poisoned, as some say, in his chalice, sat but one year and a half. Notwithstanding the same imitation and example of Hildebrand continued still in them that followed after. And, like as the kings of Israel followed for the most part the steps of Jeroboam, till the time of their desolation; so, for the greatest part, all popes followed the steps and proceedings of this Hildebrand, their spiritual Jeroboam, in maintaining false worship, and chiefly in upholding the dignity of the see, against all rightful authority, and the lawful king dom of Sion. In the time of this Victor began the order of the monks of Charterhouse, through the means of one Hugh, bishop of Grenoble, and of Bruno of Cologne, a174 canon of Rheims. f256 Next to Victor sat Urban II, by whom the acts of Hildebrand were confirmed, and also new decrees enacted against Henry the emperor. In this time were two popes at Rome, Urban and Clement III, a175 whom the emperor set up. Under Pope Urban came in the white monks of the Cistercian order, by one Stephen Harding, a monk of Sherborne, an Englishman, by whom this order had its beginning in the wilderness of Citeaux, within the province of Burgoin, as witnesseth Cestrensis. Others write that this Harding was the second abbot of that place, and that it was first founded by the means of one Robert, abbot of Molesme, in Citeaux, a forest in Burgundy, A.D. 1098, persuaded perchance by Harding; and afterwards, A.D. 1185, it was brought into England by a certain man called Espek, who built an abbey of the same order called Rievale. In this order the monks did live by the labor of their hands; they paid no tithes nor offerings; they wore no fur nor lining; they wore red shoes, their cowls white, and coats black; they were all shorn save a little circle; they ate no flesh but only on their journey. Of this order was Bernard. “This Urban held. divers councils; one at Rome, where he excommunicated all such lay persons as gave investure of any ecclesiastical benefice, also all such of the clergy as subjected themselves to be underlings or servants to lay persons for ecclesiastical benefices, etc.

    Another council he held. at Clermont in France, A.D. 1095, where among other things, the bishop made an oration to the lords there present, concerning the voyage and recovery of the Holy Land. from the Turks and Saracens. The cause of this voyage first arose through one Peter, a monk or hermit, who, being in Jerusalem, and seeing the great misery of the Christians under the pagans, made thereof ‘declaration to Pope Urban, and. was therein a great solicitor to all Christian princes. By reason of this, after the aforesaid oration of Pope Urban, thirty thousand men, taking on them the sign of the cross for their cognizance, made preparation for that voyage, whose captains were Godfrey duke of Lotrain, with his two brethren, Eustace and Baldwin, the bishop of le Puy, Bohemund duke of Apulia, and his nephew Tancred, Raymund earl of St. Gilles, Robert earl of Flanders, and Hugh le Grand, brother of Philip the French king, to whom also was joined Robert Courthoyse, duke of Normandy, with divers other noblemen, with the aforesaid Peter the Hermit, who was the chief cause of that voyage.

    At that time many of the said noblemen put their lands and lordships to mortgage, to provide for the aforenamed voyage; as Godfrey, duke of Lorrain, who sold the dukedom of Bouillon to the bishop of Liege a178 for a great sum of money. Also Robert Courthoyse, duke of Normandy, laid his dukedom to pledge to his brother William, king of England, for ten thousand pounds, etc.

    Thus, the Christians, who passed first over the Bosphorus, having for their captain Peter the Hermit, a man perchance more devout than expert to guide an army, being trapped of their enemies, were slain and murdered in great numbers among the Bulgarians, and near to the town called Civita. a179 When the nobles and the whole army met together at Constantinople, where Alexius was emperor, passing over by the Hellespont, going to Jerusalem, they took the cities of Nice, Heraclea, Tarsus, and subdued the country of Cilicia, appointing the possession thereof to certain of their captains.

    Antioch was besieged, and in the ninth month of the siege it was yielded to the Christians, by one Phirouz, a180 about which season were fought many strong battles, to the great slaughter and desolation of the Saracens, and not without loss of many Christian men. The governance of this city was committed to Bohemund, duke of Apulia, whose martial knighthood was often proved in time of the siege thereof. And not long after Kerboga, a181 master of the Persian chivalry, was vanquished and slain, with a hundred thousand infidels. In that discomfiture were taken fifteen thousand camels.

    Jerusalem, on the nine and thirtieth day of the siege, was conquered by the Christians, and Robert, duke of Normandy, was elect to be king thereof. Howbeit, he refused it, hearing of the death of King William Rufus of England; wherefore he never sped well in all his affairs after the same.

    Then Godfrey, captain of the Christian army, was proclaimed the first king of Jerusalem. At the taking of the city there was such a murder of men that blood was congealed in the streets the thickness of a foot. Then after Godfrey reigned Baldwin, his brother; after him Baldwin the second, his nephew. Then Gaufrid, duke of Gaunt; and after him Gaufrid, his son, by whom many great battles were fought there against the Saracens, and all the country thereabout subdued, save Ascalon, etc. And thus much hitherto touching the voyage to the Holy Land: now to our own land again.

    About this time, as Matthew Paris writeth, the king of England favored not much the see of Rome, because of the impudent and insatiable exactions which they required; neither would he suffer any of his subjects to go to Rome, alleging these words, “Because they follow not the steps of Peter, hunting for rewards; neither have they the power and authority of him, whose holiness they declare themselves not to follow.” f262 By the same Urban, the seven hours, which we call ‘septem horus canonicas,’ were first instituted in the church. Item, By this pope it was decreed, that no bishop should be made but under the name and title of some certain place. Item, That matins and hours of the day should every day be said. f263 Item, That every Saturday should be said the mass of our Lady, and that all the Jews’ Sabbath should be turned to the service of our Lady, as in the council of Tours, to the which service was appointed the anthem, “Ora pro populo, interveni pro clero, intercede pro devoto faemineo sexu.” f264 Item, That all such of the clergy as had wives should be deprived of their order, f265 Item, That it should be lawful for subjects to break their oath of allegiance, with all such as were by the pope excommunicated. Item. That it should not be lawful for husband and wife to stand sponsors in baptism to the same child a182 both together; with many more matters. f266 In the sixth year of this king’s reign, Malcolm king of Scots, who four times before had made great slaughter of old and young in the north parts, as is before showed, burst into Northumberland, with all the power he could make; and there, by the right judgment of God, was slain with his son Edward, and also Margaret his wife, sister to Edgar Etheling, above minded, a virtuous and devout lady, within three days after. the same year he gave the archbishopric of Canterbury, after that he had detained the same in his own hands four years, to Anselm, abbot of Bec, in Normandy.

    This Anselm was an Italian, born in the city of Aosta, a183 and brought up in the abbey of Bec, in Normandy; where he was so strict a follower of virtue, that, as the story recordeth, he wished rather to be without sin in hell, than in heaven with sin. Which saying and wish of his, if it were his, may seem to proceed out of a mind, neither speaking orderly according to the phrase and under standing of the Scripture, nor yet sufficiently acquainted with the justification of a Christian man. Further, they report him to be so far from singularity, that he should say, it was the vice which thrust the angels first out of heaven, and man out of paradise.

    Of this Anselm it is, moreover, reported, that he was so illwilling to take the archbishopric, that the king had much ado to thrust it upon him; and he was so desirous to have him take it, that the city of Canterbury, which before Lanfranc did hold but at the king’s good will and pleasure, he gave now to Anselm wholly, which was about A.D. 1093. But as desirous as the king was then to place the said Anselm, so much did he repent it afterward, seeking all manner means to defeat him if he might: such strife and contention arose between them two for certain matters, the ground and occasion whereof first was this.

    After that Anselm had been thus elected to the see of Canterbury, before he was fully consecrated, the king communed with him, assaying by all gentle manner of words to entreat him, that such lands and possessions of the church of Canterbury as the king had given and granted to his friends since the death of Lanfranc, they might still enjoy as their own lawful possessions through his grant and permission. But to this Anselm in no case would agree Whereupon the king, conceiving great displeasure against him, did stop his consecration a great season, till at length in long process of time the king, enforced by the daily complaints and desires of his people and subjects, for lack of an archbishop to moderate the church, was constrained to admit and authorize him unto them. Thus Anselm, with much ado, talking his consecration, and doing his homage to the king, went to his see of Canterbury; and not long after the king sailed over to Normandy.

    About this time there were two striving in Rome for the popedom, as is afore-noticed, Urban and Guibert, — divers realms diversely consenting, some to the one, some to the other. England, taking with their king, was rather inclined to Guibert, called Clemens III; but Anselm did fully go with Urban, making so his exception with the king on entering his bishopric.

    After the king was returned again from Normandy, the archbishop cometh to him, and asketh leave to go to Rome to fetch his pall of Pope Urban; which when he could not at first obtain, he maketh his appeal from the king to the pope. Whereat the king, being justly displeased, chargeth the archbishop with breach of his fealty, contrary to his promise made; that is, if he, without his license, should appeal either to Urban or to any other pope. Anselm answereth again, that it was to be referred a186 unto some greater council, where it should be disputed whether this be to break a man’s allegiance to a terrene prince, if he appeal to the vicar of St. Peter.

    And here much arguing and contending was on both sides. The king’s reason proceedeth thus: “The custom,” saith he, “from my father’s time hath been in England, that no person should appeal to the pope without the king’s license. He that breaketh the customs of the realm, violateth the power and crown of the kingdom. He that violateth and taketh away my crown, is a traitor and enemy against me,” etc. To this Anselm replieth again, “The Lord,” saith he, “easily discusseth this question, briefly teaching what fidelity and allegiance we ought to give unto the vicar of St.

    Peter, where he saith, ‘Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church,’ etc.: and, ‘To thee I will give the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind in earth, it shall be bound in heaven; and, whatsoever thou loosest in earth, shall be loosed in heaven,’ etc. Again, to them all in general he saith, ‘He that heareth you, heareth me; and whoso despiseth you, despiseth me.’ And in another place, ‘He that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of mine eye.’ On the other side, what duty we owe to the king, he showeth also: ‘Give,’ saith he, ‘to the emperor, what belongeth to the emperor, and to God, that which to God belongeth.’

    Wherefore, in such things as belong to God I will yield, and must yield by good right and duty, my obedience to the vicar of St. Peter, and in such things as belong again to terrene dignity of my prince, in those I will not deny to him my faithful help and counsel, so far as they can extend.”

    Thus have ye the grounded arguments of this prelate to stand so stiffly against his prince, whereunto peradventure was joined also some piece of a stubborn heart. But in this conclusion none of his fellow-bishops durst take his part, but were all against him; namely, William, bishop of Durham, to whom Anselm thus protesteth, saying, “Whosoever he were that would presume to prove it any breach of allegiance or fealty to his sovereign, if he appealed to the vicar of St. Peter, he was ready to answer at all times to the con trary.” The bishop of Durham answereth again, “That he who would not be ruled by reason, must with force be constrained,” etc. The king, having on his part the agreement of the bishops, thought both to deprive the archbishop of his pastoral see, and to expel him out of the realm. But he could not perform his purpose; for Anselm, as he was ready to depart the realm, said, wheresoever he went, he would take his office and authority with him, though he took nothing else; whereupon that matter was deferred till a longer time. In the mean season the king had sent privily’ two messengers to Pope Urban, to entreat him to send his pall to the king, for him to give it where he would: which messengers by this time were returned again, bringing with them from Rome Walter, bishop of Albano, the pope’s legate, with the pall to be given unto Anselm. This legate, first landing at Dover, from thence came privily (unknown to Anselm) to the king, declaring and promising, that if Urban was received pope in England, whatsoever the king required to be obtained, he, by his privilege from the apostolical see, would ratify and confirm the same, save only, that when the king required of the legate that Anselm might be removed, the legate thereunto would not agree, saying, “that it was impossible to be obtained, that such a man as he, being lawfully called, should be expelled without manifest cause.” In conclusion, so it followed, that although he could not obtain his request of the legate, yet the legate so wrought with the king, that Urban was proclaimed lawful pope throughout all the realm.

    Then were sent to Anselm certain bishops to move and prove his mind, declaring what charges and pains the king had been at in his behalf, to procure the pall for him from Rome, which otherwise would have stood him in a great expense, and that all this the king had done for his sake, wherefore it were good reason and convenient, that he, to gratify the king, should somewhat condescend to his request again. But with all this Anselm, the stout archbishop, would not be moved. Wherefore the king, seeing no other remedy, was compelled to grant unto him the full right of his archbishopric. And so on the day appointed, when the pall should be brought to Canterbury, it being carried with all solemnity in a tiling of silver, the archbishop, with a great concourse of people, cane forth barefoot with his priestly vestments, after a most goodly manner, to meet the same; and so being brought in, it was laid upon the altar, while Anselm, spreading over his shoulders his popish vestments, proceeded unto his popish mass.

    Thus agreement being made between the king and the bishop, so long as it would hold, it happened, in the year following, that the king with his army entered into Wales, to subdue such as there rebelled against him. After the victory gotten, the king returned home a187 again with triumph; to whom Anselm thought to have come to congratulate him on his prosperous success, put the king pre vented him by messengers, laying to the bishop’s charge both the small number and the evil service of his soldiers sent to him at his need. At the hearing hereof, all the hope of Anselm was dashed, who at the same present had thought to have obtained and done many great matters with the king touching the state of the church; but here all turned contrary to his expectation, insomuch that he was charged, against the next court of parliament, to make his answer, which he avoided by appealing to Rome; wherefore he made his suit and friends to the king for license to go to the pope. To that suit the king answered, that he should not go, neither was there any cause for him so to do; for that both he knew him to be of so sound a life, that he had done no such offense, whereof he needed to crave absolution at Rome, neither was there any such lack of science and knowledge, that he needed to borrow any counsel there: “insomuch,” saith the king, “that I dare say Pope Urban hath rather to give place to the wisdom of Anselm, than Amselm to have need of Urban.

    Wherefore, as he hath no cause to go, so I charge him to tarry. And if he continue in his stubbornness still, I will assuredly seize upon his possessions, and convert his archbishopric unto my coffers, for that he transgresseth and breaketh his fidelity and obeisance, having solemnly promised before to observe all the customs of my kingdom. Neither is it the fashion in this realm, that any of my nobles should go to Rome without my sending. And therefore let him swear unto me that he will never for any grievance appeal hereafter to the see of Rome, or else let him void my realm.”

    Against these words of the king, Anselm thinking not best to reply again by any message, but by word of mouth, coming himself personally to the king, placeth himself, after his order, on the right hand of the prince, where he made his reply unto the message sent to him by the king. “Whereas you say, I ought not to go to Rome, a188 either in regard of any trespass, or for any lack of counsel and knowledge in me, albeit I grant to neither of them as true, yet what the truth is therein, I refer it to the judgment of God. And whereas ye say that I promised to keep and observe your customs; that I grant, but with a condition, so far to keep them, and such of them to observe, as were consonant to the laws of God, and ruled with right and equity. Moreover, whereas ye charge me with breach of my fidelity and allegiance, for that contrary to your customs I appeal to the see apostolic, (my reverence and duty to your sovereignty reserved) if another would say it, that is untrue. For the fidelity and obeisance that I owe to thee, 0 king, I have it of the faith and fidelity of God, whose vicar St. Peter is, to whose seat I do appeal. Further, whereas, as ye require me to swear that I shall for no cause hereafter at any time appeal to Rome, I pronounce openly that a Christian prince requireth such an oath of his archbishop unjustly, for if. I should forswear St. Peter, I should deny Christ. And when I shall at any time deny Christ, then shall I be content and ready to stand to the satisfaction of my transgression to you, for asking license to go to Rome. And peradventure, when I am gone. God will so order, that the goods of the church shall not long serve your temporal desires and commodities as ye ween for.”

    At these words of the bishop, the king and his nobles were not a little incensed, they defending again, that in his promise of observing the king’s customs, there was neither condition nor any clause put in, either of God or right. “ There was not!” a189 said Anselm. “If so be that in your customs was neither mention made of God nor of right, of what was there mention then? For God forbid that any Christian should be bound to any customs which go contrary to God and to right.” Thus on both sides passed much altercation between them.

    At length the king, after many threatening words, told him he should carry nothing out of the realm with him. “Well,” said the bishop, “if I may neither have my horse nor garments with me, then will I walk on foot;” a190 and so addressed him toward his journey, all the other bishops forsaking him, whereof none would take his part; but if he came to them for counsel, they said he was wise enough, and needed not their counsel, as who for his prudence knew best what was to be done, as also for his holiness was willing and able to prosecute the same that he did know. As for them, they neither durst nor would stand against the king, their lord, whose favor they could not lack, for the peril that might happen both to themselves and their kindred; but for him, because he was both a stranger, and void of such worldly corruption in him, they willed him to go forward as he had begun; their secret consent he should have, but their open voice they would not give him. Thus Anselm, remaining at Dover fifteen days, tarrying for wind, at last sped him toward his passage; but his packing being secretly known in the court, the king’s officer, William Warlwast, a191 prevented his purpose, search ing, by the king’s commandment, all his trusses, coffers, satchels, sleeves, purse, napkin, and bosom, for letters and for money; and so let him pass. Anselm, sailing into France, first rested a while at Lyons, and from thence came a192 to Rome to complain to Pope Urban, according to the tenor and form of a certain epistle of his, wherein, among many other things in the same epistle contained, these words he writeth to Pope Paschal, the third year after his banishment, after the death of Urban, and a little before the death of the king.

    TO THE LORD AND REVEREND FATHER PASCHAL, HIGH BISHOP, Anselm, servant of the church of Canterbury, offereth due subjection from his heart, and prayers, if they can stand in any stead, etc. f271 I saw in England many evils, whose correction belongeth to me, and which I could neither amend, nor suffer without mine own fault.

    The king desired of me, that under the name of right, I should consent to his pleasures, which were against the law and will of God. For he would not have the pope received nor appealed unto in England without his commandment; neither that I should send a letter unto him, or receive any from him, or that I should obey his decrees. He suffered not a council to be kept in his realm now these thirteen years since he was king. In all these things, and such like, if I asked any counsel, all my suffragan bishops of his realm denied to give me any counsel, but according to the king’s pleasure. After that I saw these and such other things that are done against the will and law of God, I asked license of him to go to Rome, unto the see apostolical, that I might there take counsel for my soul, and the office committed unto me. The king said, that I offended against him for the only asking of license; and propounded to me, that either I should make him amends for the same as a trespass, (assuring kiln never to ask his license any more to appeal to the pope at any time hereafter,) or else that I should quickly depart out of his land. Wherefore, choosing rather to go out of the land than agree to so wicked a thing, I came to Rome, as you know, and declared the whole matter to the lord pope. The king, by and by, as soon as I went out of England, invaded the whole archbishopric, and turned it to his own use, giving the monks only bare meat, drink, and clothing. The king being warned and desired of the lord pope to amend this, contemned the same, and yet continueth in his purpose still. And now is the third year since I came thus out of England, and more. Some men, not understanding, demand why I do not excommunicate the king. But the wiser sort, and such as have understanding, counsel me that I do not this thing; because it belongeth not unto me both to complain and to punish. To conclude, I was forewarned by my friends that are under the king, that my excommunication (if it should be done) would be laughed to scorn and despised,” etc.

    By these here above prefixed, appeareth how Anselm the arch bishop, coming unto Rome, made his complaint to Pope Urban of the king; and how the pope writing unto the king in behalf of Anselm, his letters and commandments were despised. And now to our story. In the mean time, while the pope’s letters were sent to the king, Anselm was bid to wait about the pope to look for answer back, who perceiving, at length, how little the king reputed the pope’s letters, began to be weary of his office, desiring the pope that he might be discharged thereof; but the pope in no case would thereto consent, charging him upon his obedience, that wheresoever he went, he should bear with him the name and honor of the archbishop of Canterbury. Whereunto Anselm again said, his obedience he neither durst nor would refuse, as who for God’s cause was ready to suffer whatsoever should happen, yea, though it were death itself, as he thought no less would follow thereof. “But what should we think,” saith he, “is there to be done, where justice not only taketh no place, but is utterly oppressed? And whereas my suffragans do not only not help, for dread, the righteous cause, but also for favor do impugn the same?” “Well,” saith the pope, “as touching these matters, we shall sufficiently provide at the next council to be holden at Bari, a193 whereat I will you the same time and place to be present.”

    When the time of the council was come, Anselm, amongst others, was called for, who, first sitting on an outer side of the bishops, afterwards was placed at the right foot of the pope, with these words, “Inclu-damus hunc in orbe nostro, tanquam alterills orbis papam.” Where upon the same place after him was appointed to the successors of the see of Canterbury, in every general council, by the decree of Pope Urban, to sit at the right foot of the pope. In this said council great stir and much reasoning there was against the Grecians, con cerning the matter and order of proceeding of the Holy Ghost. Here is to be noted, that the Greek church hath of long time dissented from the Latin church in many and sundry points, to the number of twenty, or almost twenty-nine articles, as I have them collected out of the register of the church of Hereford; whereof, as occasion hereafter may serve (God willing) for a further and more ample tractation to be made; so here, by the way, partly I mean to touch some. The first is:

    ARTICLES AND OPINIONS WHEREIN THE GREEK CHURCH DIFFERETH FROM THE LATIN.

    The articles wherein the Greek church altereth from the Latin or Romish church, are these: f273 1. They are not under the obedience of the church of Rome, because the church of Constantinople is not subject, but equal, to the same. 2. They hold that the bishop of the apostolic see of Rome hath not greater power than the four patriarchs; and whatsoever the pope doth beside their knowledge, or without their approbation, it is of no validity. 3. Also, they say whatsoever hath been done or concluded, since the second general council, it is of no full authority; because from that time they recount the Latins to be in error, and to be excluded out of the holy church. 4. Item, “Dicunt eucharistiam consecratam per Romanam ecclesiam non esse verum corpus Christi.” That is, they hold the eucharist consecrated by the church of Rome not to be the very body of Christ.

    Also, where the Romish church doth consecrate in unleavened bread, they consecrate in bread leavened. 5. Further, they say that the Romish church doth err in the words of baptism, for saying, “I baptize thee;” when they should say, “Let this creature of God be baptized,” etc. 6. They hold moreover that there is no purgatory, and that the suffrages of the church do not avail the dead, either to lessen the pain of them that be destined to hell, or to increase the glory of them that be ordained to salvation. 7. Also, they hold that the souls out of the bodies departed (whether they have done good or evil) have not their perfect pain or glory, but are reserved in a certain place till the day of judgment. 8. Also, they condemn the church of Rome for mixing cold water in their sacrifice. 9. Also, they condemn the church of Rome, for that as well women as priests anoint children (when they baptize them) on both shoulders. 10. Item, “Dicunt panem nostrum panagiam.” That is, they call our bread panagia. 11. Further, they blame the church of Rome for celebrating their mass on other days beside Sundays and certain other feasts appointed. 12. Also, in this the Greek church varieth from the Latin; for they have neither cream nor oil, nor sacrament of confirmation. 13. Neither do they use extreme unction, or annoiling after the manner of the Roman church, expounding the place of St. James of the spiritual infirmity, and not corporal. 14. Also, they enjoin no satisfaction for penance, but only that they show themselves to the priests, anointing them with simple oil in token of remission of sins. 15. Also, only on Maunday Thursday they consecrate for the sick, keeping it for the whole year after, thinking it to be more holy upon that day consecrated than upon any other: neither do they fast any Saturday through the whole year, but only on Easter-even. 16. Also, they give but only five orders, as of clerks, subdeacons, deacons, priests, and bishops; whereas the Roman church giveth nine orders, after the nine orders of angels. 17. Moreover, the Grecians in their orders make no vow of chastity, alleging for them the fifth canon?” a194 Ego, presbyter vol diaconus, uxorem causa honestatis non rejiciam,” etc.; that is, “I, N. priest or deacon, will not forsake my wife for honesty’ sake.” 18. Also, every year the Grecians use, on certain days, to excommunicate the church of Rome, and all the Latins as heretics. 19. Also further, among the said Grecians they are excommunicated that beat or strike a priest; neither do their religious men live in such priestly chastity as the Roman priests do. 20. Also, their emperor amongst them doth ordain patriarchs, bishops, and others of the clergy, and deposeth the same at his pleasure; also, he giveth benefices to whom he listeth, and retaineth the fruits of the same benefices, as pleaseth him. 21. Item, they blame the Latin church because they eat no flesh, eggs, and cheese on Fridays, and do eat flesh on Saturdays. f275 22. Item, they hold against the Latin men for celebrating without the consecrated church, either in the house or in the field, and for fasting on the Sabbath-day; also for permitting menstruous women to enter into the church before their purifying; and for suffering dogs and other beasts to enter into the church. 23. The Grecians use not to kneel in all their devotions, not even to the body of Christ, (as the register termeth it,) but one day in the whole year; saying and affirming that the Latins be goats and beasts, for they are always prostrating themselves upon the ground in their prayers. 24. The Grecians, moreover, permit not the Latins to celebrate upon their altars. And if it chance that any Latin priest do celebrate upon their altar, by and by they wash their altar, in token of abomination and false sacrifice and diligently they observe, that, whensoever they do celebrate, they do but one liturgy or mass upon one altar or table that day. 25. Further, they dissent from the church of Rome touching the order and manner of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost.

    These articles, wherein is declared the difference between the east and west church, of the Grecians and Romans, as I found them articulated and collected in an ancient and authentic register of the church of Hereford, so I thought here to insert them, and leave them to the consideration of the reader. Other four articles more in the sane register be there expressed concerning simony and usury, not with them forbidden; and touching also their emperor; and how they teach their children to hurt or damnify, by any manner of way, the Latin priests, etc.; which articles, for that either they seem not truly collected out of their teachings, or else not greatly pertinent to the doctrine of religion, I overpass them. To the purpose now of our story again.

    When certain of these above prefixed were moved in the aforesaid council to be discussed, namely concerning the assertion of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost, and concerning leavened bread in the ministration of the Lord’s supper, Anselm, as is above said, was called for, who, in the tractation of the same articles, so bestirred him in that council, that he well liked the pope and them about him, as mine author recordeth. Whereupon, touching the matter of unleavened bread, how indifferently he seemed there to reason, and what he writeth to Waltram, or Valerame, bishop of Naumburg, thereof ye shall hear by a piece of his letter sent to the said bishop, the copy whereof here ensueth.

    ANSELM, SERVANT TO THE CHURCH OF CANTERBURY, TO WALTRAM, BISHOP OF NAUMBURG F276 As concerning the sacrifice in which the Grecians think not as we do, it seemeth to many reasonable Catholic men, that which they do not to be against the Christian faith; for both he that sacrificeth unleavened and leavened, sacrificeth bread. And where it is read of our Lord (when he made his body of bread) that he took bread and blessed, it is not added unleavened or leavened. Yet it is certain that he blessed unleavened bread, peradventure not because the thing that was done required that, but because the supper in which this was done did give that. And where in another place he calleth himself and his flesh bread, because that as man liveth temporally with this bread, so with that bread he liveth for ever—he saith not unleavened nor leavened, because both alike are bread; for unleavened and leavened differ not in substance, as some think: like as a new man before sin, and an old man rooted in the leaven of sin, differ not in substance. For this cause only, therefore, he might be thought to call himself and his flesh bread, and to have made his body of bread, because that this bread, unleavened or leavened, giveth a transitory life; and his body giveth everlasting life, not for that it is either leavened or unleavened. Although it be a commandment in the law to eat unleavened bread in the Passover, where all things are done in a figure, that it might be declared that Christ, whom they looked for, was pure and clean; and we that should eat his body were admo-nished to be likewise pure from all leaven of malice and wickedness: yet now after we are come from the old figure to the new truth, and eat the unleavened flesh of Christ, that old figure in bread, of which we make that flesh, is not necessary for us. But manifest it is, to be better sacrificed of unleavened than of leavened, etc.

    To this letter I have also adjoined another epistle of his to the said Waltram, appertaining to matters not much unlike; wherein the variety and divers usages of the sacraments in the church are treated of; whereby such as call and cry so much for uniformity in the church, may note, peradventure, in the same something for their better understanding.

    PART OF ANOTHER LETTER OF ANSELM TO THE SAID WALTRAM, BISHOP OF NAUMBURG F277 To the reverend father and his friend Waltram, by the grace of God, the worshipful bishop of Naumburg, Anselm, the servant of the church of Canterbury, greeting, etc.

    Your worship complaineth of the sacraments of the church, that they are not made every where alter one sort, but are handled in divers places after divers sorts. And truly if they were ministered after one sort, and agreeing through the whole church, it were good and laudable. Yet, notwithstanding, because there be many diversities which differ not in the sum of the sacrament, in the strength of it, or in the faith, or else can be gathered into one custom, I think that they are rather to be borne with in agreement of peace, than to be condemned with offense: for we have this from the holy fathers, that if the unity of charity be kept in the catholic faith, the diversity of customs hurteth nothing. But if it be demanded whereof this diversity of customs doth spring, I perceive no other cause thereof but the diversity of menwits, which, although they differ not in strength and truth of the thing, yet they agree not in the fitness and comeliness of the ministering: for that which one judgeth to be meeter, oftentimes another thinketh less meet; wherefore, not to agree in such diversities, I think it not to swerve from the truth of the thing, etc.

    Then in the story it followeth, after long debating and discussing of these matters in the council, when they had given forth their determination upon the same, and the pope had blasted out his thundering excommunications against the Grecians, and all that took their part, at length were brought in the complaints and accusations against the king of England, upon the hearing whereof, Pope Urban, with his adherents, was ready to proceed in excommunication against the king; but Anselm, kneeling before the pope, after he had first accused his king, then afterwards obtained for him longer time to be given upon further trial.

    Thus the council breaking up, the pope returned again to Rome, directing down his letters to the king, and commanding him that Anselm, with all his partakers, in speedy wise should be revested a196 again in his archbishopric, and all other possessions thereunto appertaining. To this the king sendeth answer again by messengers, who, coming to the pope, declared in the king’s behalf on this wise, That the king, their master, did not a little marvel what came into his mind to command Anselm to be revested and reseized again into his former archbishopric; seeing he told him before plainly, that if he went out of England without his leave, he would so do unto him. “Well,” saith the pope, “have ye no other matter against Anselm but only this?” “No,” quoth they. “And have ye taken all this travail,” saith the pope, “to come hither so far to tell me this, that the primate of your country is therefore disseized and dispossessed, because he hath appealed to the see and judgment apostolical? Therefore, if thou lovest thy lord, speed thee home and tell him, if he will not be excommunicated, that he quickly revest Anselm again in all that he had before. And lest I make thee to be hanged for thy labor, look to thy term, and see that thou bring me answer again from him into this city against the next council, a197 the third week after Easter.” The messenger, or speaker, being somewhat astonished at the hearing of this so tragical answer, thinking yet to work something for his king and master, came secretly to the pope, saying, that he would confer a certain mystery from his king privately with his holiness, between them two. What mystery that was, or what there passed from the king to the pope and the court of Rome, mine author does not show; but so cunningly that mystery was handled, that, with a full consent, both of the pope and all the court of Rome, a longer day was given, from Easter to Michaelmas; and the pope’s choleric heat so assuaged, that when the council came, which then was holden at St. Peter’s church in Rome, albeit great complaints were then denounced against the king, yet such favor was found, that he took no harm; only the sentence of excommunication was there pronounced against such lay persons as gave investiture of churches, and them that were so invested; also, against them that consecrated such, or which gave themselves in subjection to laymen for ecclesiastical livings, as is before touched.

    This council being finished, the archbishop, seeing the unstedfastness of the pope, which pleased him but little, took his journey to Lyons, where he continued his abode a long time, till the death, first of Pope Urban, and then of the king.

    Of this King William many things be diversely recorded, some to his commendation, and some to his discommendation; whereof this is one which some will ascribe to hardiness, but I rather to rashness in him. As this king upon a time was in his disport of hunting, suddenly word came to him that Le Mans, a city in Normandy, was besieged. The king, without longer tarrying or advisement, took the straight way toward the sea-side, sending to his lords that they should follow after. They, being come to his presence, advised him to stay till the time his people were assembled; but he would not be stayed, saying, that such as him loved, he knew, would follow him shortly; and so went to take ship. The shipmaster, seeing the weather so dark and cloudy, was afraid, and counseled the king to tarry till the wind did turn about, and the weather was more favorable. But the king, persisting in his journey, commanded him to make all the speed he might for his life; saying, that he never heard that any king yet was ever drowned; and so passed the sea in safety, and came to Normandy.

    The thirteenth year of his reign, the said King William, having the same time in his hand three bishoprics—Canterbury, Winchester, and Sarum, also twelve abbies in farm, as he was in his disport of hunting in the New Forest, by glancing of an arrow shot by a knight named Walter Tyrrell, was wounded to death, and so, speechless, was carried to Westminster, and there was buried. Here also is to be noted, that Richard, the cousingerman of King William, and son to Duke Robert his brother, was likewise slain in the aforesaid forest. See the just hand of God upon kings usurping wrongfully upon other men’s grounds, as did William the Conqueror, their father, in making this new forest, plucking down divers churches and townships for the compass of thirty miles about. Here therefore appeareth, that although men cannot revenge, yet God revengeth, either in them or in their posterity. This king, as he always used concubines, so left he no issue legitimate behind him. His life was such, that it is hard for a story that should tell the truth to say whether he was more to be commended or reproved. Among other vices in him, especially is to be rebuked in him immeasurable and unreasonable covetousness; insomuch that he coveted, if he might, to be every man’s heir. This one example of a liberal and princely nature I find in him, that upon a time when a certain abbot of a place was dead, there came to his court two monks of the same house, who before had gathered much money, and made their friends to the king, and offered large offers, both of them to be promoted to that dignity.

    There was also a third monk of the same place, who of meekness and humility followed the other two, to the intent that upon him whom the king had admitted for abbot, he should give attendance, and as his chaplain with him return. The king called before him the two monks severally, of whom the one outproffered the other. As the king east his eye aside, he espied the third monk standing by, supposing that his coming had been also for the like cause. Then the king, calling him, asked what he would do, whether he would give more than his brethren had offered to be abbot. He answered the king, and said, that he neither had, nor would (if he might) offer any penny for it by any such unlawful means. When the king had well pondered this third monk’s answer, he said that he was best worthy to be abbot, and to have the rule of so holy a charge: and so gave unto him that benefice without taking any penny.

    Urban, bishop of Rome, who, as is said, succeeded after Victor, ruled the church of Rome about the space of eleven years; and amongst his other acts he excommunicated the emperor, Henry IV., as a man not much devout to that see of Rome. But yet a worthy and victorious prince he was, in whom, albeit some vice perchance might be noted, yet none such wherefore any prelate or minister of Christ ought to excite his subjects to rebel against public authority of God appointed. This emperor Henry IV. was by four popes severally excommunicate—by Hildebrand, Victor, Urban, and Paschal; which excommunication wrought so in the ignorant and blind hearts of the people, that many, as well of the nobles as of the multitude, contrary to their sworn allegiance, rebelliously conspired against their king and emperor; in the number of whom among the rest was one certain earl, named Louis, to whom Waltram, bishop of the church of Naumburg a198 (a godly and faithful man, as appeareth) doth write letters of fatherly admonition, exhorting and instructing him in the office of obedience; unto the which letters he likewise doth answer again by cavilling sophistication, and by mere affection, rather disposed to discord, than seeking sincerity of truth. And forasmuch as in these two letters the argument of Christian obedience on both sides is so debated by proofs and reasons as may be profitable for the reader to peruse and understand, I thought therefore not to defraud the English reader of the same, whereof peradventure some utility might be taken. The tenor of the bishop’s letter to the earl here followeth.

    THE EPISTLE OF WALTRAM, BISHOP OF NAUMBURG, TO EARL LOUIS, LANDGRAVE OF THURINGIA, EXHORTING TO CONCORD AND OBEDIENCE F278 Waltram, by the grace of God being that he is, to the most serene prince, Louis, together with his earnest prayers offereth himself in all things his most devoted servant. To every realm concord is advantageous, and justice desirable, for this virtue is the mother of goodness and the preservation of all honesty. But whoever goeth about sowing civil dissension, and inciteth others to the shedding of men’s blood, he is, in fact, himself a bloody man, and a partaker with him who, thirsting for our blood, continually “walketh about seeking whom he may devour.” Do thou, therefore, most glorious prince, considering how that God is a God of peace and not of dissension, “as much as in you lieth, live peaceably with all men.” “God is love;” the devil is hatred. On love “hangeth all the law, and the prophets:” but he that hateth his brother is a murderer, and hath no part in the kingdom of Christ and of God.’: ‘These are the sayings, partly of the Truth himself and partly of him who was; the Truth’s disciple; who from the breast of his Lord having drunk deeply of Gospel truth, the more abundantly “gladdeneth the city of God with the streams of that river.” [Psalm 46:4.] But that” chosen vessel,” who, being” caught up to the third heaven, not by man, but by the revelation of Jesus Christ, learned his Gospel, he saith, “Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; for there is no power but of God. But he that resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God” [Romans 13:1,2] as some of our friends are doing, who dream and teach among seely women and the simple multitude, that we are not bound to be subject to kingly power, and that therefore it is false to assert, that “every soul ought to be subject to the higher power.” But can the Truth itself lie? or do we seek a proof of him who spake in the apostle, even Christ? Do we provoke the Lord to jealousy? Be we stronger than he? Yet what else doth he, but think himself stronger than the Lord, who resisteth his ordinance? for” there is no power but of God.” But what saith the, prophet? “Confounded be all that fight against thee, O Lord, and the men shall perish who strive with thee.” [Isaiah 41:11.] Rodolph, Hildebrand, Egbert, a199 with innumerable other princes, resisted the ordinance of God in the person of Henry the emperor; and lo! they are now perislied as though they had never been: and as their end was very evil, so their beginning could not have been good. Now, therefore, forsomueh as they who are opposed to us have hitherto only fenced with us at a distance with their reasonings, let us meet your judgment in close encounter, wherever (even in your own judgment) it may be proper, only let it not be “in their own hired lodging” [Acts 28:30], but let us use the testimony of Christ and the ancient fathers. And that it be not refused, let this be the law of our contest, either that I shall adopt the popular opinion, or by my victory gain you to our lord the emperor. Also let that saying be attended to, “If any man preach any other gospel than that which is preached unto you, let him be accursed.” [Galatians 1:8.] This curse doth not proceed from the “hired lodging” of profane novelty, but is thundered from the third heaven. But of them who, “being ignorant of God’s righteousness and going about to establish their own righteousness, have not submitted themselves unto the righteousness of God” [Romans 10:3], of such I may confidently say, “Let them curse, but bless thou; when they arise let them be ashamed; but let thy servant rejoice” [Psalm 109,28]: for (as thou sayest, O Lord) “Without me ye can do nothing” [John 15:5]: nor wilt thou condemn the just when he is judged; “Who then art thou that judgest another man’s servant? to his own master he standeth or falleth.” [Romans 14:4.] THE RAILING ANSWER OF EARL LOUIS a200 TO THE FORMER LETTER OF BISHOP WALTRAM The Earl Louis to the Lord Waltram, whatever is due to such a name. “As a good man out of the good treasure of his heart bringeth forth good, so doth an evil man out of the evil treasure bring forth evil. Whence hath such excessive arrogancy possessed you, to provoke my indignation with such injurious contumelies? For my lords and spiritual fathers, who strengthen me in the way of righteousness, you obliquely call bloody men, like unto Satan; and the wholesome lessons which they teach, you call dreams for seely women and the rude vulgar. Hath God any need of your judgment, that you should speak leasings for him? Iniquity hath taught your mouth, and you imitate the tongue of blasphemers; so that the prophet rightly saith of you, “He hath left off to be wise and to do good; he deviseth mischief upon his bed.” [Psalm 36:3,4.] Although, therefore, being forward thou didst speak forward things, yet we determined “to set a watch upon our mouth, while the ungodly was before us.” But the word of God exciteth us, saying, “Answer a fool according to his folly, lest he be wise in his own conceit.” [Proverbs 26:5.] Shall folly cry out, and wisdom hold her peace? Shall falsehood speak, and truth keep silence? Shall “darkness cover the earth, and the Lord not arise and shine?” Yea, rather, “the light shineth in darkness, but the darkness comprehendeth it not.” While I was considering hereof “my heart grew hot within me; and while I was musing the fire kindled.” [Psalm 39:3.] We therefore now speak, yea cry, and (as much as in us lieth) will drive away “the little foxes which are destroying the Lord’s vines” [Cant. 2:15]; fearing that threatening prophecy— “Ye have not withstood our adversaries, neither have ye made a bulwark for the defense of the house of Israel, to stand in the battle in the day of the Lord.” [Ezekiel 13:5.] Hear me, then—not thou “who hast ears and hearest not, eyes and sees, not; who hast made the very light that is in thee darkness;” but—such as are wise, and “have ears to hear” withal; let such, I say, hear how profoundly ignorant thou art, or pretendest to be, what ye say and whereof ye affirm; Thou invites, us to be subject to the Lord Henry, whom they call the emperor, and (as far as we can understand thee) thou wouldst lay a necessity upon us of being subject to him in all things, and that by an argument seemingly drawn from the apostle, saying, “Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers; for there is no power but of God; he therefore that resisteth, resisteth the ordinance of God.” Which sentence of the apostle, we assert that you do ill understand, and still worse interpret. For if every power be of God, as you understand it, what meaneth this that the Lord speaketh of certain by the prophet, “They reigned, but not by me; they were made princes, and I knew them not.” [Hosiah 8:4.] If every power be of God, as you understand it, what meaneth this that the Lord saith, “If thine eye offend thee, pluck it out and cast it from thee?” For what is a power, if the eye be not? Certainly Augustine, in his exposition of this passage of the apostle—“ Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers,” saith, “But if the power should command any thing which is contrary to God, there hold the power in contempt; yet continuing to fear the power in other respects.” f280 Is there iniquity with God? Is Christ the minister of sin? God forbid. What do we say, then? Doth the apostle preach contrary to the prophet? Augustine saith, “By no means. One breath filleth many pipes of divers tones.”. Therefore let us hear the apostle reconciling and expounding himself, and destroying the enemy and avenger. “there is no power,” he saith, “but of God.” What followeth? Thou sayest—“ He therefore that doth resist the power,” &e. No such thing-that doth not follow: but what doth follow? But the powers winch be, are ordained of God.” Truly, that is the very thing we want. O crafty tongue! O heart imagining mischief! O breath that goeth forth, but shall not return! Why hast thou lied to the Holy Ghost? Let thine own conscience accuse thee.

    Behold, the wicked fleeth when none pursueth! Why would you suppress the truth, on purpose to deceive? Why have you stolen away the marrow and soul of this passage? For if these last-cited words be out taken of the middle of the apostle’s sentence, it will lie incoherent and lifeless. The word of the Lord is herein fulfilled, “He that diggeth a pit for his neighbout, shall fall therein himself.” [Proverbs 26:27.] Verily, thou canst not avoid either the guilt or the punishment of theft. What, O unhappy man, what wilt thou answer the Judge when he cometh to take account of his servants whom he put in trust, seeing thou shalt then be arraigned and proved a peculator of thy Lord’s property? Why didst thou not fear the judgment and execution of a traitor, and lest like guilt should be followed by like punishment? The apostle, through the Holy Ghost, did foresee that you, and such heretics as you are, should arise in the church, who should call good evil and evil good, and put darkness for light and light for darkness, and should take occasion by sentences of truth to bring in error: and therefore, having premised” there is no power but of God,” on purpose to prevent an wrong-headed inference therefrom he addeth, “But the powers which’ be, are ordained of God. Give us then an ordained power, and we will not resist the same, nay, we will forthwith do homage. But I marvel, that, if there be but a single drop of blood in thee, thou dost not blush to call the Lord Henry king, or allow him to have order in his favor. Doth it seem to thee order, to give place to wickedness, and to con- found good and evil, God’s laws and man’s devices? Doth it. seem to thee order, for a man to sin against his own body, as for example, (O atrocious wickedness!) to make a harlot of his own wife ¾ a villany never before heard of since the world began? Doth it seem to thee order, when the Lord saith, “Defend the widow, then to go and prostitute widows to shameful defilement, even when appealing for equity of justice? Orestes, in his madness even, protesteth that he must be out of his senses who would assert such things to be orderly or well done. Until these most wretched times, nature hath always loved secrecy; but your king, given up to a reprobate mind, hath thrown aside the veil and exposed to public gaze that which natural shame would conceal. To say nothing of innumerable atrocities, such as burning of churches, spoiling, murders, burnings, mutilations, and the like, the number whereof he knoweth, not welet us point out those things chiefly wherein the church of God is aggrieved. Hear, then, things true and not coloured; hear what are serious matters, and no jest. Every one that selleth spiritual dignities is a heretic. But the Lord Henry, whom they call “king,” selleth both bishoprics and abbacies; for assuredly he sold for money the bishoprics of Constance, Bamberg, a202 Mentz, and many others; the bishoprics of Ratisbon, Augsburgh, and Strasburgh, he sold for a sword; the abbacy of Fulda, for adulterous intercourse; the bishopric of Munster (shocking both to tell and to hear!) for Sodomitic indulgence. Which things if you will impudently deny in the face of heaven and earth, even the poor silly idiots, taken from the smithy, will conclude, “The Lord Henry then is a heretic.” For the which atrocious crimes being excommunicated by the apostolic see, he cannot now govern his kingdom nor exercise any power over us who be catholics. And whereas thou chargest us with hatred of our brethren, understand, that we intend not to hate any from mere dislike, but from considerations of piety. God forbid, that we should allow Henry worthy to be accounted a Christian brother, who, by so often refusing to hear the reproofs of the church, is become to us as “a heathen man and a publican:” the hatred of whom we offer unto God as a great sacrifice, saying with the Psalmist, “Do not I hate them that hate thee, O Lord? and am not I grieved with thine enemies? I hate them with perfect hatred, I count them mine enemies.” [Psalm 89:21,22.,], The Truth himself, commending the worthiness of this hatred, doth say, If any man hate not father and mother, and brethren and sisters, yea, and his own life also, for my sake, he cannot be my disciple.” [Luke 14:26.] We are not, therefore, justly upbraided with hatred, seeing we are commanded to hate even our own life if we wander from God’s way, and to hate father and mother, and every natural affection, which hindereth us from walking in God’s way. Thence is it. that we use our study and endeavor to guard against the enemies of the church as our own enemies also, and hate them; yet, not as being our enemies, but as being God’s enemies. Further, whereas you urge us “to maintain peace with all men,” you should remember that the apostle premiseth, “If it be possible :” but it is impossible that we should maintain peace with those that are contrary to God.

    But who is ignorant, that the Lord our Savior not only commondeth peace, when he saith, “My peace I give unto you, peace I leave with you;” but also that he himself is that peace, as saith the apostle,” He is our peace, who hath made both one.”

    What then doth our Peace himself say, while speaking in commendation of peace? “Think not,” saith he, “that! came to send peace on the earth; I came not to send peace, but a sword.” What meaneth this? Why doth Peace threaten a sword? or why doth Peace proclaim war?—to destroy, forsooth, the peace of the devil; for the devil also hath his peace, whereof the Lord saith, “When a strong man, armed, keepeth his palace, his goods are in peace.” [Luke 11:21.] Oh how strongly doth the devil keep his palace at this moment by you his guards! who, protected by the shield of falsehood and the helmet of perfidy, so defend him, that you will not allow the arrows of truth or the darts of faith to pierce him. Nevertheless, our Lord being the “stronger man armed, coming upon your strong man, is able to overcome him and take from him all his armor, wherein he trusteth.” [ibid.] We are not, therefore, rightly blamed, if we protest against that peace, more cruel than any war, which the Truth himself condemneth, weeping over Jerusalem and saying, Truly in this day the things which belong to thy peace’ [Luke 19:42]; and which the Psalmist envied in the wicked, when he saw the peace of sinners. Whereas you condemn Pope Gregory, king Rodolph, and the Marquis Egbert, as men who have died wretched deaths, and count your lord blessed because he doth outlive them, it plainly appeareth that. you are void of all spiritual consideration.

    Is it not more blessed to die well, than to live ill? for “blessed are they who suffer persecution for righteousness’ sake.” You might as well esteem Nero, Herod, and Pontius Pilate blessed, for that they severally outlived Peter and Paul, and James the apostle, and the Lord Jesus Christ—an opinion, than which nothing can be more foolish and absurd. Wherefore refrain thy babbling tongue from this blasphemy; unless thou wouldst place thyself among the number of those, who, beholding the end of the righteous to be glorious, and themselves too late and in vain “repenting, and groaning for anguish of spirit, shall say, These be they whom we had sometimes in derision, and a proverb of reproach. We fools accounted their life madness, and their end to be without honor. How are they numbered among the children of God, and their lot is among the saints. Therefore have we erred from the way of truth, and the light of righteousness hath not shined unto us, and the Sun of righteousness rose not upon us. What hath pride profited us, or what good hath riches, with our vaunting, brought us? All those things are passed away like a shadow.” [Wisdom 5:3-9.] Which words we registering in imperishable remembrance, despise every imagination that shall exalt itself against the truth of God; and, glorying as we do in tribulations, we may be falsely accused, accursed, banished, yea, and finally slain, but we cannot yield or be conquered. Moreover (as thou thyself wouldst have felt once, when a beardless boy and a gay, youth, and not yet a tough-hearted old man) we do rejoice with great exultation in the memory of our fathers, who, despising the commandments of princes, merited everlasting rewards.

    There is a certain chronicle in old English meter, which, among other matters speaking of William Rufus, declareth him to be so sumptuous and excessive in pompous apparel, that he not being contented with a pair of hose at a low price, which was three shillings, caused a pair to be bought at a mark, whereupon his chamberlain, procuring a pair much worse than the other before, said, “That they costen’d a mark, and unneth he them so bought:

    Yea, Belamy (quoth the king) these are well bought! ” Whereby is to be noted what difference is to be seen between the hose of princes then, and the hose of serving-men now.

    APPENDIX HISTORIOE After the time of this King William, the name of King ceased in the country of Wales among the Britons, since King Ris, a203 in the reign of this king, A.D. 1093, was slain in Wales. f283 HENRY THE FIRST F284 HENRY I, the third son of William the Conqueror, succeeding his brothel Rufus, began his reign a204 in England A. D. 1100, who, for his knowledge and science in the Seven Liberal Arts, was surnamed Clerk, or Beauclerk. In this prince may well appear how knowledge and learning do greatly conduce to the government and administration of any realm or country. At the beginning he reformed the state and condition of the clergy, released the grievous payments, and reduced again King Edward’s laws, with emendation thereof; he reformed the old and untrue measures, and made a measure after the length of his arm; he greatly abhorred excess of meats and drinks; many things misused before his time he reformed, and used to vanquish more by counsel than by sword. Such persons as were nice and wanton he secluded from his court. This man, as appeareth, little favored the usurped power of the bishop of Rome. Soon after he was king, he married Matilda, or Maud, daughter of Malcolm, king of Scots, and of Margaret his wife, daughter of Edward the Outlaw, as is before specified, being a professed nun at Winchester, whom, notwithstanding, and without the pope’s dispensation, he married by the consent of Anselm, a205 by the which Maud he received two sons, William and Richard, and two daughters, Matilda and Mary, which Matilda afterwards was married to the emperor, Henry V. f285 In the second year of his reign, Robert, his elder brother, duke of Normandy, being occupied in the Christian wars against the Turks, and being elected, as you heard, king of Jerusalem, hearing of the death of Rufus, refused the kingdom thereof; for the which, as is thought, he never sped well after. Thus the said Robert, leaving off the Lord’s business, and returning into Normandy, a206 made there his preparations, and came over into England with a ,great host to challenge the crown; but, by mediation of the lords, it was agreed that Robert should have yearly, during his life, three thousand marks, as were likewise promised him before by King Rufus, his brother; and that whether of them outlived the other, should be the other’s heir. On this Robert departed again into Normandy, to the great discontent of his lords there; but, in a few years after, the aforenamed tribute of three thousand marks, through the means of Queen Matilda, was released to the king his brother. In process of time, variance happening between King Henry and the said Robert his brother, at length Robert in his wars was taken prisoner, and brought over into England, and was put into the castle of Cardiff in Wales, where he continued as a prisoner while he lived.

    In this time, as about the third year of this king, the hospital of St.

    Bartholomew in Smithfield was founded, by means of a minstrel belonging unto the king, named Rayer, and it was afterwards finished by Richard Whittington, alderman and mayor of London. This place of Smithfield was at that day a laystall of all ordure or filth, and the place where the felons and other transgressors of the king’s laws were put to execution.

    Divers strict laws a207 were by this king provided, especially— Against thieves and felons, That whoso should be taken in that fault, no money should save him from hanging. Item, That whoso should counterfeit false money, should have both his eyes put out, and the nether parts of his body cut off. Item, In the same council was decreed an order for priests to be sequestered from their wives, which before were not forbidden. f286 Item, It was then decreed that monks and priests should bear no rule over lay persons. Item, It was decreed concerning broidering of hair, and wearing of garments. Item, That a secret contract of marriage between a young lad and a young maid should not stand: with other things concerning the excommunication of those guilty of sodomy.

    In the story of William Rufus a208 before was declared how Anselm, the archbishop of Canterbury, departing out of the realm, went to the pope, who, after the death of King William, was sent for again by the aforesaid King Henry, and so returned again, a209 and was at the council of the king at Westminster; where the king, in the presence of the lords, as well temporal as spiritual, ordained and invested two bishops, Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Roger bishop of Hereford. During that parliament or council of the king, Anselm in his convocation deposed and displaced divers abbots and other prelates from their rooms and dignities, either for that they lawfully came not by them, or uprightly did not administer the same.

    After this council and the other before set forth by Anselm, Herbert, bishop of Norwich, had much ado with the priests of his diocese, for they would neither leave their wives, nor yet give over their benefices. On this he wrote to Anselm, the archbishop, for counsel what was to be done therein, who required him, as he did others at the same time by writing, to persuade the people of Norfolk and Suffolk, that as they professed Christianity, they should subdue them as rebels against the church, and utterly drive both them and their wives out of the country, placing monks in their room, as by the epistles of the said Anselm doth appear; f287 whereof certain parcels shall hereafter, by the grace of Christ, ensue, for the better evidence of this and his other acts above recited.

    The like business also had Gerard, the archbishop of York, in depriving the priests of his province of their wives; which thing, with all his excommunications and thunderings, he could hardly bring about. Upon this ruffling of Anselm with married priests, were rhyming verses made to help the matter withal, when reason could not serve, which verses, for the folly thereof, I thought here to annex. f288 About the end of the second year of this king, which was by computation A.D. 1102, a variance happened between King Henry and Anselm, the occasion whereof was this: a210 —Ye heard a little before how Henry, the aforesaid king, had, of his own authority, invested two bishops, one Roger, who was chancellor, bishop of Salisbury, and another, bishop of Hereford. Besides them divers also he invested, and divers other like things took he upon him in the ecclesiastical state, which he might lawfully do, God’s word allowing well the same; but because he was restrained by the bishop of Rome, and forbidden so to do, this Anselm swelled, fretted, and waxed so mad, that he would neither consent to it, nor yet confirm them, nor communicate nor talk friendly with those whom the king had instituted and invested; but opprobriously called them abortives, or children of destruction, disdainfully rebuking the gentle king as a defiler of religion, and polluter of their holy ceremonies; as withesseth Polydore. With this uncomely outrage the king was much displeased, as he might full well, and required Gerard, the archbishop of York, as he owed him allegiance, to consecrate them; who, without delay, did I so, well performing the same, saving that one William Gifford, to whom the king had given the bishopric of Winchester, refused to take his consecration by the hands of the archbishop of York, for which cause the king, worthily with him offended, deprived him both of bishopric and goods, and banished him the realm.

    Moreover, the king required of Anselm, the archbishop of Canterbury, to do unto him homage, after the manner of his ancestors, as withesseth Malinesbury. Also it was asked of the said Anselm, whether he would be with the king in giving investitures, as Lanfranc, his predecessor, was with his father. To whom Anselm said, that he promised not at any time that he would enter into this order to keep the law or custom of his father, as Lanfranc did. Moreover, as concerning homage to be done to the king, that he refused; alleging the censures of the pope’s excommunication, who, in his council of Rome a little before, a211 had given forth open sentence of excommunication upon all such lay persons, whatsoever they were, that should from henceforth confer or give any spiritual promotions, and also upon them that received them at their hands, either yet should consecrate any such receivers. Moreover, he accursed all them that for benefices or other ecclesiastical promotions should subject them selves under the homage or service of any great man, king, prince, duke, or earl of the laity. For it was unseemly, said the pope, and a thing very execrable, that the hands which were converted into so high a working as was granted to no angel (that is, to create him with their crosses, who created all, and to offer up the same before the sight of the Father for the salvation of the whole world), should be brought to such a slavery as to be subject to those filthy hands, which both day and night are polluted with shameful touchings, robberies, and bloodshed, etc. This decree of Pope Urban Anselm alleging for himself, denied to subject himself to the king’s homage, fearing, as he said, the pope’s excommunication. Upon this, messengers a212 were sent to Rome on both parts unto the pope, then Pope Paschal, who, stoutly standing to the steps and determinations of Urban, his predecessor, would in no case yield to the king’s investing. f292 In the mean time, while there was long disputation on both sides for investing, the nobles of the realm contended, that investings did belong to the king’s dignity: wherefore the king, calling for Anselm again, required him either to do homage to him, or else to void his kingdom. To whom Anselm replying again, required the pope’s letters to be brought forth, and, according to the tenor thereof, so the matter to be decided; for now the messengers were returned from Rome, with the pope’s answer, altogether siding with Anselm. Then said the king, “What have I to do with the pope’s letters? I will not forego the liberties of my kingdom for any pope.” Thus the contention continued between them. Anselm saith, he would not out of the realm, but depart home to his church, and there see who would offer him any violence: and so he did. Not long after, message came from the king to Anselm, requesting him, after a gentle sort, to repair to the king’s presence again, to put an end to the controversy, whereunto Anselm yielded and came. Then were new ambassadors sent again to the pope, that he would something qualify and moderate, or rather abolish, the strictness of the Roman decree beforementioned. On the part of Anselm went two monks, Baldwin of Bee and Alexander of Canterbury. a213 On the king’s behalf were sent two bishops, a214 Robert, bishop of Lichfield, and Herbert, bishop of Norwich, with the king’s letters written unto the pope, containing in form as followeth. f293 To the reverend father Paschal, the chief bishop, Henry, by the grace of God king of England, greeting. For this your promotion a215 unto the see of the holy church of Rome, as I am heartily glad, so my request is to you, that the friendship and amity, which hath been heretofore between my father and your predecessors in times past, may now also between us in like manner continue undiminished; and, that love and gentleness may first begin on my part, here I send to you that gift that St. Peter had in former time of my predecessors. And likewise the same honors and obedience which your predecessors have had in the realm of England before in the time of my father, I will you to have the same in my time also: after this form I mean and tenor, that the usage and manner of dignity, and such customs, as my father hath had in this realm of England, in the time of your ancestors, I in like ample manner also now, in your time, may fully enjoy the same in this the said realm of England. Thus, therefore, be it known to your holiness, that during this life of mine (God Almighty enabling me to the same) these abovenamed dignities, usages, and customs of this realm of England, shall in no part be lessened. Yea, and if that I (as God forbid I should) would so much deject myself unto such cowardliness, yet my nobles, yea, the whole people of England, in no case would suffer it. Wherefore, dear father, using with yourself a better deliberation in this matter, let your gentleness so moderate itself toward us, lest ye compel me, which I shall do against my will, to recede and depart utterly from your obedience.

    At the same time, also, he sent another letter or epistle to the said pope, craving of him the pall for Gerard, archbishop of York, the form whereof here also followeth: f294 To the reverend and well-beloved father universal, Pope Paschal, Henry, by the grace of God, king of England, greeting. The great love which I bear to you, and the no less gentleness in you, which not a little beautifieth your doings, ministereth to me boldness to write. And whereas I thought to have retained still this Gerard with me, and to have craved your pall for him by letters; yet, notwithstanding, when his desire could not otherwise be satisfied, but he would needs present himself before your presence, by his own heart to crave of you the same, I have sent him up unto you, desiring your benign fatherhood in this behalf, that he, obtaining the pall at your hands, may be sent home again to me. And thus, requiring the assistance of your prayers, I pray the Lord long to preserve your apostleship.

    This second letter of the king in sending for the pall was well taken of all the court of Rome, which (as mine author saith) procured such favor to Gerard, archbishop of York, and bringer thereof, that no complaint of his adversaries afterwards could hurt him with the pope. Notwithstanding, he was accused grievously for divers things, and specially for not standing to the consecration of Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury.

    Polvdore, in his eleventh book of his English history, affirmeth, that Anselm also went up to Rome with Gerard about the same cause. But both the premises and sequel of the story argue that to be untrue, for what need the two monks to be sent up on Anselm’s side, if he had gone up himself? Again, how could the pope write down by the said messengers to Anselm, if he had been present there himself? for so proceedeth the story by the narration of Malinesbury and others.

    After the ambassadors, thus on both sides sent up to Rome, had labored their cause with instant suit one against the other, the pope, glad to gratify the king, yet loath to grant his request, being against his own profit, and therefore more inclining to Anselm’s side, sendeth down his letters a216 to the said Anselm, signifying that he would not repeal the statutes of his holy fathers for one man’s pleasure; charging him, moreover, not only not to yield in the cause of investing, but constantly to adhere to the aforesaid decreement of Pope Urban, his predecessor, etc. Besides this letter to Anselm, he directed also another to the king himself, which, mine author saith, the king suppressed and did not show, a217 only declaring, by word of mouth, what the ambassadors had said unto him from the pope, which was, that he permitted unto him the license of investing, upon condition that in other things he would execute the office of a good prince, etc. To this, also, the testimony of the three bishops a218 above minded did accord, which made the matter more probable. But the two monks on the other side replied, bringing forth the letter of Anselm to the contrary, etc. To them it was answered, that more credit was to be given to the degree and testimony of the bishops, than to theirs; and that as for monks, they had no suffrage nor testimony in secular matters, and therefore they might hold their peace. “But this is no secular matter, said Baldwin, the monk of Bec. a219 Whereunto, again, the nobles of the king’s part answered, saying, that he was a good man, and of such demeanor, that they had nothing to say against him, neither so would, if they might; but that both human and divine reason taught them to yield more credit and confidence to the testimony of three bishops, than to that of two monks: whereby may well appear,, that Anselm at that time went not with them.

    Then Anselm, seeing a220 how the king and his peers were bent, and hearing also the testimony of the three bishops, against whom he saw he could not prevail, and also having the pope’s seal, which he saw to be so evident on the contrary side, made his answer again, that he would send to Rome for more certainty of truth: adding, moreover, that he neither would, nor durst give over his cause, though it should cost him his life, to do or proceed against the determination of the church of Rome, unless he had a perfect warrant of absolution from thence for his discharge. Then was it agreed a221 by the king and his nobles, that he should not send, but go himself to Rome, and much entreaty was made that he would take that journey himself, in his own person, to present himself to the pope for the peace of the church and of his country. And so, at length, by persuasion, he was content to go to Rome a222 and speak with the pope. In a short time after followeth also the king’s ambassador, William Waftwast, the newly elected bishop of Exeter, who there pleading on the king’s side for the ancient customs of the realm, and for the king’s right of investing, etc., first declared, how England, of a long. continuance, had ever been a province peculiar to the church of Rome, and how it payed duly its yearly tribute unto the same; inferring, moreover, how the king, as he was of nature very liberal, so also of courage he was a prince stout and valiant.

    Then what a shame would he think it to be to him, as it would indeed be, if he, who in might and dignity far exceeded all his progenitors, should not defend and maintain the liberties and customs by them procured.

    Wherefore he desired the pope to see to the matter, so that it might stand both with the king’s honor, and also with his own profit and advantage, who, otherwise, no doubt should lose a great piece of money out of the realm, unless he did remit something of the severity of his canons and laws decretal.

    With these and such other like persuasions to the same effect, the court of Rome was well contented, agreeing that the king’s request ought with all favor to be granted. But the pope and Anselm sat still marking their doings. The ambassador, supposing their silence to be half a yielding unto him, added moreover and said; that the king, no not for the crown of his realm, would lose the authority of investing or admitting his prelates within his dominion. Whereunto the proud pope answering again, burst out in these words: “Nor I,” said. he, “for the price of his head, as thou sayest, will lose the giving of spiritual promotions in England;” and, confirming it with an oath, “before God,” saith he, “I speak it; know it for a certainty,* for the whole price of his head, I will not permit it unto him, neither shall he have it.* Then it followeth in the story of Malmesbury, that with this word of the pope the minds of the rest were changed, saying, “Benedicta sit cordis tui constantia, benedicta oris tui loquela.” The king’s attorney also was therewith dashed, who, notwithstanding, brought it to pass, that certain of the king’s customs, used before of his father, were released unto him. At that time, in the same court, it was decreed,— the king only, who had invested them, being excepted,—that the others who were invested by the king should be excommunicated; the absolution and satisfaction of whom were left to Anselm, the archbishop.

    Thus Anselm, being dismissed from Rome, took his journey towards England: but the ambassador, pretending to go to St. Nicholas, remained behind, to see whether he could win the pope’s mind to the king’s purpose; but when he saw it would not be, he overtaketh Anselm by the way, at Placentia, a223 and openeth to him the king’s pleasure. “The king,” saith he, “giveth to you in charge and commandment, that if you will come to England, and there behave yourself to him, as your predecessors did to his father, you should be received and retained in the realm accordingly; if not, you are wise enough to know what I mean, and what will follow” f298 And so, with these words parting from him, he returned again to the king.

    Anselm remained at Lyons a year and a half, a224 writing divers letters to the king, after this effect, and in words as followeth:

    TO HIS REVEREND LORD, HENRY, KING OF ENGLAND, ANSELM, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, FAITHFUL SERVICE WITH PRAYERS: F299 Although ye understand by William Warlwast what we have done at Rome, yet I shall shortly show you that which belongeth to me. When I came to Rome, I declared the cause wherefore I came to the lord pope. He answered that he would not swerve from the statutes of his predecessors. Furthermore, he commanded me that I should have no fellowship with those who received investings of churches at your hands, after the knowledge of this prohibition, unless they would do penance, and forsake that which they had received, without hope of recovery; and that I should not communicate with the other bishops who had consecrated such men, except they would present themselves to the judgment of the apostolic see. The aforesaid William can be a witness of all these things if he will. This William, when we departed asunder, reckoning up in your behalf the love and liberality which you have had always towards me, warned me as your archbishop, that I should show myself such an one, that if I would come into England, I might be with you as my predecessor was with your father, and ye might treat me with the same honor and liberty that your father treated my predecessor. By which words I understand, that except I should show myself such an one, you would not have me come into England. For your love and liberality I thank you; but that I should be with you as my predecessor was with your father, I cannot do it, for I dare not do homage to you, nor do I dare communicate with those who take investings of churches at your hands, because of the aforesaid inhibition made, I myself hearing it.

    Wherefore, I desire you to send me your pleasure herein, if it please you, whether I may return into England, as I said, with your peace and the power of mine office. a225 In the mean while, great business there was, and much posting went to and fro between the king, the archbishop, and the pope, but nothing was done; for neither would the pope agree to the king, nor would the king condescend to the archbishop. At last the archbishop, seeing that by no means he could prevail against the king, thought to revenge himself by excommunication, and so went about the same. The king, having word thereof by the Countess Adela, his sister, desireth her to come to him into Normandy, and bring Anselm with her: whereupon, by the means of the countess, reconcilement a226 was made, and the archbishop was restored to his former possessions; only his return into England was deferred, because he would not communicate with those whom the king had invested. So the king took his passage over into England, and Anselm made his abode at the abbey of Bec.

    Then were ambassadors a227 again directed unto Rome, namely, William Warlwast, and Baldwin, above named, the monk of Bec; a228 who, at length, concluded the long controversy between the king and the pope upon this agreement: that the king should take homage of the bishops elect, but should not deal with investing them by staff and ring. While the ambassadors were thus in their suit at Rome, divers complaints were daily brought from England to Anselm against the priests and canons, who, in his absence, contrary to the late council holden at London, a229 received their wives into their houses again, and so were permitted by the king, paying him certain money for the same. Anselm, the sore enemy against lawful marriage, grieved therewith, addresseth his letters unto the king, requiring him to refrain from any more taking of such exactions, declaring, moreover, and affirming, that the offenses of all such ecclesiastical ministers must be corrected at the instance of bishops, and not of laymen. To this the king answereth gently again by letters, tempering himself, how he purposed shortly to come over into Normandy, and if he had done any thing amiss, either in these or other things, he would reform it by his obedience.

    It was not long after, a231 the messengers being now returned from Rome, a230 but the king, as he had promised, sped him into Normandy, where he, warring against his brother Robert, brought both him and the country of Normandy at last under his subjection. But first, meeting with Anselm at the abbey of Bec, he convented and agreed a232 with him in all such points as the archbishop required. As first, that all his churches, which before were made tributary unto King William, his brother, now should remain free from all tribute. Item, that lie should take none of the revenues of any of the churches, in the time of their being vacant. f301 Moreover, concerning such priests and ministers as had given money to the king for their company with their wives, it was agreed that they should surcease from all ecclesiastical function for the space of three years, and that the king should take no more after such manner. Item, that all such goods, fruits, and possessions, as had been taken away before from the archbishopric, should be restored at his coming again into England, etc.

    This Anselm, the stout champion of popery and superstition, after this victory gotten upon the king, for the which he so long fought, with joy and triumph saileth into England, a233 having all his popish requests obtained; where first he flieth like a lion upon the married priests, contrary to the word of God, divorcing and punishing that by man’s authority, which the eternal and almighty God had coupled. Next, he looketh to them who did hold any church by farm under the king. Against simony likewise, and against them that married within the seventh degree, he proceedeth with his full pontifical authority.

    Shortly after, as King Henry had finished his war in Normandy, and with victory had returned again into England, in the seventh year of his reign, a234 Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, by the permission of the king, assembled a great council at Westminster, in London, of the clergy and prelates of England, in the which, by the bishop of Rome’s authority, he so wrought with the king, that at length, albeit, as the story saith, not without great difficulty, it was newly confirmed and enacted, that no temporal man after that day should make investiture with cross or with ring, or with pastoral hook. In another council, a235 sundry and divers injunctions were given forth to priests and deacons, as divers other synodal acts also by the same Anselm had been concluded in other councils before. And because here falleth in mention of the acts synodal concluded in the time of this Anselm, I thought good to pack them all in one general heap together, as I find them in Malmesbury, and in other sundry authors scatteringly recited. f302 The first thing decreed by this Anselm in his synodal councils, was touching the fault of simony, for which divers, both bishops and abbots (as is aforesaid) were at the same time deposed. Laymen, also, were forbidden to confer any ecclesiastical promotion.

    Also, it was decreed, that bishops should not officiate (officium suscipiant) in secular pleas, and that such should not go apparelled as the laymen did, but should have their vestures decent, and meet for religious persons, and that in all places they should never go without some to bear witness of their conversation. f303 Item, That no archdeaconries should be let out to farm. Item, That no archdeacon should be under the degree of a deacon. Item, That no archdeacon, priest, deacon, or canon, should from thenceforth marry a wife, nor yet keep her, if he had been married to one before: Item, That every subdeacon, who is not a canon, after the profession of chastity marrying a wife, should be subject to the same rule.

    They ordained also, that a priest keeping company with a woman, should not be reputed priest, and that he should say no mass, and if he said mass, he should not be heard.

    They charged that none should be admitted to orders from that time forward, from the degree of a subdeacon and upwards, unless he did profess chastity.

    That priest’s sons should not claim by heritage the benefices of their fathers. Item, That no spiritual person should sit in any secular office; or be procurators or judges of blood. Item, That priests should not resort to taverns or banquets, nor sit drinking by the fire-side. f304 That the garments of priests should be of one color, and that their shoes should be decent (ordinata). Item, That monks, or any others of the clergy, if they forsook their order, either should come back again, or be excommunicated. Item, That the clergy should wear their crowns broad-shaved (patentes). Item, That no tithes should be given but to the churches. Item, That no churches or prebends should be bought.

    That no new chapels should be made without consent of the bishop.

    That no church should be hallowed, before the necessary provision were made for the priest and for the church to be maintained.

    That abbots should make no knights a238 (milites), and that they must both sleep and eat in the same house with their monks, unless some great necessity do let. Item, That monks do enjoin no penance to any man without the consent of the abbot; and that their abbots give no license therein, but only touching such persons toward whom they have a cure of souls.

    That no monks should be godfathers, or nuns godmothers.

    That monks should have no lordships to farm. Item, that monks should take no churches but by the bishop, neither should so spoil of their fruits the churches given unto them, that sufficient be not left for maintaining the churches and the officiating ministers of the same.

    That privy contracts of marriage between man and woman without witness should not stand, but be frustrated, if either party do go from the contract. Item, That such persons as did wear long hair a239 should be so rounded, that part of their ears appear, and that their eyes be not covered. Item, That there be no marriage between parties akin to the seventh generation, and that it do not continue if they be married, but that the marriage be broken. And that if any one privy to that incest do not detect the same, he to be held guilty of the same crime. Item, That no corpses be carried forth to burial out of their own parish, so that the priest thereof do lose that which to him is due. Item, That no man, upon any rash desire of novelty, do attribute any opinion of holiness or pay reverence to dead men’s bodies, to fountains, or to any other thing, as the use hath been in time past, without authority of the bishop. Item, That the infamous traffic of buying and selling of men like brute animals, be no longer used in England.

    Also, after the restraint of priests’ marriage, when unnatural crimes began to come in consequence thereof, they were forced to make another act, which was this, passed in this council. “With a grievous curse we condemn both those that. occupy unnatural, vice,. and those also that willingly assist them or be wicked doers with them in the same; till such time as they may deserve absolution by penance and confession.

    But whosoever shall be noised or proved to be of this wickedness, if he be of a religious order, he shall from thenceforth be promoted to no degree of honor, and he shall be deposed from any which he hath.

    If he be a lay person, he shall be deprived of his quality within the land, and be no better than a foreigner.

    And if he be a secular, let none but the bishop presume to absolve him.

    Be it also enacted, that the said curse be published on every Sunday, in every parish church of England.”

    But mark in this great matter what followed; for, as Ranulphus Cestrensis withesseth, this grievous general curse was soon called back again by the suit of certain who persuaded Anselm, that the publication, or opening of that vice, gave kindlings to the same in the hearts of lewd persons, ministering occasion of more boldness to them to do the like and so, to stop the occasion of this vice, the publication thereof was taken away; but the forbidding and restrainment of priests’ lawful marriage, which chiefly was the cause thereof, remained still. And thus, ever since, this horrible crime remained among the clergy, both for lack of marriage being more used, and for lack of publication less punished.

    Besides all these synodal acts above comprehended, and given out by Anselm in his councils before, at another council, held in London at Whitsuntide in the eighth year of this king [May 24th, A.D. 1208], a241 a242 he also directed other new injunctions to the priests.

    First, That the priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should live chastely, and retain no woman in their house, unless they were of their next kin. Item, That they who had retained their wives, or taken new ones, against the council of London, should never more meet them in one house, nor should their wives dwell in the church territory. Item, That such as had dissevered themselves from the society of their wives, and yet, for some honest cause, had to communicate with them, might do so if it were without door, and with at least two lawful witnesses. Item, If any one of them should be accused by two or three witnesses of breaking this statute, and could not purge himself again by six able men of his own order, if he be a priest, or if he be a deacon by four, or if he a subdeacon by two, then he should be judged a transgressor of the statute, deprived of his office and benefice, and not be admitted into the quire, but be treated as infamous. Item, He that rebelled, and in contempt of this new statute held still his wife, and presumed to say mass, upon the eighth day after, if he made not due satisfaction, should be solemnly excommunicated. Item, All archdeacons and deacons to be strictly sworn not to wink or dissemble at their meetings, or to bear with them for money. And if they would not be sworn to this, then to lose their offices without recovery. Item, Such priests, as forsaking their wives were willing to serve still, and remain in their holy order, first must cease forty days from their ministration, setting vicars for them in the mean time to serve, and taking such penance upon them, as by their bishop should be enjoined them.

    Thus have ye heard the tedious treatise of the life and doings of Anselm, how superstitious in his religion, how stubborn against his prince he was, what occasion of war and discord he would have ministered by his complaints, if they had been taken, what zeal without right knowledge, what fervency without cause he pretended, what pains without profit he took; who, if he had bestowed that time and travel in preaching Christ at home to his flock, which he took in gadding to Rome, to complain of his country, in my mind, he had been better occupied. Moreover, what violent and tyrannical injunctions he set forth of investing and other things, ye have heard; but especially against the lawful and godly marriage of priests.

    What a vehement adversary he was, in that respect, may appear by these minutes or extracts of letters, which we have here annexed; in form and effect as followeth:

    A LETTER OF ANSELM Anselm, archbishop, to his brethren and dearest sons, the lord prior and others at Canterbury f307 “As concerning priests, of whom the king commanded that they should have both their churches and their women as they had in the time of his father, and of Lanfranc, archbishop: both because the king hath revested and reseized the whole archbishopric, and because so cursed a marriage was forbidden in a council in the time of his father and of the said archbishop: boldly I command, by the authority which I have by my archbishopric, not only within my archbishopric, but also throughout England, that all priests, who keep wives, shall be deprived of their churches and ecclesiastical benefices.”

    A LETTER OF POPE PASCHAL TO ANSELM. “Pascal, bishop, servant of God’s servants, to his reverend brother Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, greeting and apostolical blessing. We believe your brotherhood is not ignorant what is decreed in the Romish church concerning priests’ children. But because there is so great a multitude of such within the realm of England, that almost the greater and better part of the clerks are reckoned to be on this side, therefore we commit this dispensation to your care; for we grant these to be promoted to holy offices by reason of the need at this time, and for the profit of the church (such as learning and life shall commend among you), so that, yet notwithstanding, the prejudice of the ecclesiastical decree be taken heed to hereafter, etc.”

    ANOTHER LETTER OF ANSELM FOR INVESTING. “To the Reverend Lord and loving Father Paschal, high bishop, Anselm, servant of Canterbury church, due subjection and continual prayers. After I returned to my bishopric in England I showed the apostolical decree, which I being present heard in the Romish council. 1. That no man should receive investing of churches at the king’s hand, or any lay person’s, or should become his man for it, and that no man should presume to consecrate him that did offend herein. When the king and his nobles, and the bishops themselves, and others of the lower degree, heard these things, they took them so grievously, that they said, they would in no case agree to the thing, and that they would drive me out of the kingdom, and forsake the Romish church, rather than keep this filing. Wherefore, reverend father, I desire your counsel by your letter, etc.”

    ANOTHER LETTER OF ANSELM.

    Anselm, archbishop, to the Reverend Gudulph, bishop, and to Arnulph, prior, and to William, archdeacon of Canterbury, and to all in his diocese, greeting, William, our archdeacon, hath written to me, that some priests that be under his custody (taking again their women that were forbidden) have fallen unto the uncleanness from the which they were drawn by wholesome counsel and commandment. When the archdeacon would amend this thing, they utterly despised, with wicked pride, his warning and worthy commandment to be received. Then he, calling together many religious men and obedient priests, excommunicated the proud and disobedient, who beastly despised the curse, and were not afraid to defile the holy ministry, as much as lay in them, etc.

    Unto these letters above prefixed, I have also adjoined another of the said Anselm, touching a great case of conscience, of a monk’s whipping himself. Wherein may appear both the blind and lamentable superstition of those religious men, and the judgment of this Anselm in the same matter.

    ANOTHER LETTER OF ANSELM.

    Anselm, archbishop, to Bernard, monk of the abbey of St.

    Warburg, greeting and prayer. f310 I heard it said of your lord abbot, that thou judgest it to be of greater merit, when a monk either beats himself, or desireth himself to be beaten of another than when he is beaten (not of his own will) in the chapter, by the commandment of the prelacy. But it is not as you think, for that judgment which any man commandeth to himself, is kingly; but that which he suffereth by obedience in the chapter, is monkish. The one is of his own will; the other is of obedience, and not of his own will. That which I call kingly, kings and rich proud men commanded to be done to themselves; but that which I call monkish, they take not commanding, but obeying. The kingly is so much easier, by how much it agreeth to the will of the sufferer; but the monkish is so much the more grievous, by how much it differeth from the will of the sufferer. In the kingly judgment, the sufferer is judged to be his own; in monkish he is proved not to be his own: for although the king, or rich man, when he is beaten, willingly showeth himself humbly to be a sinner; ye the would not submit himself to this humbleness at any other’s commandment, but would withstand the commander with all his strength. But when a monk submitteth himself to the whip humbly in the chapter at the will of the prelate, the truth judgeth him to be of so much greater merit, by how much he humbleth himself more and more, and more truly than the other. For he humbleth himself to God only, because he knoweth his sins, but this man humbleth himself to man for obedience. But he is more lowly that humbleth himself both to God and man for God’s cause, than he which humbleth himself to God only, and not to God’s commandment.

    Therefore, if he that humbleth himself shall be extolled, ergo, he that more humbleth himself, shall be more exalted. And where I said, that when a monk is whipped, it differeth from his will, you must not so understand it, as though he would not patiently bear it with an obedient will, but because by a natural appetite he would not suffer the sorrow. But if ye say, I do not so much fly the open beating for the pains (which I feel also secretly), as for the shame; know then that he is stronger that rejoiceth to bear this for obedience’ sake. Therefore be thou sure, that one whipping of a monk by obedience is of more merit than innumerable whippings taken by his own mind. But whereas he is such that he always ought to have his heart ready without murmuring obediently to be whipped, we ought to judge him then to be of a great merit, whether he be whipped privily or openly, etc.

    And thus much concerning Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, whose stout example gave no little courage to Thurstin and Becket, his successors, and others that followed after, to do the like against their kings and princes, as in process hereafter by the grace of Christ shall appear.

    About this time, two famous archbishops of Mentz, being right virtuous and well-disposed prelates, were cruelly and tyrannously dealt withal, and treated by the bishop of Rome. Their names were Henry and Christian. a243 This Henry, having intelligence that he was complained of to the pope, sent a learned man, a special friend of his, to excuse him, named Arnold; one for whom he had done much, and whom he had promoted to great livings and promotions. But this honest man Arnold, instead of an excuser, became an accuser, bribing the two chiefest cardinals with good gold; by which means he obtained of the pope, those two cardinals to be sent as inquisitors and only doers in that present case. They, coming to Germany, summoned the said Henry, and deposed him from his archbishopric in spite of all he could do either by law or justice, substituting in his place the aforesaid Arnold, in hope, truly, of the ecclesiastical gold. Whereupon that virtuous and honorable Henry, as the story telleth, spake unto those his perverse judges on this wise’ “If I should appeal unto the apostolic see for this your unjust protest had against me, perhaps the pope would attempt nothing more therein than ye have, neither should I win any thing by it, but only toil of body, loss of goods, affliction of mind, care of heart, and missing of his favor. Wherefore I do appeal unto the Lord Jesus Christ, as the most high and just judge, and cite you before his judgment, there to answer me before the high Judge; for neither justly nor godly, but by corruption as it pleaseth you, you have judged.” Whereunto they scoffingly answered: “Go you first, and we will follow.” Not long after, as the story goes, the said Henry died, whereof the said two cardinals having intelligence, said one to the other jestingly: “Behold, he is gone before, and we must follow according to ore’ promise.” And verily, they said truer than they were aware of; for within a while they died both in one day. For the one, sitting upon a jakes to ease himself, voided out all his entrails into the draught, and miserably ended his life; the other gnawing off the fingers of his hands, and spitting them out of his mouth, all deformed in devouring himself, died. And in like wise, not long after the end of these men, the aforesaid Arnold most horribly in a sedition was slain; and three days, lying stinking above the ground unburied, was open to the spoil of every rascal and harlot. The historiographer in declaring hereof crieth upon the cardinals in this manner: “O ye cardinals, ye are the beginning and authors hereof. Come hither, draw out now, and bear unto your master the devil, and together with that money which you have gulped down, offer him yourselves also.”

    About the same time and year in which King Henry began his reign, Pope Paschal entered his papacy, succeeding Urban, about A.D. 1100, nothing swerving from the steps of Hildebrand, his superior. This Paschal, being elected by the cardinals, after the people had cried thrice,” St. Peter hath chosen good Rainerus;” he then putting on a purple vesture, and a tiara upon his head, was brought upon a white palfrey into Lateran, where a scepter was given him, and a girdle put about him having seven keys, with seven seals hanging .thereupon for a recognizance or token of his sevenfold power, according to the sevenfold grace of the Holy Ghost, of binding, loosing, shutting, opening, sealing, resigning, and judging. After this Paschal was elected pope, Henry IV, the aforesaid emperor (of courage most valiant, if the time had served thereto,) thought to come up to Italy to salute the new pope; but, understanding the pope’s mind bent against him, he changed his purpose. In the mean time, Paschal, to show himself inferior to Hildebrand in no point, began first to depose all such abbots and bishops as the emperor had set up. Also he banished Albert, Theodoric, and Maginulph, striving at the same time for the papacy. I spake before of Guibert, whom Henry, the emperor, had made pope against Hildebrand.

    Paschal made out an army against this Guibert, who, being put to flight, not long after departed.

    About the same time, A.D. 1101, the bishop of Florence began to teach and to preach of antichrist then to be born and to be manifest, as Sabellicus testifieth; whereupon Paschal assembling a council at Florence a245 put to silence the said bishop, and condemned his books. In his council at Troyes, a246 priests that were married were condemned for Nicolaitans: Item, according to the decree of Hildebrand, all such of what degree or estate soever they were (being laymen) who gave any ecclesiastical dimities, were condemned of simony: Furthermore, the statute of priests’ tithes he there renewed, counting the selling away thereof as a sin against the Holy Ghost. Concerning the excommunication and other troubles, that Hildebrand wrought against Henry IV. the emperor, it is declared sufficiently before. a247 This excommunication Paschal, the pope, renewed afresh against the said Henry; and not only that, but also conventing the princes of Germany unto a general assembly, a248 he set up his own son against him, causing the bishops of Mentz, Cologne, and Worms, to deprive him of his imperial crown, and to place his son Henry V in his father’s kingdom; and so they did. Coming to the palace at Ingelheim, a249 first they required from him his diadem, his purple, his ring, and other ornaments pertaining to the crown. The emperor demanded the cause, being then excommunicated and void of friends. They pretended again, I cannot tell what, the selling of bishoprics, abbacies, and other ecclesiastical dignities for money; also alleging the pope’s pleasure and that of other princes. Then required he first of the bishop of Mentz, and likewise of the other two, whom he had preferred to their bishoprics before, asking them in order, if he had received of them any penny for his promoting them to their dignities. This when they could not deny to be so, “Well,” saith he, “and do you requite me again with this?” with divers other words of exhortation, admonishing them to remember their oath and allegiance to their prince. But the perjured prelates, neither reverencing his majesty, nor moved with his benefits, nor regarding their fidelity, ceased not for all this, but first plucked from him, sitting on his throne, his crown imperial, and then disvestured him, taking from him his purple and his scepter. The good emperor, being left desolate and in confusion, saith to them: “Videat Deus et judicet:” that is, “Let God see and judge.” Thus leaving him, they went to his son to confirm him in his kingdom, and caused him to drive his father out; who then being chased of his son, and having but nine persons about him, did flee by way of the dukedom of Limburgh, where the duke being then hunting, and perceiving and hearing of him, made after to follow him. The emperor fearing no other than present death, for he had displaced the same duke before out of his dukedom, submitted himself, craving of him pardon, and not revenge. The duke. full of compassion, and pitying his estate, not only remitted all his displeasure, but also received him to his castle. Moreover, collecting his soldiers and men of war, he brought him to Cologne, and there he was well received. His son hearing this, besieged that city. But the father, by night escaping, came to Liege, where resorted to him all such as were men of compassion and constant heart, insomuch that his power, being strong enough, he was now able to pitch a field against his enemies, and so he did, desiring his friends, that if he had the victory, they would spare his son. In fine, the battle joined, the father had the victory, the son being put to flight, and many slain on both sides. But shortly after, the battle being renewed again, the son prevailed, and the father was overcome and taken; who then, being utterly dispossessed of his kingdom, was brought to that exigency, that coming to Spires, he was feign to crave of the bishop there, whom he had done much for before, to have a prebend in the church: and for that he had some skill in his book, he desired to serve in our Lady’s quire; yet could he not obtain so much at his hand, who swore by our Lady, he should have nothing there. Thus the woeful emperor, most unkindly handled, and repulsed on every side, came to Liege, and there for sorrow died, a250 after he had reigned, forty years; whose body Paschal, after his funeral, caused to be taken up again, and to be brought to Spires, where it remained five years a251 unburied. f315 After the decease of this emperor Henry IV, his son Henry V reigned the space of twenty years. This prince coming to Rome to be crowned of the pope, could not obtain it, before he would fully assent to have this ratified, that no emperor should have any thing to do with the election of the Roman bishop, or with other bishoprics. Besides that, about the same time, such a stir was made in Rome by the said bishop, that if the emperor had not defended himself with his own hands, he had been slain. But as it happened, the emperor having victory, amongst many other Romans slain or taken in the same skirmish, taketh also the pope and leadeth him out of the city; where he intendeth with him a252 upon divers conditions, both of his coronation, and of recovering again his right and title in the election of the pope, and of other bishops: whereunto the pope assenting agreed to all. So the emperor, being crowned by Paschal, returned again with the pope of Rome.

    All the conditions between the emperor and the pope, so long as the emperor remained at Rome, stood firm and ratified; but. as soon as the emperor was returned again to Gemany, forthwith the pope, calling a synod, a253 not only revoked all that he had agreed to before, but also excommunicated Henry, the emperor, as he had done his father before, reproving the former ‘privilegium’ for ‘pravilegium.’ The emperor, returning from Rome to France, there married Matilda, daughter to King Henry; who then hearing what the pope had done, (grieved not a little,) with all expedition marched to Rome, and putteth the pope to flight, and finally placeth another in his stead. In the mean time the bishops of Germany, the pope’s good friends, slacked not their business, incensing the Saxons all that they might against their Caesar; insomuch that a great commotion was stirred up, and it grew at length to a pitched field, which was fought in the month of February, by the wood called Sylva Catularia.

    The emperor seeing no end of these conflicts, unless he would yield to the pope, was fain to give over, and forego his privilege, falling to a composition, not to meddle with matters pertaining to the pope’s election, nor with investing, nor such other things belonging to the church and churchmen; and thus was the peace between them concluded, and proclaimed to the no small rejoicing of both the armies, then lying by Worms, near the river Rhine.

    In the time of this Paschal lived Bernard, called Abbot of Clairvaux, A.D. 1108, of whom sprang the Bernardine monks.

    About this time the city of Worcester was almost consumed with fire.

    All this while Henry the emperor had no issue, having to wife Matilda, the daughter of Henry I, king of England, and that by the just judgment of God, as it may appear; for as he, having a father, persecuted him by the pope’s setting on, contrary to the part of a natural son; so God’s providence did not suffer him to be the father of any child, naturally to love him, or to succeed him.

    After the death of Paschal, A.D. 1118, succeeded Pope Gelasius, chosen by the cardinals, but without the consent of the emperor, whereupon rose no little variance in Rome; and at length another pope was set up by the emperor, called Gregory VIII, and Gelasius was driven away into France, and there died. After him came Calixtus II, chosen likewise by a few cardinals, without the voice of the emperor, who, coming up to Rome to enjoy his seat, first sent his legate into Germany to excommunicate the emperor Henry; who then, having divers conflicts with his fellow pope Gregory, at length, drave him out of Rome. At this time, by this occasion, great disputation and controversy arose between the emperor and the pope’s court, whether of them in dignity should excel the other; whereof reasons and arguments on both sides were alleged, which in the verses below are comprehended.

    ALLETHATIO IMPERATORIS CONTRA PAPAM. Caesar lex viva stat regibus imperativa, Legeque sub viva sunt omnia jura dativa:

    Lex ea castigat, solvit, et ipsa lithat.

    Conditor est legis, neque debet lege teneri, Sed sibi complacuit sub lege libenter haberi:

    Quicquid ei placuit, juris adinstar erat.

    Qui ligat ac solvit Deus ipsum protulit orbi, Divisit regnum divina potentia secum, Astra dedit superis, caetera cuncta sibi.

    RESPONSIO ROMANAE CURIAE CONTRA IMPERATOREM. Pars quoque papalis sic obviat imperiali.

    Sic regnare damus, quod Petro subjiciaris:

    Jus etenim nobis Christus utrumque parit.

    Spiritus et corpus mihi sunt subjecta potenter, Corpora terrena teneo, coelestia mente, Unde, tenendo polum, solvo ligoque solum.

    Aethera pandere, coelica tangere, papa videtum.

    Nam dare, tollere, nectere, solvere cuncta meretur, Cui dedit omne decus lex nova, lexque vetus:

    Annulus et baculus, quamvis terrena putentur, Sunt de jure poli: quae significare videntur, Respice jura Dei: mens tua cedat ei. etc.

    In conclusion, the emperor being overcome so much with the vain reasons of the pope’s side, and fearing the dangerous thunderbolt of his curse, (talking with princes, and persuaded with his friends,) was fain to condescend to the unreasonable conditions of the pope: first, to ratify his election, notwithstanding the other pope (whom the said emperor had set up) was yet alive; secondly, that he should resign his right and title in matters pertaining to the election of the pope, and investure of bishops.

    This being done and granted, and the writings thereof set up in the church of Lateran, for a triumph over the emperor thus subdued, the pope maketh out after Gregory, his fellow-pope, being then in a town called Sutrinm; which being besieged and taken, Gregory also was taken; whom, Calixtus the pope, setting him upon a camel, with his face to the camel’s tail, brought him thus through the streets of Rome, holding the tail in his hand instead of a bridle; and afterward, being shorn, he was thrust into a monastery.

    Amongst many acts done by this glorious pope, first he established the decrees of the papal see against this emperor. He brought in the four quarter fasts, called Ember days. f318 By the same Calixtus the order of monks, called Praemonstratenses, a254 was brought in.

    Further, by him it was decreed to be judged for adultery, if any person, during his lifetime, had put from him either bishopric or benefice; grounding upon this scripture of St. Paul to the Romans, “The wife is bound to the law of her husband, so long as the husband liveth; after he is dead she is loosed from the law of her husband,” etc. Item, the same Calixtus, holding a general council at Rheims, a255 decreed that priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should put away their concubines and wives; and that whosoever was found to keep his wife, should be deprived of benefice, and all other ecclesiastical livings: whereupon a certain English writer made these verses following: “O bone Calixte, nunc omnis clerus odit to:

    Quondam presbyteri poterant uxoribus uti, Hoc destruxisti, postquam tu papa fuisti,” etc.

    That is, word for word, “The hatred of the clergy hast thou, good Calixtus, For sometimes priests might use their wives right; But that thou hast rejected, since pope thou wast elected.” And thus much of the Roman matters. Now to our country story again.

    After the death of Anselm beforementioned, who deceased 1109, after he had been in the see fifteen years, the church of Canterbury stood void five years; and the goods of the church were spent to the king’s use. When he was prayed to help the church that was so long without a pastor, he in his answer pretended that as his father and brother had been accustomed there to set the best tried and approved men that might be found, so to the intent that he might do the same, in choosing those who either should equal the former examples of them before, or at least follow their footsteps as near as they could, he took therein the more time and leisure. And so with shift of answer he dallied out the time, while he had filled his coffers with the commodities of that benefice. The same year, a256 after the death of Anselm, the king converted the abbey of Ely to a bishopric, which before was under the bishopric of Lincoln; placing there Henry, bishop of Bangor, as the first bishop of that see. And, as of late years before this, divers wonders were seen, as stars falling from heaven so thick that they could not be numbered, at the setting forth of the Christians to the Holy Land; a blazing star over Constantinople; a spring boiling out blood, seen at Finchamstead, in Berkshire, three weeks together, A.D. 1090. After that, the firmament appeared so red, as if it had been all on fire; also two full moons appeared together, one in the east, the other in the west, on Maunday Thursday; with a blazing star, in the same year, appearing about the taking of Duke Robert, having a white circle enclosing it; A.D. 1106. Also with an eclipse of the sun darkened after that. So likewise about this present year, A.D. 1110, was seen the flood of Trent, about Nottingham, so dried up from morning to three of the dock at afternoon, that men might go over it dry shod. Also in Shrewsbury a great earthquake happened; and after that followed a sharp winter, great murrain of beasts and pestilence of men, as Gualter Gisburn recordeth. f323 Moreover the same author mentioneth, that about the same year the like vading of water also happened in the flood of Medway; and in the Thames, between the bridge and the Tower, and under the bridge, from midnight to the next evening, was so great an ebb, that an innumerable sort of people and children waded over, scarcely knee deep in the water, the sea withdrawing his tide ten miles from his accustomed course. In this year also, as the said authors and Jornalensis do testify, the city of Worcester by casualty was consumed with fire; also the city of Chester, A.D. 1114. f325 The same year (A.D. 1114) Rodolph, bishop of Rochester, an Englishman, was promoted to be archbishop of Canterbury; and Thurstin, the king’s chaplain, was elected archbishop of York; who, being content to receive his benediction or consecration of the see of Canterbury, yet, because he refused to make his profession of obedience to the same see, was by the king deprived of his dignity.

    Then Thurstin, by the instigation of certain of his clerks at York, took his journey to Rome; who, there making his complaint to Pope Paschal, brought with him a letter from the pope to the king, where, among other words was contained as followeth; We hear and understand, that the archbishop elect of the church of York, a discreet and industrious man, is sequestered from the church of York; which standeth against both divine justice and the institution of the holy fathers. Our purpose is, that neither the church of Canterbury should be impaired, nor again that the church of York should suffer any prejudice, but that the same constitution, which was by blessed Gregory, the apostle of the English nation, set and decreed between those two churches, should remain still in force and effect inviolate. Wherefore, as touching the aforesaid elect, let him be received again by any means, as right and meet it is, into his church. And if there be any question between the aforesaid churches, let it be handled and decided in your presence, both the two parties being there present.”

    Upon occasion of this letter there was a solemn assembly appointed at Salisbury, a257 about the hearing of this controversy. The variance between these two prelates still increased more and more. Rodulph, archbishop of Canterbury, in no case would yield or condescend to give imposition of hands unto him, unless he would make his profession of obedience. Thurstin again said, he would willingly receive and embrace his benediction; but as touching the profession of his subjection, that he would not agree to. Then the king, declaring his mind therein, signified unto Thurstin, that, without his subjection and obedience professed to the archbishop of Canterbury, he should not enjoy his consecration to be archbishop of York. Whereunto Thurstin, nothing replying again, renounced his archbishopric, promising, moreover, to make no more claim unto it, nor to molest those who should enjoy it.

    Shortly after this, it happened that Pope Paschal died; after whom, as is above-rehearsed, succeeded Pope Gelasius, who lived not a year, and died in France. Whereupon the cardinals, who then followed the said Pope Gelasius unto Clugny, created another pope of their own choosing, whom they called Calixtus II. The other cardinals who were at Rome did choose another pope, called Gregory, of whom mention before is made: about which two popes much stir there was in Christian realms. As this Calixtus was remaining in France, and there calling a general council at Rheims, as ye heard before, a258 Thurstin, the archbishop of York, desired license of the king to go to the council, purposing there to open the cause of his church; which eftsoons he obtained: first promising the king that he would there attempt nothing that should be prejudicial to the church of Canterbury. In the mean time the king had sent secret word unto the pope by Rodulph and other procurators, that in no case he would consecrate Thurstin. Yet, notwithstanding the faithful promise of the pope made to the king, so it fell out, that the said pope, through the suit of his cardinals, whom Thurstin had won to him, was inclined to consecrate him, and gave him the pall. For this deed the king was sorely discontented with Thurstin, and warned him the entry of this land.

    In this council at Rheims, abovementioned, where were gathered prelates, these five principal acts were concluded: 1. That no man should either buy or sell any bishopric, abbotship, deanery, archdeaconship, priesthood, prebendship, altar, or any ecclesiastical promotion or benefice, orders, consecration, churchhallowing, seat or stall within the quire, or any office ecclesiastical, under danger of excommunication if he did persist. 2. That no layperson should give investiture of any ecclesiastical possession; and that no spiritual man should receive any such at any layman’s hand, trader pain of deprivation. 3. That no man should invade, take away, or detain the goods or possessions of the church; but that they should remain firm and perpetual, under pain of perpetual curse. 4. That no bishop or priest should leave any ecclesiastical dignity benefice to any by way of inheritance. Adding, moreover, that for baptism, chrism, annoiling, or burial, no money should be exacted. 5. That all priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should be utterly debarred and sequestered from company of their wives and concubines, under pain of exclusion from all Christian communion.

    The acts thus determined were sent at once to Henry, the emperor, to see and try, before the breaking up of the council, whether he would agree to the canonical elections, free consecration, and investing of spiritual persons, and to other acts of the council. The emperor maketh answer again, that he would lose nothing of that ancient custom which his progenitors had given him. Notwithstanding, because of the authority of the general council, he was content to consent to the residue, save only the investing of ecclesiastical function to be taken from him, to which he would never agree. Upon this, at the next return of the pope to the council, the emperor was appointed to be excommunicated; which thing, when divers of the council did not well like, and therefore did separate themselves from the; rest, the pope applying against them the similitude of the seventy disciples who were offended at the Lord, when he taught them of eating of his flesh and blood, and therefore divided themselves from him, declaring, moreover, to them, how they who gathered not with him scattered, and they that were not with him were against him: by these,, and such like persuasions, reduced them again to his side; and so, by that council, Henry the emperor was excommunicated.

    It was not long after that the pope came to Gisors, where Henry, king of England, resorted to him, desiring, and also obtaining of him, that he would send henceforth no legate, nor permit any to be sent from Rome to England, unless the king himself should so require, by reason of some occasion of strife, which else could not be otherwise decided by his own bishops at home. The cause why the king required this of the pope was, for that certain Roman legates had been in England a little before; to wit, one Guido, and another Roman, named Anselm, and another also called Peter, who had spoiled the realm of great treasure, as the accustomed manner of the proud pope’s legates is wont to be. Also he required of the pope that he might use and retain all the customs used before by his forefathers in England and in Normandy.

    To these petitions the pope did easily consent, requiring again of the king that he would license Thurstin, the archbishop above-named, to return with favor into his realm. But that the king utterly denied, unless he would profess subjection to the church of Canterbury, as his predecessors had done before; and excused himself by his oath which he before had made.

    To this the pope answered again, that he, by his authority apostolical, both might, and would also, easily dispense with him for his promise or oath. Then the king said that he would talk with his council thereof, and so send him an answer of his mind; which answer was this, That for the love and request of the pope, he was content that Thurstin should re-enter his realm, and quietly enjoy his prelateship, upon this condition, that he would (as his predecessors did) profess his subjection to the church of Canterbury. Otherwise, said he, so long as he was king, he should never sit archbishop of the church of York. And thus ended that meeting between the king of England and the pope for that time.

    The year following, which was A.D. 1120, the aforesaid pope, Calixtus, directeth his letters for Thurstin to the king, and to Rodulph, archbishop of Canterbury; in which epistles, by his full power apostolical, he doth interdict both the church of Canterbury and the church of York, with all the parish churches within the same cities, from all divine service, from the burial also of the dead, except only the baptizing of children, and the absolution of those who lie dying; unless, within a month after the receipt of the same, Thurstin, without any exaction of subjection made, were received and admitted to the see of York, and that the king likewise should doubtless be excommunicated, except he would consent unto the same.

    Whereupon Thurstin, for fear of the pope’s curse, was immediately sent for and reconciled to the king, and was placed quietly in his archiepiscopal see of York.

    It followed not long after, within two years, that Rodulph, archbishop of Canterbury, departed; in whose see succeeded after him Gulielmus de Turbine. About this time, in the seven and twentieth year of the king’s reign, the Grey Friars, by the procuring of the king, came first into England, and had their house first at Canterbury. About the same season, or a little before, the king called a council at London, where the spirituality of England, not knowing to what purpose it was required, condescended to the king to have the punishment of married priests: by reason of which grant, whereof the spirituality afterwards much repented, the priests, paying a certain fine to the king, were suffered to retain their wives still, whereby the king gathered no small sum of money. At this time began the first foundation of the monastery called Gisburn, in Cleveland. a259 It was above touched, how Matilda, or Maud, daughter to King Henry, was married to Henry V the emperor; who, after the decease of the said emperor, her husband, returned about this time with the imperial crown to her father in Normandy, bringing with her the hand of St. James; for joy whereof the king built the abbey of Reading, where the said hand was reposed. This Matilda was received by the said council to be next heir to the king, her father, in possession of the English crown, for lack of issue male; and soon after she was sent over to Normandy, to marry Geoffrey Plantagenet,. earl of Anjou, of whom came Henry II, who, after Stephen, was king of England. About. this time also was founded the priory of Norton, in the province of Chester, by one William Fitz-Nigelle.

    In the stones of Polychronicon, Jornalensis, and Polydore, is declared, how King Henry was troubled greatly with three sundry t visions appearing unto him by night. The first was of a great multitude of husbandmen of the country, who appeared to fly upon him with their mattocks and instruments, requiring of him his debt which he did owe unto them. In the second, he saw a great number of soldiers and harnessed men coming fiercely upon him. In the third, he saw a company of prelates and churchmen, threatening him with their bishops’ staves, and fiercely approaching upon him; whereupon being dismayed, in all haste he ran and took his sword to defend himself, finding there none to strike. Who afterward asking counsel concerning these visions, was monished by one of his physicians named Grimbald, by repentance, alms, and amendment of life, to make some amends to God and to his country, whom he offended.

    Which three vows thus being made, the next year after he went to England; where he, being upon the seas in a great tempest with his daughter Matilda, remembered there his three vows; and so coming to the land, for performance of the same, first released unto the commons the Dane-gilt which his father and brother before had renewed. Secondly, he went to St.

    Edmundsbury, where he showed great benefits to the churchmen. Thirdly, he procured justice to be administered more rightly throughout his realm, etc. Also he ordained and erected a new bishopric at Carlisle.

    In the three and thirtieth year of this king’s reign (as withesseth a certain author) a great part of the city of London, with the church of St. Paul, was burned with fire in Whitsun week.

    After Calixtus (whose story and time is before discoursed) succeeded Pope Honorius II; notwithstanding that the cardinals had elected another, yet he, by the means of certain citizens, obtained the papacy, A.D. 1124. About the second year of his induction, a260 as is to be read in Matthew Paris, there was a certain legate of his, called John de Crema, sent down to England from the pope for the redress I cannot well tell whereof; but, indeed, the chief purpose of his coming, as of all others after him in those days, was to fill their pouches with English money, as may further appear by their proceedings. This legate coming then with the pope’s letters directed both into England and Scotland, after he had well refreshed himself in bishops’ houses, and amongst the abbots, at length resorted to London, where he assembled the whole clergy together, a261 inquiring of priests’ concubines, otherwise called their wives, and made thereupon a statute in the said synod of London, after this tenor: “To priests, deacons, subdeacons, and canons, we do utterly inhibit, by authority apostolical, all manner of society and conversation with all kinds of women, except, only their mother, sister, or aunt, or such whereof can rise no suspicion. And whosoever shall be found to violate this decree, being convict thereof, shall sustain thereby the loss of all that he hath by his order. Moreover, amongst kindred or such as be joined in affinity, we forbid matrimony unto the seventh generation.” But see how God worketh against such ungodly proceedings. the next night after, a262 it happened the same cardinal, ruffling, and reveling with his concubines, to be apprehended in the same vice whereof he had so straitly given out precepts the day before, to the no little slander and shame, as Matthew Paris doth write, of the whole clergy.

    Unto A.D. 1125, lived Henry V the emperor, after he had reigned twenty years, dying without issue, as is before mentioned. Next after Henry, the imperial crown came unto Lothaire, duke of Saxony.

    Certain historians, a263 as Hugo, Platina, Sabellicus, etc., make mention of one Arnulph, in the time of this Pope Honorius II. Some say he was archbishop of Lyons. Trithemius saith he was a priest, whose history, as it is set forth in Trithemius, I will briefly in English, express. About this time, saith he, in the days of Honorius II, one Arnulph, priest, a man zealous and of great devotion, and a worthy preacher, came to Rome, which Arnulph, in his preaching, rebuked the dissolute and lascivious looseness, incontinency, avarice, and immoderate pride of the clergy, provoking all to follow Christ and his apostles in their poverty rather, and in pureness of life. By reason whereof this man was well accepted, and highly liked of the nobility of Rome for a true disciple of Christ; but of the cardinals and the clergy he was no less hated than favored of the other, insomuch that privily, in the night season, they took him and destroyed him. This his martyrdom, saith he, was revealed to him before from God by an angel, he being in the desert, when he was sent forth to preach at Rome; a264 whereupon he said to them publicly with these words: “I know,” saith he, “ye seek my life, and know you will shortly make me away privily: but why? Because I preach to you the truth, and blame your pride, stoutness, avarice, incontinency, with your unmeasurable greediness in getting and heaping up riches, therefore be you displeased with me. I take here heaven and earth to witness, that I have preached to you that I was commanded of the Lord. But you contemn me and your Creator, who by his only-begotten Son hath redeemed you. And no marvel if you seek my death, being a sinful person, preaching unto you the truth, when as if St. Peter were here this day and rebuked your vices, which do so multiply above all measure, you would not spare him neither.” And having expressed a265 this with a loud voice, he said moreover: “For my part I am not afraid to suffer death for the truth’s sake; but this I say to you, that God will look upon your impurities, and will be revenged; for you, being full of all impurity, play the blind guides to the people committed to you, leading them the way to hell; but God is a God of vengeance.” Thus the hatred of the clergy being incensed against him for preaching truth, they conspired against him, and so laying privy wait for him, took him and drowned him. Sabellicus and Platina say they hanged him. a266 In the second tome of the General Councils, printed at Cologne, is mentioned a certain book called “Opusculum Tripartitum,” written, as the collector of the councils supposeth, above four hundred years ago, a267 either of this Arnulph, or just about the same time. In this book, the writer complaineth of many enormities and abuses in the church. First, of the number of holy days, declaring what occasions of vice grew thereby, according unto the common saying of naughty women, who say, a268 they vantage more in one holy day than in fifty other days besides. Item, he complaineth of the curious singing in cathedral churches, whereby many be occasioned to bestow much good time, yea, many years, about the same, which otherwise they might give to the learning of better sciences. a269 Likewise he complaineth of the rabble and the multitude of begging friars, and religious men and professed women, showing what great occasion of idle and uncomely life cometh hereof.

    Also of the inconsiderate promotion of evil prelates, and of their great negligence in correcting and reforming the evil demeanor of the people. Item, of the great wantonness and lasciviousness in their servants and families, concerning their excessive wearing of apparel. Item, he complaineth also of the outrageous and excessive gains that prelates and others under them take for their seal, especially of officials, scribes, and such like; who give out the seal they care not how, nor wherefore, so they may gain money.

    He complaineth in like manner, that prelates be so slack and negligent; in looking to the residents in their benefices.

    Further, he lamenteth the rash giving of benefices to parsons, vicars, and curates, not for any godliness or learning in them, but for favor or friendship, or intercession, or else for hope of some gain, whereof springeth this great ignorance in the church.

    After this, he noteth in prelates, how they waste and expend the goods of the church in superfluities; or upon their kinsfolks, or other worse ways, which should rather be spent on the poor.

    Next, in the tenth chapter he complaineth, that through the negligence of men of the church, especially of the church of Rome, the books and monuments of the old councils, and also of the new, are not to be found, which should be reserved and kept in all cathedral churches. Item, that many prelates be so cold in doing their duties. Also he reproacheth the unchaste and voluptuous demeanor of ecclesiastical persons by the example of storks, whose nature is, saith he, that if any of their company, leaving his own mate, joineth with any other, all the rest fly upon him, whether it be he or she, beat him, and pluck his feathers off: “What then,” saith he, “ought good prelates to do to such a person of their company, whose filthiness and corrupt life both defile so many, and stinketh in the whole church?”

    Again, forasmuch as we read in the first book of Esdras (chap. 9.), that he, purging Israel of strange women, began first with the priests; so now likewise in the purging and correcting of all sorts of men, first the purgation ought to begin with these, according as it is written by the prophet Ezekiel, “Begin first with my sanctuary.”

    Moreover, seeing that in the time of Philip, king of France, the whole realm was interdicted, for that the king had a woman for his wife, a270 who could not be his wife by law; and again, seeing in these: our days the king of Portugal hath been sequestered from his dominion by the authority of the church, being thought not sufficient to govern; -what then ought to be said to the prelate who abuseth other men’s wives, and virgins and nuns, who also is found unable and insufficient to take upon him the charge of souls?

    About A.D. 1128, the order of the knights of the Rhodes, called Johannites, also the order of Templars, rose up.

    After Honorius, next in the same usurpation succeeded Pope Innocent II, A.D. 1180. But as it was with his predecessors before him, that at every mutation of new popes, came new perturbations, and commonly never a pope was elected but some other was set up against him, sometimes two, sometimes three popes together, so likewise it happened with this Innocent; for after he was chosen, the Romans elected another pope, named Anacletus. Betwixt these two popes there was much ado, and great conflicts, through the partaking of Roger, duke of Sicily, taking Anacletus’s part against Innocent until Lothaire the emperor came; who, rescuing Innocent, drove Roger out of Italy. Our stories record, that King Henry was one of the great helps in setting up and maintaining this Pope Innocent against Anacletus. f333 Amongst many other things, this pope decreed that whosoever did strike a priest or clerk, being shaven, he should be excommunicated, and not be absolved but only by the pope himself.

    About the time of doing these things, A.D. 1135, King Henry, being in Normandy, as some say, by taking there a fall from his horse, or, as others say, by taking a surfeit in eating lampreys, fell sick and died, after he had reigned over the realm of England five and thirty years and odd months, leaving for his heirs Matilda, the empress, his daughter, with her young son Henry to succeed him, to whom all the prelates and nobility of the realm were sworn. But, contrary to their oath made to Matilda, in the presence of her father before, William, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the nobles of the realm, crowned Stephen, earl of Boulogne, and sister’s son to King Henry, upon St. Stephen’s day, a271 in Christmas week; which archbishop the next year after died, being, as it was thought, justly punished for his perjury. And many other lords, who did accordingly, went not quit without punishment. In the like justice of punishment is numbered also Roger, bishop of Salisbury; who, contrary unto his oath, being a great doer in the coronation of Stephen, was apprehended of the same king, and miserably, but justly, extermined.

    A certain written English story I have, which addeth more, and saith, that King Stephen, having many foes in divers quarters keeping their holds and castles against him, went to Oxford, and took the bishop of Salisbury, and put a rope about his neck, and so led him to the castle of Vies, a272 that was his, and commanded them to render up the castle, or he would slay and hang their bishop. Which castle being given up, the king took the spoil thereof. The like also he did unto the bishop of Lincoln, named Alexander; whom in like manner he led in a rope to a castle of that bishop’s, that was upon Trent, and bade them deliver up the castle, or else he would hang their lord before their gate. Long it was before the castle was given up; yet at length the king obtaining it, there entered and took all the treasure of the bishop, etc. Roger Hoveden and Fabian alleging a certain old author, whom I cannot find, refer a great cause of this perjury unto one Hugh Bigot, sometime steward with King Henry; who, immediately after the death of the said Henry, came into England, and before the said archbishop, and other lords of the and, took wilfully an oath, and swore, that he was present a little before the king’s death, when King Henry admitted for his heir, to be king after him, Stephen his nephew, forasmuch as Matilda his daughter had discontented him.

    Whereunto the archbishop, with the other lords, gave too hasty credence.

    But this Hugh, saith he escaped not unpunished, for he died miserably in a short time after. Albeit all this may be supposed rather to be wrought not without the practice of Henry, bishop of Winchester, and other prelates by his setting on, which Henry was brother to King Stephen.

    STEPHEN F337 Thus, when King Stephen, contrary unto his oath made before to Matilda, the empress, had taken upon him the crown, as is above said, he swore before the lords at Oxford, that he would not hold the benefices that were voided, and that he would remit the Dane-gilt, with many other things, which afterwards he little performed. Moreover, because he dreaded the coming of the empress, he gave license to his lords, every one to build upon his own ground strong castles or fortresses, as they liked. All the time of his reign he was vexed with wars, but especially with David, king of the Scots, with whom he was at length accorded: but yet the Scottish king did him no homage, because he was sworn to Matilda, the empress.

    Notwithstanding this, Henry, the eldest son to King David, did homage to King Stephen. But he, after repenting thereof, entered into Northumberland with a great host, and burnt and slew the people in most cruel wise, neither sparing man, woman, nor child. Such as were with child they ripped up; the children they tossed upon their spears’ points; and laying the priests upon the altars, they mangled and cut them all to pieces, after a most terrible manner. But by the manhood of the English lords and soldiers, and through the means of Thurstin, archbishop of York, they were met withal, and a great number of them slain, David their king being constrained to give up Henry, his son, as hostage for surety of peace. In the mean time, King Stephen was occupied in the south countries, besieging divers castles of divers bishops and other lords, and took them by force, and fortified them with his knights and servants, with intent to withstand the empress, whose coming he ever feared.

    About the sixth year of his reign, Matilda, the empress, came into England out of Normandy, and by the aid of Robert, earl of Gloucester, and Ranulph, of Chester, made strong war upon King Stephen. In the end the king’s party was chased, and himself taken prisoner, and sent to Bristol, there to be kept in sure hold. The same day when King Stephen should join his battle, it is said in a certain old chronicle before mentioned, that he being at the mass /which then the bishop of Lincoln said before the king), as he went to offer up his taper, it brake in two; and when the mass was done, (at what time the king should have been houseled) the rope whereby the pix did hang did break, and the pix fell down upon the altar.

    After this battle, the queen, King Stephen’s wife, lying then in Kent, made great labor to the empress and her council, to have the king delivered and put into some house of religion, but could not obtain it. Also the Londoners made great suit to the said empress, to have and to use again St.

    Edward’s laws, and not the laws of her father, which were more strict and strange unto them than the others. When they could not obtain this of her and her council, the citizens of London, being therewith discontented, would have taken the empress; but she having knowledge thereof, fled privily from London to Oxford. But the Kentish-men and Londoners, taking the king’s part, joined battle against the empress; when the aforesaid Robert, earl of Gloucester, and base brother to the empress, was taken, and so, by exchange, both the king and earl Robert were delivered out of prison. Then Stephen, without delay gathering to him a strong army, straitly pursued the aforesaid Matilda, or Maud, with her friends, besieging them in the castle of Oxford, in the siege whereof fell a great snow and frost, so hard, that a man well laden might pass over the water; upon which occasion, the empress bethinking herself, appointed with her friends and retinue, clothed in white sheets, and issuing out by a postern gate, went upon the ice over Thames, and so escaped to Wallingford, After this, the king (the castle being gotten), when he found not the empress, was much displeased, and molested the country round about divers ways. In conclusion, he pursued the empress and her company so hard, that he caused them to fly the realm, which was in the sixth year of his reign.

    The second year after this, which was the eighth year of his reign, there was a parliament held in London, to which all the bishops of the realm resorted, and there denounced the king accursed, and all those with him, who did any hurt to the church, or to any minister thereof. Whereupon the king began somewhat to amend his conditions for a certain space, but afterward, as my story saith, was as ill as he was before; but what the causes were, my author maketh no mention.

    To return again to the story: the empress, compelled, as is said, to fly the realm, returned again into Normandy, to Geoffery Plantagenet her husband, who, after he had valiantly won and defended the duchy of Normandy, against the puissance of King Stephen a long time, ended his life, leaving Henry, his son, to succeed him in that dukedom. In the mean while, Robert, earl of Gloucester, and the earl of Chester, who were strong of people, had divers conflicts with the king, insomuch that at a battle at Wilton, between them, the king was well nigh taken, but yet escaped with much difficulty.

    It was not long before Eustace, son to King Stephen, who had married the French king’s sister, made war on Duke Henry of Normandy, but prevailed not. Soon after, the said Henry, duke of Normandy, in the quarrel of his mother Matilda, with a great puissance entered England, and at the first won the castle of Malmesbury, then the Tower of London, and afterward the town of Nottingham, with other holds and castles, as of Wallingford, and other places. Thus, between him and the king were fought many battles, to the great annoyance of the realm. During that time, Eustace, the king’s son, departed; upon which occasion the king caused Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, who succeeded next after William, above mentioned, to make overtures to the duke for peace, which was concluded between them upon this condition,—that Stephen, during, his lifetime, should hold the kingdom, and Henry, in the mean time, be proclaimed heir apparent, in the chief cities throughout the realm. These things done, Duke Henry taketh his journey into Normandy, King Stephen and his son William bringing him on his way, where William, the king’s son, taking up his horse before his father, had a fall, and brake his leg, and so was had to Canterbury. The same year, about October, King Stephen, as some say for sorrow, ended his life, after he had reigned nineteen years perjuredly.

    As Theobald succeeded William, archbishop of Canterbury, so in York, after Thurstin, succeeded William, who was called St. William of York, and was poisoned in his chalice by his chaplains.

    In the time of this king, in the sixteenth year of his reign, Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, and legate to the pope, did hold a council in London. In this council first began new-found appellations from councils to the pope, found out by Henry, bishop of Winchester; for, as the words of mine author do record, “In Anglia namque appellationes in usu non erant, donec eas Henricus Wintoniensis episcopus, dum lethatus esset, malo suo crudeliter intrusit. In eodem namque concilio ad Romani pontificis audientiam ter appellaturn est,” etc. That is, “for appellations before were not in use in England, till Henry, bishop of Winchester, being then the pope’s legate, brought them cruelly in, to his own hurt. For in that council appeal was thrice made to the bishop of Rome.” A.D. 1151.

    In the time of King Stephen died Gratian, a273 a monk of Bologna, who compiled a book of papal decrees, called ‘ Decreturn;’ also his brother, Peter Lombard, bishop of Paris, who is called ‘the Master of Sentences,’ compiled his four books of the ‘Sentences.’ These two brethren were the greatest doers in finding out and establishing this blind opinion of the sacrament, that only the similitude of bread and wine remained, but not the substance of them; and this they call the spiritual understanding of the mystery, and therefore no marvel if the sun in those days were seen black and dim.

    Some, also affirm, that Petrus Comestor, writer of the Scholastieal History, was the third brother to these above-named.

    At the same time, and in the reign of the said King Stephen, was also Hugo, surnamed “De Sancto Victore;” about the which time, as Polychronieon reciteth, lived and died Bernard of Clairvaux.

    The author of the history called ‘Jornalensis,’ maketh also mention of Hildegard, the nun and prophetess, in Almain, as having lived in the same age; concerning whose prophecy against the friars, hereafter (by the grace of Christ) more shall be said, when we come to recite the order and number of friars and religious men crept into the church of Christ.

    We read, moreover, of one named Johannes de Temporibus, who, by the affirmance of most of our old histories, lived three hundred and sixty-one years, servant a274 once to Charlemagne, and in the reign of Stephen king of England died. f340 In the days also of this king, and by him, was built the abbey of Feversham, where his son and he were buried. He built the monastery of Furness, and that of Fountains; a275 a276 also the castle of Wallingford, with a number of other castles more.

    During the time of the said King Stephen, A.D. 1144, the miserable Jews crucified a child in the city of Norwich. a277 f341 Much about the same time came up the order of the Gilbertines, by one Gilbert, son to Jacoline de Sempringham, a knight of Lincolnshire.

    Mention hath been made before of certain English councils holden in the time of this king, where, in one of them, under Theobald the archbishop of Canterbury, it was decreed that bishops should live more discreetly; should teach their flock more diligently; that reading of Scriptures should be more usual in abbeys; that priests should not be rulers of worldly matters; and that they should learn and teach the Lord’s Prayer and Creed in English. f342 Matthew Paris writeth, how Stephen, king of England, in these days reserved to himself the right and authority of bestowing spiritual livings, and investing prelates. At that time, also, Lothdire, the emperor, began to do the like, in recovering again the right and privilege taken away from Henry, his predecessor, had not Bernard given him contrary counsel, A.D. 1188.

    Here came into the church the manner of cursing with book, bell, and candle, devised in the council of London, holden by William, bishop of Winchester, under Pope Celestine, who succeeded after Innocent, A.D. 1144.

    Also to Lothaire, succeeded in the imperial crown, Conrad III, the nephew of Henry V beforementioned, who alone, of many emperors, is not found to receive the crown at the pope’s hand, A.D. 1188.

    In the days of this emperor, who reigned fifteen years, were divers popes, as Celestine II., Lucius II, Eugene III, at which time the Romans went about to recover their former old manner of choosing their consuls and senators. But the popes, then being in their ruff, in no case would abide it; whereupon arose many commotions, with much civil war amongst them, insomuch that Pope Lucius, sending for aid to the emperor, who otherwise hindered at that time could not come, armed his soldiers, thinking to invade them, or else to destroy them in their senate-house. But this coming to their knowledge beforehand, the people were all in array, and much ado was among them; Pope Lucius being also among them in the fight, and well pelted with stones and blows, lived not long after. Likewise Pope Eugene after him, pursuing the Romans for the same matter, first did curse them with excommunication; and afterwards, when he saw that would not serve, he came with his host, and so compelled them at length to seek peace, and to take his conditions, which were these:

    That they should abolish their consuls, and take such senators as he, by his papal authority, should assign them.

    Then followed Anastasius IV, and after him Adrian IV, an Englishman, by name called Breakspear, belonging once to St. Alban’s This Adrian kept great stir, in like manner, with the citizens of Rome, for abolishing their consuls and senate, cursing, excommunicating, and warring against them with all the power he could make, till in time he removed the consuls out of their office, and brought them all under his subjection. The like business and rage he also stirred up against Apulia, and especially against the empire, blustering and thundering against Frederic, the emperor, as (the Lord granting) you shall hear anon, after we have prosecuted such matter as necessarily appertaineth first to the continuation of our English story.

    HENRY THE SECOND F345 HENRY II, the son of Geoffery Plantagenet, and of Matilda, the empress, and daughter of King Henry I, began his reign after King Stephen, and continued five and thirty years. The first year of his reign he subdued Ireland; a278 a279 and not long after, Thomas Becket was made by him lord chancellor of England. This king cast down divers castles erected in the time of King Stephen. He went into the north parts, where he subdued William, king of Scotland, who at that time held a great part of Northumberland, as far as Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and joined Scotland to his own kingdom, from the south ocean to the north isles of Orcades. Also he put under his dominion the kingdom of Wales, and there felled many great woods, and made the ways plain, so that by his great manhood and policy the seigniory of England was much augmented with the addition of Scotland, Ireland, the Orcades isles, Britanny, Poitou, and Guienne. Also he had in his nile Normandy, Gascony, Anjou, and Chinon; also Auvergne and the city of Tholouse he won, and were to him subject. Over and besides, by the title of his wife Eleanor, daughter to the earl of Poictou, he obtained the mount Pyrenee in Spain; so that we read of none of his progenitors who had so many countries under his dominion.

    In England were seen in the firmament two suns, or (as it is in Chronica Chronicorum) in Italy appeared three suns by the space of three hours, in the west; the year following, A.D. 1158, appeared three moons, whereof the middle moon had a red cross athwart the face, whereby was betokened, in the judgment of some, the great schism which afterwards happened among the cardinals, for the election of the bishop of Rome; or else rather the business between Frederic, the emperor, and the popes, whereof partly now incidently occasion giveth us to discourse after that I have first written of Gerhardus and Dulcinus of Novara; against whom it was alleged chiefly, a280 that they did earnestly labor and preach against the church of Rome, defending and maintaining that prayer was not more holy in one place than in another; that the pope was Antichrist; that the clergy and prelates of Rome were reject, and the very whore of Babylon prefigured in the Apocalypse. Peradventure these had received some light of knowledge of the Waldenses, who, at length, with a great number of their followers, were oppressed and slain by the pope. And although some inconvenient points of doctrine and dishonesty in their assemblies be against them alleged by some, yet these times of ours do teach us sufficiently what credit is to be given to such popish slanders, forged rather through hatred of true religion, than upon any judgment of truth.

    Illyricus, in his book “De testibus,” referreth the time of these two to A.D. 1280; but, as I find in the story of Robert Gisburne, these two, about A.D. 1158, brought thirty with them into England, who by the king and the prelates were all burnt in the forehead, and so driven out of the realm, and afterwards, as Illyricus writeth, were slain by the pope.

    And now, according to my promise a281 premised, the time requireth to proceed to the history of Frederic I., called Barbarossa, successor to Conrad in the empire, who marched up to Italy, to subdue there certain rebels. The pope, hearing that, came with his clergy to meet him by the way, in a town called Sutrium, thinking by him to find aid against his enemies. The emperor, seeing the bishop, lighteth from his horse to receive him, holding the stirrup to the prelate on the left side, when he should have held it on the right, whereat the pope showed himself somewhat aggrieved.

    The emperor, smiling, excused himself, by saying, that he was never accustomed to hold stirrups; and seeing it was done only of good will, and of no design, it was the less matter what side of the horse he held. The next day, to make amends to the bishop, the emperor sending for him, received him, holding the right stirrup to the prelate, and so all the matter was made whole, and he the pope’s own white son again.

    After this, as they were come in a282 and sat together, Adrian, the pope, beginneth to declare to him how his ancestors before him, such as sought to the see of Rome for the crown, were wont always to leave behind them some special token or monument of their benevolence for the obtaining thereof, as Charlemagne, in subduing the Lombards; Otho, the Berengarians; Lothaire, the Normans, etc.; wherefore he required some benefit to proceed likewise from him to the church of Rome, in restoring again the country of Apulia a283 to the church of Rome. Which thing if he would do, he, for his part, again would do that which appertained unto him to do; meaning in giving him the crown, for at that time the popes had brought the emperors to fetch their crown at their hands, A. D. 1155.

    Frederic, with his princes, perceiving that unless he would of his own proper costs and charges get back Apulia out of Duke William’s hands, he could not speed of the crown, was fain to promise all that the pope required, and so the next day after a284 he was crowned. This done, the emperor returneth into Germany, to refresh his army and his other furnitures, for the subduing of Apulia. In the mean while Adrian, not thinking to be idle, first giveth forth censures of excommunication against William, duke of Apulia; and, not content with this, he sendeth also to Emmanuel, a285 emperor of Constantinople, incensing him to war against the aforesaid William. The duke perceiving this, sendeth to the pope for peace, promising to restore to him whatsoever he would. But the pope, through the malignant counsel of his cardinals, would grant no peace, thinking to get more by war. The duke seeing nothing but war, prepareth himself with all expedition to the same. To be brief, collecting an army out of all Sicily, a286 he arriveth at Apulia, and there putteth the emperor Emmanuel to flight. This done, he proceedeth to the city of Benevento, where the pope and his cardinals were looking for victory. He planting there his siege, so straitly pressed the city, that the pope and his cardinals were glad to entreat for peace, which they refused before. The duke granted to their peace upon certain conditions, that is, that neither he should invade such possessions as belonged to Rome, and that the pope should make him king of both Sicilies. So the matter was concluded, and they departed. The bishop, coming to Rome, was no less troubled there about their consuls and senators, insomuch that when his curses and excommunications could not prevail nor serve, he was fain to leave Rome, and removed to Ariminum. a287 The emperor all this while sitting quietly at home, began to consider with himself, how the pope had given Apulia, which of right belonged to the empire, to duke William, a288 and had extorted from the emperors, his predecessors, the investing and endowing of prelates; how he had pilled and polled all nations by his legates, and also had been the sower of seditions through all his empery: he began therefore to require of all the bishops of Germany homage, and oath of their allegiance; commanding also the pope’s legates, if they came into Germany without his sending for, not to be received; charging, moreover, all his subjects that none of them should appeal to Rome. Besides this, in his letters he set and prefixed his name before the pope’s name; whereupon the pope being not a little offended, directed his letters to the aforesaid Frederic the emperor, after this tenor and form as following.

    COPIES OF THE LETTERS BETWEEN ADRIAN, THE POPE, AND FREDERIC, THE EMPEROR. F347 Adrian, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to Frederic, Roman emperor, health and apostolical benediction. The law of God, as it promiseth to them that honor father and mother long life, so it threateneth the sentence of death to them that curse father and mother. We are taught by the word of truth, that every one that exalteth himself shall be brought low. Wherefore, my well-beloved son in the Lord, we marvel not a little at your wisdom, in that you seem not to show that reverence to blessed St. Peter, and to the holy church of Rome, which you ought to show. For why? In your letters sent to us, you prefer your own name before ours, wherein you incur the note of insolency, yea rather, to speak it, of arrogancy. What! should I here recite unto you the oath of your fidelity, which you swear to blessed St. Peter, and to us, and. how you observe and keep the same? Seeing you so require homage and allegiance of them that be gods, and all the sons of the High God, and presume to join their holy hands with yours, working contrary to us; seeing also you exclude, not only out of your churches, but also out of your cities, our cardinals, whom we direct as legates from our side; what shall I say then unto you? Amend therefore, I advise you, amend; for while you go about to obtain of us your consecration and crown, and to get those things you have not, I fear much your honor will lose the things you have. Thus fare ye well.

    THE ANSWER OF FREDERIC THE EMPEROR TO THE POPE F348 Frederic, by the grace of God, Roman emperor, ever Augustus, unto Adrian, bishop of the catholic church, wisheth that he may be found to cleave unto those things which Jesus began to do and to teach. The law of justice giveth to every person that which is his.

    Accordingly we do not derogate from our parents, of whom, according as we have received this our dignity of the imperial crown and governance, so in the same kingdom of ours we do render their due and true honor to them again. And forasmuch as the like duty is to be required in all sorts of men, let us see first in the time of Constantine, what patrimony or regality Silvester, then bishop of Rome, had of his own, due to him, that he might claim.

    Did not Constantine, of his liberal benignity, give liberty, and restore peace unto the church? and whatsoever regality or patrimony the see of your papacy hath, was it not by the donation of princes given unto them? When we write to the Roman pontiff, therefore, we prefix our name, and allow him to do the same in writing to us. Revolve and turn over the ancient chronicles; if either you have not read, or neglected, that we do affirm, there it is to be found` Of those who be gods by adoption, and hold lordships of us, why may we not justly require their homage, and their sworn allegiance? when as He who is both your Master and ours, who holds nothing of any superior lord, but giveth all good things to all men, paid toll and tribute for himself and Peter unto Caesar; giving you therein an example to do the like: who saith to you and all men, “Learn of me, for I am meek and humble of heart.” Wherefore either render again your lordships and patrimonies which ye hold of us, or else if ye find them so sweet unto you, then give that which is due to God, unto God; and that which is due to Caesar, unto Caesar. As for your cardinals, we shut them out both of churches and cities, for that we see them not preachers, but prowlers; not repairers of peace, but rakers for money; not pillars and upholders of the church, but pollers insatiable of the world, and moylers of money and gold. What time we shall see them to be other men, such as the church requireth them to be, makers of peace, shining forth like lights to the people, assisting poor and weak men’s causes in the way of equity, then shall they find us prest and ready to relieve them with stipends, and all things necessary. And whereas you put such questions as these, little conducing to religion, before secular men, you incur thereby no little blemish of your humility, which is keeper of all virtues, and of your mansuetude. Therefore let your fatherhood beware and take heed, lest in moving such matters as seem to us unseemly for you, ye lay a stumbling-block before such as depend on your word, giving ear to your mouth, as it were to an evening shower; for we cannot but reply to that we hear, seeing how the detestable beast of pride doth creep into the seat of Peter. Fare ye well, so long as ye provide as much as in you lieth for the peace of the church.

    Upon this Adrian the pope directeth out a bull against Frederic, excommunicating him with public and solemn ceremonies. Moreover conspiring with William, duke of Apulia, he sought all manner of ways to infest the emperor, and to set all men against him, especially the clergy.

    Amongst many others writing to Hillinus, bishop of Treves, to Arnulph , bishop of Mentz, a290 and to Frederic, bishop of Cologne, he seeketh first to make them of his side. His epistle to them soundeth to this effect.

    The empire of Rome was transferred from the Greeks to the Almains, so that the king of Almains could not be called emperor, before he were crowned of the bishop apostolical. Before his consecration he is a king, afterwards emperor. Whence hath he his empire then, but of us? By the election of his princes he hath the name of a king; by our consecration he hath the name of the emperor, of Augustus, or of Caesar; ergo, by us he reigneth as emperor. Search ancient authorities. Pope Zacharias promoted Charlemagne and made him a great name, that he was made and called emperor; and after that, the king of Almains was ever named emperor, and advocate to the see apostolical, so that Apulia, conquered by him, was subdued to the bishop of Rome; which Apulia, with the city of Rome, is ours, and not the emperor’s. Our seat is at Rome; the seat of the emperor is at Aix la Chapelle, in Ardenne, which is a forest in France. The emperor, whatsoever he bath, he hath it of us: as Zacharias did translate the empire from the Greeks to the Almains, so we may translate it again from the Almains to the Greeks. Behold it lieth in our power to give it to whom we will, being therefore set up of God above Gentiles and nations, to destroy and pluck up, to build and to plant, etc. f349 And yet further to understand the ambitious presumption of this proud see of Rome, it so chanced, that this emperor Frederic, at his first; coming up to Rome, did behold there, in the palace of Lateran, a certain picture brought forth unto him, how Lothaire II, the emperor, was crowned of the pope, with the inscription of certain verses in Latin, declaring how the aforesaid emperor, coining to Rome, first did swear to the city, after was made the pope’s man, and so of him received the crown. Frederic, offended with this picture, desired the pope it might be abolished, that it should be no cause of any dissension hereafter. The pope understanding the intent of the emperor, how loth he was to come under subjection to his see, devised by all crafty ways to bring it to pass; and first taking his occasion a291 by the archbishop of Lunden’s being then detained in custody (I cannot tell by whom) sent divers and sharp letters a292 unto him, and yet not so sharp, as proud and disdainful; wherein the first salutation by his legates was this: “Our most blessed father, the pope, greeteth you, and the universal company of the cardinals; he, as your father; they, as your brethren.” Meaning thereby that he should understand himself to be subject and underling to the pope, no less than the cardinals were.

    Moreover, in his letters, objecting divers things against him, he reciteth how many and great benefits he had received of the church of Rome, by the which church he had obtained the fullness of his honor and dignity, etc.

    The emperor, with his princes, perceiving whereunto the pope by his legates did shoot, being a prince of courage, could not abide such intolerable presumption of a proud message, whereupon much contention fell between the legates and the princes. “And of whom then,” say the legates, “receiveth Caesar the empire, if he take it not of the pope?” With that word the German princes were so much offended, that, had not the emperor stayed them with much ado, they would have used violence against the legates. But the emperor, not permitting that, commanded the legates away, straightly charging them to make no turn by the way to any person or persons, but Straight to depart home. And he, to certify the whole state of the empire, of the truth of the matter, directeth forth these letters that follow.

    THE TENOR OF THE EMPEROR’S LETTER SENT THROUGH ALL HIS EMPIRE. F351 Forasmuch as the Providence of God, whereon dependeth all power both in heaven and earth, hath committed to us, his anointed, this our regiment and empire to be governed, and the peace of his churches by our imperial arms to be protected; we cannot but lament and complain to you, with great sorrow of heart, seeing such causes of dissension, the root and fountain of evils, and the infection of pestiferous corruption thus to arise from the holy church, imprinted with the seal of peace and love of Christ.

    By reason whereof (except God turn it away), we fear the whole body of the church is like to be polluted, the unity thereof to be broken, and schism and division to be betwixt the spiritual and temporal regiment. For we being alate at Besancon, and there treating busily of matters pertaining as well to the honor of our empire, as to the wealth of the churches, there came ambassadors of the see apostolical, declaring that they brought a legacy to our majesty of great importance, redounding to the no small commodity of our honor and empire.

    Who then, the first day of their coming, being brought to our presence, and received of us (as the manner is) with honor accordingly, audience was given them to hear what they had to say.

    They forthwith bursting out of the mammon of iniquity, haughty pride, stoutness, and arrogancy, out of the execrable presumption of their swelling heart, did their message with letters apostolical, whereof the tenor was this: That we should always have before our eyes, how that our sovereign lord, the pope, gave us the imperial crown, and that it doth not repent him, if so be we have received greater benefits at his hand. And this was the effect of that so sweet and fatherly lethation, which should nourish peace both of the church and of the empire, to unite them fast together in the band of love.

    At the hearing of this so false, untrue, and most vain-glorious presumption of so proud a message, not only the emperor’s majesty conceived indignation, but also all the princes there present were moved with such anger and rage thereat, that if our presence and request had not stayed them, they would not have held their hands from these wicked priests, or else would have proceeded with sentence of death against them.

    Furthermore, because a great number of other letters (partly written already, partly with seals ready signed, for letters to be written according, as they should think good, to the churches of Germany) were found about them, whereby to work their conceived intent of iniquity here in our churches, to spoil the altars, to .carry away the jewels of the church, and to flay off the limbs and plates of golden crosses, etc.: to the intent their avaricious meaning should have no further power to reign, we gave them commandment to depart the same way they came. And now, seeing our reign and empire standeth upon the election of princes, from God alone, who in the passion of his Son, subdued the world to be governed with two swords necessary; and, again, seeing Peter, the apostle, hath so informed the world with this doctrine, “Deum timete, regem honorificate:” that is, “Fear God, honor your king:” therefore, who so saith that we have and possess our imperial kingdom by the benefit of the lord pope, is contrary both to the ordinance of God, and to the doctrine of Peter, and also shall be reproved for a liar.

    Therefore as our endeavor hath been heretofore to help and to deliver the servile captivity of churches out of the hand, and from the yoke, of the Egyptians, and to maintain the right of their liberties and dignities, we desire you all with your compassion to lament with us this slanderous ignominy inferred to us and our kingdom, trusting that your faithful good-will, which hath been ever trusty to the honor of this empire (never yet blemished from the first beginning of this city, and of religion,) will provide, that it shall have no hurt through the strange novelty and presumptuous pride of such. Which thing rather than it should come to pass, know you this for certain, I had rather incur the danger of death, than suffer such confusion to happen in our days.

    This letter of Caesar fretted the pope not a little, who wrote again to the bishops of Germany, accusing the emperor, and willing them to work against him what they could. They answer again with all obedience to the pope, submitting themselves, and yet excusing the emperor, and blaming him rather, and exhorted him henceforth to temper his letters and legacies with more gentleness and modesty; which counsel he also followed, perceiving otherwise that he could not prevail.

    Much trouble had good Frederic with this pope, but much more with the other that followed. For this pope continued not very long, the space only of four years and odd months. About his time rose up the order of the hermits, by one William, once duke of Aquitaine, and afterwards a friar.

    This Adrian, walking with his cardinals abroad, to a place called Anagnia, or Arignanum, as Volateran calleth it, chanced to be choked with a fly getting into his throat, and so was strangled; who, in the latter time of his papacy, was wont to say, that there is no more miserable kind of life in the earth than to be pope, and to come to the papacy by blood; that is, said he, not to succeed Peter, but rather Romulus, who, to reign alone, did slay his brother.

    Although this Adrian was bad enough, yet came the next much worse, one Alexander III, who yet was not elected alone; for beside him the emperor, with nine cardinals, (albeit Sabellicus saith but with three), did set up another pope, named Victor IV. Between these two popes arose a foul schism and great discord, and long continued, insomuch that the emperor being required to take up the matter, sent for them both to appear before him, that in hearing them both he might judge their cause the better. Victor came, but Alexander, disdaining that his matter should come in controversy, refused to appear. Hereupon the emperor, with a full consent of his bishops and clergy about him, assigned and ratified the election of Victor to stand, and so brought him into the city, there to be received and placed. Alexander flying into France, accurst them both, sending his letters to all Christendom against them, as men to be avoided and cast out of all Christian company. Also, to get him friends at Rome, by flattery and money he got on his side the greatest part of the city, both to the favoring of him, and to the setting up of such consuls as were for his purpose.

    After this, Alexander, coming from France to Sicily, and from thence to Rome, was there received with much favor, through the help of Philip the French king.

    The emperor, hearing this rebellion and conspiracy in Rome, removed with great power into Italy, where he had destroyed divers great cities. Coming at length to Rome, he required the citizens that the cause betwixt the two popes might be decided, and that he who had the best right might be taken.

    If they would so do, he would restore again that which he took from them before. Alexander, mistrusting his part, and doubting the wills of the citizens, and having ships ready prepared for him, from William, duke of Apulia, fetched a course about to Venice.

    To declare here the difference in histories, between Blondus, Sabellicus, and the Venetian chroniclers, with other writers, concerning the order of this matter, I will overpass. In this most do agree, that the pope being at Venice, and required to be sent by the Venetians to the emperor, they would not send him. Whereupon Frederic the emperor sent thither his son Otho, with men and ships well appointed, charging him not to attempt any thing before his coming. The young man more hard than circumspect, joining with the Venetians, was overcome, and so taken, was brought into the city. Hereby the pope took no small occasion to work his feats.

    The father, to help the captivity and misery of his son, was compelled to submit himself to the pope, and to entreat for peace: so the emperor coming to Venice, (at St. Mark’s church, where the bishop was, there to take his absolution,) was bid to kneel down at the pope’s feet.

    The proud pope, setting his foot a294 upon the emperor’s neck, said the verse of the psalm, “Super aspidem et basiliscum ambulabis, et conculcabis leonem et draconem:” that is, “Thou shalt walk upon the adder and on the basilisk, and shalt tread down the lion and the dragon.” To whom the emperor answering again, said, “Non tibi sed Petro:” that is, “Not to thee, but to Peter.” The pope again, “Et mihi et Petro;” “Both to me and to Peter.” The emperor, fearing to give any occasion of further quarreling, held his peace, and so was absolved, and peace made between them. The conditions whereof were these. First, that he should receive Alexander for the true pope. Secondly, that he should restore again to the church of Rome all that he had taken away before. And thus the emperor, obtaining again his son, departed.

    Here as I note in divers writers a great diversity and variety touching the order of this matter, of whom some say that the emperor encamped in Palestine, before he came to Venice, some say, after; so I marvel to see in Volateran, so great a favorer of the pope, such a contradiction, who in his two and twentieth book saith, that Otho, the emperor’s son, was taken in this conflict, which was the cause of the peace between his father and the pope. And in his three and twentieth book again saith, that the emperor himself was taken prisoner in the same battle: and so afterwards, peace concluded, took his journey to Asia and Palestine. This pope, in the time of his papacy, which continued two and twenty years, a295 kept sundry councils both at Tours and at Lateran, a296 where he confirmed the wicked proceedings of Hildebrand and others his predecessors, as to bind all orders of the clergy to the vow of chastity; which were not greatly to be reprehended, if they would define chastity aright. “For whoso liveth not a chaste life,” saith he, “is not fit to be a minister.” But herein lieth an error full of much blindness, and also peril, to think that matrimony immaculate, as St. Paul calleth it, is not chastity, but only a single life, that they esteem to be a chaste life.

    Now forasmuch as our English pope-holy martyr, called Thomas Becket, happened also in the same time of this Pope Alexander, let us somewhat also story of him, so far as the matter shall seem worthy of knowledge, and to stand with truth: to the end that the truth thereof being sifted from all flattery and lies of such popish writers as paint out his story, men may the better judge of him, both what he was, and also of his cause.

    THE HISTORY OF THOMAS BECKET IF the cause make a martyr, as is said, I see not why we should esteem Thomas Becket to die a martyr, more than any others whom the prince’s sword doth here temporally punish for their temporal deserts. To die for the church I grant is a glorious matter. But the church, as it is a spiritual and not a temporal church, so it standeth upon causes spiritual, and upon a heavenly foundation, as upon faith, religion, true doctrine, sincere discipline, obedience to God’s commandments; and not upon things pertaining to this world, as possessions, liberties, exemptions, privileges, dignities, patrimonies, and superiorities. If these be given to the church, I pray God churchmen may use them well; but if they be not given, the church cannot claim them; or if they be taken away, that standeth in the prince’s power. To contend with princes for the same, it is no matter in my mind, material to make a martyr, but rather is it a rebellion against those to whom we owe subjection. Therefore, as I. suppose Thomas Becket to be far from the cause and title of a martyr, neither can he be excused from the charge of being a plain rebel against his prince; yet would I have wished again the law rather publicly to have found out his fault, than the swords of men, not bidden nor sent, to have smitten him, having no special commandment either of the prince, or of the law so to do. For though the indignation of the prince, as the wise prince saith, is death, yet it is not for every private person straightways to revenge the secret indignation of his prince, except he be publicly authorized thereunto; and this had been, as I suppose, the better way, namely, for the laws first to have executed their justice upon him. Certes, it had been the safest way for the king, as it proved after, who had just matter enough, if he had prosecuted his cause against him; and also thereby his death had been without all suspicion of martyrdom, neither had there followed that shrining and sainting of him as there did. Albeit the secret providence of God, which governeth all things, did see this way, percase, to be best and most necessary for those days. And doubtless, to say here what I think, and yet to speak nothing against charity, if the emperors had done the like to the popes contending against them, what time they had taken them prisoners; that is, if they had used the law of the sword against them, and chopped off the heads of one or two, according to their traitorous rebellion, they had broken the neck of much disturbance, which long time after did trouble the church. But for lack of that, because emperors having the sword, and the truth on their side, would not use their sword; but standing in awe of the pope’s vain curse, and reverencing his scat for St.

    Peter’s sake, durst not lay hand upon him, though he were never so abominable and traitorous a malefactor: the popes, perceiving that, took upon them, not as much as the Scripture would give, but as much as the superstitious fear of emperors and kings would suffer them to take; which was so much, that it past all order, rule, and measure: and all, because the superior powers either would not, or durst not, practice the authority given unto them of the Lord, upon those inferiors, but suffered them to be their masters.

    But, as touching Thomas Becket, whatsoever is to be thought of them that did the act, the example thereof yet bringeth this profit with it, to teach all Romish prelates not to be so stubborn, in, such matters not pertaining unto them, against their prince, unto whom God hath subjected them.

    Now to the story, which if it be true that is set forth in Quadrilogo, a297 by those four, who tool; upon them to express the life and process of Thomas Becket, it appeareth by all conjectures, that he was a man of a stout nature, severe, and inflexible. What persuasion or opinion he had once conceived, from that he would in nowise be removed, or very hardly.

    Threatening and flattery were to him both one; in this point singular, following no man’s counsel so much his own. Great helps of nature there were in him, if he could have used them well, rather than of learning; albeit somewhat skillful he was of the civil law, which he studied at Bologna; in memory excellent good, and also well broken in courtly and worldly matters. Besides this, he was of a chaste and strait life, if the histories be true; although in the first part of his life, being yet archdeacon of Canterbury, and afterwards lord chancellor, he was very civil, courtly, and pleasant, given much both to hunting and hawking, according to the guise of the court; and highly favored he was of his prince, who not only had thus promoted him, but also had committed his son and heir to his institution and governance. But in this his first beginning he was not so well-beloved, but afterwards he was again as much hated, and deservedly, both of the king, and also of the most part of his subjects, save ,rely of certain monks and priests, and such others as were persuaded by them, who magnified him not a little for upholding the liberties of the church; that is, the licentious life and excess of churchmen. Amongst all others, these vices he had most notable, and to be rebuked; he was full of devotion, but without any true religion: zealous, but clean without knowledge. And, therefore, as he was stiff and stubborn of nature, so (a blind conscience being joined withal) it turned to plain rebellion. So superstitious he was to the obedience of the pope, that he forgot his obedience to his natural and most beneficent king: and in maintaining, so contentiously, the vain constitutions am, decrees of men, he neglected the commandments of God. But herein was he most of all to be reprehended, that not only, contrary to the king’s knowledge, he sought to convey himself out of the realm, being in that place and calling, but also, being out of the realm, he set matter of discord between the pope and his king, and also between the French king and him, contrary to all honesty, good order, natural subjection, and true Christianity. Whereupon followed no little disquietness after to the king, and damage to the realm, as here, in process and order following, by the grace of Christ, we will declare; first beginning with the first rising up of him, and so consequently prosecuting in order his story, as followeth:

    And first, to omit here the progeny a298 of him and of his mother, named Rose, whom Polydore Virgil falsely nameth to be a Saracen, when indeed she came out of the parts bordering near to Normandy; to omit also the fabulous vision of his mother, mentioned in Robert of Cricklade, of a burning torch issuing out of her body, and reaching up to heaven; his first preferment was to the church of Branfield, a299 which he had by the gift of St. Alban’s. After that, he entered into the service of the archbishop of Canterbury, by whom he was then preferred to be his archdeacon; and afterwards, by the said Theobald, he was put, as a man meet for his purpose, to King Henry, to bridle the young king, that he should not be fierce against the clergy; whom in process of time the king made lord chancellor, and then he left playing the archdeacon, and began to play the chancellor. a300 He fashioned his conditions like to the king’s both in weighty matters and trifles; he would hunt with him, and watch the time when the king dined and slept. Furthermore, he began to love the merry jestings of the court, to delight himself with the great laud of men, and praise of the people. And, that I may pass over his household stuff, he had his bridle of silver, and the bosses of his bridle were worth a great treasure.

    At his table, and in other expenses, he passed any earl: so that, on the one side, men judged him little to consider the office of an archdeacon; and, on the other side, they judged him to use wicked doings. He played also the good soldier under the king in Gascony, and both won and kept towns.

    When the king sent Thomas, then being chancellor, home into England as ambassador with other nobles, after the death of the archbishop, he willed Richard Lucy, one of the chiefest, a301 to commend in his name this Thomas to the covent of Canterbury, that they might choose him archbishop; which thing he did diligently. The monks said, it was not meet a302 to choose a courtier and a soldier to be head of so holy a company, for he would spend, said they, all that they had; others had this surmise also, because he was in such great favor with the prince, the king’s son, and was so suddenly discharged of the chancellorship which he had borne five years. In the four and fortieth year of his age, a303 on Saturday in Whitsun-week, he was made priest, and the next day consecrated bishop, A.D. 1162.

    As touching the priesthood of this man, I find the histories vary: for, if he were beneficed, and chaplain to Theobald, and afterwards archdeacon, as some say, it is not unlikely but that he was priest before; and not, as most of our English stories say, made priest one day, and archbishop the next.

    But however this matter passeth, here is, in the mean time, to be seen, what great benefits the king had done for him, and what great love had been between them both. Now, after Becket was thus promoted, what variance and discord happened between them, remaineth to be shown: the causes of which variance were divers and sundry.

    As first, when, according to the custom, a304 the king’s officers thathered of every one hide-money through the realm, for the defense of their own country, the king would have taken it to his coffers. But the bishop said, that which every man gave willingly, he should not count as his proper rent.

    Another cause was, that where a priest was accused of murder, and the king’s officers and the friends of the dead accused the priest earnestly before the bishop of Salisbury, his diocesan, to whom he was sent, desiring justice to be done on him, the priest was put to his purthation. But when he was not able to defend himself, the bishop sent to the archbishop to ask what he should do. The archbishop commanded he should be deprived of all ecclesiastical benefices, and shut up in an abbey to do perpetual penance. After the same sort were divers clerks a305 handled for like causes, but none put to death, nor lost joint, nor were they burned in the hand, or put to the like pain.

    The third cause was, that, where one Bruis, canon of Bedford, a306 did revile the king’s justices, the king was offended with the whole clergy. For these and such like the archbishop, to pacify the kings anger, commanded the canon to be whipped and deprived of his benefices for certain years.

    But the king was not content with this gentle punishment, because it rather increased their boldness, and therefore he called the archbishop, bishops, and all the clergy, to assemble at Westminster. When they were assembled together, the king earnestly commanded that such wicked clerks should have no privilege of their clergy, but be delivered to the gaolers, because they passed so little of the spiritual correction; a307 and this he said also their own canons and laws had decreed. The archbishop, counseling with his bishops and learned men, answered probably: and in the end he desired heartily the king’s gentleness, for the quietness of himself and his realm, that under Christ our new king, and under the new law of Christ, he would bring no new kind of punishment into his realm upon the new chosen people of the Lord, against the old decrees of the holy fathers; and oft he said, that he neither ought nor could suffer it. the king moved therewith (and not without cause) allegeth again and exacteth the old laws and customs of his grandfather, observed and agreed upon by archbishops, bishops, prelates, and other privileged persons; inquiring likewise of him whether he would agree to the same, or else now in his reign would condemn that which in the reign of his grandfather was well allowed. f355 To which the archbishop, consulting together with his brethren, giveth answer again, that he was contented the king’s ordinances should be observed; adding this withal, Salvo ordine suo, that is, Saving his order.

    And so in like manner all the other bishops after, being demanded in order, answered with the same addition, Salvo ordine suo. Only Hilary, bishop of Chichester, perceiving the king to be exasperated with that addition, instead of Salvo ordine, agreed to observe them Bona fide. The king hearing them not simply to agree unto him, but with an exception, was mightily offended; who then turning to the archbishop and the prelates said, that he was not well contented with that clause of theirs, Salvo suo ordine, which he said was captious and deceitful, having some manner of venom lurking under; and therefore required an absolute grant of them without any exception to agree to the king’s ordinances. To this the archbishop answered again, that they had sworn unto him their fidelity, both life, body, and earthly honor, Salvo ordine suo; and that in the same earthly honor also those ordinances were comprehended, and to the observing of them they would bind themselves after no other form, but as they had sworn before. the king with this was moved, and all his nobility, not a little. As for the other bishops, there was no doubt but they would easily have relented, had not the stoutness of the archbishop made them more constant than otherwise they would have been. The day being well spent, the king, when he could get no other answer of them, departed in great anger, giving no word of salutation to the bishops; and likewise the bishops every one to his own house departed. The bishop of Chichester, amongst the rest, was greatly rebuked of the archbishop a308 for changing the exception, contrary to the voice of all the others. The next day following, the king took from the archbishop all such honors and lordships as he had given him before, in the time that he was chancellor; and in the dead of the night, unknown to the bishops, removed from London; a310 whereby appeared the great displeasure of the king against Becket and the clergy. Not long after this, the bishop of Lisieux, called Arnulph, sailing over from Normandy, resorted to the king and (haply, to recover again his favor which he had lost) gave him counsel withal to join some of the bishops on his side, lest, if all were against him, peradventure he might be overthrown. And thus the greatest number of the bishops were by this means reconciled again to the king; only the archbishop, with a few others, remained in their stoutness still. The king, thinking to try all manner of ways, when he saw no fear nor threats could turn him, did assay him with gentleness; it would not serve. Many of the nobles labored betwixt them both, exhorting him to relent to the king; it would not be.

    Likewise the archbishop of York, with divers other bishops and abbots, especially the bishop of Chichester, a311 did the same. Besides this, his own household daily called upon him, but no man could persuade him. At length, understanding partly by them that came to him what danger might happen, not only to himself, but to all the other clergy, upon the king’s displeasure, and partly considering the old love and kindness of the king towards him in time past, he was content to give over to the king’s request, and came to Oxford to him, reconciling himself about the addition, which displeased the king so much. Whereupon the king, being somewhat initiated, receiveth him with a more cheerful countenance, but yet not all so familiarly as before, saying, “that he would have his ordinances and proceedings after the form confirmed in the public audience and open sight of his bishops and all his nobles.” After this the king, being at Clarendon, there called all his peers and prelates before him, requiring to have that performed which they had promised, in consenting to the observing of his grandfather’s ordinances and proceedings. The archbishop, suspecting I cannot tell what in the king’s promise, drew backward, and now would not that lie would before; at last, with much ado, he was enforced to give assent. First came to him the bishops of Salisbury and Norwich, who, for old matters endangered to the king long before, came weeping and lamenting to the archbishop, desiring him to have some compassion of them, and to remit this pertinacy to the king, lest it he so continued through; is stoutness to exasperate the king’s displeasure, haply it might redound to no small danger, not only of them who were in jeopardy already, but also of himself to be imprisoned, and the whole clergy to be endangered. Besides these two bishops, there went to him other two noble peers a312 of the realm, laboring with him to relent and condescend to the king’s desire; if not, they should be enforced to use violence as would not stand with the king’s fame, and much less with his quietness: but yet the stout stomach of the man would not give over. After this came to him two knights, called Templars; one, Richard de Hastings, the grand master of the Temple, the other, Tostes de St. Omer, lamenting and bewailing the great peril, which they declared unto him to hang over his head: yet neither with their tears, nor with their kneelings, would he be removed. At length came these last messengers again from the king, a316 signifying unto him with express words, and also with tears, what he should trust to, if he would not give over to the king’s request.

    By reason of which message he either terrified or else persuaded was content to submit himself; whereupon the king incontinent assembling the states together, the archbishop first, before all others, beginneth to promise to the king obedience and submission unto his customs, and that cum Bona fide, leaving out his former addition Salvo ordine, mentioned before: instead whereof he promised in Verbo veritatis to observe and keep the king’s customs, and swore to the same. After him the other bishops likewise gave the like oath; whereupon the king commanded incontinent certain instruments oblithatory to be drawn, of which the king should have one, the archbishop of Canterbury another, and the archbishop of York the third, requiring also the said archbishop to set to his hand and seal. To this the archbishop, though not denying but that he was ready so to do, yet desired respite in the matter, while that he, being but newly come to his bishopric, might better peruse with himself the aforesaid customs and ordinances of the king. This request, as it seemed but reasonable, so it was readily granted; so the day being well spent, they departed for that season and brake up.

    Alarms, one of the four writers of the life of this Thomas Becket, recordeth, that the archbishop, in his journey towards Winchester, began greatly to repent what he had done before, partly through the instithation of certain about him, but chiefly of his cross-bearer, who, going before the archbishop, sharply and earnestly expostulated with him for giving over to the king’s request, against the privilege and. liberties of the church, polluting not only his fame and conscience, but also giving a pernicious example to those who should come after, with many like words. To make the matter short, the archbishop was touched upon the same with such repentance, that keeping himself from all company, lamenting with tears and fasting, and with much penance macerating and afflicting himself, he did suspend himself from all divine service, and would not receive comfort, before that (word being sent to his holy grandfather the pope) he should be assoiled of him; who, tendering the tears of his dear chicken, directed to him letters again, by the same messenger that Thomas had sent up to him before, in which not only he assoiled him from his trespass, but also with words of great consolation did encourage him to be stout in the quarrel he took in hand. The copy of which letters consolatory, sent from the pope to Bishop Becket, here followeth underwritten.

    Alexander, bishop, etc.—Your brotherhood is not ignorant that it hath been advertised us, how that upon the occasion of a certain transgression or excess of yours, you have determined to cease henceforth from saying of mass, and to abstain from the consecration of the body and blood of the Lord; which thing to do, how dangerous it is, especially in such a personage, and also what inconvenience may rise thereof, I will you advisedly to consider, and. discreetly also to ponder. Your wisdom ought not to forget, what difference there is between those who advisedly and willingly do offend, and those who through ignorance and for necessity’ sake do offend. For, as you read, so much the greater is willful sin, as the same not being voluntary is a lesser sin. Therefore, if you remember yourself to have done any thing that your own conscience doth accuse you of, whatsoever it he, we counsel you, as a prudent and wise, prelate, to acknowledge the same. Which thing done, the merciful and pitiful God, Who hath more respect to the heart of the doer than to the thing done, will remit and forgive you the same according to his accustomed great mercy. And we, trusting in the merits of the blessed apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, do absolve you from the offense committed, and by the authority apostolical we release you unto your fraternity, counseling you and commanding you, that henceforth you abstain not, for this cause, from the celebration of the mass.

    This letter, with others of the like sort, the pope then wrote to him, animating and comforting him in this quarrel so nearly pertaining to the pope’s profit: by the occasion whereof, Becket took no small heart and consolation; insomuch that therefrom seemeth to me to proceed all the occasion that made him so stout and malapert against his prince, as hereafter followeth to be seen by his doings. What the other letters were that the pope wrote unto him, shortly, when we come to the appellations made to the pope, shall appear, God willing. In the mean season, as he sat thus mourning at home, the king hearing of him, and how he denied to set his seal to those sanctions, which he condescended to before, took no little displeasure against him; insomuch that he, threatening him and his with banishment and death, began to call him to reckonings, and to burden him with payments, that all men might understand that the king’s mind was sore: set against him. The archbishop hereupon (whether more for the love of the pope, or dread of his prince) thought to make his escape out of the realm, and so went about in the night, with two or three with him, stealing out of his house to take the sea privily. Now amongst the king’s ordinances and sanctions, this was one; that none of the prelacy or nobility, without the king’s license, or that of his justices, should depart out of the realm. So Becket twice attempted the sea, to flee to the see of Rome, but the weather not serving, he was driven home again, and his device for that time frustrated. After his departure began to be known and noised abroad, the king’s officers came to Canterbury to seize upon his goods in the king’s behalf; but as it chanced, the night before their coming, Becket being returned and found at home, they did not proceed in their purpose.

    Upon this the archbishop, understanding the king sore bent against him, and the seas not to serve him, made haste to the court, lying then at Woodstock, where the king received him, after a certain manner, but nothing so familiarly as he was wont; taunting him jestingly and merrily, as though one realm was not able to hold them both. Becket, although he was permitted to go and come at his pleasure to the court, yet could not obtain the favor that he would, perceiving both in himself, and confessing no less to others, how the matter would fall out, so that either he should be constrained to give over with shame, or stoutly stand to that which he had so boldly taken in hand. The bishop of Evreux a317 in the mean time, going betwixt the king and the archbishop, labored to make a peace and love betwixt them; but the king in no case would be reconciled, unless the other would subscribe to his laws. So in the mean while, as neither the king would otherwise agree, nor yet the archbishop in any wise would subscribe, there was a foul discord; where the fault was, let the reader here judge between them both. The king, for his regal authority, thought it much that any subject of his should stand against him. The archbishop again, bearing himself bold upon the authority, and especially upon the letters, of the pope, lately written to him, though himself strong enough against the king and all his realm. Again, such was his quarrel for the maintenance of the liberties and glory of the church, that he could lack no setters on and favorers in that behalf, in so sweet a cause amongst the clergy. Wherefore the archbishop, trusting to these things, would give no place; but, by virtue of his apostolical authority, gave censure upon these laws and constitutions of the king, condemning some, and approving others for good and catholic, as is after declared. Besides this, there came also to the king Rotrou, archbishop of Rouen, sent from the pope to make peace between the king and Canterbury; whereunto the king was well content, so that the pope would agree to ratify his ordinances; but when that could in nowise be obtained at the pope’s hands, then the king, being stopped and frustrate of his purpose by reason of Becket’s apostolic legacy a318 (being lethatus a latere), thought good to send up to the pope, and so did, to obtain of him, that the same authority of the apostolic legacy might be conferred on another after his appointment, who was the archbishop of York; but the pope denied. Notwithstanding, at the request of the king’s clergy, the pope was content that the king should be legate himself; a319 whereat the king took great indignation, as Hoveden writeth, so that he sent the pope his letters again. Here the pope was perplexed on both sides.

    If he should have denied the king, that was too hot for him; for the pope useth always to hold in with kings, howsoever the world speedeth. Again, if he should have forsaken such a churchly chaplain, the cause being so sweet and so gainful, that would have been against himself. What did he then? Here now cometh in the old practice of popish prelacy, to play with both hands; privily he conspireth with the one, and openly dissembleth with the other. First, he granted to the king’s ambassadors their request, to have the legate removed, and to place in that office the archbishop of York, after his own contentation; and yet, notwithstanding, to tender the cause of Thomas Becket, he addeth this promise withal, that the said Becket should receive no harm or damage thereby. Thus the pope craftily conveying the matter between them both, gladly to further the archbishop for his own advantage, and yet loath to deny the king for displeasure, writeth to the king openly, and also secretly directeth another letter to Becket; the contents whereof here follow.

    ALEXANDER THE POPE, TO THOMAS, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY F362 Although we, condescending to the king’s request, have granted the gift of our legacy after his mind from you, yet let not your mind thereby be discomforted, nor brought into sighs of despair. For before that we had granted that, or given our consent thereunto, the king’s ambassadors firmly promised on the word of truth, offering also to be sworn to the same, if I should so require, that our letters which they had obtained should never be delivered to the archbishop of York without our knowledge and consent. This is certain, and so persuade yourself boldly without any scruple, doubt, or mistrust, that it was never my mind or purpose, nor ever shall be, God willing, to subdue you or your church under the obedience of any person, to be subject to any, save only to the bishop of Rome. And, therefore, we warn you and charge you, that if you shall perceive the king to deliver these aforesaid letters, which we trust he will not attempt without our knowledge to do, forthwith by some trusty messenger and by your letters you give us knowledge thereof; so that we may provide upon the same both for your person, your church, and also the city committed to you, to be clearly exempt by our authority apostolical from all power and jurisdiction of any legacy.

    Upon these letters and such others, as is said before, Becket seemed to take all his boldness to be so stout and sturdy against his prince, as he was. The pope, beside these, sent secretly a chaplain of his, and directed another letter also unto the king, granting and permitting at his request, to make the archbishop of York legate apostolical.

    The king, after he had received his letters sent from the pope, began to put more strength to his purposed proceedings against the archbishop, first beginning with the inferiors of the clergy, such as were offenders against his laws: as felons, robbers, quarrelers, breakers of the peace, and especially such as had committed homicide and murders, whereof more than an hundred at that time were proved upon the clergy; urging and constraining them to be arraigned after the order of the law temporal, and justice to be ministered to them according to their deserts; as first, to be deprived, and so to be committed to the secular hands. This seemed to Becket to derogate from the liberties of holy church, that the secular power should pass in causes criminal, or sit in judgment against any ecclesiastical person. This law the roisters then of the clergy had picked and forged out of Anacletus and Euaristus, a321 by whose falsely alleged and pretended authority they have deduced this their constitution from the apostles, which giveth immunity to all ecclesiastical persons to be free from secular jurisdiction. Becket therefore, like a valiant; champion, fighting for his liberties, and having the pope on his side, would not permit his clerks defamed, otherwise to be convented, than before ecclesiastical judges, there to be examined and deprived, for their excess, and no secular judge to proceed against them: so that, after their deprivation, if they should incur the like offense again, then the temporal judge to take hold upon them; otherwise not. This obstinate and stubborn rebellion of the archbishop stirred up much anger and vexation in the king, and not only in him, but also in the nobles and all the bishops, for the greater part, so that he was almost alone, a wonderment to all the realm.

    The king’s wrath daily increased more and more against him (as no marvel it was), and caused him to be cited up to appear by a certain day at the town of Northampton, a322 there to make answer to such, things as should be laid to his charge. Hoveden writeth, a323 that the king being come thither greatly vexed the archbishop by placing some of his horses and horsemen in the archbishop’s lodging (which was a house there of canons a324 ), wherewith he being offended sent word to the king, that he would not appear unless his lodging were voided of the king’s horses and horsemen. So, when the morrow was come, all the peers and nobles, with the prelates of the realm, upon the king’s proclamation being assembled in the castle of Northampton, great fault was found with the archbishop, for that he, having been cited to appear on a certain occasion in the king’s court personally, came not himself but sent another for him. Whereupon, by the public sentence as well of all the nobles as of the bishops, all his moveables were adjudged to be confiscate for the king, unless the king’s clemency would remit the penalty. The stubborn archbishop again, for his part, quarreling against the order and form of the judgment, complaineth, alleging for himself (seeing he is the primate and spiritual father, not only of all others in the realm, but also of the king himself) that it was not convenient that the father should be so judged of his children, or the pastor of his flock so condemned; saying moreover, that the ages to come should know what judgment was done, etc. But especially he complaineth of his fellow-bishops, who, when they should rather have taken his part, did sit in judgment against their metropolitan; and this was the first day’s action. a325 The next day the king laid an action a326 against him in behalf of one that was his marshal, called John, for certain injuries done to him; and required of the said archbishop the repaying again of certain money, which he, as is said, had lent unto him being chancellor, the sum whereof came to five hundred marks. This money the archbishop denied not but he had received of the king, howbeit, by the way and title of gift as he took it, though he could bring no probation thereof. Whereupon the king required him to put in assurance for the payment thereof; whereat the archbishop making delays (not well contented at the matter), was so called upon, that either he should be accountable to the king for the money, or else he should incur present danger, the king being so bent against him. The archbishop, being brought to such a strait, and destitute of his own suffragans, could here by no means have escaped, had not five persons, of their own accord, stepped in, being bound for him, every man for one hundred marks a piece; and this was upon the second day concluded.

    The morrow after, which was the third day of the council, it was propounded unto him in the behalf of the king, that he had had divers bishoprics and abbacies in his hand which were vacant, with the fruits and revenues thereof due unto the king for certain years, whereof he had rendered as yet no account to the king; wherefore it was demanded of him to bring in a full and clear reckoning of the same. This, with other such like, declared to all in the council great displeasure to be in the king and no less danger toward the archbishop. Becket, astonished at this demand, begged leave to consult with his brother bishops apart, before he made his answer; which was granted. And so ended that day’s action.

    On the morrow, the archbishop was sitting apart in a certain conclave with his fellow-bishops about him, consulting together, the doors fast locked to them, as the king had willed and commanded. Thus while the bishops and prelates were in council, advising and deliberating what was to be done, at length it came to voices, every man to say his mind, and to give sentence what were the best way for their archbishop to take. First began Henry, bishop of Winchester, who then took part with Becket so much as he durst for fear of the king, who said, he remembered that the said archbishop, first being archdeacon, and then lord chancellor, at what time he was promoted to the church of Canterbury, was discharged from all bonds and reckonings of the temporal court, as all the other bishops could not but bear record to the same.

    Next spake Gilbert, bishop of London, exhorting and motionlug the archbishop, that he should call to mind with himself, from whence the king took him, and set him up; what, and how great things he had done for him; also that he should consider with himself the dangers and perils of the time, and what ruin he might bring upon the whole church, and upon them all there present, if he resisted the king’s mind in the things he required.

    And if it were to render up his archbishopric, although it were ten times better than it is, yet he should not stick with the king in the matter. In so doing it might happen, that the king, seeing that submission and humility in him, would release him peradventure from all the rest. To this the archbishop answering, “Well, well,” saith he, “I perceive well enough, my lord, whither you tend, and whereabout you go.” Then spake Winchester, inferring upon the same, “This form of counsel,” saith he, “seemeth to me very pernicious to the catholic church, tending to our subversion, and to the confusion of us all. For, if our archbishop and primate of all England do lean to this example, that every bishop should give over his authority and the charge of the flock committed to him, at commandment and threatening of the prince, to what state shall the church then be brought, but that all should be confounded at his pleasure and arbitrement, and nothing stand certain by any order of law; and so as the priest is, so shall the people be?”

    Hilary the bishop of Chichester, replieth again to this, saying,” If it were not that the instance and the great perturbation of the time did otherwise require and force us, I would think this counsel here given were good to be followed. But now, seeing the authority of our canon faileth and cannot serve us, I judge it not best to go so strictly to work, but so to moderate our proceedings, that dispensation with sufferance may win that which severe correction may destroy. Wherefore my counsel and reason is, to give place to the king’s purpose for a time, lest by over hasty proceeding, we exceed so far, that both it may redound to our shame, and also we cannot rid ourselves out again when we would.”

    Much to the same end spake Robert, the bishop of Lincoln, after this manner: “Seeing,” saith he, “it is manifest that the life and blood of this man is sought, one of these two must needs be chosen; that either he must part with his archbishopric, or else with his life. Now what profit he shall take in this matter of his bishopric, his life being lost, I do not greatly see.”

    Next followed Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter, with his advice, who, inclining his counsel to the state of the time, confirmed their sayings before, affirming how the days were evil and perilous; and that if they might so escape the violence of that raging tempest under the cover of bearing and relenting, it were not to be refused; but that, he said, could not be, except strict severity should give place to tactablility; and that the instance and condition of the time then present required no less, especially seeing that persecution was not general, but personal and particular; and he thought it more holy and convenient for one head to run into some part of danger, than that the whole church of England should be subject and exposed to inconvenience inevitable.

    The answer of Roger, bishop of Worcester, was devised in a double suspense, neither affirming the one, nor denying the other; whose saying was this,—that he would give no answer on either part; “for if I,” saith he, “should say that the pastoral function and cure of souls ought to be relinquished at the king’s will or threatening, then my mouth would speak against my conscience, to the condemnation of mine own head. And if I should give, again, contrary counsel, to resist the king’s sentence, here be they that would hear it, and report it to his Grace, and so I should be in danger to be thrust out of the synagogue, and for my part to be accounted amongst the public rebels, with them to be condemned; wherefore neither do I say this, nor counsel that.”

    And this was the consultation of the bishops in that place, assembled together by the kings commandment. Against these voices and censures of the bishops, Becket, the archbishop, replieth again, expostulating and checking them with rebukeful words:—“ I perceive,” saith he, “and understand ye go about to maintain and cherish but your own cowardliness, under the colorable shadow of sufferance; and, under pretense of dissembling softness, to choke the liberty of Christ’s church.

    Who hath thus a329 bewitched you, O insensate bishops? What mean ye?

    Why do ye so under the prudent term “dispensation” cloak your manifest iniquity? Why call ye that dispensation which is in fact a disperusing altogether with the church of Christ? Let terms serve the matter; and let not terms as well as the matter itself be perverted from that which is right.

    For that ye say we must bear with the iniquity of the time, I grant with you; but yet we must not heap sin to sin. Is not God able to help the state and condition of his church, but with the sinful dissimulation of the teachers of the church? Certes God is disposed to tempt you. And tell me, I pray you, whether should the governors of the church put themselves to dangers for the church, in time of tranquillity, or in time of distress? Ye will be ashamed to deny the contrary, but in distress. And now then, the church lying in so great distress and vexation, why should not the good pastor put himself into peril there-for? For neither do I think it a greater act or merit for the ancient bishops of the old time to lay the foundation of the then church with their blood, than now for us to shed our blood for the liberties of the same. And to tell you plain, I think it not safe for you to swerve from an example which you have received from your holy elders.”

    After these things were spoken, they sat all in silence for a certain space, being locked in together. At length, to find a shift to cause the door to be opened, “I will,” saith the archbishop, “speak with two carls who are about the king,” and named them who they were. They, being called, opened the door and came in with haste, thinking to hear something which should appease the king’s mind. To whom the archbishop spake in this manner:—“ As touching and concerning the matters between the king and us, we have here conferred together. And forasmuch as we have them not present with us now, who know more in the matter than we do, (whose advice we would be glad to follow,) therefore we crave so much respite as to the next day following, and then to give our answer to the king.” With this message two bishops were sent to the king, who were the bishop of London and the bishop of Rochester. London, to help the matter, and to set quietness, as I take it, adding something more to the message, said to the king, that the archbishop craved a little time to prepare such writings and instruments, wherein he should set forth and declare his mind in accomplishing, the kings desire, etc. Wherefore two barons were sent to him from the king, to grant him that respite or stay; so that he would ratify that which the messengers had signified to the king. To whom the archbishop answereth, that he sent no such message as was intimated in his name; but only that the next day he would come and give answer to the king, in that which he had to say. And so the convocation of the bishops was dissolved, and they were dismissed home; so that the most part of them that came with the archbishop, and accompanied him before, now, for fear of the king’s displeasure, severed themselves from him. the archbishop, thus forsaken and destitute, as his story saith, sent about for the poor, the lame, and the halt, to come in and furnish his house, saying, that by them he might sooner obtain his victory, than by the others who had so slipped from him. The next day following, because it was Sunday, nothing was done. a330 So the day after, which was the second fery, f368 the archbishop was cited to appear. But the night before, being taken with a disease called passio iliaca, the cholic, all that day he kept his bed, and was not able, as he said, to rise. Every man supposing this to be but a reigned sickness, as it seemed no less, certain of the chief nobles were sent to try the matter, and to cite him to the court; namely, Robert, earl of Leicester, and Reginald, earl of Devonshire, to whom the archbishop answered, that that day he was so diseased that he could not come, yea, though he were brought in an horse-litter. So that day passed over. On the morrow, certain that were about him, fearing no less but that some danger would happen to him, gave him counsel in the morning to have a mass in honor of the holy martyr St. Stephen, to keep him from the hands of his enemies that day. When the morrow was come, being Tuesday, there came to him the bishops and prelates, counseling and persuading him covertly by insinuation, for apertly they durst not, that he would submit himself, with all his goods, as also his archbishopric, to the will of the king, if peradventure his indignation by that means might assuage. Adding, moreover, that unless he would so do, perjury would be laid against him; for that he being under the oath of fidelity to keep the king’s laws and ordinances, now would not observe them. To this Becket, the archbishop, answereth again,—“ Brethren, ye see and perceive well how the world is set against me, and how the enemy riseth and seeketh my confusion. And although these things be dolorous and lamentable, yet the thing that grieveth me most of all is this,—the sons of mine own mother be pricks and thorns against me. And albeit I do hold my peace, yet the posterity to come will know and report how cowardly you have turned your backs, and have left your archbishop and metropolitan alone in this conflict, and how you have sitten in judgment against me, although unguilty of crime, now two days together; and not only in the civil and spiritual court, but also in the temporal court, are ready to do the same. But in general, this I charge and command, by the virtue of pure obedience, and in peril of your order, that ye be present personally in judgment against me. And that ye shall not fail so to do, I here appeal to our mother, the refuge of all such as be oppressed, the church of Rome; and if any secular men shall lay hands upon me, as it is rumored they will, I straitly enjoin and charge you, in the same virtue of obedience, that you exercise your censure ecclesiastical upon them, as it becometh you to do for a father and an archbishop. And this I do you to understand, that though the world rage, and the enemy be fierce, and the body trembleth, for the flesh is weak, yet, God so favoring me, I will neither cowardly shrink, nor yet vilely forsake my flock committed to my charge,” etc.

    But the bishop of London, contrary to this commandment of the archbishop, did incontinent appeal from him; and thus the bishops departed from him to the court, save only two, Henry of Winchester, and Joceline of Salisbury, who returned with him secretly to his chamber, and comforted him. This done, the archbishop, who yesterday was so sore sick that he could not stir out of his bed, now addresseth himself to his mass of St. Stephen with all solemnity, as though it had been a high festival-day, with his metropolitan pall, which was not used, but upon holidays, to be worn. The office of the mass began,—“ Sederunt principes et adversum me loquebantur;” that is, Princes sat and spake against me,” etc.—the king’s servants being also there, and beholding the matter. For this mass, Gilbert, bishop of London, accused Becket afterwards, both for that it was done, “Per artem magicam, et in contemptum regis,” as the words of Hoveden purport, that is, “both by art magic, and in contempt of the king.”

    The mass being ended, the archbishop, putting off his pall and his mitre, in his other robes proceedeth to the king’s court; a331 but yet not trusting, peradventure, so greatly to the strength of his mass, to make the matter more sure, he taketh also the sacrament privily about him, thinking himself thereby sufficiently defended against all bugs. In going to the king’s chamber, there to attend the king’s coming, as he entered the door, he taketh from Alexander his cromer, the cross with the cross staff, in the sight of all that stood by, and carrieth it in himself, the other bishops following him, and saying, “He did otherwise than became him.” Amongst others, Robert, bishop of Hereford, offered himself to bear his cross, rather than he should so do, for that it was not comely; but the archbishop would not suffer him. Then said the bishop of London unto him,—“ If the king shall see you come armed into his chamber, perchance he will draw out hid sword against you, which is stronger than yours, and then what shall this your armor profit you?” The archbishop answereth again “If the king’s sword do cut carnally, yet my sword cutteth spiritually, and striketh down to hell. But you, my lord, as you have played the fool in this matter, so you will not yet leave off your folly for any thing I can see;” and so he came into the chamber. The king hearing of his coming, and of the manner thereof, tarried not long, but came where Becket was set in a place by himself, with his other bishops about him. First, the crier called the prelates and all the lords of the temporality together. That being done, and every one placed in his seat according to his degree, the king beginneth with a great complaint against the archbishop for his manner of entering into court, not as, saith he, a subject into a king’s court, but as a traitor, showing himself in such sort as hath not been seen before in any Christian king’s court, professing Christian faith. To this all there present gave witness with the king, affirming Becket always to have been a vain and proud man, and that the shame of his deed did not only redound against the prince himself, but also against his whole realm. Moreover, they said, that this had so happened to the king, for that he had done so much for such a beast, advancing him so highly to snell a place and room next under himself. And so altogether with one cry, they called him traitor, on every side, as one that refused to give terrene honor to the king, in keeping, as he had sworn, his laws and ordinances, at whose hands also he had received such honor and great preferments; and therefore he was well worthy, said they, to be handled like a perjured traitor and rebel. Upon this, great doubt and fear was, what should befall him. The archbishop of York, coming down to his chaplains, a332 said, he could not abide to see what the archbishop of Canterbury was like to suffer. Likewise, the tipstaves and other ministers of the assembly coming down with an outcry against him, all who were in the house crossed themselves to see his haughty stubbornness and the business there was about him. Certain there were of his disciples sitting at his feet, comforting him softly, and bidding him to lay his curse upon them; others, contrary, bidding him not to curse, but to pray and to forgive them, and if he lost his life in the quarrel of the church and the liberty thereof, he should be happy. Afterwards, one of them, named William Fitz-Stephen, a333 desired to speak something in his ear, but could not be suffered by the king’s marshal, who forbad that no man should have any talk with him. Then he, because he could not otherwise speak to him, wrought by signs, making a cross, and looking up with his eyes, and wagging his lips, meaning that he should pray and manfully stand to the cross. In the mean time cometh to him Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter, desiring him to have regard and compassion of himself, and also of them, or else they were all like to perish for the hatred of him; “for there cometh out,” saith he, “a precept from the king that he shall be taken, and suffer for an open rebel, who hereafter taketh your part.” It was said, moreover, that Joceline, bishop of Salisbury, and William, bishop of Norwich, were to suffer mutilation for their resisting, who consequently for their own sakes implored the archbishop of Canterbury. a334 The archbishop, notwithstanding, looking upon the said bishop of Exeter, “Avoid hence from me,” saith he, “thou understandest not neither dost savor those things that be of God.”

    The bishops and prelates then going aside by themselves from the other nobles, the king so permitting them to do, took counsel together what was to be done. Here the matter stood in a doubtful perplexity, for either must they incur the dangerous indignation of the king, or else, with the robles, they must proceed in condemnation against the archbishop, for resisting the king’s sanctions; which thing they themselves neither did favor. In this strict necessity, they, devising what way to take, at length agreed upon this: that they with a common assent should cite the archbishop to the see of Rome on perjury; and that t. hey should oblige and bind themselves to the king with a sure promise to work their diligence in deposing the archbishop; upon this condition, that the king should promise their safety, and discharge them from the peril of that judgment which was directed towards them. So all the bishops, obliging themselves thus to the king, went forth to the archbishop; of whom one speaking for the rest, who was Hilary, bishop of Chichester, had these words: “ Once you have been our archbishop, and so long we were bound to your obedience; but now, forasmuch as you, once swearing your fidelity to the king, do resist him, neglecting his injunctions and ordinances, concerning and appertaining to his terrene honor and dignity, we here pronounce you perjured; neither be we bound to give obedience to an archbishop thus being perjured; but, putting ourselves and all ours under the pope’s protection, we do cite you up to his presence.” And upon the same, they assigned him his day and time to appear. The archbishop answering again, said he heard him well enough; and upon this sendeth in all haste to the pope in France, a335 signifying to him by letters the whole matter, how, and wherefore, and by whom, he was cited; to whom the pope directed again his letters of comfort, as he had done divers before, the copy whereof here ensueth.

    POPE ALEXANDER TO THOMAS, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY F370 Your brotherly letters, which you directed to us, and such other matters which your messenger by word of mouth hath signified unto us, we have diligently heard the reading thereof, and thereby fully understand the grievous vexations and dolorous griefs wherewith your mind is daily encumbered: by reason whereof, we, hearing and understanding, are not a little disquieted in our spirit for your sake, in whose prosperities we do both gladly rejoice, and no less do sorrow in your adversities, as for our most dear brother.

    You, therefore, as a constant and wise man, remember with yourself that which is written: “The apostles departed away, rejoicing, from the face of the council,” etc. With like patience do you also sustain that man’s molestations, and let not your spirit be troubled therein more than needeth, but receive in yourself consolation; that we also, together with you, may be comforted in the Lord, who hath preserved you to the corroboration of his catholic and Christian verity, in this distress of necessity; and from whom also it hath pleased him to wipe away the blot of those things which have been unorderly of you committed, and here to punish the same through sundry afflictions: whereby, in the strict judgment of God, they might not be called to account hereafter.

    But, henceforth, let not this much grieve you, neither let your heart be so deject or timorous in the matter, for that you are cited up to the apostolic see; which to us is both grateful and accepted. And this we will you, that if they who have cited you shall chance to come, draw not you back, but follow the appeal, if you please, and spare not; all doubt and delay set apart: for the authority of the church, tendering this your constancy, may not do that which may put you in fear or doubt. But our diligence shall be, with all labor and study, to conserve the right and pre-eminence (God willing) of that church committed to you, so much as in us lieth, (saving our justice and equity), as to one whom, in working for the church, we find to be both a constant and a valiant champion. Further, this I brotherly require you, to repair unto the church of Canterbury; and, retaining but a few clerks about you, such only as serve your necessity, make excursions out as little as you can, in that country.

    But in this especially I thought to premonish you: that in no case, neither for fear nor any adversity, whatsoever may happen, you be brought to renounce and give up the right and dignity of your church.

    Written at Sens, the seventh before the Kalends of November. [October 26th.] As the archbishop was thus cited before the pope, sitting with his cross waiting in the court, neither giving place to the king’s request, nor abashed with the clamor of the whole court against him, calling him traitor on every side, neither following the advertisement of his fellow-bishops, at length the king, by certain earls and barons, sent commandment to him (Robert, earl of Leicester, doing the message), that he should without delay come and render a full account of all things that he had received, as the profits and revenues of the realm, in the time he was chancellor, and especially for the thirty thousand marks, for the which he was accountable to the king. To whom the archbishop answereth again, the king knew how oft he had made his reckoning of those thing which now were required of him.

    Further and besides, Henry, his son and heir of his realm, with all his barons, and also Richard Lucy, chief justice of England, told him, that he was free and quit to God and to holy church, front all receipts and computations, and from all secular exactions on the king’s behalf. And so he, taking thus his discharge at their hands, entered into his office; and therefore other account besides this he would make none. When this word was brought to the king, he required his barons to do the law upon him; who, so doing, judged him to be apprehended and laid in prison. This done, the king sendeth to him Reginald, earl of Cornwall and Devonshire, and Robert, earl of Leicester, to declare to him what was his judgment. To whom the archbishop answereth,—“Hear, my son, and good earl, what I say unto you: how much more precious the soul is than the body, so much more ought you to obey me in the Lord, rather than your terrene king; neither doth any law or reason permit the children to judge or condemn their father. Wherefore, to avoid both the judgment of the king, of you, and of all others, I put myself only to the arbitrement of the pope, under God alone to be judged of him, and of no other; to whose presence, here before you all, I do append, committing the ordering of the church of Canterbury, my dignity, with all other things appertaining to the same, under the protection of God and him. And as for you, my brethren and fellowbishops, who rather obey man than God, you also I call and cite to the audience and judgment of the pope, and so by the authority of the catholic church and of the apostolic see I depart hence.” a336 f372 While the barons returned with this answer to the king, the archbishop, passing through the throng, taketh unto him his palfrey, holding his cross in one hand, and his bridle in the other, the courtiers following after, and crying, “Traitor! traitor! tarry and hear thy judgment.” But he passed on till he came to the uttermost gate of the court, which being fast locked, there he had been staid, had not one of his servants, called Peter, surnamed Demunctorio, finding there a bunch of keys hanging by, first proved one key, then another, till at last, finding the true key, he had opened the gate, and let him out. The archbishop went straight to the house of canons, where he did lie, a337 calling unto him the poor where they could be found. When supper was done, making as though he would go to bed, which he caused to be made between two altars, privily, while the king was at supper, he prepareth his journey secretly to escape; and changing his garment and his name, being called Derman, first went to Lincoln, a338 and from thence to Sandwich, where he took ship, and sailed into Flanders, and from thence journeyed into France, as Hoveden saith. Albeit Alanus, differing something in the order of his flight, saith, “That he departed not that night; but at supper-time came to him the bishops of London and Chichester, declaring to him, that if he would surrender up to the king his two manors of Otford and Wingcham, there were hope to recover the king’s favor, and to have all remitted.” But when the archbishop would not agree thereunto, forasmuch as those manors were belonging to the church of Canterbury, the king hearing thereof, great displeasure was taken, insomuch that the next day Becket was fain to send to the king two bishops and his chaplain for leave to depart the realm. To this message the king answered, that he would take pause thereof till the next day, and then he should have an answer. But Becket, not tarrying his answer, the same day conveyed himself away secretly, as is aforesaid, to Louis, the French king; but before he carne to the king, Gilbert, the bishop of London, and William, the earl of Arundel, sent from the king of England to France, prevented him; requiring the said French king, in the behalf of the king of England, that he would not receive, nor retain in his dominion, the archbishop of Canterbury: moreover, that at his instance he would be a means to the pope, not to show any familiarity unto him. But the king of England, in this point, seemed to have more confidence in the French king, than knowledge of his disposition; for thinking that the French king would have been a good neighbor to him, in trusting him too much, he was deceived. Neither considered he with himself enough the manner and nature of the Frenchmen at that time against the realm of England; who then were glad to seek and take all manner of occasion to do some act against England.

    And therefore Louis, the French king, understanding the matter, and thinking, perchance, thereby to have some vantage against the king and realm of England, by the occasion hereof, contrary to the king’s letters and request, not only harboureth and cherisheth this Derman, but also, writing to the pope by his almoner and brother, entreateth him, upon all loves, as ever he would have his favor, to tender the cause of the Archbishop Becket. Thus the king’s ambassadors, repulsed of the French king, returned; at which time he sent another ambassage, upon the like cause, to Alexander, the pope, then being at Sens, in France. The ambassadors sent on this message were Roger, archbishop of York; Gilbert, bishop of London; Henry, bishop of Winchester; Hilary, bishop of Chichester; Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter; with other doctors and clerks: also William, earl of Arundel, with certain more lords and barons, who, coming to the pope’s court, were friendly accepted of certain of the cardinals; amongst the which cardinals rose also dissension about the same cause, some judging that the bishop of Canterbury, in the defense of the liberties of the church, (as in a good cause,) was to be maintained; some thinking again, that he, being a perturber: of peace and unity, was rather to be bridled for his presumption, than to be fostered and encouraged therein.

    But the pope, partly bearing with his cause, which only tended to his exaltation and magnificence, partly again incensed with the letters of the French king, did wholly incline to Becket, as no marvel was. Wherefore the day following, the pope sitting in consistory with his cardinals, the ambassadors were called for, to the hearing of Becket’s matter; and first beginneth the bishop of London; next, the archbishop of York; then Exeter; and then the other bishops, every one in his order, began to speak: whose orations being not well accepted of the pope, and some of them also disdained, the earl of Arundel, perceiving that, and somewhat to qualify and temper the matter to the pope’s ears, began after this manner:

    THE ORATION OF THE EARL OF ARUNDEL TO THE POPE Although to me it is unknown, (saith he) who am both unlettered and ignorant, what it is that these bishops here have said, neither am I, in that tongue, so able to express my mind as they have done: yet being sent and charged thereunto of my prince, neither can nor ought I but to declare, as well as I may, what the cause is of our sending hither: not, truly, to contend or strive with any person, nor to offer any injury or harm unto any man, especially in this place, and in the presence here of such an one, unto whose beck and authority, all the world doth stoop and yield. But for this time is our legacy hither directed: to present here before you, and in the presence of the whole church of Rome, the devotion and love of our king and master, which ever he hath had, and yet hath still, toward you. And, that the same might the better appear to your excellency, he hath assigned and appointed to the furniture of this legacy, not the least, but the greatest; not the worst, but the best and chiefest of all his subjects; both archbishops, bishops, earls, barons, with other potentates more, of such worthiness and parentage, that if he could have found greater in all his realm, he would have sent them, both for the reverence of your person, and of the holy church of Rome. Over and besides this, I might add more, which your sanctitude hath sufficiently tried and proved already, namely, the true and hearty fidelity of this our king and sovereign toward you, who, in his first entrance to his kingdom, wholly submitted himself, with all that is his besides, to your will and pleasure. And truly, to testify of his majesty how he is disposed to the unity of the catholic faith, we believe there is none more faithful in Christ than he, nor more devout to God, nor yet more moderate in keeping the unity of peace whereunto he is called. And as I may be hold this to protest for our king and master, so neither do I affirm the archbishop of Canterbury to be a man destitute or unfurnished with gifts and ornaments in his kind of calling, but to be a man both sage and discreet in such things as to him appertain, save only that he seemeth to some, more quick and sharp than needeth. This blot alone if it were not, and if the breach between our king and him had not so happened, both the regiments together (of the temporality and spirituality) might quietly have flourished one with the other in much peace and concord, both under a prince so worthy, and a pastor so virtuous.

    Wherefore, the case so standing as it doth, our message hither, and our supplication to your vigilant prudence is, that through your favor and wisdom, the neck of this dissension may be broken, and that reformation of unity and love, by some good means, may be sought.

    This oration of his, although it was liked of them for the softness and moderation thereof, yet it could not persuade the Romish bishop to condescend to their suit and request; which suit was, to have two legates or arbiters to be sent from his popish side into England, to examine and take up the controversy between the king and the archbishop. But the pope, incensed, as is said before, would not grant their petition: forasmuch as it should be (saith he) prejudicial, and tending to the oppression of the archbishop, to grant it, he being not present; and therefore he willed them to tarry his coming up; otherwise he being absent, he would not, he said, in any case proceed against him. But they alleging the time to be expired appointed to them of the king, having besides other lets and causes as they alleged, said that they could not there wait for the coming of Becket, but must return back, their cause frustrated, without the pope’s blessing to the king. Within four days after, Becket cometh to the pope’s court, where he, prostrating himself at his feet, brought out of his bosom a scroll containing the customs and ordinances of the king, before mentioned. The pope, receiving the aforesaid scroll, and reading it in the open hearing of his cardinals, condemned and accursed the most part of the said decrees of the king, which he called” consuetudines avitas, ‘ that is, ‘ his grandfather’s ordinances.’ Besides this, the pope moreover blameth Becket, for that he so much yielded to them at the beginning, as he did: yet notwithstanding, because he was repentant for his unadvised fact, he was content to absolve him for the same, and the rather, because of his great troubles, which he for the liberties of holy church did sustain; and so with great favor for that day dismissed him.

    The next day, Alexander the pope assembling his cardinals together in his secret chamber, appeareth before them archbishop. Becket, having this oration to the pope and his popelings, which here I thought to set out in our vulgar English tongue (translated out of Latin), to the intent that the posterity hereafter may understand either the vain superstition or vile slavery of the churchmen in those days, who, being not content with their own natural prince and king given them of God, must seek further to the pope; thinking no ecclesiastical living to be given, which is not taken at his hands. The words of his oration be storied rightly thus.

    THE ORATION OF BECKET ON RESIGNING HIS BISHOPRIC TO THE POPE F374 Fathers and lords, I ought not to lie in any place, much less before God, and in your presence here. Wherefore, with much sighing and sorrow of heart, I grant and confess, that these perturbations of the church of England be raised through my miserable fault. For I entered into the fold of Christ, a343 but not by the door of Christ; for that not the canonical election did call me lawfully thereunto, but terror of public power drove me in. And albeit I against my will took this burden upon me, yet not the will of God but man’s pleasure induced me hereunto; and therefore no marvel though all things have gone contrary and backward with me. But as for the resigning up again, at the threats of the king, the privilege of my bishoply authority which I had granted to me (so as my fellowbishops did instantly call upon me to do), had I so done (agreeably also to the wishes of the nobles), then had I left a pernicious and dangerous example to the whole catholic church; by reason whereof I thought to defer that unto your presence. And now, recognizing with myself my ingress not to have been canonical, and therefore fearing it to have the worse end; and again pondering my strength and ability not to be sufficient for such a charge; lest I should be found to sustain that room to the ruin of the flock, to which I was appointed (however improperly) a pastor, I here render up into your hand the archbishopric of Canterbury.

    And so putting off his ring from his finger, and offering it to the pope, he desired a bishop for the church of Canterbury to be provided, seeing he thought not himself meet to fulfill the same, and so (with tears, as the story saith) ended his oration.

    This done, the archbishop was bid to stand apart. The pope conferring upon this with his cardinals about the resignation of Becket, what was best to be done, some thought it best to take the occasion offered, thinking thereby the king’s wrath might easily be assuaged, if the church of Canterbury were assigned to some other person; and yet the said Becket otherwise to be provided for, notwithstanding. Contrary, other again thought otherwise, whose reason was, if he, who for the liberties of the church had ventured not only his goods, dignity, and authority, but also his life, should now at the king’s pleasure be deprived, like as it might be a precedent hereafter to others in resisting their king in like sort, if his cause were maintained, so contrariwise, if it quailed, it should be an example to all other hereafter not to resist his prince in the like case; and so might it redound, not only to the weakening of the state of the catholic church, but also to the derogation of the pope’s authority. Briefly, this sentence at length prevailed: and so Becket receiveth his pastoral office at the pope’s hand again, with commendation and much favor. But forsmuch as he could not be well placed in England, in the mean while the pope sendeth him with a monk’s habit into the abbey of Pontigny in France, where he remained two years; from thence he removed to Sens , where he abode four years. So the time of his exile continued six years in all. a344 Upon this, the king being certified by his ambassadors of the pope’s answer, how his favor inclined more to Becket than to him, was moved (and worthily) with wrathful displeasure; who upon the same sailing from England into Normandy, directed over certain injunctions against the pope and the archbishop of Canterbury, the contents whereof are recited underneath. f375 Of these and such other injunctions Becket specifieth partly in a certain letter, writing to a friend of his in this manner: f376 Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, to his well-beloved friend, etc.

    Be it known to your brotherly goodness, that we, with all ours here, by God’s grace are safe and in good health. Having a good hope and trust in your faithful amity, I charge you and require you, that either by the bringer hereof, or by some other whom ye know faithful and trusty to our church of Canterbury and to us, you write with all speed what is done. As touching the king’s decrees here set out, these they be: That all havens and ports should be diligently kept, that no letters of interdict be brought in thereat; and if a religious man bring them in, he shall have his feet cut off; if he be a priest or clerk, he shall lose his eyes, etc.; if he be a layman, let him he hanged; if he he a leper, let him be burned. And if any bishop for fear of the pope’s inter-diet will depart the realm, besides his staff only in his hand let him have nothing else. Also the king’s will is, that all scholars and students beyond the seas shall repair home, or else lose their benefices. And if they yet shall remain, they shall lose the liberty of ever returning. Further, if any such priests shall be found, that for the pope’s suspense or interdict will refuse to sing, they shall be shamefully mutilated. f378 In fine, all such priests as show themselves rebels to the king, let them be deprived of their benefices,” etc.

    Besides these and such like injunctions, it was also set forth by the king’s proclamation, A.D. 1166, that all manner of persons, both men and women, whosoever were found of the kindred of Thomas Becket, should be exiled, without taking any part of their goods with them, and sent to him where he was; which was no little vexation to Becket to behold them.

    Moreover, forasmuch as he then was lying with Gwarine, abbot of Pontigny, to whom the pope, as is aforesaid, had commended him; therefore the king, writing to the same abbot, required him not to retain the archbishop of Canterbury in his house, for if he did, he would drive out of his realm all the monks of his order. Whereupon Becket was enforced to remove from thence, and went to Louis, the French king, by whom he was placed at Sens, and there was found of him the space of four years, a346 as is above mentioned.

    In the mean time, a345 messengers went daily with letters between the king and the pope, between the pope again and him, and also between the archbishop and others, whereof, if the reader, peradventure, shall be desirous to see the copies, I have thought here to express certain of them, to satisfy his desire; first beginning with the epistle of Becket, complaining of his prince to the pope, in manner and form as followeth.

    THE COPY OF AN EPISTLE SENT BY THOMAS BECKET TO POPE ALEXANDER F380 To your presence and audience I flee, most holy father, that you, who have bought the liberty of the church with your so great danger, might the rather attend to the same, either being the only or chief cause of my persecution, using and following therein your example. It grieveth me that the state of the church should fall to any decay, and that the liberties thereof should be infringed through the avarice of princes. For the which cause I thought to resist betimes that inconvenience beginning so to grow; and the more I thought myself obliged to the same, my prince, unto whom next under God I am most chiefly bound, the more boldness I took to me, to withstand his unrightful attempts, till such as were on the contrary part, my adversaries, prevailed, working my disquietness, and incensing him against me. Whereupon, as the manner is amongsty Princes, they raised up against me citations and slanders, to the occasion of my persecution; but I had rather be proscribed than subscribe. Besides this, I was also called to judgment, and cited before the king to make answer there as a lay person, to secular accounts, and while they whom I most trusted did most forsake me; for I saw my fellow-brethren, the bishops, through the instigation of some, ready to my condemnation. Whereupon, all being set against me, and I thus oppressed on every side, I took my refuge to appeal to your goodness, which casteth off none in their extremities, being ready to make my declaration before you, that I ought neither to be judged there in that place, nor yet of them. For what were that, father, but to usurp to themselves your right, and to bring the spirituality under the temporality. Which thing, once begun, may breed an example to many. And therefore so much the more stout I thought to be in withstanding this matter, how much more prone and inclined I saw the way to hurt, if they might once see us to be faint and. weak in the same. But they will say to me here again: “Give to Caesar that which belongs to Caesar,” etc. But, to answer again thereunto: albeit we are bound to obey our king in most things, yet not in such manner of things, whereby he is made to be no king; neither were they then things belonging to Caesar, but to a tyrant; concerning the which points these bishops should not for me only, but for themselves, have resisted the king. For if the extreme judgment be reserved to him who is able to judge both body and soul, is it: not then extreme pride for men there to judge, who judge but by themselves. If the cause of the bishops and of the clergy, which I maintain, be right, why be they set against me? why do they reprehend me? For if I appealed to him, before whom either it was not lawful, or else not expedient for me so to do, what seem they by this, but either to blame me causeless, or else to distrust your equity? For me to be convicted before your holiness, it had been a double confusion. Or wherein have I deserved to be persecuted of them, for whose cause I have set myself to stand in their behalf? And if they had willed, I had prevailed; but it is ill with the head, when it is left of its members and forsaken; as if the eyes should take the tongue to speak against the head. If they had had eyes to have foreseen the matter, they might understand themselves to speak their own destruction, and that the princes did use their help but to their own servitude. And what so great cause of hatred had they against me, to procure their own undoing in undoing of me? So while they neglected spiritual things for temporal, they have lost them both. What should I speak more of this, that I repugning them, and appealing to your audience, they yet durst presume to stand in judgment and condemnation against me, as children against their father. Yea, and not against me only, but against the universal church of God, conspiring together with the prince being with me offended. And this suspicion might also as well pertain to you, holy father. But to this they will say, that they owe their duty and service unto the king, as their lord, to whom they are bound upon their allegiance.

    To whom I answer, that to him they stand bound bodily, to me spiritually. But to whom ought they rather to stand bound, than to themselves? And were it not better to sustain the loss of corporal than of spiritual things? But here they will say again; at this time the prince was not to be provoked. How subtilly do these men dispute for their own bondages. Yea, they themselves provoke him by their own excess, ministering wings unto him to fight against them; for he would have rested if they had resisted. And when is constancy more to be required, than in persecution? Be not a man’s chief friends most tried in persecution? If they give over still, how shall they obtain the victory? Sometimes they must needs resist.

    Condescend, therefore, holy father, to my exile and persecution, and remember that I also once was a great man in the time when it was; and now for your sake thus injuriously I am treated. Use your rigour, and restrain them by whose instigation the name of this persecution began, and let none of these things be imputed to the king, who rather is to be accounted the repairer than the author of this business.

    Besides this epistle sent to the pope, he writeth also another, sent to the king, in Latin, the tenor whereof he that is disposed to read may peruse in our former edition, with notes adjoined withal.

    Besides which epistle to the King in Latin, he sent also one or two more to the said King Henry II, much after the like rate and sort: one thus beginning, “Loqui de Deo, liberae mentis est et valde quietae. Inde est quod loquar ad Dominum meum, et utinam ad amnes pacificum,” etc. Which epistle, for that I would not overcharge the volume of these histories with too much matter superfluous, I thought here to omit. The other he sent afterwards, whereof the words be these:

    ANOTHER LETTER OF BECKET, SENT TO KING HENRY II F382 To his lord and friend Henry, by the grace of God, king of England, duke of Normandy and Aquitain, earl of Anjou: Thomas, by the same grace, humble minister of the church of Canterbury, (sometime his temporally, but now more his in the, Lord), health and true repentance with amendment. I have long looked for that the Lord would look upon you, and that you would convert and repent, departing from your perverse way; and cut off’ from you your wicked and perverse counselors, by whose instigation, as it is thought, you are fallen into that deep, whereof the Psalm speaketh, “A sinner, when he cometh to the depth of mischiefs, is without all care or fear.” And albeit we have hitherto quietly suffered and borne, considering and earnestly looking if there would any messenger come that would say: “Your sovereign lord, the king, who now a long time hath erred and been deceived, and led even to the destruction of the church, through God’s mercy, with abundant humility, doth now again make speed for the deliverance of the church, and to make satisfaction and amendment;” yet notwithstanding we cease not, day by day, continually to call upon Almighty God with most humble devotion, that that which we have long desired for you, and by you, we may speedily obtain with abundant effect. And this is one point, that the care of the church of Canterbury, whereunto God hath presently appointed us albeit unworthy, you being king, doth specially constrain me, in that as yet we are detained in exile, to write unto your majesty letters commonitory, exhortatory, and of correction. But I would to God they were fully able to correct, lest that I be too great a cloaker of your outrages, if there be any, as indeed there are; for the which we are not a little sorry. I mean especially of them which are done by you in every place, about the; church of God and the ecclesiastical persons, without any reverence either of dignity or person; and lest also that I appear negligent to the great danger of my soul; for without doubt he beareth the offense of him which doth commit any offense, who neglecteth to correct that which another ought to amend; for it is written, “Not only they which do commit evil, but also they that consent thereunto, are counted partakers of the same.” For they verily do consent, who, when they both might and ought, do not resist, or at the least reprove; for the error which is not resisted is allowed, and the truth, when it is not defended, is oppressed; neither doth it lack a privy note of society in him, who ceaseth to withstand a manifest mischief. f383 For like as, most noble prince, a small city doth not diminish the prerogative of so mighty a kingdom as yours, so your royal power ought not to oppress or change the measure of the religious dispensation; for it is provided always by the laws, that all judgments against priests should proceed by the determination of priests; for whatsoever bishops they are, albeit that they do err as other men do, not exceeding in any point contrary to the religion of faith they ought not, nor can in any ease be judged of the secular power, Truly it is the part of a good and religious prince to repair the ruinous churches, to build new, to honor the priests, and with great reverence to defend them, after the example of the godly prince of most happy memory, Constantine, who said, when a complaint of the clergy was brought to him, “You,” said he, “can be judged by no secular judge, who are reserved to the only judgment of God.” And forsomuch as we do read that the holy apostles and their successors, appointed by the testimony of God, commanded that no persecution nor troubles ought to be made, nor to envy those which labor in the field of the Lord, and that the stewards of the Eternal King should not be expelled and put out of their seats; who then doubteth, but that the priests of Christ ought to be called the fathers and masters of all other faithful princes? Is it not a miserable madness, then, if the son should go about to bring the father under obedience, or the scholar his master, and by wicked bonds to bring him in subjection, by whom he ought to believe that he may be bound and loosed, not only in earth, but also in heaven? If you be a good and a catholic king, and one as we hope, or rather desire you should be (be it spoken under your license), you are the child of the church, and not the ruler of the church. You ought to learn of the priests, and not to teach them; you ought to follow the priests in ecclesiastical matters, and not to go before them, having the privilege of your power given you of God to make public laws, that, by his benefits, you should not be unthankful against the dispensation of the heavenly order, and that you should usurp nothing, but use them with a wholesome disposition. Wherefore, in those things which, contrary unto that, you have, through. your malicious counsel, rather than by your own mind wickedly usurped; with all humility and satisfaction speedily give place, that the hand of the Most Highest be not stretched out against you, as an arrow against the mark. For the Most Highest hath bended his bow openly to shoot against him that will not confess his offenses. Be not ashamed, whatsoever wicked men say to you, or that traitors do whisper in your ear, to humble yourself under the mighty hand of God; for it is he who exalteth the humble, and throweth down the proud; who also revengeth himself upon princes; he is terrible, and who shall resist him? You ought not to have let slip out of your memory, in what state God did find you; how he hath preferred, honored, and exalted you; blessed you with children, enlarged your kingdom, and established the same in despite of your enemies; insomuch that hitherto, in a manner, all men have said with great admiration, that this is he whom God hath chosen. And how will you reward, or can you reward him for all these things which he hath done unto you? Will you, at the provocation and instance of those who are about you, that Persecute the church, and the ecclesiastical ministers, and always have according, to their, power persecuted them, rendering evil for good, bringing oppressions, tribulations, injuries, and afflictions upon the church and churchmen, do the like? Are not these they of whom the Lord speaketh: “He that heareth you, heareth me; he that despiseth you, despiseth me; and he that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of mine eye.”

    Verily, forsaking all that thou hast, take up thy cross, that thou mayest follow thy God, our Lord Jesus Christ. Yet will it scarcely be, or not at all, that thou shalt appear a thankful recompenser of the benefits received at his hand. Search the Scriptures with such as are learned, and you shall understand that Saul, albeit he was the elect of the Lord, perished with his whole house, because he departed from the ways of the Lord. Uzziah also, king of Judah, whose name is spoken of and spread over all, through the manifold victories given him of God, his heart was so puffed up to his destruction, because the Lord did help and strengthen him in every place, that he, contemning the fear and reverence of the Lord, would usurp unto himself that which was not his office, that is to say, the priesthood, and offer incense upon the altar of the Lord, for the which he was stricken with a leprosy, and cast out of the house of the Lord. Many other kings and holy men of great substance, because they have walked above their estate in the marvels of the world, presuming to rebel against God in his ministries, have perished, and, at the last, have found nothing of their substance in their power. Also King Ahaz, because he did usurp the office of priesthood, was likewise stricken with a leprosy by God.

    Oza also, albeit he was not king, yet forasmuch as he touched the ark and held it, when it would have fallen by the unruliness of the oxen, which thing pertained not unto him, but unto the ministers of the church, was stricken by the wrath of God, and fell down dead by the ark. O ‘king! it is a famous proverb, “That a man, forewarned by another man’s misfortune, will take the better heed unto himself.” For every man hath his own business in hand when his neighbor’s house is on fire.

    Dearly beloved king, God would have the disposing of those things which pertain unto the church, to belong only unto priests, and not unto the secular power. Do not challenge unto thyself therefore another man’s right, neither strive against him by whom all things are ordained, lest thou seem to strive against his benefits from whom thou hast received thy power. For not by the common laws and by the secular power, but by the bishops and priests, Almighty God would have the clergy of the Christian religion to be ordered and ruled. And Christian kings ought to submit all their doings unto ecclesiastical rulers, and not to prefer themselves; for it is written, that none ought to judge the bishops but only the church, neither doth it pertain unto man’s law to give sentence upon any such. Christian princes are accustomed to be obedient unto the statutes and ordinances of the church, and not to prefer their own power. A prince ought to submit himself unto the bishops, and not to judge the bishops; for there are two things wherewith the world is chiefly governed, that is to say, the sacred authority of bishops, and royal power in the which the bishops’ charge is so much the more weighty, in that they shall at the latter judgment render account even of the kings themselves.

    Trimly you ought to understand, that you depend upon their judgment, and cannot reduce them unto your own will; for many bishops have excommunicated both kings and emperors. And if you require an especial example thereof, Innocent, the pope, did excommunicate Arcadius, the emperor, because he did consent that John Chrysostome should be expulsed from his seat; and St.

    Ambrose also did excommunicate Theodosius, the great emperor, for a fault which seemed not so weighty unto other priests, and shut him out of the church, who. afterwards, by condign satisfaction was absolved.

    There are many other like examples. For David, when he had committed adultery and murder, the prophet Nathan was sent unto him by God to reprove him, and he was soon corrected: and the king (laying aside his scepter and diadem, and setting apart all princely majesty) was not ashamed to humble himself before the face of the prophet, to confess his fault, and to require forgiveness for his offense. What will you more? He, being stricken with repentance, asked mercy, and obtained forgiveness. So likewise you, most beloved king and reverend lord! after the example of this good king David, of whom it is said, “I have found a man after mine own heart, ‘with a contrite and humble heart turn to the Lord your God, and take hold of repentance for your transgressions. For you have fallen and erred in many things, which yet I keep in store still, if (peradventure) God shall inspire you to say with the prophet, “Have mercy on me, O God, according to thy great mercy, for I have sinned much against thee, and done evil in thy sight.” Thus much I have thought good to write to you, my dear lord, at this present, passing other things in silence, till I may see whether my words take place in you, and bring forth fruits worthy of repentance; and that I may hear and rejoice with them that shall bring me word and say, “O king! thy son was dead, and is alive again; was lost, and is found again.’” But if you will not hear me, look where I was wont before the majesty of the body of Christ to pray for you in abundance of tears and sighs; there in the same place I will cry against you, and say, Rise up, Lord, and judge my cause; forget not the rebukes and injuries which the king of England doth to thee and thine; forget not the ignominy of thy church, which thou hast builded in thy blood. Revenge the blood of thy saints which is sprit; revenge, O Lord, the afflictions of thy servants, of which there is an infinite number. For the pride of them which hate and persecute thee is gone up so high, that we are not able to bear them any longer. Whatsoever your servants shall do, all those things shall be required at your hands: for he seemeth to have done the harm, who hath given the cause thereof.

    Doubtless, the Son of the Most Highest, except you amend and cease from the oppressing of the church and clergy, and keep your hand from troubling of them, will come in the rod of his fury, at the voices of such as cry to him, and at the sighs of them that be in bands; when the time shall come for him to judge the unrighteousness of men in equity and severity of the Holy Ghost.

    For he knoweth how to take away the breath of princes, and is terrible among kings of the earth. Your dear and loving grace, I wish well to fare. Thus fare ye well again and ever.

    Besides these letters of the archbishop sent to the king, the pope also, in the same cause, writeth to the king: the whole tenor of whose letter I would here express, but for protracting of the time and for straitness of room, having so many things else in this story (by the grace of Christ) to be comprehended. But the letter tendeth to this effect: to exhort and charge the king to show favor to Thomas Becket; where, in the process of the epistle, it followeth to this effect: “Therefore we do desire, admonish, and exhort your honor, by these our apostolical writings, and also enjoin you upon the remission of your sins, in the behalf of Almighty God, and of St.

    Peter, prince of the apostles, by our authority, that you receive again the aforesaid archbishop into your favor and grace, for the honor of God, his church, and of your own realm,” etc. Thus have you heard the pope’s entreating letter. Now here is another letter sent unto the aforesaid king, wherein he doth menace him, as in the tenor thereof here followeth.

    BISHOP ALEXANDER, SERVANT OF THE SERVANTS OF GOD, TO HENRY, KING OF ENGLAND, HEALTH AND BLESSING APOSTOLICAL F396 How fatherly and gently we have ofttimes entreated and exhorted, both by legates and letters, your princely honor to be reconciled again with our reverend brother, Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, so that he and his may be restored again to their churches and other possessions to them appertaining, your wisdom is not ignorant, seeing it is notified and spread almost throughout all Christendom. Forsomuch therefore as hitherto we have not been able to prevail with you, nor mollify your mind by fair and gentle words, it grieveth us not a little, so to be frustrated and deceived of the hope and expectation winch we had conceived of you: especially seeing we love you so dearly, as our own dearly beloved son in the Lord, and understand such great jeopardy to hang over you.

    But forsomuch as it is written, “Cry out, and cease not; lift up thy voice like a trumpet, and declare to my people their wickedness, and their sins to the house of Jacob;” also forsomuch as it is by Solomon commanded, that the sluggish person should be stoned with the dung of oxen; therefore we have thought good not to forbear or support your stubbornness any longer against justice and our own salvation, neither that the mouth of the aforesaid archbishop should be stopped from henceforth any more, but that he may freely prosecute the charge of his office and duty, and revenge with the sword of ecclesiastical discipline the injuries done both to himself and to the church committed to his charge.

    And here I have sent unto you two legates, the prior of Montdieu, and Bernardus de Corilo, a348 to admonish you of the same. But if ye will neither by us be advised, nor give ear unto them in obeying, it is to be feared, doubtless, lest such things as they shall declare to you from us in our behalf may happen and fall upon you.—Given at Benevento, the ninth day before the kalends of June.

    To answer these letters again, there was a certain other writing drawn out and directed to the pope, made by some of the clergy, as it seemeth, but not without consent of the king, as by the title may appear, inveighing and disproving the misbehaviour of the archbishop. The tenor thereof here followeth, and beginneth thus:

    AN ANSWER TO THE POPE F397 Time now requireth more to seek help than to make complaints.

    For so it is now, that the holy mother church (our sins deserving the same) lieth in a dangerous case of great decay, which is like to ensue, except the compassion of the Lord speedily support her.

    Such is the wickedness now of schismatics, that the father of fathers, Pope Alexander, for the defense of his faith and for the love of righteousness is banished out of his country, and is denied the liberty of returning to his own proper see, by reason of the obdurate heart of that Pharaoh, Frederic.

    Further and besides, the church also of Canterbury is miserably impaired and blemished, as well in the spiritual as in the temporal estate: much like a ship in the sea, destitute of her guide, tossed in the floods, and wrestling with the winds. The pastor, being absent from his country, is prevented returning thither through the power of the king, and being over wise (to the jeopardy of himself, his church, and us also) hath brought and entangled us with himself in the same partaking of his punishments and labors, not considering how we ought gently to entreat and not; to resist superior powers.

    And also he showeth himself to us ungrateful, who with all our affections sympathize with him in his afflictions, not ceasing yet to persecute us who stand in the same condemnation with him. For, betwixt him and our sovereign prince, the king of England, arose a certain matter of contention, whereupon they were both agreed, that a day should be appointed to have the controversy determined according to equity and justice.

    The king commanded all the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of the church, to be called against the day aforesaid to a great and solemn frequency: so that the greater and more general this council was, the more manifest might be the detection of any fraud and wickedness.

    At the day therefore above mentioned, this troubler of the realm and of the church presenteth himself in the sight of our catholic king; and, not trusting the quality and condition of his cause, armeth himself with the standard of the cross, as though he were about coming into the presence of a tyrant. By reason whereof the king’s majesty being somewhat aggrieved, yet, because he would be delivered from all suspicion, committeth the matter to the hearing of the bishops. This done, it rested with the bishops to decide and cease this contention, and to set agreement between them, removing all occasion of dissension. Which thing they going about, this aforesaid archbishop cometh in, forbidding and commanding, that no sentence whatever should be passed upon him before the king.

    This being signified in the king’s hearing, his mind was grievously provoked thereby to anger: whose anger yet notwithstanding had been easily assuaged, if the other would have submitted himself and acknowledged his default. But he adding stubbornness to his trespass, such is the amount of his excess that he alone, as the guilty author, ought to bear the brunt of the vengeance of the civil power, ashamed as he is to crave pardon for his desert at the king’s hand; whose anger he feared not to stir up in such a troublesome time of the persecution of the church, greatly against the profit of the same; augmenting and increasing thereby the persecution which now the church lieth under. Much better it had been for him to have tempered himself with the bridle of moderation, in the high estate of his dignity; lest in exceeding too far in straining ambitiously to attain the summit of affairs, peradventure (as his presumption deserveth) he should fall the lower. And if the detriment of the church would not move him, yet the great preferments of riches and honors bestowed upon him ought to persuade him not to be so stubborn against the king. But here our adversary objecteth, that his standing to the king’s judgment in this behalf were prejudicial against the authority of the see apostolical.

    As though he did not or might not understand, that although the dignity of the church should suffer a little detriment in that judgment, yet he might and ought to have dissembled for the time, for the sake of restoring peace. He objecteth again, assuming the name of father, that it soundeth like a point of arrogancy for children to proceed in judgment of the father, and that such a thing ought not to be. But he must understand again, that it was necessary that the obedience and humility of the children should temper the pride of the father; lest, afterward, the hatred of the father might redound upon the children. Wherefore, by these premises your fatherhood may understand, that our adversary ought to drop his action as void and of none effect, who only upon the affection of malice hath proceeded thus against us, having no just cause or reason to ground his attack upon.

    And, forsomuch as the care and charge of all the churches (as ye know) lieth upon us, it standeth upon us to provide, by our diligence and circumspection, concerning the state of the church of Canterbury, that the said church of Canterbury be not brought to shipwreck through the excess of its pastor.

    By this epistle it may appear to the reader thereof, that Becket, being absent from England, went about to work some trouble against certain of the clergy and the laity, belike in excommunicating a349 such as he took to be his evil willers.

    Now to understand further what his working was, or who they were whom he did excommunicate, this letter, sent to William, bishop of Norwich, shall better declare the matter.

    A LETTER OF BECKET, TO WILLIAM, BISHOP OF NORWICH, WHEREIN ARE CONTAINED THE NAMES OF THOSE WHOM HE DID EXCOMMUNICATE F398 He is clearly liable to the punishment of a criminal, who receiving power and authority of God useth and exerciseth not the same with due severity in punishing vice, but winking and dissembling doth minister boldness to wicked doers, maintaining them in their sin.

    For the blood of the wicked is required at the hand of the priest, who is negligent or dissembleth. And, as the Scripture saith, “Thorns and brambles grow in the hands of the idle drunkard.”

    Wherefore, lest through our too much sufferance and dissembling, we should become involved in the guilt of manifest evildoers, and be convicted of procuring the injury of the church through our guilty silence; we, therefore, following the authority of the pope’s commandment, have laid our sentence of curse and excommunication upon the Earl Hugh; a350 commanding you throughout all your diocese publicly to denounce the said earl as accursed; so that, according to the discipline of the church, he be sequestered from the fellowship of all faithful people. Also, it is not unknown to your brotherhood, how long we have borne with the transgressions of the bishop of London; who, amongst his other acts, would to God were not a great doer, and fautour of this schism, and subverter of the rights and liberties of holy church.

    Wherefore we, being supported with the authority of the apostolic see, have also excommunicated him; besides also the bishop of Salisbury, because of his disobedience and contempt, and others likewise, upon divers and sundry causes, whose names here follow subscribed: Thomas Fitz-Bernard; Rodulph of Brock; Robert of Brock, a clerk; Hugh of St. Clair, and Letard, clerk of Northfleet; a351 Nigel of Sackville, and Richard, a clerk, brother to William of Hastings, who possesseth my church of Monkton. We therefore charge and command you, by the authority apostolical and ours, and by the virtue of obedience, and by the peril of salvation and of your order, that ye cause these openly to be proclaimed excommunicate throughout all your diocese, and command all the faithful to avoid their company. Fare ye well in the Lord. Let not your heart be troubled, nor fear; for we stand sure through the assistance of the apostolic see, God being our defense against the pretensed shifts of the malignant sort, and against all their appellations. Furthermore, all such as have been solemnly cited of us shall sustain the like sentence of excommunication, if God will, on Ascension-day, unless meanwhile they satisfy for their offenses; to wit, Geoffrey, archdeacon of Canterbury, and Robert his vicar; Richard of Ilchester, a352 Richard of Lucy, William Giffard, Adam of Cherings, with such others more, who either at the commandment of the king, or upon their proper temerity, have invaded the goods and possessions either appertaining to us, or to our clerks about us. With these also we do excommunicate all such as be known, either with their aid or counsel to have incensed or set forward the proceeding of our king against the liberties of the church in the exiling and spoiling of the innocent, and such also as be known to impeach or hinder, by any manner of way, the messengers sent either by the lord pope or by us, from prosecuting the necessities of the church. Fare you well again, and ever.

    Hitherto hast thou seen, gentle reader, divers and sundry letters of Thomas Becket, whereby thou mayest collect a sufficient history of his doings and demeanor, though nothing else were said further of him, concerning his lusty and haughty stomach, above that beseemed either his degree or cause which he took in hand. And here peradventure I may seem in the story of this one man to tarry too long, having to write of so many others better than it: yet for the weaker sort, who have counted him, and yet do count him, for a saint, having in themselves little understanding to judge or discern in the causes of men, I thought to add this letter more, wherein he complaineth of his king to a foreign power, doing what in him did lie to stir for his own cause mortal war to the destruction of many. For suppose wrong had been offered him of his prince, was it not enough for him to fly?

    What cause had he, for his own private revenge to set potentates in public discord? Now having no just cause, but rather offering injury in a false quarrel, so to complain of his prince, what is to be said of this, let every man judge who seeth this letter.

    AN EPISTLE OF THOMAS, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, TO POPE ALEXANDER F399 To our most loving father and lord, Alexander, by the grace of God supreme pontiff, Thomas, the humble minister of the church of Canterbury, due and devoted obedience. Long enough and too long, most loving father, have I forborne, still looking after amendment of the king of England, but no fruit have I reaped of this my long patience: nay rather, whilst that unwisely I do thus forbear, I augment the detriment and ruin of mine authority, as also of the liberty of the church of God: for oftentimes have I by religious and suitable messengers invited him to make condign satisfaction; as also by my letters, the copies whereof I have sent you, I have intimated the divine severity and vengeance against him, unless he repented. But he, that notwithstanding, proceedeth from evil to worse, oppressing and ravaging the church and sanctuary of God; persecuting both me and those who take part with me, and doing all his endeavor by threatening words to terrify such as, for God’s cause and mine own, seek any way to relieve and help me. He wrote also letters unto the abbot of the Cistercian order, that, as he favored the abbies of that his order which were in his [the king’s] power, he should not accept me into the fellowship thereof, nor do any thing else for me. Why should I use many words? So much hath the rigor and severity, as well of the king as of his officers, under our patience and sufferance, showed itself, that if a great number of men, yea, and that of the most religious sort, should show unto you the matter as it is indeed, and that upon their oath taken, I partly doubt whether your holiness would give credit to them or not. With anxiety of mind, therefore, I considering these things, and beholding as well the peril of the king as of ourself, have publicly condemned those pernicious—“customs” they are not to be called, so much as—perversities and pravities, whereby the church of England is disturbed and brought into confusion, as also the writing whereby they were confirmed; excommunicating generally, as well the observers thereof, as also the exactors and patrons of the same, with all their favorers, counselors, and coadjutors whatsoever they be, whether of the clergy or laity; absolving also our bishops from their oath, whereby they were so strictly enjoined to the observation of the same. These are the articles which in that writing I have principally condemned: That it is inhibited to appeal unto the see apostolical for any cause, but by the king’s license: That a bishop may not punish any man for perjury, or for breaking of his troth: That a bishop may not excommunicate any man that holdeth of the king in capite , or else interdict either their lands or offices without the king’s license:

    That clerks and religious men may be taken from us to secular judgment: That the king or any other judge may hear and decide the causes of the church and tithes: That it shall not be lawful for any archbishop or bishop to go out of the realm, and to come at the pope’s call without the king’s license: and divers others such as these. But I have by name excommunicated John of Oxford, a353 who hath communicated with the schismatic and excommunicate person, Reginald of Cologne, who also, contrary to the commandment of the lord pope and ours, hath usurped the deanery of the church of Salisbury, and hath, to renew his schism, taken an oath in the emperor’s court. Likewise I have denounced and excommunicated Richard of Ilchester, because he is fallen into the same damnable heresy, and has communicated with that infamous schismatic of Cologne; a354 devising and forging all mischief possible with the schismatics and Germans, to the destruction of the church of God and especially of the church of Rome, by composition made between the king of England and them: also Richard de Lucy and Jocelin de Baliol, who have been favorers of the king’s tyranny and fabricators of those heretical pravities. Also Ranulph de Broc, and Hugo de Sancto Claro, and Thomas Fitz- Bernard, who have usurped the possessions and goods of the church of Canterbury without our license and consent. We have also excommunicated all those who, contrary to our will, do stretch out their hands to the possessions and goods of the church of Canterbury. The king himself we have not yet excommunicated personally, a355 still waiting for his amendment: whom, notwithstanding, we will not defer to excommunicate, unless he quickly amend, and be warned by that he hath done. And therefore, that the authority of the see apostolic and the liberty of the church of God, which in these parts are almost utterly lost, may by some means be restored, it is meet and very necessary that what we have herein done, the same be of your holiness ratified, and by your letters confirmed. Thus I wish your holiness long to prosper and flourish.

    By this epistle, he that listeth to understand of the doings and quarrels of Becket, may partly judge what is to be thought thereof: which his doings, although in some part they may be imputed either to ignorance of mind, or blindness of zeal, or human frailty, yet, in this point, so vilely to complain of his natural prince, for the zeal of the pope, he can in no wise be defended. But such was the blindness of the prelates in those days, who measured and esteemed the dignity and liberty of Christ’s church by no other thing, than only by goods and possessions flowing unto and abounding among the clergy; and who thought no greater point of religion to be in the church, than to maintain the same. For this cause they did most abominably abuse Christian discipline and excommunication of the church at that time; as by this aforesaid epistle may appear. And what marvel if the acts and doings of this archbishop seem now to us in these days both fond and strange, seeing the suffragans of his own church and clergy, writing to him, could not but reprehend him, as in this their epistle, translated out of Latin into English, may be seen.

    AN EFFECTUAL AND PITHY LETTER, a356 FULL OF REASON AND PERSUASION, Sent from all the suffragans of the church of Canterbury to Thomas Becket, their archbishop. f400 Such troubles and perturbations as happened through the strangeness of your departure out of the realm, we hoped by our humility and prudence should haw; been reduced again (God’s grace working withal) rate a peaceable tranquillity. And it was no little joy to us, to hear so of you in those parts where you are conversant, how humbly you there behaved yourself, nothing vaunting yourself against your prince and king, and that you attempt no risings or wrestlings against his kingdom, but that you bore with much patience the burden of poverty, and gave yourself to reading and. prayer, and to redeem the loss of your time spent, with fasting, watchings, and tears; and so, being occupied with spiritual studies, to tend and rise up to the perfection of virtue, etc.

    But now, through the secret relation of certain, we hear (that we are sorry of) that you have sent unto him a threatening letter, wherein there is no salvation premised; a357 in the which also ye pretend no entreating nor prayers for the obtaining of favor, neither do use any friendly manner in declaring what you write, but, menacing with much austerity, threaten to interdict him, and to cut him from the society of the church. Which thing if you shall accomplish with like severity as in words ye threaten to do, you shall not only put us out of all hope of any peace, but also put us in fear of hatred and discord without measure, and without all redress amongst us. But wisdom will consider before the end of things, laboring and endeavoring to finish that which she wisely beginneth. Therefore your discretion shall do well diligently to forecast and consider whereto ye tend; what end may ensue thereof, and whereabout ye go. Certes, we, for our parts, hearing what we do hear, are discouraged from that we hoped for, who, having before some good comfort of tranquillity to come, are east from hope to despair, so that while one is drawn thus against another, almost there is no hope or place left to make entreaty or supplication. Wherefore, writing to your fatherhood, we exhort and counsel you by way of charity, that you add not trouble to trouble, and heap injury upon injury; but that you so behave yourself, that, all menaces set aside, ye rather give yourself to patience and humility, and yield your cause to the clemency of God, and to the mercy of your prince; and in so doing you shall heap coals of charity upon the heads of many. Thus charity shall be kindled, and that which menacings cannot do, by God’s help and good men’s counsel, pity, peradventure, and godliness shall obtain. Better it were to sustain poverty with praise, than in great promotions to be a common note to all men. It is right well known unto all men, how beneficial the king hath been unto you; from what baseness to what dignity he hath advanced you; and also into his own familiarity hath so much preferred you, that from the North Ocean to the Mount Pyrinee he hath subdued all things to your authority: insomuch that they were amongst all others accounted for men right fortunate, whosoever could find any favor with you.

    And furthermore, a358 lest that your estimation should be over matched by any nobility, he (against the mind of his mother, and of his realm) hath placed and ratified you substantially in ecclesiastical dignity, and advanced you to this honor wherein ye stand; trusting, through your help and counsel, to reign more safely and prosperously. Now, if he shall find disquietness, wherein he trusted to have quietness, what shall all men say or think of you?

    What recompense or retribution shall this be thought to be for so many and great benefits taken? Therefore, if it shall please you, ye shall do well to favor-and spare your fame and estimation, and to overcome your lord and sovereign with humility and charity; whereunto if our advertisement cannot move you, yet the love and fidelity you bear to the bishop and holy church of Rome ought to incline you thereunto, and not to attempt any such thing, whereby the troubles of the church, our mother, may increase, or whereby her dolour may be augmented in the loss of those, whose disobedience now she doth bewail: for what if it so happen through provocation, that the king, whom all his subjects and kingdoms obey, should relinquish the pope, which God forbid, and should deny all obedience to him, as he denieth to the king help or aid against you, what inconvenience would grow thereof? And think you he hath not great instigations, supplications, gifts, and many fear promises so to do? Yet he, notwithstanding, abideth firm hitherto in the rock, despising, with a valiant mind, all that the world can offer. This one thing feareth us, lest his mind whom no worldly offers can assail, no glory, riches, nor treasure can overturn, only through indignation of unkindness, be subverted; which thing if it chance to happen through you, then may you sit down and sing the song of the Lamentation of Jeremy, and weep your bellyful.

    Consider therefore, if it please you, and foresee well with yourself, this purpose of yours, if it proceed, how hurtful and perilous it will be, not only to the pope, and to the holy church of Rome, but also to yourself most especially. But some, peradventure, about you, of haughty and high-minded stoutness, more stout perchance than wise, will not suffer you to take this way, but will give you contrary counsel, to prove rather and declare what ye are able to do against your lord and prince, and to practice against him and all his the uttermost of your power and authority; which power and authority of yours, to him that offendeth, is fearful, and to him that will not amend, terrible. Such counsel as this, some, peradventure, will whisper in your ear. But to these again this we say and answer for our king, whom notwithstanding to be without fault we do not affirm, but yet, that he is always ready to amend and make satisfaction, that we speak confidently and protest in his behalf.

    The king, appointed for the Lord’s anointed, provideth for the peace of his subjects all that he is able: and therefore, to the intent he may conserve this peace in his churches and amongst his subjects committed to him, he willeth and requireth such ordinances as are due to kings, and have been exhibited to them beforetime, also to be exhibited to him; wherein if there hath any contradiction sprung up betwixt him and us, he being thereupon convented, and admonished from the pope by the reverend bishops of London and Hereford, burst not out into any defiance, but meekly and humbly answered, That where insoever the church or any ecclesiastical person can show himself grieved, he would therein stand to the judgment of the church of his kingdom. This also he is ready no less to perform indeed, thinking nothing more sweet unto him than to be admonished of his fault, if he have offended the Lord, and to reform the same; and not only to reform and amend his fault, but also to satisfy it to the uttermost, if the law shall so require him. Wherefore, seeing he is so willing to recompense and satisfy the judgment of the church in all things appertaining to the church; refusing no order that shall be taken, but in all things submitting his neck to the yoke of Christ; with what right, by what canon, or reason, can you interdict him, or use excommunication against him? It is a thing laudable, and a virtue of great commendation in wise men, wisely to go with judgment and reason, and not to be carried with puffs of hasty violence.

    Whereupon, this is the only and common petition of us all, that your fatherly care will diligently provide for your flock and sheep committed to you, so that they miscarry not, or run to any ruin through any inconsiderate or too much heady counsel in you; but rather, through your softness and sufferance, they may obtain life, peace, and security. It doth move us all, what we hear of late to be done by you against the bishop of Salisbury, and the dean of the same church, prosperously, as some men suppose; against whom you have given out the sentence of excommunication and condemnation, before any question of their crime was; following therein, as seemeth, more the heat of hastiness than the path of righteousness. This is a new order of judgment, unheard of yet to this day in our laws and canons, first to condemn a man, and after to inquire of the fact committed. Which order lest you should hereafter attempt to exercise in like manner against our sovereign and king, or against us, and our churches and parishes committed to us, to the detriment of the pope, and the holy church of Rome, and to the no little confusion of us all; therefore, we lay here against you, for ourselves, the remedy of appellation. And as before, openly in the public face of the church, with lively voice, we appealed to the pope for fear of certain perils that might have happened, so now again, in writing, we appeal to the same, a360 assigning as the term of our appellation the day of the Lord’s ascension: most humbly and reverently beseeching your goodness, that you, taking a better way with you in this matter, will let your cause fall, sparing herein both the labors and charges, as well of yourself as ours also. And thus we wish you right well to fare, reverend in the Lord.

    THE RESCRIPT OR ANSWER OF THOMAS BECKET TO ALL HIS SUFFRAGANS, NOT OBEYING, BUT CONFUTING, THE COUNSEL SENT F401 Your brotherly letters sent, albeit not by the whole assent of your wisdoms written, as I suppose, I received of late upon a sudden, the contents whereof seem to contain more sharpness than solace; and would to God they proceeded more of sincere zeal of godliness, or affection of charity, than of disobedience or forward wilfulness! for charity seeketh not the things that be her own, but which appertain to Jesus Christ. It had been your duty, if there be truth in the gospel, as most undoubtedly there is, and if you would faithfully have accomplished his business whose person you represent, rather to have feared Him, who can cast both body and soul to hell, than him whose power extendeth no furhter than to the body; rather to have obeyed God than man; rather your Father than your master or lord, after the example of bain who was to his Father obedient unto the death; who died for us, leaving us an example to follow his steps. Let us die therefore with him, and lay down our lives for the deliverance of his church out of the yoke of bondage, and tribulation of the oppressor, which church he hath founded, and whose liberty he hath procured with his own proper blood; lest, if we shall do otherwise, it may haply fall upon us which is written in the gospel, “Whoso loveth his own life more than me, is not worthy of me.” This ye ought to know, that if it be right which your Captain commandeth, your duty requireth to obey his will; if not, ye ought then rather to obey God than men.

    One thing I will say, if I may be so bold to tell it unto you; I have now suffered and abstained a long space, waiting if the Lord had given you to take a better heart unto you, who have turned cowardly your backs in the day of battle; or if any of you would have returned again to stand like a wall for the house of Israel, or at least if he had but showed himself in the field, making but the countenance of a warrior against those who cease not daily to infest the Lamb of God. I waited, and none came; I suffered, and none rose up; I held my peace, and none would speak; I dissembled, and none would stand with me in like semblance; wherefore, seeing I see no better fowardness in you, this remaineth only, to enter action of complaint against you, and to cry against mine enemies; “Rise up, O Lord! and judge my cause; revenge the blood of the church, which is wasted and oppressed. The pride of them which hate his liberty riseth up ever, neither is there any that doth good, no, not one.” Would to God, brethren beloved! there were in you any mind or affection to defend the liberty of the church; for she is builded upon a sure rock, so that although she be shaken, yet she cannot be overthrown. And why then seek ye to confound me? nay, rather yourselves in me, than me in you, a man who hath taken upon me all the peril, have sustained all the rebukes, have sustained all the injuries, have suffered also for you all, to very banishment.

    And so it was expedient, that one should suffer for that church, that thereby it might be released out of servitude. These things discuss you simply with yourselves, and weigh the matter. Attend, I say, diligently in your minds, for your parts, that God, for his part, removing from your eyes all majesty of rule and empery, as he is no acceptor of persons, may take from your hearts the veil, that ye may understand and see what ye have done, what ye intend to do, and what ye ought to do. Tell me which of you all can say, I have taken from him, since the time of my promotion, either ox or ass. If I have defrauded him of any penny, if I have misjudged the cause of any man wrongfully, or if, by the detriment of any person, I have sought mine own gain, let him complain, and I will restore him fourfold. And, if I have not offended you, what then is the cause that ye thus leave and forsake me in the cause of God? Why bend ye so yourselves against me in such a cause, that there is none more special belonging to the church?

    Brethren, seek not to confound yourselves and the church of God (so much as in you is), but turn to me, and you shall be safe; for the Lord saith, “I will not the death of a sinner, but rather he should convert and live.” Stand with me manfully in the war; take your armor and your shield to defend me. Take the sword of the word of the mighty God, that we altogether may withstand more valiantly the malignant enemies, such as go about to take away the soul of the church, which is her liberty; without which liberty she hath no power against them that seek to encroach to their inheritance, the possession of God’s sanctuary. If ye will hear and follow me, know ye that the Lord will be with you, and with us all in the defense of the liberty of his church. Otherwise, if ye will not, the Lord judge betwixt me and you, and require the confusion of his church at your hands; which church, whether the world will or no, standeth firmly in the word of the Lord, whereupon she is builded, and ever shall, till the hour come that she shall pass from this world to the Father; for the Lord ever doth support her with his hand.

    Wherefore, to return to the matter: Brethren, remember well with yourselves (which thing ye ought not to forget)what danger I was brought unto, and the church of God also, while I was in England, at my departing out of England, and after my departure from thence; also in what danger it standeth at this present day; but especially at that time, when, at Northampton, Christ was judged again in my person, before the judgment seat of the high president.

    Who ever heard the archbishop of Canterbury, being troubled for injuries done to him and to his church, and appealing to the pope of Rome, to be judged, condemned, appealed, and put to his sureties, and that of his own suffragans? Where is this law seen, or the authority, nay rather perversity, of this canon heard of? And why yet shame ye not at this your enormity? Why are ye not confounded? Or why doth not this confusion work in you repentance, and repentance drive you to due satisfaction before God and men? For these and such other injuries done to God and to his church, and to me for God’s cause (which with a good conscience I ought to suffer, because that without danger of soul I ought not to dissemble them), I choose rather to absent myself for a season, and to dwell quietly in the house of my Lord, than in the tabernacle of sinners, until the time that (their iniquity being complete) the hearts of the wicked, and the cogitations of the same, shall be opened; and these injuries were the cause both of my appeal from the king, and of my departure from thence, which ye term to be sudden. But if ye will speak the truth which ye know, it ought to be no less than sudden, lest, being foreknown, it might have been prevented and stopped; and, as God turned the matter, it happened for the best, both for the honor of the king, and better safety of those who, seeking my harm, should have brought slander on the king. If such troubles followed upon my departing as ye say, let them be imputed to him who gave cause; the fault is in the worker, not in the departer; in him that pursueth, not in him that avoideth injuries. What would ye more? I presented myself to the court, declaring both the causes of my coming and of my appeal, declaring also the wrongs and injuries done to me and to my church, and yet could have no answer, neither was there any that laid any thing against me, before we came to the king. Thus, while we stood waiting in the court, whether any would come against me or no, they sent to my officials; charging them not to obey me in my temporalities, nor to owe any service to me or to any of mine.

    After my appellation made in the court, my church was spoiled; we and they about us deprived of our goods, outlawed both of the clergy and of the laity, men, women, and infants; the goods of the church, that is, the patrimony of the crucifix, confiscated, and part of the money turned to the king’s use, part to your own coffers.

    Brother bishop of London, if this he true that we hear of you, and that to the use of your own church ye convert this money, we charge you and require you forthwith, by virtue of obedience, that within forty days after the sight of these letters, all delay and excuse set aside, ye restore again within the time aforesaid, all such goods and parcels as you have taken away: for it is unmeet and contrary to all law for one church to be enriched with the spoil of another church. If ye stand upon the authority that set you to work, you must understand, that in matters concerning the church goods, he can give no lawful authority, who committeth violent injury, etc.

    What authority and what Scripture giveth tins prerogative to princes upon church goods, which you would attribute to them?

    What? will they lay for them the remedy of appeal? God forbid! It were evil with the church of God, if, when the sacrilegious extortioner hath violently invaded other men’s goods, especially the goods of the church, he should after defend him with the title of appeal, etc.

    Do not, brethren, so confound altogether the right of the church and of the temporal regiment, for these two are very different, one borrowing its authority from the other. Read the Scriptures, and you shall find what and how many kings have perished for taking upon them the priestly office. Therefore let your discretion provide, lest for this your doing, God’s punishment light upon you; which if it come, it will be hard for you very easily to escape.

    Provide also and see to your king, whose favor ye prefer before the wealth and profit of the church; lest it happen, which God forbid, that he doth perish with all his house, after the example of those who for the like crime were plagued. And if ye cease not off from that ye begin, with what conscience can I dissemble or forbear, but must needs punish you? Let him dissemble with you who lists, having authority so to do; truly I will not; there shall be no dissimulation found in me. And where you write in your letters concerning my promotion, a361 that it was against the voice of the whole realm, and that the church did exclaim against it, what should I say to you, but that, which ye know right well, “The lie, which the mouth doth willingly speak, killeth the soul?” but especially the words of a priest’s mouth ought ever to go with verity. As touching this matter, I appeal to your 6wn conscience whether the form of my election stood not fully with the consent of them all to whom the election belonged, having also the assent of the prince by his son, and of those who were sent thereto. And if there were some that repugned the same, he that was troubled and is guilty, let him speak.

    Ye say, moreover, that I was exalted and promoted from a base and low degree to this dignity by him. I grant that I came of no royal or kingly blood; yet, notwithstanding, I would rather be in the number of those whom virtue of the mind, rather than birth, maketh noble.

    Peradventure I was born in a poor cottage, of poor parentage. .; and yet, through God’s clemency, who knoweth how to work mercy with his servants, and who cherisheth the humble and low things, to confound the high and mighty, in this my poor and low estate, before I came to the king’s service, I had abundantly and wealthily to live withal, as ye know, amongst my neighbors and friends. And David, even from the sheepfold, was taken up and made a king; Peter, of a fisher, was made a prince of the church, who, for his blood being shed for the name of Christ, deserved to have in heaven a crown, and in earth name and renown; would to God we could do the like! We be the successors of Peter, and not of kings and emperors.

    And where ye seem to charge me, by insinuation, with the blot of ingratitude, thus I answer: There is no offense capital or infamous, unless it proceed from the heart and intention. As, if a man commit a murder unwillingly, although he be called a murderer, yet he is not thereby punishable: and so, although I owe my duty and service with reverence to my king, yet, if I have him as my lord, if I have warned him, and talked with him fatherly and gently as with a son, and in talking with him could not be heard: if therefore, I say, being enforced thereunto, and against my will, I do exercise upon him the censure of due severity, in so doing I suppose. I make rather with him than against him, and rather deserve at his hand thanks for my correction, than note or suspicion of unkindness or punishment for the fact. Sometimes a man, against his will, receiveth a benefit, as, when necessity causeth a man to be restrained from doing that which he ought not to do: he that doth so restrain him, though he stop him, doth not hurt him, but rather profiteth him for his soul’s health. Another thing that defendeth us from ingratitude, is, our Father and Patron Christ, who, in that he is our Father, to whom we as children owe obedience, then are we bound, as children, by necessity, to obey his commandment, in warning the evildoer, in correcting the disobedient, and in bridling the obstinate: which, if we do not, we run into danger to have his blood required at our hands. Ye set forth likewise and show, what loss we thereby may sustain of our temporalities, but ye speak no word of the loss of our souls. Moreover, as concerning the departure of the king from the homage of the church of Rome, which in your letters ye teem to pretend, or rather threaten: God forbid, I say, that the devotion or faith of our king should ever swerve away from the obedience and reverence of the church of Rome, for any temporal commodity or incommodity, which thing to do is very damnable in any private subject, much more in the prince who draweth many others with him; therefore, God forbid that ever any faithful man should once think so heinous a deed. And you, according to your discretion, take heed lest the words of your mouth infect any person or persons therein, occasioning to them by your words such dangers and damnable matter, like to the golden cup which is called the cup of Babylon, which for the outward gold no man will refuse to drink of, but after they have drunk thereof, they are poisoned. And where ye lay to my charge for the suspending of the reverend father, the bishop of Salisbury, and for excommunicating of John, dean of the same church, for a schismatic, by knowledge and process had of the matter, to this I answer, that both these are justly and condignly excommunicate; and if ye understand perfectly the condition of the matter, and the right order of judgments, ye will say no less. For this standeth with good authority, as ye know, that in manifest and notorious crimes, this knowledge and order of proceeding is not requisite. Perpend with yourselves diligently, what the bishop of Salisbury did concerning the deanery, after that he was prohibited of the pope and of us, under pain of excommunication; and then shall ye better understand, that upon such manifest disobedience, suspension did rightly follow, as ye read in the decree of St. Clement, saying, “If they do not obey their prelates, all manner of persons, of what order soever they be, whether they shall be princes of high or low degree, and all other people, shall not only be infamed, but also banished from the kingdom of God and the fellowship of the faithful.” As concerning John of Oxford, this we say, that excommunication cometh divers ways; some are excommunicate by the law denouncing them excommunicate; some by the sentence of the prelate; some by communicating with those who are excommunicate. Now he that hath fallen into this damnable heresy, of participating with schismatics whom the pope hath excommunicated, he draweth to himself the spot and leprosy of like excommunication. Wherefore, seeing he, contrary to the pope’s express commandment and ours, being charged under pain of excommunication to the contrary, took upon him the deanery of Salisbury, we have denounced him, and hold him excommunicate, and all his doings we disannul by the authority of the eighth synod, saying, “If any man, either privily or apertly, shall speak, or communicate with him that is excommunicate, he draweth unto himself the punishment of like excommunication.” And now, forasmuch as you, brother, bishop of London, who ought to know that saying of Gregory VII. “If any bishop shall consent to the fornication of priests, deacons, etc. within his precinct, for reward, favor, or petition, or doth not by authority of his office correct the vice, let him be suspended from his office.” And again, that saying of Pope Leo which is this: “If any bishop shall institute or consecrate such a priest as shall be unmeet and unconvenient, if he escape with the loss of his own proper dignity, yet he shall lose the power of instituting any more,” etc. Therefore forasmuch, I say, as you, knowing this, have double-wise offended against the sentence of these canons, we command you, and in the virtue of obedience enjoin you, that if it be so, within three months after the receipt hereof, you will submit and offer yourself to due correction and satisfaction to the council of our fellow-bishops, for these your so great excesses, lest others, through your example, run into the like offense, and we be constrained to proceed against you with severer sentence.

    Finally, in the close of your letter, where ye bring in for your appellation against me, a safeguard for you, which rather indeed is an hindrance to you, that we should not proceed against the invaders of the church goods, nor against the king, in like censure as we have done against the bishop of Salisbury, as ye say, and his dean; to this I answer, God forbid that we have, or else should hereafter proceed or do any thing against the king or his land, or against you or your churches, inordinately or otherwise than is convenient. But what if you shall exceed in the same or like transgression, as the bishop of Salisbury hath done? Think ye then your appellation shall help you from the discipline of our severity, that ye shall not be suspended? Mark ye diligently whether this be a lawful appeal, and what is the form thereof. We know that every one that appealeth, either doth it in his own name, or in the name of another; if in his own, either it is for some grievance inferred already, or else for that he feareth after to be inferred against him.

    Now, concerning the first, I am sure there is no grievance that you can complain of as yet, God be thanked, that you have received at my hand, for the which you should appeal from me; neither have you, I trust, any cause special against me so to do. If ye do it for fear of what is to come, lest I should trouble you and your churches, consider whether this be the fear that ought to happen in constant men, or whether this be the appeal which ought to suspend or stay our power and authority that we have upon you and your churches. It is thought, therefore, by wise men, and we also judge no less, that your appeal is of no force. First, for that it hath not the right form of a perfect appellation, and also because it is not consonant to reason, and lacketh order and help of the law.

    Furthermore, if your appellation be in another man’s name, either it is for the king (as most like it is) or for some other. If it be for the king, then you ought first to understand that appellations are wont to be made to repel, and not to infer injury; or, to release such as be oppressed, that they should not be oppressed any more.

    Wherefore if any man shall enter any appellation, not trusting to the surety of his cause, but to delay the time, that sentence be not given upon him, that appellation is not to be received. For what state will there be of the church, if the liberty thereof being taken away, the goods of the church spoiled, and the bishops driven from their places, or at least not received with full restitution of their goods, the invaders and spoilers thereof may defend themselves by appealing, thereby to save themselves from the penalty of their desert?

    What a ruin of the church will this be? See what ye have done, and what ye say. Are you not the vicars of Christ, representing him on earth? Is it not your office to correct and bridle ill-doers, whereby they may cease to persecute the church? and is it not enough for them to be fierce and to rage against the church, but that you should take their part, setting yourselves against us, to the destruction of the church? Who ever heard of such monstrous doings? Thus, it shall be heard and said of all nations and countries, that the suffragans of the church of Canterbury, who ought to stand with their metropolitan unto death in defense of the church, now go about by the king’s command, so much as in them doth lie, to suspend his authority, lest he should exercise his discipline of correction upon them that rebel against the church. This one thing I know, that you cannot sustain two sorts of persons at once, both to be the appeal makers, and to be appealed to yourselves. You be they who have made the appellation; you be they against whom the appellation is made. Are there any more churches than one, and the body of the same? And how meet were it then, that you, being the members of the church, should hold together with the head thereof? I am afraid, brethren, lest it may be said of us, these be the priests who have said, “Where is the Lord?” and having the law, do not know the law. Furthermore, this I suppose, you, being discreet men, are not ignorant of, that such as enter any appellation there, are not wont to be heard, unless the matter of their appellation either belongeth to themselves, or except special commandment force them thereunto, or else unless they take another man’s cause upon them. First, that it belongeth nothing unto you, it is plain, forasmuch as the contrary rather pertaineth to your duty; that is, to punish and to correct all such as rebel against the church. And, secondly, if he who subverteth the liberty of the church, and invadeth the goods thereof, converting them to his own use, be not heard appealing for his own defense, much less is another to be heard appealing for him. Wherefore, as in this case neither he can appeal for himself, nor yet command you so to do; so neither may you receive the commandment to appeal for him. Thirdly, as touching the taking of another man’s cause or business upon you: to this I say and affirm, that ye ought in no manner of wise so to do, especially seeing the matter pertaineth to the oppression of the church, and whereupon ensueth great damage to the same.

    Wherefore, seeing it neither appertaineth to you, neither ought ye to receive any such commandment, nor yet to take upon you any such cause as that is, your appeal is neither to be heard, nor standeth with any law. Is this the devotion and consolation of brotherly love which you exhibit to your metropolitan, being for you in exile? God forgive you this clemency! And how now? will ye look for your letters and messengers to be gently received here of us? Neither do I speak this, as though there were any thing in hand betwixt your part and ours, or that we have done any thing inordinately against the person of the king, or against his land, or against the persons of the church, or intend, by God’s mercy, so to do. And therefore, we say briefly, and affirm constantly, that our lord the king cannot complain of any wrong or injury to be done unto him, if he (being often called upon by letters and messengers to acknowledge his fault, neither will confess his trespass, nor yet come to any satisfaction for the same) have the censure of severity by the pope and us laid upon him: for no man can say that he is unjustly treated, whom the law doth justly, punish. And, briefly to conclude, know you this for certain, that. extortioners, invaders, detainers of the church goods, and subverters of the liberties thereof, neither have any authority of the law to maintain them, nor doth their appealing defend them.

    A BRIEF CENSURE UPON THE FORMER RESCRIPT OF BECKET TO HIS SUFFRAGANS, WITH A GENERAL RESOLUTION OF THE REASONS THEREIN CONTAINED F404 If the king of England had been an idolater, covetous, and adulterer, an incestuous person, a murderer, with such like; then the zeal of this archbishop, threatening the king and such as took his part, had deserved praise in this epistle, and the Scripture would have borne him out therein. For these and such causes should bishops prosecute the authority of the gospel against all persons. But, the matter standing only upon church goods, liberty (or rather dicentiousness) of priests, making of deans, titles of churches, superiority of crowning the king, with such other matters: to stand so stiff in these, is not to defend the church, but to rebel against the king. Again, if the principles, which he here groundeth upon, were true—to wit, that the pope were to be obeyed before princes, that the liberty of the church standeth upon the immunity of priests exempted from princes’ laws, or upon ample possessions of the church; or that the pope’s law ought, to prevail in all foreign countries, and to bind all princes in their own dominions; or that the sentence of the pope and his popelings (how or by what affection soever it is pronounced) may stand by the undoubted sentence of God: then all the arguments of this epistle do proceed and conclude well. But, if they stand not ratified by God’s word, but tottering upon man’s traditions, then, whatsoever he inferreth or concludeth thereupon, his assumption being false, cannot be true, according to the school saying: “One inconveniency being granted in the beginning, innumerable follow thereupon.” So in this epistle it happeneth, as is above noted, that the major of this man is true, but the minor is clean false, and to be denied.

    THE LETTER OF MATILDA, THE EMPRESS, AND MOTHER OF THE KING, TO THOMAS BECKET F405 My lord the pope hath commanded me, and upon the forgiveness of my sins enjoined me, that I should be a mediator and means of restoring peace and concord between my royal son and you, by reconciling of yourself to him, whereunto, as you know, you requested me. Wherefore with the more affection, as well for the divine honor as for holy church, I have taken the enterprise upon me. But this by the way I assure you, that the king, with his barons and council, feel a great difficulty how far you, whom he entirely loved and honored, and made chiefest in all his realm, and raised to the highest dignity in all his dominions, ought to be trusted for the future, seeing that you (as they assert) stirred up his people against him; yea, and further, that, as much as in you lay, you went about to disinherit him, and deprive him of his crown.

    Wherefore, I send unto you our trusty and familiar servant, Archdeacon Lawrence, by whom I pray you that I may understand your mind herein, and what your disposition is toward my son, and how you mean to behave yourself, if haply he should be disposed to grant my prayer and petition to his grace in your behalf. But this one thing I assure you of, that without great humility and moderation most evidently in you appearing, you cannot recover the king’s favor. Herein what you mean to do, I pray you send me word, by your own letters and messenger.

    But to proceed further in the order of the history. After these letters sent to and fro A.D. 1166 (which was the twelfth year of the reign of King Henry II.), the king misdoubting and fearing with himself, that the archbishop would proceed, or exceed rather, in his excommunication against his own person, to prevent the mischief, made his appeal to the presence of the pope, requiring to have certain legates sent down from Rome from the pope’s side, to take up the matter between the archbishop and him; requiring, moreover, that they might also be absolved who were interdicted. Whereupon two cardinals, being sent from Alexander, the pope, with letters to the king, came to Normandy, where they appointed the archbishop to meet them before the king upon St. Martin’s day. But the archbishop, neither agreeing with the day nor the place, delayed his coming till the eighth day after, neither would go any further than to Gisors, where the two cardinals and the archbishop, with other bishops, conventing together, had a certain entreaty of peace and reconciliation: but it came to no conclusion. The contents of this entreaty or action, because it is sufficiently contained in the cardinals’ letter, who were called Gulielmus and Otho, written to the pope, it shall require no further labor, but to show out the words thereof, where the sum of the whole may appear: the words of the letter be these.

    THE COPY OF THE EPISTLE WRITTEN AND SENT BY TWO CARDINALS TO THE POPE, CONCERNING THE MATTER OF THE ARCHBISHOP BECKET F406 William and Otho, cardinals the church of Rome, to Alexander, the pope, etc. On reaching the territories of the king of England, we found the controversy betwixt him and the archbishop of Canterbury more vehemently aggravated than we would; for the king, and the greater part of those about him, asserted that the archbishop had stirred up the French king grievously against him; and also that he had made the earl of Flanders, his kinsman, who bare no displeasure to him before, his open adversary, ready to war against him, as he thought by divers evidences most certain.

    Proceeding to Caen, therefore, the first time we were admitted to the king’s speech we duly delivered the letters of your fatherhood into his hands: which after he had read through and considered before the council, finding them less full, nay somewhat at variance with others which he had before received from you on the same matter, he was moved and stirred with no little indignation, and said he had not the least doubt that the archbishop, after our departure from you, had received of you other letters, by the virtue whereof he was exempted from our judgment, so that he should not be compelled to answer before us. Moreover, the said king affirmed, the bishops there present testifying the same, that what had been intimated to you concerning the ancient customs of England was for the most part untrue; offering further to us, that if any customs had been added in his time, which seemed prejudical to the statutes of the church, he would willingly revoke and annul the same. Whereupon we, with the archbishops, bishops, and abbots of his realm, labored by all the means we might, unwilling to lose all prospect of peace, and in hope of inclining the king toward it, to effect an interview with the archbishop and obtain his consent to undergo judgment. By reason whereof we directed our own chaplains unto him, with letters, appointing him a place where safely he might meet us on the feast of St. Martin. Nevertheless he, pretending certain excuses, made his dilatories, driving off the time from the day of St. Martin to the octaves following, which thing the king took more deeply to heart than we should have expected.

    Still, though we offered to the archbishop a safe conduct, yet he refused to meet us within the border of the king of England’s territory; so we, to satisfy his mind, condescended to meet him within the territory of the French king, in a place where he himself appointed, that there should be no let in us, whereby to stop his profit. After we had entered upon communication, we began to exhort him all that we could, to submit and humble himself to his sovereign and king, who had heaped upon him such benefits and dignities; whereby matter might be given us for the attempt at reconciling them together. He being thus moved and exhorted by us, departed aside to consult with his followers upon the matter. At length, after counsel taken, he proposed, that he should humble himself before the king, “saving the honor of God, and the liberty of the church; saving also the dignity of his person, and the possessions of his churches; and moreover, saving the justice of his own cause and of his followers.” After which enumeration we pressed on him the necessity of descending to particulars. When as yet he brought nothing in, which was definite or particular, we then demanded of him whether he would, on all the counts contained and comprehended in your letters, submit himself to our judgment, as the king and the bishops had before promised they would do. To the which he answered promptly, that he had received from you no commandment on that point, but that if first of all he and his were restored fully to all their possessions, then he would so proceed in the matter, according as he should receive commandment from the see apostolical.

    Thus we, breaking off communication, seeing that he neither would stand to judgment, nor incline to concord, and that he was determined on no account to enter into the cause, resolved to report thereof to the king, and so did; declaring that which he had expressed to us, yet suppressing a great part, and modifying the rest. Having finished our speech, the king with his nobles affirmed that he was absolved from the time the archbishop refused judgment. After much agitation of the king, the archbishops, bishops, and abbots of the realm of England, and not a few of the clergy, required of us, whether we had power, by special mandate or by virtue of our legatine commission, to compel him to submit; and finding that our authority would not serve thereunto, and fearing lest the aforesaid archbishop, in defiance of judicial order, would work again disquietness to some noble personages of the realm, and seeing our authority could not extend so far as to help them against him, they came to a unanimous resolution to make their appeal to your hearing, prefixing the festival of St. Martin in the winter for the term of their appeal.

    And this is the epistle of these two cardinals sent to the pope, wherein may sufficiently appear all the discourse and manner of that assembly, although particularly every thing be not expressed, concerning the talk betwixt the cardinals and the archbishop. When William, who of the two cardinals was the more eloquent, amongst other communication, had reasoned long with him as concerning the peace of the church, which Becket said he preferred above all things. “Well then,” saith the cardinal, “seeing all this contention between the king and you riseth upon certain laws and customs to be abrogated, and that you regard the peace of the church so much, what say you? Will you renounce your bishopric, and the king shall renounce his customs? The peace of the church now lieth in your hands, either to retain or to let go; then what say you?” To whom he answereth again, that the proportion was not like. “For I,” saith he, “saving the honor of my church and my person, cannot renounce my bishopric. On the contrary, it standeth upon the king, for his sours health and honor, to renounce these his ordinances and customs.” Which thing he thus proved; because the pope had condemned those customs, and he, likewise, with the church of Rome had done the same.

    THE TALK BETWEEN a363 THE FRENCH KING, THE KING OF ENGLAND, AND BECKET After the cardinals were returned, the French king, seeing the king of England disquieted, and solicitous to have peace, or at least pretending to set an agreement between them, brought the matter to a communication among them, in which communication the French king made himself as umpire between them. The King of England, hearing that the archbishop would commit himself to his arbitrement, was the more willing to admit his presence. Whereupon, many being there present, the archbishop, prostrating himself at the king’s feet, declared unto him, kneeling upon his knees, that he would commit the whole cause, whereof the dissension arose between them, unto his own arbitrement; adding thereunto, as he did before, “salvo honore Dei;” that is, “saving the honor of God,” the king, as is said before, being greatly offended at this word, hearing and seeing the stiffness of the man sticking so much to this word, “salvo honore Dei,” was highly therewith displeased, rebuking him with many grievous words, as a man proud and stubborn, and also charging him with sundry and great benefits bestowed upon him, as a person unkind, and forgetting what he had so gently done and bestowed upon him.

    And speaking to the French king there present, “See, sir, if it please you,” saith the king of England, “whatsoever displeaseth this man, that he saith to be contrary to the honor of God; and so by this means he will vindicate and challenge to himself both what is his and mine also. And yet, notwithstanding, because I will not seem to do any thing contrary or prejudicial to God’s honor, this I offer him: There have been kings in England before, both of greater and less puissance than I am; likewise there have been bishops of Canterbury many, both great and holy men. What the greatest and most holy of all his predecessors, before him, hath done to the least of my progenitors and predecessors, before me, let him do the same to me, and I am content.” They that stood by, hearing these words of the king, cried all with one voice, “The king hath debased himself enough to the bishop.” The archbishop staying a little at this in silence; “What!” saith the French king to him, “my lord archbishop, will you be better than those holy men? Will ye be greater than Peter? What stand you doubting?

    Here now have you peace and quietness put in your own hands, if ye will take it.” To this the archbishop answered again: “Truth it is,” saith he, “that my predecessors before me were both much better and greater than I, and of them every one for his time, although he did not extirpate and cut off all, yet something he did pluck up and correct, which seemed adverse and repugnant against God’s honor. For if they had taken all together away, no such occasion then had been left for any man to raise up this fire of temptation now against us, as is here raised to prove us withal, that we, being so proved with them, might also be crowned with them, being likewise partakers of praise and reward, as we are of their labor and travail.

    And though some of them have been slack, or exceeded their duty, in that we are not bound to follow their example. Peter, when he denied Christ, we rebuke; but when he resisted the rage of Nero, therein we commend him. And therefore, because he could not find in his conscience to consent unto that he ought in no wise to dissemble, neither did he; by reason whereof he lost his life. By such like oppressions the church hath always grown. Our forefathers and predecessors, because they would not dissemble the name and honor of Christ, therefore they suffered. And shall I, to have the favor of one man, suffer the honor of Christ to be suppressed?” The nobles standing by, and hearing him thus speak, were greatly grieved with him, noting in him both arrogancy and willfulness, in perturbing and refusing such an honest oilier of agreement. But especially one among the rest was most grieved, who there openly protested, that seeing the archbishop so refused the counsel and request of both the kingdoms, he was not worthy to have the help of either of them, but as the kingdom of England had rejected him, so the realm of France should not receive him. f408 Alanus, Herbert, and certain other of his chaplains, who committed to story the doings of Becket, do record, whether truly or not I cannot say, that the French king, sending for him, as one much sorrowing and lamenting the words that he had spoken, at the coming of Becket did prostrate himself at his feet, confessing his fault in giving counsel to him in such a cause (pertaining to the honor of God) to relent therein, and to yield to the pleasure of man; wherefore, declaring his repentance, he desired to be absolved thereof. Thus, after this, the French king and Becket were great friends together, insomuch that King Henry, sending to the king to entreat and desire him that he would not support or maintain his enemy within his realm, the French king utterly denied the king’s request, taking part rather with the archbishop than with him.

    Besides these quarrels and grudges betwixt the king and the archbishop above mentioned, there followed yet another, which was this. Shortly after this communication recited between the king and Becket, the king of England returning again from Normandy into England, A.D. 1170, in the sixteenth year of his reign, about Midsummer, kept his court of parliament at Westminster, in the which parliament he, with the consent both of the clergy and the lords temporal, caused his son Henry to be crowned king.

    This coronation was done by the hands of Roger, archbishop of York. a364 with the assistance of other bishops ministering to the same, as Gilbert of London, Jocelin of Salisbury, Hugh of Durham, and Walter of Rochester. By reason of this, Becket of Canterbury, being there neither mentioned nor called for, took no little displeasure; and so did Louis, the French king, hearing that Margaret, his daughter, was not also crowned with her husband; whereupon he, gathering a great army, forthwith marched into Normandy. But the matter was soon composed by the king of England, who, sending his son unto him in Normandy, entreated there and concluded peace with him, promising that his son should be crowned again, and then his daughter should be crowned also. But the archbishop not ceasing his displeasure and emulation, sent unto the pope, complaining of these four bishops, especially of the archbishop of York, who durst be so bold in his absence, and without his knowledge, or his license, to intermeddle to crown the king, being a matter proper and peculiar to his jurisdiction; at the instance of whom, the pope sent down the sentence of excommunication against the bishop of London. The other three bishops, with the archbishop of York, he suspended, whose sentence and letters thereof, for avoiding prolixity, I here omit.

    Besides these aforesaid bishops excommunicated, divers other clerks also of the court he cited to appear before him, by virtue of his large commission which he got from the pope, whom they were bound to obey, by reason of their benefices; and some he commanded in virtue of obedience to appear, on pain of forfeiting their order and benefices; of whom when neither sort would appear, he cursed them openly. And also some laymen of the court and the king’s familiars, as intruders and violent withholders of church goods, he accursed; as Richard Lucy, and Jocelin Balliol, and Ralph Brock, who took the bells and goods that belonged to the church of Canterbury; and Hugh Sentclair, and Thomas Fitz-Bernard, and all that should hereafter take any church goods without his consent; so that almost all the court were accursed either by name, or as partakers.

    This being done, the archbishop of York, with the aforesaid bishops, resorted to the king with a grievous complaint, declaring how miserably their case stood, and what they had sustained for fulfilling his commandment. The king, hearing this, was highly moved, as no marvel was. But what remedy? the time of the ruin of the pope was not yet come, and what prince then might withstand the injurious violence of that Romish potestate?

    In the mean season the French king, for his part, his clergy and courtiers likewise, slacked no occasion to incite and solicit Alexander the pope against the king of England, to excommunicate him also, seeking thereby and thinking to have some vantage against the realm Neither was the king ignorant of this, which made him more ready to apply for some agreement of reconciliation. At length came down from the pope two legates, the archbishop of Rouen and the bishop of Nevers, with direction and full commission either to drive the king to be reconciled, or to be interdicted by the pope’s censures out of the church. The king, understanding himself to be in greater straits than he could avoid, at length, through the mediation of the French king, and of other prelates and great princes, was content to yield to peace and reconciliation with the archbishop, whom he both received to his favor, and also permitted and granted him free return to his church again. Concerning his possessions and lands of the church of Canterbury, although Becket made great labor therefor, yet the king, being then in Normandy, would not grant him them, before he should repair to England, to see how he would there agree with his subjects.

    Thus peace after a sort concluded between the king and him, the archbishop, after six years of his banishment, returned to England, where he was right joyfully received of the church of Canterbury; albeit of Henry, the young king, he was not so greatly welcomed, insomuch that coming up to London to the king, he was returned back to Canterbury, and there bid to keep his house. Roger Hoveden maketh mention in his Chronicle, that the archbishop, upon Christmas-day, did excommunicate Robert de Brooke for cutting off the tail of a certain horse of his the day before. In the mean time the four bishops before mentioned, whom the archbishop had excommunicated, sent to him, humbly desiring to be released of their censure; to whom when the archbishop would not grant clearly and simply, without reservations and exceptions, they went over to the king, declaring unto him and complaining of their miserable state and uncourteous handling of the archbishop. Whereupon the king conceived great sorrow in his mind, and displeasure toward the party, insomuch that he lamented oft and sundry times to those about him, that, amongst so many that he had done for, there was none that would revenge him of his enemy. By occasion of which words certain that were about the king, a365 to the number of four, who hearing him thus complain and lament, addressed themselves in great heat of haste to satisfy the grieved mind and quarrel of their prince, who within four days after the said Christmas-day, sailing over into England, and having a forward and prosperous wind in their journey, being in the deep of winter, came to Canterbury, where Becket was commanded to keep. After certain advisements and consultations had among themselves, they pressed at length into the palace where the archbishop was sitting with his company about him; first, to assay him with words, to see whether he would relent to the king’s mind, and come to some conformity. They brought to him, said they, commandment from the king, which, whether he had rather Openly there in presence, or secretly, to be declared to him, they bade him choose. Then the company being bid to retire, as he sat alone, they said, “You are commanded from the king beyond the sea, to repair to the king’s son here, and to do your duty to him, swearing to him your fidelity for your baronage and other things, and to amend those things wherein you have trespassed against him.” Whereupon the archbishop refusing to swear, and perceiving their intent, called in his company again, and in multiplying of words to and fro, at length they came to the bishops who were excommunicated for the coronation of the king, whom they commanded in the king’s name he should absolve and set free again. The archbishop answered, that he neither suspended nor excommunicated them, but the pope; wherefore, if that were the matter that grieved them, they should resort to the pope; he had nothing to do with the matter.

    Then said Reginald, one of the four, “Although you in your own person did not excommunicate them, yet through your instigation it was done.”

    To whom the archbishop said again, “And if the pope,” said he, “tendering the injuries done unto me and my church, wrought this revenge for me, I confess it offendeth me nothing.” “Thus then,” said they, “it appeareth well by your own words, that it pleaseth you right well, in contempt and contumely of the king’s majesty, to sequester his bishops from their ministry, who, at the commandment of the king, did service in the coronation of his son. And seeing you have so presumed thus to stand against the exaltation of this our sovereign, our new king, it seemeth likely that you aspired to take his crown from him, and to be exalted king yourself.” “I aspire not,” said he, “to the crown and name of the king, but rather if I had four crowns to give him more, I would set them all upon him; such good-will I do bear him, that, only his father, the king, excepted, there is none whose honor I more tender and love. And as concerning the sequestering of those bishops, this I give you to understand, that nothing was done in that behalf without the knowledge and assent of the king himself; to whom when I had made my complaint at the feast of Mary Magdalene, of the wrong and injury done to me and my church therein, he gave me his good leave to obtain at the pope’s hand such remedy as I could, promising, moreover, his help to me in the same.” “What is this,” quoth they, “that thou sayest? Makest thou the king a traitor, and a betrayer of the king’s own son, that when he had commanded the bishops to crown his son, he would give thee leave afterward to suspend them for so doing? Certes, it had been better for you not to have accused so the king of this prodition.” The archbishop said to Reginald, that he was there present at that time, and heard it himself. But that Reginald denied, and swore it was not so. “And think you,” said they, “that we, the king’s subjects, will or ought to suffer this?” And so approaching nearer him, they said he had spoken enough against his own head, whereupon followed great exclamation and many threatening words. Then said the archbishop, “I have, since my coming over, sustained many injuries and rebukes, concerning both myself, my men, my cattle, my wines, and all other goods; notwithstanding the king, writing over to his son, required him that I should live in safety and peace; and now, beside all others, you come hither to threaten me.” To this Reginald answering again, said, “If there be any that worketh you any injury otherwise than right is, the law is open, why do you not complain?” “To whom,” said Becket, “should I complain?” “To the young king,” said they. Then said Becket, “I have complained enough, if that would help, and have sought for remedy at the king’s hands, so long as I could be suffered to come to his speech; but now, seeing that I am stopped from that, neither can find redress of so great vexations and injurics as I have and do daily sustain, nor can have the benefits of the law or reason; such right and law as an archbishop may have, that will I exercise, and let for no man.” At these words one of them, bursting out in exclamation, cried, “He threateneth, he threateneth! What? will he interdict the whole realm and us altogether?” “Nay, that he shall not,” saith another, “he hath interdicted too many already.” And drawing more near to him, they protested and denounced him to have spoken words to the jeopardy of his own head. And so departing in great fury, and with many high words, they rushed out of the doors; who, by the way returning to the monks, charged them in the king’s name to keep him forthcoming, that he should not escape away. “What,” quoth the archbishop, “think ye I will flee away? Nay, neither for the king, nor any man alive, will I stir one foot from you.” “No,” say they, “thou shalt not escape though thou wouldst.” And so they departing with many words, the archbishop followeth them out of the chamber door, crying after them, “Here, here, here shall you find me,” laying his hand upon his crown.

    The names of the four soldiers a366 above mentioned were these: the first, Reginald Bereson; the second, Hugh Mortevil; the third, William Thracy; and the fourth, Richard Brito; who, going to harness themselves, returned the same day again, but finding the hall-door of the palace of Canterbury shut against them, they went to an inward back-door leading into the orchard; there brake they up a window, and opened the door, and so issued into the place. the monks, it being about even-song time, had got the archbishop into the church; who, being persuaded by them, caused his cross to be borne before him, and so through the cloister, by a door which was broken up for him, he proceeded into the choir. The harnessed men following after, at length came to the church-door, which door the monks would have shut against them; but, as the story saith, the archbishop would not suffer them. So they approaching into the church, and the archbishop meeting them upon the stairs, there he was slain; every one of the four soldiers striking him with his sword into the head; who afterward flying into the north, and at length with much ado obtaining their pardon of the pope (by the king’s procurement, as some stories record), went on pilgrimage a367 to Jerusalem. f410 Thus you have heard the life and death of this Thomas Becket, of whom what is to be judged, let his own acts and facts declare. And, albeit the Scripture ought to be the only rule for us to judge all things by, yet, if any shall require further testimony, partly to satisfy their minds therein, ye shall hear the judgments of certain men, in years and times almost as ancient as himself, what they write and affirm of him.

    And first, to begin with the testimony of one of his own religion, and also not far, as it appeareth, from his own time, who, writing of his martyrdom and miracles, thus testifieth of the judgment and sentence of divers concerning his promotion and behavior. The chronicle being written in Latin, and having the name of the author cut out, thus beginneth: “Quoniam vero multi,” etc. And in the first book and eighth chapter it followeth in this manner: f411 “Divers notwithstanding there be, who, as touching his promotion, suppose the same not to be canonical, for that it was wrought rather by the instance of the king (thinking him to be a man ready and inclinable to his utility) than by the assent either of the clergy, or of the people. Further, it is noted in him for a point of presumption and lack of discretion, for that he, being scarce worthy to take the our in hand and play the boatswain, would take upon him to sit at helm, and guide the ship; namely, in that church, where the covent, being in gesture and vesture religious, be wont to have their prelate taken out of the same profession. Whereas he, scant bearing the habit of a clerk, and going in his changes and soft apparel, is more conversant among the delicate rufflers in the court, savoring rather of worldly things; not refusing, moreover, without any dread, to climb up to the high preferment of such a holy dignity, but rather willingly, of his own accord, to aspire to it.

    Moses we read did otherwise, who, being the friend of God, and sent of him to conduct his people Israel out of Egypt, trembled at the message, and said, ‘Who am I, Lord, that I should go to Pharaoh, and bring thy people Israel out of Egypt?’ And again, ‘I pray thee,’ saith he, ‘O Lord,’ I am nothing eloquent, send him whom thou wilt send.’ Likewise Jeremias also, being sent of the Lord to prophesy against Jerusalem, was abashed to take the office upon him, answering again with much dread of heart, ‘A, a, a, Lord, I cannot utter my mind, for I am a child.’” After like manner we read of the saints of the New Testament, whereof many were preferred oftentimes to their bishoprics, and functions of the church, by mere force and compulsion of others rather than by their own wills. So was blessed Gregory, after his flight and going away, brought back again, and placed in the see and chair of Rome. Likewise St. Ambrose, sore against his mind; who also, of purpose accusing and confessing his own defects, because he would be repealed, yet by the commandment of Valentinian, the emperor, was enforced to take the burden upon him, which he could by no wise shake off. St. Martin, in like sort, not knowing of any such matter, was circumvented by a certain godly train and wile of the citizens, before he could be brought to his consecration; which he did not so much take, as he was thrust into it with much pensiveness and sorrow of heart. By these and such other examples this chancellor likewise should have rather excused himself as unworthy and unmeet for that room, showing himself more willing to refuse than to take it: to the which this archbishop is judged to do clean contrary. f412 And, although scarcely any testimony is to be taken of that age, being all blinded and corrupted with superstition, yet let us hear what Neuburgensis, an ancient historiographer, saith; who in the days of the son of this King Henry II, prosecuting his history unto King Richard I., hath these words, writing of Thomas Becket. f414 “Whereas many be wont, in them whom they love and praise, judging them more by affection than prudence, to allow and approve whatsoever they do; yet for me to judge upon this reverend man, verily I think not his doings and acts to be praiseworthy, forsomuch as thereof carne no utility, but only the stirring up of the king’s anger, whence, afterward, sprung so great mischiefs, although that which he did proceeded of a certain laudable zeal; like as in the blessed prince of the apostles I approve not that he taught the Gentiles by his example to play the Jews; wherein Paul, the doctor of the Gentiles, did declare him to be rebukable; albeit, it cannot be denied, but that he did it of a good affection.”

    And in the same author, in another place, it followeth to the like effect f415 These letters which were sent before into England for the suspending of the bishops, he followed in person, burning with zeal for righteousness; but whether according to knowledge, God knoweth. It is not for my rude and slender wit to judge of the doings of such a person. But yet this I suppose, that the most blessed Pope Gregory would have acted more gently, considering that the concord with the king as yet was but soft and tender; and would have thought that so far as could be forborne without danger to the Christian faith he should suppress his feelings for consideration of the time and for the sake of peace, according to the saying of the prophet (Amos 5:13), ‘The prudent shall keep silence in that time, for it is an evil time.’ Wherefore, as the doings of that reverend prelate I judge in that behalf not to be commended, so neither do I presume to discommend them. But this I say, that if that holy man, through immoderate violence of zeal, did exceed in a part therein, the same was exacted again, and purged by the fire of his suffering, which afterward ensued. And so far holy men are to be loved or praised of us, who know ourselves much inferior to their virtues; that in such things wherein they have been men, and also known to be men, therein we neither hold with them, nor commend them; but only in such things wherein without all danger or scruple we ought to imitate them. For who is able to say, that they are to be imitated in all that they do? And therefore are they not to be esteemed and praised in all things generally, whatsoever they do, but considerately and with advisement, wherein they deserve praise, so that the only prerogative in this behalf be reserved to God, in whose praise no man can exceed, how fervent soever he be in his praising,” etc.

    And hear yet more, what the said author writeth in the same cause of the king’s wrath and Becket’s faults. f417 “More than a hundred murders are said to have been committed by the clergy under King Henry II., in punishing of whom the king was somewhat too vehement. But the fault,” saith he, “of this immoderate dealing of the king resteth most in the bishops of our time, forasmuch as the cause thereof proceeded of them. For whereas it is decreed and commanded by the canon w, concerning the spiritual men of the clergy, that not only such as be notorious for heinous crimes, but such as be spotted with lighter crimes, should be degraded, whereof we have now so many thousands in the Church of England, as innumerable chaff among the little good grain; yet how few do we see, these many years in England, deprived of their office! For why? the bishops, while they labor more to maintain the liberties and dignities of churchmen, than to correct their vices, think they do God and the church great service if they rescue and defend the enormities of the churchmen against public discipline, whom they either will not or care not to punish by the virtue of the censure ecclesiastical. Whereupon the churchmen, such as be sorted peculiarly to the Lord, and who ought like stars to shine in the earth by word and example, taking license and liberty to do what they lust, neither reverence God, whose judgment seemeth to tarry, nor men set in authority; when both the bishops are slack in their charge doing, and also the prerogative of their order exempteth them from the secular jurisdiction.”

    And thus much out of Neuburgensis.

    To this matter also pertain the words of Caesarius, the monk, in his eighth book of Dialogues, and sixty-ninth chapter, written about fifty years after the death of Thomas Becket, A.D. 1220: whose words, in stun, come to this effect: f419 “There was a question moved among the masters of Paris, whether Thomas Becket were saved or damned? To this question answereth Roger, a Norman, that he was worthy death and damnation, for that he was so obstinate against God’s minister, his king.— Contrary, Peter Cantor, a Parisian, disputed, saying and affirming, that his miracles were great signs and tokens of salvation, and also of great holiness in that man; affirming, moreover, that the cause of the church did allow and confirm his martyrdom, for the which church he died.”

    And thus have ye the judgment and censure of the school of Paris touching this question, for the sainting of Thomas Becket; in which judgment, forsomuch as the greatest argument resteth in the miracles wrought by him after his death, let us therefore pause a little upon the same, to try and examine these his miracles. In the trial whereof we shall find one of these two to be true; either that if they were true, they were not wrought by God, but by a contrary spirit, of whom Christ our Lord giveth us warning in his gospel, saying, “Whose coming shall be with lying signs and wonders, to deceive, if it were possible, the elect” (Matthew 24.), or else we shall find that no such were ever wrought at all, but feigned and forged of idle monks and religious bellies, for the exaltation of their churches, and the profit of their pouches; which thing indeed seemeth rather to be true, and no less may appear by the miracles themselves, set forth by one of his own monks, and of his own time; who, in five solemn books, hath comprehended all the revelations, virtues, and miracles of the archbishop; the which books (as yet remaining in the hands of William Stephenson, citizen of London) I have seen and perused; wherein is contained the whole sum of all his miracles, to the number of two hundred and seventy, being so far off from all truth and reason, some ridiculous, some monstrous, vain, absurd, some also blasphemous, and some so impudent, that not only they deserve no credit (as altogether savoring of mere forgery), but also for very shame will abash an honest pen to write of them. First, if miracles serve for necessity and for infidels, what cause or necessity was there, in a Christian realm having the word of God, for God to work such miracles after his death, who never wrought any in all his life? Then, to consider the end of these miracles: whither do they tend, but only to bring men to Canterbury, with their vows and offerings to enrich the covent?

    Besides the number of these miracles—which are said to be so many, that they lose their own credit—what disease is there belonging to man or woman in the curing whereof some miracle hath not been wrought by this qaumatou~rgov, as fevers, fistula, the gout, toothache, palsy, consumption, falling-sickness, leprosy, head-ache, broken arms, maimed legs, swelled throats, the raising up of the dead who have been two days departed; with infinite others. And, as all these have been healed, for the most part, by one kind of salve, as a certain panacea, which was with the water only of Canterbury, like as a cunning smith who should open with one key all manner of locks; so again in reading of the story of these miracles ye shall find the matter so conveyed, that the power of this dead saint was never twice showed upon any one disease, but that every diverse disease had a diverse miracle.

    To recite in order all these prodigious revelations and fantastical miracles, falsely imagined and ascribed to this archbishop, were nothing else but to write a legend of lies, and to occupy the people with trifles: which because it pertaineth rather to the idle profession of such dreaming monks and cloisterers, that have nothing else to maintain that religion withal, I will not take their profession out of their hands. Wherefore, to omit all such vain and lying apparitions and miracles, as how this angry saint, three days after his death, appeared by vision at the altar in his pontificalibus, commanding the choir not to sing, but to say this office of his mass, “Exurge, quare obdormis Domine,” etc., which vision the author himself of the book doth say he did see. To omit also the blasphemous lie, how in another vision the said archbishop should say, that his blood did cry out of the earth to God, more than the blood of just Abel. Item, in another vision it was showed to a monk of Lewes, how St. Thomas had his place in heaven appointed with the apostles, above Stephen, Laurence, Vincent, and all other martyrs; whereof this cause is rendered, for that St. Stephen, Laurence, and such others, suffered only for their own cause; but this Thomas suffered for the universal church. Item, how it was showed to a certain young man, Ormus by name, twelve years before the death of this Becket, that among the apostles and martyrs in heaven there was a vacant place left for a certain priest, as he said, of England, who was credibly supposed to be this Thomas Becket. Item, how a certain knight’s son, being two days dead, was revived again as soon as he had the water of Canterbury put into his mouth, and had by his parents four pieces of silver bended, to be offered in Canterbury in the child’s behalf. All these, I say, with such others omitted, the number whereof cometh to an infinite variety, only this one story, or another that followeth, shall suffice to express the vanity and impudent forgery of all the rest.

    In the fourth book of this fabulous author, and in the third chapter, a miracle is there contained of a certain countryman of Bedfordshire, in King’s Weston, whose name was Eilward, which Eilward, in his drunkenness, bursting into another man’s house who was his debtor, took out of his house a great whetstone and a pair of hedging-gloves. The other party, seeing this value not sufficient for his condemnation, by the counsel of the town clerk, entered an action of felony against him for other things besides, as for stealing his wimble, ‘his axe, his net, and his clothes. f421 Whereupon Eilward, being had to the gaol of Bedford, and afterward condemned for the same, was judged to have both his eyes put out, and otherwise to be disgracefully mutilated. This punishment, by the malice of his adversary, being executed upon him, he, lying in great danger of death by bleeding, was counselled to make his prayer to this Thomas of Canterbury. Which done, (saith the miracle,) there appeared one to him by night, in white apparel, bidding him to watch and pray, and put; his trust in God and our Lady, and holy St. Thomas. In conclusion, the miracle thus fell out: the next day at evening, the man rubbing his eye-lids, began to feel his eyes to be restored again; first, in a little; after, in a greater measure; so that one was of a grey color, the other was black: and here was one miracle rung. After this followed another miracle also upon the same person; for, going but the space of four miles, when his eyes were restored, he chanted in like manner to rub the parts where he had been mutilated, which immediately on the same (to use the words of my story) were to him by degrees restored, and this he permitted every one to ascertain, and shamed not to deny; insomuch that he, first coming up to St. Thomas, at London, was received with joy of the bishop of Durham; who, then sending to the burghers of Bedford for the truth of the matter, received from them again letters testimonial, wherein the citizens there (saith this fabulous festival) confirmed, first to the bishop, then to the covent of Canterbury, the relation of this to be as hath been told. This one miracle, gentle reader! so shameless and impudent, I thought here to express, that by this one thou mightest judge of all the residue of his miracles; and by, the residue thereof mightest judge, moreover, of the filthy wickedness of all these lying monks and cloisterers, who count it a light sport so impudently to deceive the simple souls of Christ’s church with trifling lies and dreaming fables.

    Wherefore, as I said, if the holy sainting of Thomas Becket standeth upon no other thing but upon his miracles, what credit is to be given thereto? and upon what a weak ground his shrine so long hath stood, by this may easily be seen. Furthermore, another fable as notable as this, and no less worthy of the whetstone, we read in the story of Gervasius; namely, that Thomas Becket appearing to a certain priest, named Thomas, declared to him, that he had so brought to pass, that all the names of the monks of the church of Canterbury, with the names of the priests and clerks, and with the families belonging to that city and church of Canterbury, were written in the Book of Life. f422 But whatsoever is to be thought of his miracles, or howsoever the testimony of the school of Paris, or of these ancient times, went with him or against him; certain it is, that this anthem or collect, lately collected and primered in his praise, is blasphemous, and derogateth from the praise of Him, to whom only all praise and honor are due, where it is said: f423 “For the blood of Thomas, Which he for thee did spend, Grant us, Christ, to climb Where Thomas did ascend:” wherein is a double lie contained; first, that he died for Christ; secondly, that if he had so done, yet that his blood could purchase heaven; which thing neither Paul nor any of the apostles durst ever challenge to themselves, for if any man’s blood could bring us to heaven, then the blood of Christ was shed in vain.

    And thus much touching the testimony or censure of certain ancient times concerning the cause of Thomas Becket, in the explication of whose history I have now stood the longer (exceeding peradventure in over-much prolixity), to the intent that his cause being fully opened to the world, and duly weighed on every part, men’s minds thereby, long deceived by ignorance, might come unto the more perfect certainty of the truth thereof, and thereby judge more surely what is to be received, and what to be refused. Where, by the way, is to be noted out of the testimony of Rob.

    Crickeladensis, that which in him I find; namely, that the peers and nobles of this land, near about the king, gave out in straight charge, upon pain of death, and confiscating of all their goods, that no man should be so hardy as to name Thomas Becket to be a martyr, or to preach of his miracles.

    After the death of Thomas Becket, the king fearing the pope’s wrath and curse to be laid upon him (whereunto Louis, the French king, also helped what he could to set the matter forward), sent to Rome the archbishop of Rouen, with certain other bishops and archdeacons, unto the pope with his excuse, which the pope would in no wise hear. And afterwards, other messengers being sent, whom some of the cardinals received, it was showed to them that on Good Friday (being then near at hand) the pope of custom was used to assoil, or to curse, and that it was noised, how the king of England with his bishops should be cursed, and his land interdicted, and that they should be put in prison. After this, certain of the cardinals showed the pope, that the messengers had power to swear to the pope, that the king should obey his punishment and penance, which was taken both of the king and the archbishop of York; so that in the same day the pope cursed the deed-doers, with such as were of their consent, who either aided or harbored them. Concerning these deed-doers, it is touched briefly before, how they fled unto Yorkshire, lying in Knaresborough; a368 who after having in penance to go in linsey-wolsey a369 barefoot (with fasting and prayer) to Jerusalem, by reason of this hard penance are said to have died a few years after. a370 The king’s ambassadors lying, as is said, in Rome, could find no grace nor favor for a long time at the pope’s hands. At length, with much ado, it was agreed that two cardinals should be sent down to inquire out the matter concerning those who were consenting to Becket’s death. The king, perceiving what was preparing at Rome, neither being yet certain whereto the intent of the pope and coming down of the cardinals would tend, in the mean time addressed himself with a great power to enter into Ireland, giving in charge and commandment, as Hoveden writeth, that no bringer of any brief or letter should come over into England, or pass out of the realm (of what degree or condition soever he were), without special license and assurance that he would bring nothing that should be prejudicial to the realm.

    This order being set and ordained, the king, with four hundred great ships, taketh his journey to Ireland, where he subdued in short time the whole land unto him, which at that time was governed under divers kings to the number of five, of whom four submitted themselves unto the said King Henry; the fifth, who was the king of Connaught, denied to be subdued, keeping himself in woods and marshes.

    In the mean season, while the king was thus occupied in Ireland, the two cardinals who were sent from the pope, namely, Theodine and. Albert, were come to Normandy. Unto them the king the next year following resorted about the month of October, A.D. 1172. But before this (during the time of the king’s being in Ireland), the bishop of London, and Joceline, bishop of Salisbury, had sent to Rome, and procured their absolution from the pope. The king returning out of Ireland, by Wales, into England, and from thence to Normandy, there made his purgation before the pope’s legates, as touching the death of the aforesaid Becket; to the which he swore he was neither aiding nor consenting, but only that he spake rigorous words against him, for that his knights would not avenge him against the said Thomas; for the which cause this penance a371 was enjoined him under his oath:

    First , That he should send so much into the Holy Land as would find two hundred knights or soldiers for the defense of that land. Item, That from Christmas-day next following, he should set forth in his own person to fight for the Holy Land, the space of three years together, unless he should be otherwise dispensed withal by the pope. Item, That if he would make his journey into Spain (as his present necessity did require), there he should fight against the Saracens, and as long as he should there abide, so long space might he take in prolonging his journey toward Jerusalem. Item. That he should not hinder, nor cause to be hindered, any appellations made to the pope of Rome. Item, That neither he nor his son should depart or dissever from Pope Alexander, or from his catholic successors, so long as they should account him or his son for kings catholic. Item, That the goods and possessions taken from the church of Canterbury should be restored again, fully and amply, as they stood the year before Thomas Becket departed the realm; and that free liberty should be granted, to all such as were outlawed for Becket’s cause, to return again. Item, That the aforesaid customs and decrees, by him established against the church, should be extinct and repealed, (such only excepted as concerned his own person, etc.) besides other secret fastings and alms enjoined him.

    All these former conditions the king with his son did both agree unto, debasing himself in such sort of submission before the two cardinals, by the occasion whereof the cardinals took no little glory, using this verse of the Psalm: “Which looketh upon the earth, and maketh it to tremble; which toucheth the hills and they smoke. Moreover, it is mentioned in histories of the said king, that a little after William, king of Scots, a372 with his army had made a rode into the realm, he, returning out of Normandy into England, came first to Canterbury; who, by the way, as soon as he came to the sight of Becket’s church, lighting off his horse, and putting off his shoes, went barefoot to his tomb, whose steps were found bloody through the roughness of the stones. And not only that, but also he received further penance, a373 by every monk of the cloister a certain discipline of a rod. By which so great dejection of the king (if it were true), thou mayest see the blind and lamentable superstition and ignorance of those days. If it were pretensed (as might so be in time of war, to get the hearts of the people), yet mayest thou, learned reader, see what slavery kings and princes were brought into at that time under the pope’s clergy. The same year (as Hoveden writeth), which was A.D. 1174, the whole city of Canterbury was almost all consumed with fire, and the said minster-church clean burnt. The next year ensuing, which was A.D. 1175, a convocation of bishops was holden at Westminster, by Richard, archbishop of Canterbury. In that conventicle all the bishops and abbots of the province of Canterbury and of York being present, determined, as had been done a little before in the days of King Henry I. A.D. 1113, about the obedience that York should do to Canterbury; that is, whether the archbishop of York might bear his cross in the diocese of Canterbury or not? whereof something was touched before in the former process of this history. Also about the bishopric of Lincoln, of Coventry a374 of Worcester, and of Hereford, whether these churches were under the jurisdiction of the see of York or not? etc. Upon these and other like matters rose such controversy between these two sees, that the one appealed the other to the presence of the bishop of Rome. In these and such like causes, how much better had it been if the supremacy had remained more near in the king’s hands at home, whereby not only much labor and travail had been saved, but also the great and wasteful expenses bestowed.at Rome might, with much more fruit and thank, have been converted to their cures and flocks committed unto them, and also, perchance, their cause, not less indifferently heard, at least more speedily might have been decided. But to the purpose again. In this controversy divers of the archbishop of York’s clergy, such as were of Gloucester, belonging to the church of St. Oswald, were excommunicated by the archbishop of Canterbury, because they, being summoned, refused to appear before him, etc. At length the same year, which was A.D. 1175, there was a cardinal sent down from Rome by the king’s procurement, who studied to settle a peace between the two archbishops. Whereupon, this way of agreement was taken, by means of the king, at Winchester, that, as touching the church of St. Oswald, at Gloucester, the archbishop of Canterbury should cease his claim thereon, molesting the see of York no more therein; also, that he should absolve again the clerks thereof. whom he had excommunicated before. And, as concerning the bearing of the cross and all other matters, it was referred to the archbishop of Rouen, and to other bishops in France, so that for five years a league or truce was taken betwixt them, till they should have a full determination of their cause.

    The next year following, the aforesaid King Henry II, dividing the realm of England into six parts, ordained upon every part three justices of assize.

    The circuit of limitation of these justices was thus disposed-The first upon Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Essex, Hertfordshire: The second upon Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire, Stamfordshire, Warwickshire, Northamptonshire, Leicestershire: The third upon Kent, Surrey, Southamptonshire, Sussex, Berkshire, Oxfordshire: The fourth upon Herefordshire, Gloucestershire, Worcestershire, Salopshire: The fifth upon Wiltshire, Dorsetshire, Somersetshire, Devonshire, Cornwall: The sixth upon Everikeshire; Richmondshire, Lancaster, Copland, Westmoreland, Northumberland, Cumberland.

    In the same year Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, made three archdeacons in his diocese, whereas before there was but one. About this time also it was granted by the king to the pope’s legate, that a clerk should not be called before a temporal judge, except for offense in the forest, or for his lay fee that he holdeth. Item, that no archbishopric, bishopric, or abbey, should remain in the king’s hands over one year without great cause. It chanced the same year that this was done, that there was at Canterbury one elected to be abbot in the house of St. Austin, named Albert, who made great, labor and suit unto the archbishop that he would come to his church, and there consecrate him abbot of St. Austin; to whom the archbishop sent word again, that he was not bound to come to him, but rather that the other should repair to the metropolitan church of Canterbury, there to receive his consecration.

    Whereupon, controversy arising between them, the aforesaid newly elect appealed to the audience of the pope, and so labored up himself to Rome; where he so handled the matter, (by what means I cannot tell, unless with his golden bottle, wherewith he quenched the pope’s thirsty soul, for abbots never travel lightly without fat purses to Rome,) that with short dispatch he procured letters from Alexander the pope, to Roger, bishop of Worcester; signifying to him, that he had given in charge and commandment to the archbishop of Canterbury, in the behalf of his dear son Albert, that he should consecrate him within his own monastery, which monastery properly and solely, without mediation, belonged to the jurisdiction of Rome; and so likewise should do to his successors after him, without any exaction of obedience of them. Which thing, further he said, if the archbishop would refuse to do within the term appointed, that then he the aforesaid bishop of Worcester should, by the authority committed unto him, execute the same, all manner of appellation or other decree, whatsoever should come, notwithstanding. This letter being obtained, the abbot that would be, returneth home, supposing with himself all things to be sure. The archbishop understanding the case, and seeing himself to be so straitly charged, and yet loth to yield and stoop to the abbot, took to him policy where authority would not serve; and both to save himself, and yet to disappoint the abbot, he watched a time when the abbot was about the business of his house, and coming the same time to the monastery, as he was commanded to do, with all things appointed that to such a business appertained, he called for the abbot, pretending no less than to give him his consecration. The abbot, being called for, was not at home; the archbishop, feigning himself not a little grieved at his labor and good will so lost, departed, as one in whom no ready diligence was lacking, if in case that the abbot had been at home. Whereupon the abbot being thus disappointed, was fain to fill his silver flagons afresh, and make a new course to Rome to his father, the pope, from whom he received his consecration, and so came home again, with as much wit as he went forth, but not with so much money, peradventure, as he went withal.

    We have declared a little before, touching the acts and doings of this Pope Alexander III., how he had brought the emperor’s head under his foot in St.

    Mark’s church at Venice, at which time and place peace was concluded, and a composition made between the pope and the said Frederic the emperor; which pacification Roger Hoveden and Walter Gisburn refer to this time, A.D. 1177, bringing in two several letters sent from the said Pope, to Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, to Roger, archbishop of York, and Hugh, bishop of Durham. Out of the said letters, so much as serveth our purpose, I have taken and here inserted.

    THE LETTER OF POPE ALEXANDER, SENT TO ROGER, ARCHBISHOP OF YORK, AND TO THE BISHOP OF DURHAM. F430 “Alexander, servant of the servants of God, to his reverend brethren, Roger, archbishop of York, and Hugh, bishop of Durham, greeting and apostolical blessing. The obsequy and service of your kind devotion, which hitherto you are known to have given both devoutly and laudably to us and to the church, requireth that we should describe to you, as to our special friends, the prosperous success of the church, and let you know, as spiritual children of the church, what hath happened to the same. For meet it is, convenient, and also honest, that you, whom we have had so firm and sure in our devotion, should now be cherished and made joyous in the prosperity of us, and of the church.”

    And about the end of the epistle it followeth thus: “The next day following, which was the feast of St. James, (the said emperor so requesting), we came to the aforesaid church of St.

    Mark, there to celebrate our solemn mass; where, as we were coming in the way, the said emperor met us without the church, and placing us again on his right hand, brought us so into the church. After the mass was done, placing us again on his right hand, he brought us to the church door. And moreover, when we should take our palfrey, he held our stirrup, exhibiting to us such honor and reverence, as his progenitors were wont to exhibit to our predecessors. Wherefore these shall be to incite your diligence and study towards us, that you rejoice with us and the church in these our prosperous successes, and also that you shall open the same effect of peace to other devout children of the church; that such as be touched with the zeal of the house of the Lord, may congratulate and rejoice also in the Lord for the great working of peace which he hath given.—Given at Venice, at the Rialto, the 26th of July.”

    This year the contention revived again, a375 spoken of a little before, between the two archbishops of York and Canterbury, the occasion whereof was this; the manner and practice of the pope is, when he beginneth to lack money, he sendeth some limiting cardinal abroad to fetch his harvest in. So there came this year into England, as lightly few years were without them, a certain cardinal from Rome, called Hugo, or, as Hoveden nameth him, Hugezim, who would needs keep a council at Westminster. a376 To this council resorted a great confluence, about the middle of Lent, of bishops, abbots, priors, doctors, and such others of the clergy. As every one was there placed in his order, and after his degree, first cometh the archbishop of York, named Roger, who, thinking to prevent the other archbishop, came something sooner, and straightway placed himself’ on the right; hand of the cardinal. Richard, the archbishop of Canterbury, following shortly after, and seeing the first place taken up, refuseth to take the second, complaining of the archbishop of York, as one prejudicial to his see. So, while the one would not rise, and the other not sit down, there rose no small contention between the two. The archbishop of Canterbury claimed the upper seat by the pre-eminence of his church; contrary, the archbishop of York alleged for him the old decree of Gregory, a377 whereof mention is made before, by which this order was taken between the two metropolitans of Canterbury and York, that whichever of them two should be first in election, he should have the preeminence in dignity to go before the other. Thus they, contending to and fro, waxed so warm in words, that at last they turned to hot blows. How strong the archbishop of York was in reason and argument, I cannot tell, but the archbishop of Canterbury was stronger at the arm’s end; whose servants being more in number, like valiant men, not suffering their master to take such a foil, so prevailed against York (sitting on the right hand of the cardinal), that they plucked him down from the hand to the foot of the cardinal upon the ground, treading and trampling upon him with their feet, that marvel it was he escaped with life. His casule, chimer, and rochet, f432 were all rent and torn from his back. Here no reason would take place, no debating would serve, no praying could be heard, such clamor and tumult were there in the house among them, much like to the tumult which Virgil describeth: “Ac veulti in magno populo, cum saepe coorta est Seditio, saevitque animis ignobile vulgus, Jamque faces et saxa volant, furor anna ministrat.” f433 Now, as the first part of this description doth well agree, so some peradventure will look again, that, according to the latter part also of the same, my lord cardinal, with sageness and gravity (after the manner of the old Romans standing up), should have ceased and allayed the disturbance, according to that which followeth in the poet: “Tum pietate gravem meritis si forte virum quem Conspexere, silent, arrectisque auribus astant:

    Ille regit mentes dictis, et pectora mulcet.” f434 But what did the noble Roman cardinal? Like a pretty man of his hands, but a prettier man of his feet, standing up in the midst, and seeing the house in such a broil, committed himself to flight, and, as Hoveden writeth, “abscondit sea facie illorum.” The next day the archbishop of York bringeth to the cardinal his rochet, to bear witness what injury and violence he had sustained; appealing and citing up the archbishop of Canterbury, with certain of his men, to the bishop of Rome. And thus the holy council, the same day it was begun, brake up and was dissolved.

    Under the reign of this King Henry II, the dominion and crown of England extended so far as hath not been seen in this realm before him. Histories record that he possessed under his rule and jurisdiction, first, Scotland, to whom William, king of Scots, with all the lords temporal and spiritual, did homage both for them and for their successors (the seal whereof remaineth in the king’s treasury); as also Ireland, England, Normandy, Aquitaine, Guienne, etc. to the Pyrenean mountains, which be in the uttermost parts of the great ocean in the British Sea; being also protector of France, a379 to whom Philip the French king yielded both himself and his realm wholly to his governance, A.D. 1181. Moreover, he was offered also to be the king of Jerusalem, by the patriarch and master of the hospital there; who, being then distressed by the soldan, brought him the keys of their city, desiring his aid against the infidels; which offer a380 he then refused, alleging the great charge which he had at home, and the rebellion of his sons, which might happen in his absence.

    And here the old histories find a great fault with the king for his refusal; declaring that to be the cause of God’s plagues, which after ensued upon him by his children, as the patriarch, in his oration, being offended with the king, prophesied should so happen to him for the same cause; which story, if it be true, it may be a lesson to good princes, not to deny their necessary help to their distressed neighbors, especially the cause appertaining unto God. f435 The wisdom, a381 discretion, manhood, and riches of this prince were so spread and renowned through all quarters, that messages came from Emmanuel, emperor of Constantinople, Frederic, emperor of Rome, and William, archbishop of Treves in Almain, from the duke of Saxony, and from the earl of Flanders, and also from the French king, upon determination of great questions and strifes, to ask counsel and determination thereof of this King Henry, as of one most wise, and schoolmaster of all wisdom and justice, to have solution of their questions and doubts. Moreover, Alphonso, king of Castile, and Sancho, king of Navarre, being in strife for certain castles and other possessions, submitted them, of their free accord, and by their oath, to abide the award of this King Henry; who made award and pleased them both; whereby it is to be presupposed, that this king, to whom other princes did so resort, as to their arbiter and deciser, did not attend either to any sloth or vicious living.

    Wherefore it may seem that the acts of this prince were not so vicious as some monkish writers do describe.

    Among many other things in this king memorable, this one is to be noted (follow it who can), that he reigned five and thirty years, and having such wars with his enemies, yet never upon his subjects put any tribute or tax, nor yet upon the spiritualty first-fruits and appropriations of benefices.

    Belike they were not known, or else not used. And yet his treasure after his death, weighed by King Richard, his son, amounted to above nine hundred thousand pounds, besides jewels, precious stones, and household furniture. Of the which substance eleven thousand pounds came to him by the death of Roger, archbishop of York, who had procured a bull of the pope, that if any priest died within his province without testament, then he should have all his goods. And shortly after the archbishop died, and the king had all his goods, which extended, as is said, to eleven thousand pounds, besides plate, A.D. 1181.

    But as there is no felicity or wealth in this mortal world so perfect, which is not darkened with some cloud of encumbrance and adversity; so it happened to this king, that among his other princely successes, this incommodity followed him withal, that his sons rebelled and stood in armor against him, taking the part of the French king against their father.

    First, at the coronation of Henry, his son, whom the father joined with him as king, he being both father and king, took upon him (that notwithstanding) as but a steward, and set down the first dish as sewer unto his son, renouncing the name of a king. At what time the aforesaid archbishop of York, sitting on the right hand of the young king, said, “Sir, ye have great cause this day to joy, for there is no prince in the world that hath such an officer this day, etc. And the young king disdaining his words, said, “My father is not dishonored in this doing, for I am a king and a queen’s son, and so is not he.” And not only this, but afterwards he also persecuted his father; and so, in his youth, when he had reigned but a few years, died, teaching us what is the price and reward of breaking the just commandment of God. After him likewise Richard his son (who was called Richard Coeur de Lion) rebelled against his father; and also John, his youngest son, did not much degenerate from the steps of his brethren; insomuch that this aforesaid Richard, like an unkind child, persecuting and taking part against his father, brought him to such distress of body and mind, that for thought of heart he fell into an ague, and within four days departed, A.D. 1189, after he had reigned five and thirty years; whose corpse as it was carried to be buried, Richard his son coming by the way and meeting it, and beginning for compassion to weep, the blood brast incontinent out of the nose of the king at the coming of his son, giving thereby a certain demonstration how he was the only author of his death.

    After the reign and death of which king, his children after him, worthily rewarded for their unnaturalness against their father, lacking the success which their father had, lost all beyond the sea that their father had got before.

    And thus much concerning the reign of Henry II, and the death of Thomas Becket; whose death (as is aforesaid) happened in the days of Pope Alexander III; which pope, usurping the keys of ecclesiastical regiment one and twenty years, or, as Gisburn writeth, three and twenty years, governed the church with much tumult; striving and contending with Frederic the emperor; not shaming, like a most proud Lucifer, to tread with his foot upon the neck of the said emperor, as is above described.

    This pope, among many other acts, had certain councils, as is partly before touched, some in France, some at Rome, in Lateran; by whom it was decreed, that no archbishop should receive the pall, unless he should first swear obedience, A.D. 1179; concerning the solemnity of which pall, for the order and manner of giving and taking the same with obedience to the pope, as it is contained in their own words, I thought it good to set it forth unto thee, that thou mayest well consider and understand their doings therein.

    THE FORM AND MANNER, HOW AND BY WHAT WORDS, THE POPE IS WONT TO GIVE THE PALL UNTO THE ARCHBISHOP F436 To the honor of Almighty God, and of blessed Mary, the Virgin, and of blessed St. Peter and St. Paul, and of our lord Pope N. and of the holy church of Rome, and also of the church of N. committed to your charge, we give to you the pall taken from the body of St. Peter, as a fullness of the office pontifical, which you may wear within your own church, upon certain days, f440 which be expressed in the privileges of the said church, granted by the see apostolic.

    IN LIKE MANNER PROCEEDETH THE OATH OF EVERY BISHOP SWEARING OBEDIENCE TO THE POPE IN WORDS AS FOLLOWETH: F442 “I, bishop of N., from this hour henceforth, will be faithful and obedient to blessed St. Peter, and to the holy apostolic church of Rome, and to my Lord N., the pope. I shall be in no council, nor help either with my consent or deed, whereby either of them, or any member of them, may be impaired, or whereby they. may be.taken with any evil taking. The council which, they shall commit to me, either by themselves, or by messenger, or by their letters, wittingly or willingly I shall utter to none to their hindrance and damage. To the retaining and maintaining the papacy of Rome, and. the regalities of St. Peter, I shall be an alder (so mine order be saved) against all persons. The legate of the apostolic see, both in going and coming, I shall honorably treat and help in all necessities.

    Being called to a synod, I shall be ready to come, unless I be let by some lawful and canonical impeachment. The palace of the apostles every third year I shall visit either by myself or my messenger, except otherwise being licensed by the see apostolic. All such possessions as belong to the table and diet of my bishopric, I shall neither sell, nor give, nor lay to mortgage, nor lease out, nor remove away by any manner of means, without the consent and knowledge of the bishop of Rome: so God help me and the holy gospels of God.

    A NOTE UPON THE SAME Hereby thou hast by the way, gentle reader, to note and consider, among other things which here may be understood, that since the time the oath began to be laid and thrust upon bishops, all general councils began to lose their liberty. For, how could any freedom remain for men to speak their knowledge in redress of things, being by their oath so bound to the pope to speak nothing but on his side, to maintain the papacy and the church of Rome in all times and places? Conjecture by thyself, Christian reader, what more is hereby to be considered.

    Besides this, it was also decreed in the said council at Rome of three hundred and ten bishops, by Pope Alexander, “That no man should have any spiritual promotion, except he were of lawful age, and born in wedlock. That no parish church should be void above six months. That none in orders should meddle with temporal business. That priests should have but one benefice, and that the bishops should be charged to find the priest a living till he be promoted. That open usurers should not communicate at Easter, nor be buried within the churchyard. That nothing should be taken nor be buried within the churchyard. That nothing should be taken for ministering sacraments or burying. Also, that every cathedral church should have a master to teach children freely, without taking any thing for the same.”

    In this council the vow of chastity was obtruded and laid upon priests.

    Thomas Becket, also, and Bernard, were canonized for saints.

    During the reign and time of this King Henry II, the city of Norwich was destroyed and burnt by the men of Flanders. Also the towns of Leicester and Nottingham were wasted, and the burgesses slain by the earl of Ferrets. The town of Berwick was destroyed by the Scots. The king of Scots was taken in war by the Englishmen, A.D. 1174. The town of Huntingdon was taken and burned. The town of Canterbury, by casualty of fire, was burnt with all the churches, especially the Trinity church, where Becket was worshipped, in the same year. In A.D 1170, William, king of Scots, with David, his brother, and all the barons of the realm, did homage to the king of England. Ireland was made subject to England.

    Decreed in a council in Normandy, that no boys or children should possess any benefice. A council of Lateran was holden at Rome, where were three and thirty articles concluded, A.D. 1179. The French king came in pilgrimage to Thomas Becket, the king of England meeting him by the way, A.D. 1184. After the death of Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, who followed after Thomas Becket, succeeded Baldwin, who, of a Cistercian monk being made a bishop, a384 is said never to eat flesh in his life. A certain poor woman, bare and lean, meeting him in the street, desired to know of him whether it were true that was said of him, that he never did eat flesh: which tiling when he had affirmed to be true, “Nay,” saith she, “that is false, for you have eaten my flesh unto the bone, for I had but one cow wherewith I was sustained, and that have your deans taken from me.” “True, true,” said the bishop, “and thou shalt have another cow as good as that.” f444 Moreover, in the reign of King Henry, about A.D. 1178, I find in the story of Roger Hoveden and others, that in the city of Toulouse there was a great multitude of men and women whom the pope’s commissioners, to wit, Peter, cardinal of St. Chrysogon and the pope’s legate, with the archbishops of Narbonne and Bourges, Reginald, bishop of Bath, John, bishop of Poictiers, Henry, abbot of Clairvaux, etc., did persecute and condemn for heretics; of whom some were scourged naked, some chased away, some compelled to abjure: concerning whose articles and opinions I have no firm ground to make any certain relation, forasmuch as I see the papists, many times so false in their quarrelling accusations, untruly collected men’s sayings, not as they meant, and meaning not as they said, but wrest-ing and depraving simple men’s assertions after such a subtle sort as they list themselves to take them. But this I find, how one of the said commissioners or inquisitors, Henry the abbot, in a certain letter of his, wrote thus of them. After a new opinion he affirmed that the holy bread of eternal life, consecrated by the ministry of the priest, was not the body of the Lord,” etc.

    In the time of this Alexander sprang up the doctrine and name of those who were then called ‘pauperes de Lugduno,’ who, from one Waldus, a chief senator in Lyons, were named ‘Waldenses;’ also ‘Leonistae’ and ‘Insabbatati’ about A.D. 1160, or, as Laziardus writeth, 1170.

    Not long before this time, as is expressed above, rose up Gratian, master of the decrees, a385 and Peter the Lombard, master of the sentences, a386 both archpillars of all papistry; after whom followed also two as evil, or worse than they, Francis and Dominic, maintaining blind hypocrisy, no less than the other maintained proud prelacy. As these labored one way, by superstition and worldly advancement, to corrupt the sincerity of religion, so it pleased Christ, the contrary way, laboring against these, to raise up therefore the said Waldenses against the pride and hypocrisy of the others.

    Thus we never see any great corruption in the church, but that some sparkle of the true and clear light of the gospel yet by God’s providence doth remain; whatsoever the Doctors Augustinus, Reinerius, Sylvius, and Cranzius, with others in their popish histories, do write of them, defaming them through misreport, and accusing them to magistrates as disobedient to orders, rebels to the catholic church, and contemners of the Virgin Mary, yet they who carry judgment indifferent, rather trusting truth than wavering with the times, in weighing their articles, shall find it otherwise, and that they maintained nothing else but the same doctrine which is now defended in the church. And yet I suppose not contrary, but as the papists did with the articles of Wickliff and Huss, so they did in like manner with their articles also, in gathering and wresting them otherwise than they were meant.

    THE HISTORY OF THE WALDENSES CONCERNING THEIR ORIGINAL AND DOCTRINE, WITH THEIR PERSECUTIONS F448 The first original of these Waldenses, came of one Waldus, a man both of great substance, and no less calling in the city of Lyons, the occasion whereof is declared of divers writers thus to come. About A.D. 1160, it chanced that divers of the best and chiefest heads of the city of Lyons, talking and walking in a certain place after their old-accustomed manner, especially in the summer-time, conferred and consulted together upon matters, either to pass over time, or to debate things to be done; amongst whom it chanced one (the rest looking on) to fall clown by sudden death.

    In the number of whom this aforesaid Waldus, there being amongst them, was one; who, beholding the matter more earnestly than the others, and terrified with so heavy an example, being, as is said, a rich man, and God’s Holy Spirit working withal, was stricken with a deep and inward repentance, whereupon followed a new alteration, with a careful study to reform his former life; insomuch that he began, first, to minister large alms of his goods to such as needed, secondly, to instruct and admonish himself and his family, and all that resorted to him by any occasion, concerning repentance, and the sincere worship of God, and true piety. Whereby, partly through his large giving to the poor, partly through his diligent teaching and wholesome admonitions, more resort of people daily frequented about him; whom when he did see ready and diligent to learn, he began to give out to them certain rudiments of the Scripture, which he had translated himself into the French tongue; for as he was a man wealthy in riches, so he was also not unlearned.

    Although Laziardus, Volateranus, and others, note him utterly unlearned, and charge him with ignorance, as who should procure others to write and translate for him; by others, who have seen his doings yet remaining in old parchment monuments, it appeareth he was both able to declare and to translate the books of Scripture, and also did collect the doctors’ mind upon the same.

    But whatsoever he was, lettered or unlettered, the bishops and prelates seeing him so to intermeddle with the Scriptures, and to have such resort about him, albeit it was but in his own house, under private conference, could neither abide that the Scriptures should be translated and declared a387 by any other, nor would they take the pains to do it themselves. So, being moved with great malice against the man, they threatened to excommunicate him if he did not leave off so to do. Waldus, seeing his doing to be but godly, and their malice stirred up upon no just nor godly cause, neglecting the threatenings and frettings of the wicked, said, that “God must be obeyed more than man.” To be brief, the more diligent he was in setting forth the true doctrine of Christ against the errors of Antichrist, the more maliciously their fierceness increased; insomuch that when they did see their excommunication to be despised, and would not serve, they ceased not with prison, with banishment, with fire and with sword to persecute, till at length they had driven both Waldus, and all the favorers of his true preaching, out of the city.

    Whereupon came first their name, that they were called ‘Waldenses,’ or ‘Pauperes de Lugduno,’ not because they would have all things common amongst them, or that they, professing any wilful poverty, would imitate to live as the apostles did, as Sylvius did falsely belie them, but because they, being thrust out both of country and goods, were compelled to live poorly, whether they would or no. And thus much touching the first occasion and beginning of these men, and of the restoring and maintaining the true doctrine of Christ’s gospel, against the proud proceedings of popish errors. Now concerning their articles, which I find in order and in number to be these: f449 THE ARTICLES OF THE WALDENSES 1. Only the holy Scripture is to be believed in matters pertaining to salvation, and no man or man’s writing besides. 2. All things which are necessary to salvation are contained in holy Scripture; and therefore nothing is to be admitted in religion, but only what is commanded in the word of God. 3. There is one only Mediator; the saints are in no wise to be made mediators, or to be invocated. 4. There is no purgatory; but all men are either through Christ justified to life eternal, or, not believing in him, go away to everlasting destruction: and, besides these two, there is no third or fourth place. 5. There be but two sacraments, baptism and the communion. f450 6. All masses, namely, such as be sung for the dead, are wicked, and ought to be abrogate. 7. All human traditions ought to be rejected, at least not to be reputed as necessary to salvation; and therefore this singing and chanting in the chancel is to be left off: constrained, and prefixed fasts bound, todays and times, superfluous holidays, difference of meats, such variety of degrees and orders of priests, monks, and nuns, so many sundry benedictions and hallowing of creatures, vows, pilgrimages, and all the rabblement of rites and ceremonies brought in by man, ought to be abolished. 8. The asserted supremacy of the pope above all churches, and especially his usurped power above all governments, in other words the jurisdiction of both the swords, is to be utterly denied; neither are any degrees to be received in the church, but only the degrees of priests, deacons, and bishops. 9. The communion under both kinds is godly and necessary, being ordained and enjoined by Christ. 10. The church of Rome is the very Babylon spoken of in the Apocalypse; and the pope is the fountain of all errors, and the very antichrist. 11. The pope’s pardons and indulgences they reject. f451 12. The marriage of priests they hold to be godly, and also necessary in the church. 13. Such as hear the word of God, and have a right faith, they hold to be the right church of Christ; and that to this church the keys of the church are given to drive away wolves, and to institute true pastors of Christ, who should preach the word and minister the sacraments.

    These be the most principal articles of the Waldenses, albeit some there be that add more to them; some, again, divide the same into more parts: but these be the principal, to which the rest be reduced.

    The same Waldenses, at length exiled, were dispersed in divers and sundry places, of whom many remained long in Bohemia; who, writing to their king, Uladislaus, to purge themselves against the slanderous accusations of one Dr. Austin, gave up their confession with an apology of their Christian profession; defending, with strong and learned arguments, the same which now is received in most reformed churches, both concerning grace, faith, charity, hope, repentance, and works of mercy. f453 As for purgatory, they say that Thomas Aquinas is the author thereof. f454 Concerning the supper of the Lord, their faith was, that it was ordained to be eaten, not to be showed and worshipped; for a memorial, not for a sacrifice; to serve for the present ministration, and not for reservation; to be received at the table, not to be carried out of the doors; according to the ancient use of the primitive church, when they used to communicate sitting. And this they said a388 could be proved both by the old chronicles, as also by that most ancient Greek father, Origen, writing in these words upon the third book of Moses, proving that this sacramental bread ought not to be reserved: “Whosoever receiveth this bread of the supper of Christ upon the second or third day after, his soul shall not be blessed, but be polluted. Therefore the Gibeonites, because they brought old bread to the children of Israel, it was enjoined them to carry wood and water, etc.” f455 Dr. Austin, of whom mention is made before, disputing against them about this matter of the holy eucharist, urgeth them with this interrogation: f456 Whether it be the same Christ present in the sacrament who is present at the right hand of the Father? If it be not the same Christ, how is it true in the Scripture, ‘Nobis est non nisi unus Deus, nuns Dominus Jesus Christus,’ ‘One God, one Lord Jesus Christ?’ If it be the same Christ, then how is he not to be honored and worshipped here as well as there?”

    To this the Waldenses answer again, and grant that Christ is one and the same in the sacrament, which he is at the right hand of his Father, having in both cases a natural body, but not after the same mode of existence: for the existence of his body in heaven is personal and local, to be apprehended by the faith and spirit of men. In the sacrament the existence of his body is not personal or local, to be apprehended or received of our bodies after a personal or corporal manner, but after a sacramental manner; that is, where our bodies receive the sign, and our spirit the thing signified. Moreover, in heaven the existence of his body is dimensive and complete, with the full proportion and quantity of the same body wherewith he ascended. Here, the existence of his complete body, with the full proportion, measure, and stature thereof, doth not, neither can, stand in the sacrament. Briefly, the existence of his body in heaven is natural, not sacramental, that is, to be seen, and not remembered: here it is sacramental, not natural, that is, to be remembered, not to be seen.

    This answer being made to the captious proposition of Dr. Austin, the Waldenses, retorting the like interrogation to him again, demand of him to answer them in the like objection: Whether it be all one Christ substantially and naturally, who sitteth in heaven, and who is under the forms of bread and wine, and in the receivers of the sacrament?” If he grant it to be, then they bid him say, seeing Christ is as well in the sacrament as in heaven, and as well in the receiver as in the sacrament, and all one Christ in substance and nature; why then is not the same Christ as well in the breast of the receiver to be worshipped, as under the forms of bread and wine in the sacrament, seeing he is there after a more perfect manner in man, than in the sacrament? for in the sacrament he is but for a time, and not for the sacrament’s sake, but for the man’s cause: in man he is not for the sacrament’s cause, but for his own; and that not for a season, but for ever, as it is written, “Qui manducat hunt pan era rivet in aeternum;” that is, “He that eateth this bread shall live for ever,” etc.

    Moreover and besides, seeing transubstantiation is the going of one substance into another, they question again with him,” whether the forms of bread and wine remaining, the substance thereof be changed into the whole person of our Lord Christ Jesus, that is, both into his body, soul, and divinity; or not into the whole Christ?” If he grant the whole; then, say they, that is impossible, concerning the divinity, both to nature and to our faith, that any creature can be changed into the Creator. If he say, the bread is changed into the body and soul of Christ, not to his divinity, then he separateth the natures in Christ. If he say, into the body alone, and not the soul, then he separateth the natures of the true manhood, etc., and so it cannot be the same Christ that was betrayed for us; for that he had both body and soul. To conclude, to what part soever he would answer, this doctrine of transubstantiation cannot be defended without great inconvenience on all sides. Over and besides, AEneas Sylvius, writing of their doctrine and assertions (perchance as he found them, perchance making worse of them than they taught or meant), reporteth them after this manner, which I thought here to set out as it is in the Latin. f459 THE ENGLISH OF THE SAME That the bishop of Rome is equal with other bishops. That amongst priests there is no difference of degree. That no dignity of order, but only worthiness of life, can raise one priest above others.

    That the souls of men immediately on departing either enter into everlasting pain, or everlasting joy. That there is no purgatory of fire to be found. That to pray for the dead is a vain thing, and invented only for the lucre of priests.

    That the images of God (as of the Trinity), and of saints, are to he abolished. That the hallowing of water and palms is ridiculous.

    That the religion of begging friars was invented by the devil. That priests should not encroach riches in this world, but rather follow poverty, being content with men’s devotion. ‘That the preaching of the word of God is open to any one.

    That no deadly sin is to be tolerated, for the sake of avoiding another evil, how much greater soever. That he who is in deadly sin cannot hold any dignity he may possess, whether secular or ecclesiastical, and is not to be obeyed, That confirmation which bishops exercise with oil, and extreme unction, are not to be counted among the sacraments of the church. That auricular confession is but a toy; and that it suffices for every man to confess himself in his chamber to God. That baptism ought to be administered only with pure water, without any mixture of hallowed oil. That the use of churchyards is vain, invented only for lucre’s sake: it matters not what ground corpses are buried in. f462 That the temple of the great God is the wide world: and that it is like limiting his majesty to build churches, monasteries, and oratories, as though his grace were more to be found in one place than in another.

    That priest’s apparel, ornaments of the high altar, palls, corporas cloths, chalices, patimes, and other church plate, serve in no stead.

    That the priest may consecrate and minister the body of Christ a390 to those who do require, in any place whatever. f463 That it is sufficient only if he pronounce the sacramental Words.

    That the suffrages of saints, reigning with Christ in heaven, are craved in vain; they being not able to help us. That the time spent in saying or singing the canonical hours, is but lost. That a man ought to cease from his labor no day, except the Lord’s day, as it is now called.

    That the feasts and festivals of saints ought to be rejected. Item, that such fasts as be coacted and enjoined by the church have no merit in them.

    These assertions of the Waldenses being thus articled out by Aeneas Sylvius, I thought to give them abroad in English as they are in Latin, to the intent that as they are the less to be doubted, being set out of a pope’s pen, so we may both the better know them hereby, what they were, and also understand how this doctrine, now preached and taught in the church, is no new doctrine, which here we see both taught and persecuted almost four hundred years ago. And as I have spoken hitherto sufficiently concerning their doctrine, so now we will briefly somewhat touch of the order of their life and conversation, as we find it registered in a certain old written book of inquisition.

    MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE WALDENSES The whole process cometh to this effect in English. The manner of the Waldenses is this. They kneeling upon their knees, leaning to some bench or stay, do continue in their prayers with silence, so long as a man may say a391 thirty or forty times “Pater noster.” And this they do every day with great reverence, being amongst themselves and such as be of their own religion, and no strangers with them, both before dinner and after; likewise before supper and after; also what time they go to bed, and in the morning when they rise; and at certain other times also, as well in the day as in the night. Item, they use no other prayer but the prayer of the Lord, “Pater noster,” etc., and that without any “Ave Maria” and the Creed, which they affirm not to be put in for any prayer by Christ, but only by the church of Rome. Albeit, they have and use the “seven articles of faith concerning the divinity,” and “seven articles concerning the humanity,” and the “ten commandments,” and “seven works of mercy,” which they have compiled together in a compendious book, glorying much in the same, and thereby offer themselves ready to answer any man as to their faith. f465 Before they go to meat they ask a blessing by saying “Benedicite,” “Kyrie eleyson, Christe eleyson, Kyrie eleyson,” and the “Pater noster.” f466 Which being said, then the elder amongst them beginneth thus, in their own tongue: “God who blessed the five barley loaves and two fishes in the desert before his disciples, bless this table, and that is set upon it, or shall be set upon it, in the name (crossing themselves) of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen.” And likewise again, when they rise from meat, the senior giveth thanks, saying in their own tongue the words of the Apocalypse, “Blessing, and worship, and wisdom, and thanksgiving, honor, virtue, and strength, to God alone, for ever and ever.

    Amen.” And addeth, moreover, “God reward them into their bosoms, and be beneficial to all them, that be beneficial to us:” and, “the God who hath given us corporal feeding, grant us spiritual life:” and, “God be with us, and we always with him.” To which the rest answer again, “Amen.” And while thus saying grace, they usually put their hands together and lift them upward toward heaven. After their meat and grace thus said, they teach and exhort amongst themselves, conferring together upon their doctrine, etc.

    In their doctrine and teaching they were so diligent and painful, that Reinerius, a393 a writer about that time (an extreme enemy against them), in a long process, wherein he describeth their doctrine and teaching, testifieth that he heard of one who did know the party, “that a certain heretic,” saith he, “only to turn a certain person away from our faith, and to bring him to his, in the night, and in the winter time, swam over the river called Ibis, to come to him, and to teach him.” Moreover, so perfect they were then in the Scriptures, that the said Reinerius saith, he did hear and see a man of the country unlettered, who could recite over the whole book of Job word by word without book, with divers others, who had the whole New Testament perfectly by heart.

    And although some of them rather merrily than unskilfully expounded a394 the words of St. John, “Sui non receperunt eum”—“Swine did not receive him,” yet were they not so ignorant and void of learning, nor yet so few in number, but that they did mightily prevail; insomuch that Reinerius hath these words: “There was none durst stop them for the power and multitude of their favourers. I have often been at their inquisition and examination, and there were numbered forty churches infected with their heresy, and in one parish of Cammach were ten open schools of them.” f470 And the said Reinerius, when he hath said all he can in de-praying and impugning them, yet is driven to confess this of them, where he, doth distinguish their sect from other sects, and hath these words: This sect of Leonists hath a great show of holiness, in that they both live justly before men, and believe all things well of God, and hold all the articles contained in the Creed; only they blaspheme the Romish church, and hate it.” f471 Now to touch somewhat their persecutions: After they were driven out of Lyons, they were scattered into divers and sundry places, the providence of God so disposing, that the sound of their doctrine might be heard abroad in the world. Some, as I said, went to Bohemia; many did flee into the provinces of France; some into Lombardy; others into other places, etc. But as the cross commonly followeth the verity and sincere preaching of God’s word, so neither could these be suffered to live in rest.

    There are yet to be seen consultations of the lawyers of Avignon [A.D. 1235], likewise of the archbishops of Narbonne, Aries, and Aix [A.D. 1235], also an ordinance of the bishop of Albano [A.D. 1246] which yet remain in writing, a396 for the extirpating of these Waldenses, written above three hundred years tofore; whereby it appeareth that there was a great number of them in France.

    Besides, there was a council held in Toulouse about three hundred and fifty-five years ago [A.D.1229], and all against these Waldenses, who also were condemned in another council at Rome before that [A.D. 1215].

    What great persecutions were raised up against them, is apparent from a397 the before-mentioned consultation of the three French archbishops; whereof I will recite some of their words, which towards the end be these: “Who is such a stranger that knoweth not the condemnation of the Waldensian heretics, done and past so many years ago, so famous, so public, following upon so many and great labors, expenses, and travail of the faithful, and so boldly sealed with so many deaths of the infidels themselves, solemnly condemned and openly punished?” Whereby we may see persecution to be no new thing in the church of Christ, when Antichrist so long ago, even three hundred years past, began to rage against these Waldenses. In Bohemia, likewise, after that, the same, called by the name of Thaborites, as Sylvius recordeth, suffered no little trouble. But never persecution was stirred up against them or any other people, more terrible than was in these latter years in France by the French king, A.D. 1545, which lamentable story is described in Sleidan, and hereafter in the process of this work, as we come to the order of years, shall be set forth, by the grace of Christ, more at large; in the which persecution is declared, in one town, Cabriers, to be slain by the captain of Satan, Minerius, eight hundred persons at once, without respect of women or children of any age; of whom forty women, and most of them great with child, thrust into a barn, and the windows kept with pikes, and so fire set to them, were all consumed. Besides, in a cave not far from the town Mussium, to the number of five and twenty persons, with smoke and fire were at the same time destroyed. At Merindol the same tyrant, seeing all the rest were fled away, and finding one young man, caused him to be tied to an olive-tree, and to be destroyed with torments most cruelly; with much other persecution, as shall appear hereafter in the history translated out of Sleidan into English. a398 But to return again to higher times, from whence we digressed. Besides that, Reinerius (above mentioned), speaketh of one in the town of Cheron, a glover, who was brought at this time to examination, and suffered. There is also an old monument of processes, wherein appear four hundred and forty-three to be brought to examination in Pomerania, Marchia, and places thereabouts, about A.D. 1391. f479 And thus much touching the origin, doctrine, and lamentable persecutions of the Waldenses; who, as is declared, first began about the time of this King Henry II.

    OTHER INCIDENTS HAPPENING IN THE REIGN OF THIS HENRY II Concerning the first origin of the Waldenses, springing up in the days of this king, sufficient is already declared. Now remaineth in the like order of time to story also such other incidents as chanced under the reign of the said king, not unworthy to be observed, keeping the order of the time as near as we may, and as authors do give unto us.

    Mary, the daughter of King Stephen, being the abbess of Ramsey, was married in this king’s days to Matthew, earl of Boulogone; which marriage Thomas Becket did work against, and did dissolve, by reason whereof he procured himself great displeasure with the said earl, etc. A.D. 1161. f480 The same year a399 a certain child was crucified of the Jews in the town of Gloucester. After the same manner the wicked Jews had crucified another child before in the city of Norwich, in the days of King Stephen, A.D. 1145.

    A collection was gathered through all England and France, of two pence in every pound, for the succor of the East Christians against the Turks, A.D. 1167. f482 Babylon was taken and destroyed, and never since repaired, by Almaric, king of Jerusalem, A.D. 1170. f483 In the year 1178, almost all England was diseased with the cough. f484 About this year also William, king of Scots, was taken in battle and imprisoned in England.

    Great war happened in Palestine, wherein the city of Jerusalem, with the cross and king of the city, and others of the temple, was taken by the Saracens, and the most part of the Christians there were either slain or taken. Cruel murder and slaughter were used by the Turk, who caused all the chief of the Christians to be brought forth and beheaded before his face; insomuch that Pope Urban III a401 for sorrow died, and Gregory VIII, the next pope after him, lived not two months. Then, in the days of Pope Clement III, news and sorrow growing daily for the loss of Palestine, and the destruction of the Christians; King Henry of England, and Philip, the French king, the duke of Burgundy, the earl of Flanders, the earl of Champagne, with divers other Christian princes, with a general consent, upon St. George’s day, took the mark of the cross upon them, promising together to take their voyage into the Holy Land. At this time the stories say, the king of England first received the red cross, the French king took the white cross, the earl of Flanders took the green cross; and so likewise other princes diversly divers colors, thereby to be discerned every one by his proper cross. But King Henry, after the three years were expired, in which he promised to perform his voyage, sent to the pope for further delay of his promise, offering for the same to erect three monasteries; which thing he thus performed: in the church of Waltham he thrust out the secular priests, and set in monks instead of them. Secondly, lie repaired Amesbury, and brought in the nuns again, who before were excluded for their incontinent life. And thus performed lie his promise made before to the pope, A.D. 1173.

    The king of Scots did his homage and allegiance to the king of England and to his son, and to his chief lords; promising that all the earls and barons of Scotland should do the like with their posterity. Item, all the bishops and abbots of the church of Scotland promised subjection and submission to the archbishop of York, A.D. 1175. f486 The custom was in this realm, that if any had killed any clerk or priest, he was not to be punished with the temporal sword, but only excommunicated and sent to Rome for the pope’s grace and absolution; which custom, in the days of this king, began first to be altered by the procurement of Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, A.D. 1176. f487 London-bridge first began to be made of stone by one Peter, priest of Colechurch, A.D. 1176. f488 St. William of Paris a400 was slain by the Jews on Maundy-Thursday, for which the Jews were burned, and he counted a saint, A.D. 1177.

    Ireland subdued to the crown of England by this king, A.D. 1177. f489 About the five and twentieth year of the reign of the said King Henry, Louis the French king, by the vision of Thomas Becket appearing unto him in his dream, and promising to him the recovery of his son, if he would resort to him at Canterbury, made his journey into England to visit St.

    Thomas at Canterbury, with Philip, earl of Flanders; where he offered a rich cup of gold, with other precious jewels, and one hundred vessels of wine yearly to be given to the covent of the church of Canterbury: notwithstanding, the said Philip in his return from England, taking his journey to Paris to visit St. Dennis, in the same his pilgrimage was stricken with such cold, that he fell into a palsy, and was benumbed in the right side of his body, A.D. 1178. f490 Stephen, bishop of Rennes, was wont to make many rhymes and gaudish prose to delight the ears of the multitude; to whom a little before his death this verse was sounded in his ear, “Desine lundere ternere, nitere propere surgere de pulvere:” A.D. 1178. f491 The Albigenses of the city of Tolfouse, denied transubstantiation in the sacrament of Christ’s body and blood; also that matrimony was a sacrament, etc. A.D. 1178. f492 King Henry separated himself from his wife Elenor, and held her many years in prison, as some think, for the love of Rosamond; which seemeth to me to be the cause why God afterward stirred up all his sons to war against him, and to work him much sorrow; A.D. 1179; f493 notwithstanding, the said Elenor was shortly after reconciled to him.

    St. Frideswide was translated unto Oxford in the same year.

    In the year 1180, there came to the council of Pope Alexander, one Burgundio a403 of Pisa, a man very cunning both in Greek and Latin, who brought and presented to the council the homilies of Chrysostome upon the gospel of St.

    John, translated out of Greek into Latin, and said that he had translated likewise a great part of his Exposition upon Genesis; saying moreover, that the said Chrysostome had made expositions in Greek of the whole of the Old Testament, and also of the New.

    The monks of Charterhouse first entered into this land, A.D. 1180. In the year 1181, Richard Peck, a404 bishop of Coventry, before his death renounced his bishopric, and became a canon in the church of St. Thomas by Stafford. f494 About the latter time of this King Henry, one Hugo, a405 whom men were wont to call St. Hugh of Lincoln, born in Burgundy, and prior of the monks of Charterhouse, was preferred by the king to the bishopric of Lincoln, who after his death is said to have done great miracles, and therefore was counted a saint. A. D. 1186. f495 Baldwin, a406 archbishop of Canterbury, began the building of his new house and church of Lambeth; but by the letters of Pope Clement III., he was forbidden to proceed in the building thereof. A.D. 1187. f496 I find likewise in the aforesaid old written chronicle remaining in the hands of one William Cary, citizen of London, that King Henry II. gave to the court and church of Rome for the death of Thomas Becket, forty thousand marks of silver, and five thousand marks of gold. A.D. 1187.

    Mention was made a little above of Almaric, king of Jerusalem, who destroyed Babylon, so that it was never after to this day restored, but lieth waste and desolate; wherein was fulfilled that which by the prophets, in so many places, was threatened to Babylon before. This Almaric had a son named Baldwin, and a daughter called Sibylla. Baldwin, from the beginning of his reign, was a leper, and had the falling-sickness, being not able, for feebleness of body, although valiant in heart and stomach, to satisfy that function.

    Sibylla, his sister, was first married to one William, marquis of Mount Ferrat, by whom she had a son, called also Baldwin. After him she was married to another husband, named Guido de Lusignan, earl of Joppa and of Ascalon. Upon this it befel that the aforesaid Baldwin the leper, son of Almaric, being thus feeble and infirm, as is said, called his nobles together, with his mother and the patriarch, declaring to them his inability, and by their consents committed the under-government of the city unto Guido, the husband of Sibylla, his sister. But he being found insufficient, or else not lucky in the government thereof, the office was translated to another, named Raimund, earl of Tripolis. In the mean while, the soldan with his Saracens mightily prevailed against the Christians, and overran the country of Palestine, during which time Baldwin the king deputed; whereby the kingdom fell next to Baldwin (the son of Sibylla, by her first husband, William), who, being but five years old, was put to the custody of the above Raimund. This Baldwin also died in his minority, before he came to his crown, whereby the next succession by descent fell to Sibylla, the wife of Guido above mentioned. The peers and nobles, joining together in