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APP4-1 — Henry VII. was proclaimed after the battle of Bosworth, August 22d, A. D. 1485, and crowned October 13th. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Edward IV., January 18th, A. D. 1486. (L’Art de Ver. des Dates.) Foxe misdates the marriage, “A. D. 1485.”
D. 1494.” Maximilian had been elected king of the Romans, Feb. 16th, A. D. 1486. (Ibid.)
D. 1490.” (See Melch. Adami “Vitae Eruditorum.”) APP4-5 — The ensuing account of Weselus Groningensis is translated from the “Catalogus Testium” of Illyricus Flacius: see edition 1608, col. 1908. Several corrections and improvements of the text are introduced from the Latin.
APP4-6 — “Ut lux mundi vulgo vocaretur.” Illyricus. Foxe’s text awkwardly renders “vulgo” — “of the people.”
APP4-7 “Repentance ... three parts.” ] — “ Tres actus poenitentis sunt, contritio, confessio, et satisfactio, quae communiter vocantur partes materiales Sacramenti Poenitentise, per respectum ad pattem formalem, quae est absolutio Sacerdotis.” (Dens, tom. 6. p. 13.)
APP4-8 “The pope’s indulgences.” ] — See above, vol. 3. p. 738, line 34.
APP4-10 “Witnesseth.” ] — “Testatur,” Illyricus; “confesseth,” Foxe.
APP4-11 “Thomas de Curselis.” ] — The same person as “Thomas de Corsellis,” mentioned before in vol. 3.; he is called by Eneas Sylvius (“De Gestis Concilii Basiliensis”) canon of Amiens: see vol. 3. p. 662.
His speech here referred to might be the same as that alluded to vol. 3. p. 611.
APP4-12 . “As who should say.” ] — “Qui hoc nimirum dicere voluit.”
APP4-13 — “Redditus Ecclesiae,…et ecclesias.” Illyricus.
APP4-14 — “Pluris faciendam esse sententiam, quin et excommunicationem, hominis pii ac docti quam papae.” Illyricus.
APP4-15 — “Sicut Constantiense concilium magis Johannem Gersonem quam Johannem 23; item olim pii magis Bernardum quam Eugenium audiverunt.” Illyricus. John Gerson was chancellor of Paris, and one of the first men of his age in erudition and knowledge: he was the soul of the council of Constance: he maintained, in an elaborate discourse, the power of the council to depose the pope, on which opinion the council acted. St. Bernard wrote several books “de Considerations,” addressed to Eugenius III., who was pope A. D. 1145-1153. Eugenius III. was previously Bernard, abbot of St. Anastasius at Rome; and there is, perhaps, an intended antithesis between the two Bernards, as between the two Johns. Huss, in his answer before the council, quotes Bernard ad Eugenium. (Supra, vol. 3. p. 461.)
APP4-16 “Writing, moreover, of two Popes, Plus II. and Sixtus IV.” ] — “Valde periclitaretur vita justi, si penderet ex vita Papae. Summorum enim Pontiffcure plerique pestilenter erraverunt, ut novissimis diebus nostris, in Constantia, celebri concilio claruit, Benedictus, Bonifacius, et Johannes XXIII., qui graviter fidem lacerarunt. Et nostris postremis diebus, Pius secundus, et Sixtus quartus. Quorum alter patentibus bullis regna terrarum sibi vindicavit. Alter turpissimas dispensationes non solum de prestito in causa civili juramento, sed etiam de prestando, de plenitudine potestatis plumbatas bullas emisit, in abusu potestatis Apostolicae. (Weselus de potestate eccleslastica, fol. 29. verso.) An amusing account of an interview between Weselus and Sixtus IV. is given in Milner’s Church History, Century XV.
APP4-17 “Being a Frisian born.” ] — This clause comes in awkwardly; and is unnecessary, because Foxe had already (p. 4) mentioned Weselus’s birth-place; but Noviomagus’s narrative, as cited by Illyricus, ran thus, viz. that “Ostendorpius, adolescens admodum, Weselum Frisium senem adiit.” There are very large quotations from the works of this forerunner of Luther in Seckendorf’s Commentarius de Lutheran. lib. 1, Section 133.
APP4-18 “Who wrote this story,” etc.] — This passage stands thus in Foxe: “Who wrote the story A. D. 1520, and heard it at the mouth of the said Weselus A. D. 1490, March 18th;” whereas Weselus died on St. Francis’s day (July 16th), 1489. Noviomagus (as quoted by Illyricus) says, “Id ego a jam canescente Ostendorpio in templo D.
Lewini audivi anno 1520, 10 Calend. Mart.” Whence the text has been corrected.
APP4-19 — Noviomagus says that Ostendorpius was “canonicus Daventriae ad S. Lebuinum.” Foxe, or his assistant, erroneously supposed “Lebuinum” to be a place instead of a saint, and calls Ostendorpius “a canon of the minister of Lubeck.” Foxe himself afterwards gives this matter correctly at p. 256. Deventer was the capital city of Overyssel. The minister there was dedicated to St.
APP4-20 — Fabian calls this martyr “mother Yongue:” “In this yere [9 Hen. VII.] at in the ende of Aprill was brent in Smithfields an old woman for heresie, which was called mother Yongue.”
APP4-21 . “A. D. 1496, and the 17th of January, being Sunday .” ] — Foxe says “A. D. 1497,” which does not agree with the other note of the time; but by Nicolas’s Tables the 17th of January did fall on a Sunday in the year 1496; which year also suits better with the words “shortly after the martyrdom of” Joan Boughton. Fabian also states in his Chronicle, at the end of A. D. 1495-6, 11 Hen. VII., “And this yere many Lollers stoode with faggottes at Powles Crosse.” It is worth remark, however, that January the 7th would fall on a Sunday in the year 1497-8: if, therefore, we read” 7th” for “17th,” Foxe’s year might stand.
APP4-22 “Furthermore, the next year following, which was A. D. 1498.” ] — “Next” is not strictly correct, in consequence of Foxe’s “1497” in the last paragraph having been altered into “1496.”
APP4-23 “In the next year (A. D. 1499.)”] — Foxe’s text reads, “In the same year above mentioned, which was the year of our Lord 1499:” in the Edition of 1597 (p. 671) “1499” was changed into “1498,” evidently to suit the “1498” of the preceding paragraph; the concluding words, however, of this paragraph, “the next year following, which is A. D. 1500,” were left unaltered. But in the present edition a preferable alteration is here made: Foxe’s original year, “1499,” is left to stand, and “same year above mentioned” is altered into “next year;” for the earl of Warwick, in fact, was not beheaded till Nov. 28th, A. D. 1499; and the probability is, that Babram was martyred about May or June, 1500. See the next note.
APP4-24“In the month of July, as is in Fabian recorded.” ] — In the printed Fabian July is not mentioned; but under the year A. D. 1499- 1500, Ann. Regis. 15. [which regnal year commenced August 22d, A.
D. 1499], Fabian mentions, 1st, the arraignment of Perkin, Nov. 15th; 2dly, “Sone after was the Erle of Warwick put to death” [Nov. 28th]; 3dly, “And this yere in Male the Kyng and the Queene sailed to Calais. And this yere was Brabam in Northfolke brent.” 4thly, “And in July was an olde heretike brent in Smithfielde.” It is most probable that Babram was burnt about May or June, 1500, though it may have been so late as July; but the printed Fabian does not state that.
APP4-25 — On the date of Savonarola’s martyrdom, see the note next following this.
APP4-26 — The martyrdom of Savonarola is dated May 23d in all the editions previous to 1596, and this is the day given by Hoffman and Moreri: but they assign 1498 as the year; and this is the year given by Pantaleon; also by Foxe himself, at p. 131 of this volume.
APP4-27 “Oppressions.” ] — Foxe’s text reads here “suppressions;” but as we have appressions and exactions” at p. 13, line 27 from the bottom, “oppressions” is put in here.
APP4-28 . “The ten principal grievances,” etc.] — What Foxe says on this subject is derived from a tract published in the “Fasciculus “of Orthuinus Gratius, fol. 166, under the title of “Gravamina Germanicae Nationis cum Reinediis et Avisamentis ad Cresaream Majestatem, in duos libellos distinctim divisa, eoque ordine et modo quo prius impressa lucre.” The documents translated in this and the next three pages constitute the chief part of the “libellus primus,” which Gratius (fol. 170) states had been printed some years before at Selestadt near Strasburg “in Schureriana officina.” These documents may be found entire in Illyricus, Cat. Test. Verit. p. 469, edit. 1672; Wolffus, Lect.
Memor.; Goldastus, Polit. Imperial. p. 23. etc.; in Georgi’s “Imperatorum totiusque Nationis Germanicae Gravamina” (Francof. 1725), p. 279; and the proposed Remedy, from which Foxe has quoted, p. 284; also in Freheri Germ. Scripp. tom. 2. p. 674, with an historical account of these “Gravamina,” prefixed by Struve. Foxe has also translated the” Libellus Secundus;” see afterwards pp. 295 — of this volume. His translations have been collated with the Latin, and corrected in some places.
APP4-29 “For the archbishop’s see of Mentz,” etc.] — See the note in the Appendix on vol. 2. p. 260, last line.
APP4-30 “At last the sum drew,” etc.] — The Latin of this sentence is as follows: “Tandem excrevit summa usque ad viginti septera millia; quae Archiepiscopus Jacobus cogebatur nuper persolvere, ut retulit Vicarius in spiritualibus Moguntinus: sicque in vita unius hominis septics viginti quinque millia a solo Archiepiscopatu Moguntinensi, pro confirmatione Archiepiscopi, Romam pervenerunt.”
APP4-31 “In one man’s lifetime.” ] — Foxe says “in a little time;” but see the Latin in the preceding note. From Diether II. (elected in 1459) to Uriel (elected in 1508) are seven elections in less than fifty years. (L’Art de Ver. des Dates.)
APP4-32 — From the account of the archbishops of Mentz, given in “L’Art de Ver. des Dates,” it appears, that Jacque de Liebenstein was elected December 30th, 1504, and crowned July 30th, 1505; attended the diet of Constance, 1507; died September 17th, 1508: he was succeeded by Uriel de Gemmingen, elected September 27th, 1508.
APP4-33 . “An advertisement,” etc.] — In the original this document is headed, “Avisamenta ad Cresaream Majestatem.”
APP4-34 “Curtisani.” ] — See this term explained and illustrated supra, vol. 2. p. 709, note (1), and p. 767, line 2.
APP4-35 “A letter of Jacobus Selestadiensis,” etc.] — This is not included among the documents printed in the “Fasciculus,” but is printed in “Freheri Script. Germ.” tom. 2. p. 685. Jacobus Wimphelingus Selestadiensis was a presbyter in the church of Spires, and a professor at Heidelburgh. Maximilian made much use of him, on account of his great learning.
APP4-36 — The clause “the fines of sinners” is put in from the original, which reads “pretia peccatorum:” see the note on vol. 1. p. 17, note (5). This whole passage is cited by Selestadiensis from the “Reformatio abusuum cleri,” attributed to Ludovicus Pius. The following is the original Latin: — “Res ecclesiae (sicut a Patribus traditur et in superioribus capitulis continetur) vota sunt fidelium, precia peccatorum, et patrimonia pauperurn. Fideles namque fidel ardore et Christi amore succensi ab animarum suarum remedium et coelestis patriae desiderium suis propriis facultatibus sanctam locupletem fecerunt ecclesiam, ut iis et milites ecclesise alerentur, ecclesiae exornarentur, pauperes recrearentur, et captivi pro temporum opportunitate redimerentur. Quapropter vigilanti et solerti cura providendum est his, qui ejus facultates administrant, ne eos in suos solummodo usus convertant; sed magis, juxta possibilitatem rerum Christo famulantium, imo eorum in quibus Christus pascitur et vestitur, curam gerere penitus non negligant.”
APP4-37 — This passage will be found in “Prosperi de Vita Contemplativa,” lib. 2. cap. 9; which chapter also cites the saying, “Res ecclesiae vota sunt fidelium, pretia peccatorum, et patrimonia pauper “ APP4-38 “But as things commended,” etc.] — “Sed ut commendatas pauperibus diviserunt:” better translated, “as alms committed to their charge they divided them unto the needy.”
APP4-39 — See p. 44 of this volume.
APP4-41 “Bernardine cardinal de la Croix,” etc.] — These names are thus given in Foxe’s text: “Bernardus Cruceius, Gulielmus Praenestinus, Franciscus Constantinus.” The last word is an error for “Consentinus.” The individuals meant are, 1. “Bernardin de Carvsjal, Espagnol, eveque de Cartagene, pretrecardinal de St. Marcellin et de St.
Pierre, puis de Sainte Croix de Jerusalem, et eveque d’Ostie, et doyen du sacre college.” He was made cardinal by Alexander VI. in 1490, and died in 1522. (Moreri 5. Cardinal.) 2. William Briconet, bishop of St.
Malo, and Nismes, afterwards archbishop of Rheims, and of Narbonne; made cardinal by Alexander VI. in 1495, and bishop of Frascati. He was deprived of the cardinalship and the bishopric of Frascati by Julius, but restored to the former and made bishop of Palestrine by Leo X. April 7th, 1512, whence he is called “Praenestinus.” He is also called cardinal of St. Malo. (Moreri, and Gallia Christiana 5 Narbonne.) 3. Francisco Borgia, archbishop of Cosenza in Calabria, made cardinal of St. Lucie by Alexander VI. in 1500, afterward of St. Nereus and Achilles, died in 1511. (Moreri.)
The names are given in the last edition of Sleidan, lib. 11. p. 97, “Bernardin Carvaial, Guil. Briconet, Francis de Borgio.” Guicciardini states (“Istoria de Italia,” vol. 2. p. 405, edit. 1775), that they were deprived of their ecclesiastical rank for having assembled this council. “Ma il pontifice…convocato con solennita grande il consistorio pubblico, sedendo nell abito Pontificale nella Sala detta dei Re, dichiaro Cardinali di Santa Croce, e di San Malo, di Cosenza, e quel di Baiosa, esser caduti della dignita del cardinalato, e incorsi in tutte le pene, alle quali sono sottoposti gli eretici, e gli scismatici.” See also “Onuphrius de vita Pont;” Jul. II. in Platina, edit. Colon. 1626, p. 345; and the “Segunda parte de la Historia Pontifical” of Illescas, edit. Madrid, 1652, p. 278.
APP4-42 — Mahomet died June 8th, A. D. 632. Foxe now gives a brief review of the Caliphs, his successors. Foxe’s account has been compared with that in L’Art de Ver. des Dates, and in some instances corrected.
APP4-43 “The third king.” ] — Foxe says, “the fourth,” which he was, including Mahomet, but not “after Mahomet.”
APP4-44 — Hasan succeeded Hall for six months. (L’Art.’de Ver. des Dates.) “Muhavia,” or “Muhania” as Foxe reads, is called Moavie I. in L’Art de Ver. des Dates.
APP4-46 — At this period Muhavias or Moavie was one of the generals of Caliph Othman.
APP4-48 “Sultans .] — rather, “Caliphs;” their viceroys, indeed, were called sultans. Kaiem-Bamrillah, the forty-fifth Caliph, having been conquered by Togrul Begh, grandson of Seldgiouk the Mogul A. D. 1058, the Caliphs thenceforth reigned in subordination to the Seljucidae, till the death of Mostazem-Billah, the fifty-sixth and last Caliph, Feb. 20th, A. D. 1258.
APP4-51 “These four families above mentioned,” etc.] — This is an inaccurate allusion to the victories and ravages of the Tartars in Asia and Europe, about A. D. 1230. See them described at p. 119 of this volume, and at vol. 2. pp. 491, 575. The result of which was, that the dynasty of the Seljucidae fell to pieces, and made way for that of the Ottomans, as stated at p. 25. Foxe, infra, p. 120, confesses himself puzzled with the intricacies of these different dynasties.
APP4-52 — The ensuing account of the Ottoman Emperors has been collated with that in L’Art de Ver. des Dates, and corrected in some instances. Ottoman, son of Ortogrul, was one of the Emirs of Masoud, Sultan of Iconium, on whose death (1294) the Seljucidae of Iconium ceased. Ottoman established himself finally by the capture of Prusa or Bursa, the capital of Bithynia, A. D. 1326; in the August of which year he died. (L’Art de Ver. des Dates.)
APP4-54 — Foxe says “Lazarus Despota, prince of Servia;” and two lines lower “Lazarus Despota;” Moesia also he miscalls” Mysia.” See p. 92, note (21).
APP4-55 — Foxe, by a similar mistake to that pointed out in the last note, here talks of “Marcus Despota.”
APP4-56 — There seem to have been two battles at Nicopolis in Bulgaria; the first A. D. 1393, and that here described 28th Sept. 1395. (L’Art de Ver. des Dates.) See supra, vol. 3. p. 761. The flower of the French nobility were there, commanded by Philip d’Artois, constable of France, and John, earl of Nevers.
APP4-57 — This allusion to the council of Cop. stance is a gross anachronism.
APP4-59 — See supra, vol. 1. p. 215.
APP4-60 — The different editions of Foxe vary as to the number of Tamerlane’s army, and the number of Turks slain by them. (See last page.) But Sebastian Munster, whom Foxe cites as his authority, says that Tamerlane’s army consisted of “duodecies centena millia,” i. e. 1,200,000; and that the Turks slain were “bis centena millia,” i. e. 200,000. (Lib. 4. p. 957. Basil. 1559.)
APP4-61 “At Columbetz, a town in Servia.” ] — Cuspinian (De Turcorum Origine) words it — “rursus cum Turcis congressus sub castro Galambog in rupe Danubii sito.” See p. 93, note (4), and supra, vol. 4. p. 761.
APP4-62 “One Johannes Capistriotus:” ] — A. D. 1423. (L’Art de Ver. des Dates.)
APP4-63 “As Despots or prince, one named George.” ] — These words are substituted for Foxe’s “a certain prince, named Georgius Despota;” and “George” is four times substituted for “Despots” in the next eleven lines. In the margin Foxe has “Johannes Vaivoda;” and near the bottom of this page he reads, “the Bassa, duke of Anatolia.” See notes on p. 27, for similar cases.
APP4-64 — “Sinderonia,” or more properly Sinderovia, is Semendria, a strong town of Servia, twenty miles below Belgrade, on the Danube. It is called Spenderobis by Chalcondyla: Leunclavius says, that it is termed Semender by the Turks, and Sendrew by the Hungarians, being a corruption of Saint Andrew. (Martiniere’s Geography.)
APP4-65 for “Caraman” read “the king of Carsmania.”
APP4-66 — Foxe says, “George Despota (which is to say, etc.)” See the note on p. 32, line 15.
APP4-67 “A truce was concluded,” etc.] — A. D. 1443 or 1444. (L’Art de Ver. des Dates.)
APP4-68 “Sendeth Julian Caesarini.” ] — “ Ea pax molestissima fuit Juliano Cardinali cui prosequenda victoria videbatur. Et Eugenius Pontilex certior factus, Regis nullum valere foedus, quod se inconsulto cum Christianae religionis hostibus percussum esset, rescripsit.” (Cuspinian de Turcorum Origine, fol. 23, edit. 1541; see also Aeneas Sylvius, De Europa, cap. 5.)
APP4-69 “Seledinus.” ] — “Segedin, ou Segedi, ville de la Haute Hongrie au conte de Czongrad, sur la Teisse, vis-a-vis de l’endroit ou cette riviere recoit celle de Marisch, en latin Segedunum.” (Martiniere’s Geography.)
APP4-70 — Bistritz, Bestertze, Nosenstadt, a district in Transylvania, with a capital of the same name. (Busching’s Gee g. vol. 2. p. 85.)
APP4-71 — The date of this battle was Nov. 10th, A. D. 1444. See Gibbon, chap. 67., and L’Art de Ver. des Dates. Foxe misdates it, 1404.
APP4-72 — Amurath II. died Feb. 9th, A. D. 1451. (L’Art de Ver. des Dates.)
APP4-73 — For “Despots, prince of Servia,” read “the Despota of Servia.”
APP4-74 — Foxe reads “Despota, prince of Servia.” See note on p. 83, line 18.
APP4-75 — This siege of Belgrade took place A. D. 1456: it has been referred to, vol. 3. p. 764.
APP4-76 — Huniades died Sept. 10th, A. D. 1556. (L’Art de Ver. des Dates.)
APP4-77 — Foxe is here mistaken: it is the European country which was called Moesia. See his own note (21), at p. 92.
APP4-78 “Nicholas Catalusius.” ] — More properly, Lucio Cattilusa.
APP4-79 “Capha.” ] — “La ville de Cuffah (l’ancienne Theodosie), capitale de la Tartarie Crimee (l’ancienne Chersonesus Taurique).” (L’Art de Ver. des Dates; also see p. 80.)
D. 1467. (L’Art de Ver. des Dates.)
APP4-81 “Stephen, king of Bosnia,” ] — called also “Vaivode of Moldavia;” this happened A. D. 1575. (L’Art de Ver. des Dates.)
APP4-82 — Foxe reads “A. D. 1481,” and 8 lines lower, “the year abovementioned, A. D. 1481:” the alterations in the text are made on’ the authority of L’Art de Ver. des Dates.
APP4-83 “He died in the year following, A. D. 1581.”] — July 2d. (L’Art de Ver. des Dates.)
APP4-84 — Foxe’s text here incorrectly reads “Innocent II.,” and” Ludovic II.;” but correctly at p. 15, “Innocent VIII.” and “Charles VIII.”
APP4-85 “By Mahomet II .”] — Foxe’s text here reads” Amurath II.” It is true that Amurath II. did besiege Belgrade (see p. 32); but the siege here alluded to is evidently that by Mahomet II., related at pp. 40, 41, and vol. 3. p. 764.
APP4-86 . “Philippus Villadamus.” ] — His proper name was “Philippe de Villiers de l’Isle-Adam;” he was a native of Beauvais, and was grand prior of France, when he was elected grand-master of the knights of Malta, Jan. 22d, A. D. 1521; he died August 22d, A. D. 1534. (See L’Art de Ver. des Dates, art. Des Grands-Maitres de Malte.) A pompous message addressed to him by Solyman is given at p. 350, note.
APP4-87 “John, Vaivode of Transylvania.” ] — Foxe says, “Johannes Vaivoda;” and again, three or four times in next page; and “Vaivoda,” p. 64, and six times in p. 65.
APP4-88 — Rhodes was taken Dec. 22d, A. D. 1522. (L’Art de Ver. des Dates.)
APP4-89 . “ills is above mentioned.” ] — See pp. 54, 76, where “Quinque Ecclesiae” is mentioned tinder its German appellation, “Funfkirchen.”
APP4-90 “Alba Regalis.” ] — Stuhl-Weissenburg. See the notes in the Appendix on vol. 3. pp. 688, 764.
APP4-91 — See note in this Appendix on p. 53, line 16 from the bottom.
APP4-92 “Alba.” ] — Stuhl-Weissenburg. See note on p. 72, line 4.
APP4-93 — Foxe says “fifty;” but the author whom he cites says, “Adeo ut saepe quingentos homines concatenatos habeant, vim metuunt tantae multitudinis.”
APP4-94 “A professor of the Turks’ religion.” ] — Foxe’s text reads, “a Turkish priest;” but the author says, “id est, Turcarum religione initiatum.” (Barth. Georgievitz Peregrinus, De Turcarum Moribus Epitome. Lug. 1567.)
APP4-95 . “In principio erat verbum,” etc.] — See the note in the Appendix on vol. 2. p. 359, respecting the use made of the “In principio” as a charm.
APP4-96 — It may seem strange that Foxe should omit the mention of America as the fourth quarter of the world,68 years after its first discovery. But in fact, America was considered, for much more than a century after its first discovery, to be a part of Cathay, or of Asia. See Mercedes of Castile.
APP4-97 . “Godfrey of Bouillon :”] the words “of Bouillon” are put in. See p. 118.
APP4-98 “A certain bishop of Florence.” ] — See vol. 2. 172, 3. 105. All the historical allusions in this page and the next, may be explained by references to the past volumes. See the Index.
APP4-100 — The true date of Childeric’s deposition and Pepin’s accession is A. D. 752 (L’Art de Ver. des Dates), not “747” as Foxe here states. See supra, vol. 1. p. 369.
APP4-101 — For Foxe’s account of the submission of the emperor Henry IV. January 28th, A. D. 1077, see supra, vol. 2. p. 128.
APP4-102 — For Foxe’s account of Frederic Barbarossa’s submission, August 1st, A. D. 1177, see supra, vol. 2. pp. 195, 256.
The truth of this story many modern writers, in Germany particularly, have called in question; one of their main arguments being, the improbability that so great an emperor could have submitted to so great an indignity. Daru, however, whose singular diligence no evidence connected with the object of his search was likely to escape, pronounces strongly in favor of the celebrated interview between Alexander III. and Frederic. Encyclop. Metropol. vol. 11. (History) p.642. Bishop Burner mentions in his “Letters” having seen with his own eyes a record of this fact: “Here,” says Burnet, “I saw that story of Pope Alexander III. treading on the neck of the emperor Frederic Barbarossa,” (p. 117.) And Misson in his “New Voyage to Italy” (vol. 1. p. 242) writes: “They made us take notice of a piece of porphyry, enchased in the pavement, in the middle of the portico of the church over against the great door; it is to mark the place where they say Pope Alexander III. set his foot on the neck of the emperor Frederic Barbarossa:” and at p. 247 he says, “the same story is represented in the church of St. James de Rialto.” At p. 651 of the “Annales Mundi” of the Jesuit Brietius also (edit. Aug. Vind. 1696) it is recorded: — “Quae magnifice adhuc depicta cernuntur, et Venetis certain rei hujus gestae facere creduntur fidem, colorato saltem argumento.” So that Protestants are not the only recorders of this occurrence or of its memorials.
Blondus relates no more than that the Emperor “in terram cernuus, ac plane prostratus, pontificis pedes exosculatus est; et pontifex illum manu sublevatum ad oris osculum admisit.” (Blondi Dec. 11. lib. 3. p. 256, “Historiarum ab inclinatione Romanorum,” Basil. 1531.) Hence some writers of modern times have argued that the remaining pictures must be merely symbolical; but even in this light they were so much valued for their moral, that they formed part of the tapestry work in the Vatican, till Urban VIII. had them removed. See Pansa’s “Delia Libraria Vaticana” (in Roma 1590), p. 174; Gerhardi “Confessio Catholica,” p. 337, edit. Francof. 1679; and p. 136 of J. B. Maii de Pontif. Rom. elect, edidit Mulilius;” Kiliae, 1729.
The picture on the walls of the Vatican was seen with his own eyes about the middle of the 17th century by the writer of the following — a lawyer: “Porro et Romae in palatio Vaticano, in atrio sacelli pontificis ubi ordinarie Cardinalium collegio cum suo Papa congregato vespertinae audiri ac celebrari solent; in eodem, inquam, non procul a janua ad scalas versa, etiam similis pictura eundem superbiae Papalis actum repraesentans cernitur hoc modo: — Quam tabulain cum et ipse inspicerem,” etc. L. Banck de tyrannide Papae Diascepsis (Franeker, 1649), p. 468.
APP4-103 — For Foxe’s account of Dandolo’s humiliation, see supra vol. 2. p. 645; in confirmation of which may be added the following: — “Francisco Dandulo, ciudadano de Venecia, que se puso a los pies del Papa, en habito de pcnitente co una cadena de hierro al cuello, a pedir misericordia para su ciudad.” (Segunda parte de la Historia Pontifical y Catolica; por Gonzalo de Illescas (Madrid, 1652), p. 7. “Anno Domini 1303. in coena Domini in Avinione Clemens Papa magnum processum fecit contra Venetos, cosque anathematizavit et privavit consortio aliarum civitatum, et personas ac res ipsorum exposuit videntibus et valentibus occupare, omnesque religiosos mandavit exire de Venetiis et de quibuscunque locis allis eorum ditioni subjectis, quia Veneti Ferrariam civitatem contra Ecclesiam indebite occupabant” (Baluze’s “Vitae Paparran Avenionensium,” tom. 1. col. 69): see “Raynaldi’s Annales ad an 1310,” Section 31, for the terms of submission.
APP4-104 “Henry VI” ] — Foxe here says “Henry the Third,” which is the more surprising, as he had just before mentioned Henry IV. See the same fact stated at p. 143 of this volume, and vol. 2. pp. 304, 305. See also Hoveden, an. 1191, Knyghton, and Baronius, an. 1190.
APP4-105 — “Hiltenus,” mentioned at p. 255 as “John Hilton, a monk of Thuringia.”
APP4-107 — “Thomas Homes” is no doubt the same person as “Thomas Holmes,” mentioned at p. 226: “John Fip,” at the end of this list, is spelt “Phip “at pp. 225, 226.
APP4-108 — De Comines’s History of France was abridged and translated into Latin by Sleidan, under the following title: “De rebus gestis Ludovici XI. et Caroli Burgundiae Ducis commentarii, ex Gallico facti Latini a Jo. Sleidano;” 4to, Argentinae, 1545; 8vo, Paris, 1545.
Afterwards the work quoted by Foxe was also translated, “De Bello Neapolitano libri V.,” Argentinae, 1548; and then the whole, both as relates to France and Naples, were published together, Paris, 1560, and Francofurti, 1578. This we learn from “Biblioth. Histories a J. G. Meuselio,” vol. 7. pt. 2. p. 152.
APP4-109 — Henry VII. died April 21st, A. D. 1509.
Foxe miscalls Stafford “Stratford,” confounding him with a former archbishop.
APP4-111 “A brief Recapitulation of Ancient Ecclesiastical Laws,” etc.] — See authority for the following epitome in “The Antient Laws and Customs of England,” published by the Record Commissioners in 1840.
APP4-112 “Saturday at noon.” ] — The “Antient Laws and Customs” at p. 524 says, “ab hora nona.”
APP4-115 . “Parliament notes.” ] — See vol. 2. p. 783, vol. 3. pp. 213, 316.
APP4-116 “A. D. 600.”] — The earlier editions read “DC.” which that of 1583 and the subsequent ones corrupt into “500.”
APP4-117 “It followeth then in process of time,” etc.] — This paragraph is very incorrect in the original. It stands thus: — “It followeth then in process of time, after the days of Pipinus, Carolus, and Ludovicus (who had indued these bishops of Rome, called now popes, with large possessions), when the kings of France were not so appliable to their beck to aid and maintain them against the princes of Italy, who began then to pinch the said bishops for their wrongful usurped goods, they practiced with the Germans to reduce the empire to Otho first of that name duke of Spain. referring the election thereof to seven princes electors of Germany, which was about A. D. 1002; notwithstanding reserving still in his hands the negative voice, thinking thereby to enjoy that they had in quietness and security, and so did for a good space.”
Louis IV. was the last French emperor; on his death, Charles the Simple had not strength to assert his claims to the empire, and Conrad, earl of Franconia, was elected A. D. 911: he was followed by Henry I., Otho I., Otho II., and Otho III.: the last died A. D. 1002, after having (very much at the instigation of pope Gregory V., see Foxe’s margin) passed the edict mentioned in the text. Gregory V. was pope A. D. 996-999. See L’Art de Ver. des Dates, and Henault’s Abrege Chronol. de l’Hist, de Franco.
APP4-118 — After “beside the cushion,” Foxe adds, “The like also fell upon Otho IV. that followed after Philip;” whereas this is the same Otho with that just mentioned. See the facts referred to in this paragraph fully narrated, with the proper dates, at p. 457, etc. of vol. 2. and the notes.
APP4-119 “Philip II.” ] — This is substituted for Foxes Ludovicus. See supra, vol. 2. p. 329. The barons at a subsequent period offered England to his son Prince Louis, who came over, see vol. 2. p. 336; when the pope in fact cursed Louis and his adherents; nor was his father Philip friendly to his enterprise.
APP4-120 “The image of Antichrist.” ] — This curious piece is composed of extracts from the pope’s canon law. Each reference has been looked out and corrected where necessary. As the canon law consists of many parts, referred to in the notes, it may be well to state, that the first division of it is the “Decretum” of Gratian, in three parts; the first divided into Distinctions; the second into Causae, etc.; the third into libri de Consecratione. The second division of the canon law is the “Decretals of Gregory IX.” in 5 libri, each liber subdivided into titles.
The following extract, describing the way in which the later portions of the canon law were drawn up, and the sanctions under which they were promulgated, may perhaps be acceptable to the inquiring reader: — “Hic neglectus sine dubio ansam dedit compilationi novae sub Bonifacio VIII. conflandae. Hic enim anno pontificatus III:, i. e. anno 1297, tribus viris doctissimis Gull. de Mandagoto archiep.
Ebredunensi, Berengario Fredello, episc. Biterrensi, et Richardo de Senis S. R. E. vice-cancellario commisit, ut novato molirentur compilationem; praesertim quod a temporibus Gregorii IX. plures decretales essent editae, ac in foro passim laudatae, de quarum fide non semper constaret. Praeter decretales pontificum praedecessorum et ipsius Bonifacii VIII. huic compilationi insertae duae precedentes decretalium Innocentii IV. et Gregorii compilationes; quo facto, partes Corporis Decretalium separatas constituere desierunt, adeo ut Bonifacius VIII. suum librum “Sextum” appellari jusserit, ut in posterum, neglectis duabus praecedentibus, immediate Gregorii IX. compilationi, in libros V. divisae, successerit, ejusque librum sextum constituerit, licet haec structura rursus in libros quinque ad methodum compilationum antiquarum esset adornata. Hunc librum in pleno consistorio sedulo perlectum, examinatum, atque approbatum anno 1298, quinto nonas Martii, anno pontiffcatus IV. promulgavit, qui alteram pattern decretalium post haec tempora constituit. Tertia pars deinceps eidem accessit ex Clementis V. Constitutionibus in Concilio Viennensi, anno 1311 celebrato, editis quoad maximam partem composita, decretalibus ante et post concilium publicatis aucta, et an. 1303 12. Kal. April. publicata in consistorio; quae vulgo Clementinarum nomine designatur, quamvis Clemens V. hanc syllogen appellatione libri septimi Decretalium venire voluisse dicatur. Ad studia generalia tamen eam haud transmisisse legitur, quod etiam observat successor ejus, Joannes XXII., in Bulla ad academiam Bononiensem data anno pontificatus secundo, Clementinis praemissa, qua eam ad academiam laudatam demum transmisit. Quod quidem quoad academiam Bononiensem aliasque admitti potest: nam ad studium generale Aurelianense illam Clementem V. transmisisse compertum habeo, ad alia forsan etiam transmissurus, nisi, ut quidam probabiliter referunt, poenitentia ductus de ea abolenda, antequam animam ageret, cogitasset. His postea accessit collectio Constitutionum viginti Joannis XXII. sub appellafione Extravagantium Jo. XXII., quae tamen haud est authentica, sed privata auctoritate confecta circa annum 1340. Denique saeculo XV. rursus nova compilatio Decretalium diversorum pontificum privato ausu composita, quae finit in Sixto IV., qui vivere desiit anno 1484, ut post hujus obitum demum comparuisse videatur. Utraque collectio Extravagantium tamen praecedentibus tribus partibus Corporis Decretalium adjecta est, adeo ut etiam, facta reformatione et correctione corporis Juris Canonici virtute bullae Gregorii XIII., de anno 1580 stabilem et perpetuam sedem in praedicto. Corpore, et inde quandam auctoritatem in foro acceperit. (Boehmeri Dissert. de Decret. P.M. prefixed to tom. 2. Corp. Juris Canonici, edit. Halae Magd. 1747.)
APP4-122 — The Roman Correctors observe on this decree: — “Caput hoc, quod citatur in plerisque exemplaribus ex B. Hieronymo, et in aliquot ex B. Augustino, in neutrius libris inventum est: sed in Glossa Ordinaria ad ea verba ipsius Epistolae ad Galatas (2) ‘in faciem ejus restiti’ additur haec interlinearis explanatio, ‘quod non auderet nisi se non imparem sentiret.’” APP4-123 “In the general council at Milevis…yet my gloss cometh in.” ] — See Decretum Gratiani, Pars 2. Causa 2. quest. 6, cap. 35.
APP4-125 — This Epistle should be assigned to Pope Vigilius: “restitutum est caput hoc (12.) Vigilio antiquorum exemplarium auctoritate.” (Corr. Rom. in locum.)
APP4-126 — “The Donation of Constantine in the Canon Law is not only noted of sundry foul errors, absurdities, and contrarieties by Dr.
Rainolds, Sutcliff, Hospinian, and others of our side; but by Valla, Erasmus, Cusanus, Dantes, Marsilius Patavinus, Paulus Cathalanus, and Aeneas Sylvius, who was afterwards pope Plus, the second of that name.” (James’s “Corrup tion of Scripture, Councils, and Fathers,” p. 163. Cambr. 1843.)
APP4-127 “P. Bonif. IV.” ] — query Innocent IV. apud Sext. Decretal. lib. 10. tit. 10, cap. 1.
APP4-128 “And again in Bulla Clementis, do I not command in my bull the angels of paradise.” ] — The Jubilee-bull of 1350 by Ciera. VI. asserting his sovereignty over the angels is extant in the collection of Baluze, “Vitae Pap. Aven.” 1. 310, etc., who, in his Notes, 915, etc. has endeavored to throw discredit upon it. True, it was in his MS. in a Dict. of Albericus a Rosate, in John Wessel, Corn. Agrippa, and a MS. of the Colbert Library. But Albericus did not see it in Rome; Wessel and Agrippa were late witnesses; Antoninus of Florence thought the bull not genuine; and there was a duplicate bull of more decent expression, which is adopted in the Canon Law, Extrav. Comm. Bower was good-natured enough to acquiesce in this almost self-confuted sophistry. But in addition to the above testimonies in favor of his holiness’s assumption we have that of Muratori, (Rer. Ital. Script. 3. part 2. p. 585, ed. Milan:, 1734.) the bull is given entire and without observation by Euseb. Amort, de Indulg. 69, etc. In the very volume which contains Wessel’s statement, is an answer by Antonio de Castro (who seconded the exertions of his deceased friend Hoeck), in which, coming regularly up to the part in Wesse], and without any question of its correctness, he satisfies himself with observing, that a particular exorbitancy of the pope ought not to be construed into a general rule; and that it ought to be charitably (pie) interpreted. The passage is too long for insertion, but very curious. In a document issued a little more than a century later by authority of a kindred pontiff, Sixtus IV., a Summary of Indulgences for the repair of the cathedral of Saintes in Saintogne, and republished at length in “Venal Indulgences and Pardons of the Church of Rome” by the Rev. J.
Mendham, 1839 (from which with additions the arguments here produced are generally drawn), the concluding Clausula has precisely the same claim: mandamus angelis paradisi, etc. Henry de Knyghton, in his “De Event. Angliae,” lib. 5. A. D. 1382, records certain indulgences granted by Urban VI. against the anti-pope Clement VII. to the military bishop of Norwich, which he truly calls mirabiles, for they not only absolved a patna et culpa, but some of the commissaries asserted, “quod ad eorum praeceptum Angeli de coelo descenderent, et animas in purgatoriis locis positas de poenis eriperent, et ad coelos absque mora deducerent.” (Twysden, Hist. Ang. Scriptores 10. col. 2671.) See also Freytag’s “Apparatus Litterarius,” Lips. 1753, tom. 2. p. 1097. Nor need these statements be set aside on account of their absurdity. Romish writers have maintained that Angels might possibly come within the jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff, thus: “Immo Romani pontificis excellentia et potestas nedum est circa coelestia, terrestria et infernalia, sed etiam super Angelos, quorum ipse major est.” (Cit. Annot. 1 ad Decis. 2. part. 3. Rotae Romance recent. Section 5, hum. 24 .) “Ira ut si foret possibile quod Angeli errarent in fide, vel contra Fidem sentirent, per Papam judicari et excommunicari possent.” (Ferraris Bibliotheca prompta; in voc. Papa, art. 2. Section 14, 15.)
Luther, in his “De Captivitate Bab.” under the head “Sac. Penitent.” asserts, that some of the Roman Church went so far as to command the angels in heaven (mandare), without contradiction by Fisher in a professed answer. Erasmus, in his “Annotations on 1 Timothy 1.” p. 663, ed. 1535, referring to certain idle questions in his time, places among those on the prerogatives of the pope, An possit praecipere angelis.
APP4-129 — “Eusebius captivus, sine modus procedendi in curia Romana contra Lutheranos.” Basil, 1553, p. 179.
APP4-130 “Wysard” ] — commonly called “Guiscard.”
APP4-131 — For this fact see vol. 2. pp. 128 — 131.
APP4-132 “After “ ] — i. e. in imitation of Gregory VII. See vol. 2. pp. 155, 172.
APP4-133 “Did not I, Calixtus II. quail.” ] — “Calixtus II. is tandem fuit, qui penitus annullando legem regiam Caroli Ottonisque M. in gratiam promulgatam, Heinricum V. ejusque successores comitiis pontificalibus penitus exclusit, investituramque per baculum et annulum penitus prohibuit, atque Caesarem illo jure excidere fecit, qui in comitiis Wormatiensibus A. D. 1122 mense Sept. in praesentia legatorum Pontificis procerumque imperii illi renunciavit ecclesiaeque, dein per legatum restituitur. Chronog. Saxo ad an. 1122; Harduinus, tom. 6. pt. 2. p. 1107.’ (Imperatorum et Nationis Germanicae Gravamina; a J. G.
Georgi, Francof. 1725, p. 81.)
APP4-134 “Did not I, the said A1exander,” etc.] — See on this subject the note in this Appendix on p. 113, line 3 from the bottom.
APP4-135 — See Chron. Alberti, abb. Stadensis, p. 287, edit. Argent. 1685.
APP4-136 “And raised up the Venetians against him.”] — See supra, vol. 2. p. 480.
APP4-137 — Papal writers affirm, that the account is taken from an heretical source (see Labbe, tom. 10. col. 1142); yet Conrad of Ursperg, one of the narrators, is spoken of by Bellarmine (de Translatione Imp. Rom. lib. 1. cap. 2, Section 15) as “vetustus et diligens auctor, in rebus Germaniae praecipue describendis.”
APP4-138 — The authors referred to in Georgi’s Gravamina Imperatt, et nationis Germanicae, p. 115, are better.
APP4-139 — Labbe, tom. 11. pt. 1. col. 309.
APP4-140 — Other collectors assign it to Sylvester I. in Conc. Rom. II. c. 20, A. D. 324.
APP4-141 — The Roman Correctors observe: — “Apud Gregorium non est inventum, sed apud Isidorum (de summo bono, lib. 3. c. 58).”
APP4-142 “Pope Symmachus.” ] — “Vel potius Ennodius Ticinensis in libello pro synodo IV. Romana; A. D. 503.” Boehmer. in loc.
APP4-143 “And therefore he had his name given him Cephas, that is, head.” ] — “That period in Optatus, which Baronius cites with great applause (if it be not added by some ignorant zealot of the Roman side), is a scandal to the learning of that Father, for he derives the Syriac word Cephas from the Greek kefalh< , and by that ridiculous etymology would draw as contemptible a consequence, viz. that Peter was head of the Apostles; and again he seems willfully to pervert the precept of St. Paul (Rom. 12. 13) ‘distributing to the necessities of the saints,’ which in Optatus’s reading is, ‘communicating with the memories of the saints,’ that is (as he applies it) ‘with Rome, where there are the memorials of two of the Apostles.’ I could wish for Optatus’s credit that these weak passages.were spurious, or buried in silence, and the learned Baldwin is ashamed of this gross error (Opt.
Milev. lib. 2. p. 48. Baldwin, notes, p. 184). But Baronius cites them (Annall. ad an. 321, Section 5) in great pomp, and puts them in a whole line to make them look more plausible — ‘ the head of the Apostles, whence he was called Cephas (so Optatus; but Binius adds) ‘deducing the interpretation from the Greek word, for in Syriac it signifies a hard stone;’ and then glories extremely, as if Optatus had made communion with Rome the sole note of a Catholic. Whereas in the next page but one, Optatus goes on, ‘You cannot prove you have any communion with the seven churches of Asia; and yet if you be out of the communion of those churches, you are to be accounted aliens,’ (lib. 2. p. 50.) Which passage Baronius fraudulently leaves out, because it shows a true Catholic must be in communion not only with Rome, but also with all other orthodox churches.” (Comber’s “Roman Forgeries in the Councils, and the Annals of Baronius,” part 2. p.158.)
APP4-144 — Decret. Gregorii IX. lib. 1. tit. 6, c. 20.
APP4-146 “Authority of the superior.” ] — “Auctoritas papae” is the reading in the edition with the gloss of John Andrea, 4to. Venet. 1486.
APP4-147 “Council of Tours.” ] — Foxe says “Thuron.” See Labhe’s Cone. tom. 1. col. 1184, cap. 6.
APP4-148 — The references at the bottom of this page may be more fully exhibited thus: — (a) 24. q. 1. c. 12. ‘Quoties.’ (b) Extr. de transl. [lib. 1. tit. 7. c. 2.] ‘Inter.’ (c) 3. q. 6. c. 7. ‘Quamvis.’ (d) 6. q. 3. c. 3. ‘Denique.’ (e) 16. q. 1. c. 52. ‘Frater.’ (f) 2. q. 6. c. 17. ‘Ideo.’ (g) Extr de in integrum rest. [lib. 1. tit. 41. c. 2.] ‘cum venissent.’ 7. q. 1. c. 44. ‘temporis.’ (h) 16. q. 1. c. 50. ‘Felix.’ (i) 16. q. 1. c. 48. ‘Et temporis.’ (k) Extr. de voto. [lib. 3. tit. 34.] ‘Ex multa.’ (l) Extr de statu Monachi [lib. 3. tit. 35. c. 6.] ‘Cum ad.’ (m) Extr. de juramento [lib. 2. tit. 24. c. 19.] ‘Venicntes.’ (n) Extr. de judicio [lib. 2. tit. 1. c. 4.] ‘Et si cleric].’ (o) Extr. de Bigamis, [lib. 1. tit. 21. c. 47.] ‘nuper.’ (p) Extr. de clerico non ord. ministrante [lib. 5. tit. 23. c. 2.] (q) Extr. de corpore vitiatis [lib. 1. tit. 20. c. 1, 2.] et di. 55. (r) Dist. 50. ‘Miror.’ (s) Extr. de sententia excom. [lib. 5. tit. 39. c. 32.] ‘cum illorum.’ (t) Ibid. (u) Extr. de filiis Presbyt. [lib. 1. tit. 17. c. 18.] ‘Nimis.’ (x) Extr. de Prebend. [lib. 3. tit. 5.] ‘de multa.’ (y) Extr. de elect. [lib. 1. tit. 6. c. 19.] ‘Cum nobis.’ (z) Extr. de aetate et qualit. [Clementin. lib. 1. tit. 7. c. 3.] ‘generalera.’ (aa) Dist. 17. ‘Per tot.’ (bb) 9. q. 3. ‘Per principale.’ (cc) De elect. [lib. 1. tit. 6. c. 34.] c. ‘Venerabilem.’ (dd) Extr. de officio delegati [lib. 1. tit. 30. c. 26.] ‘querenti.’ (ee) 9. q. 3. e. 14. ‘Aliorum.’ (ff) Extr. de Tempor. ordinand. [lib. 1. tit. 11. c. 12.] ‘Cum in distrib.’ (gg) Extr. de usu Pallii. [lib. 1. tit. 8. c. 4.] ‘ad honorem.’ (hh) Extr. de elect. [lib. 1. tit. 6. c. 54.] ‘Dudum.’ (ii) Extr. de elect, c. ‘Venerabilem.’ (kk) Tractatu de censuris. (ll) Extr. de elect. [lib. 1. tit. 6. c. 20.] ‘Innocuit.’
N.B. In the foregoing notes, when a reference occurs, such as 24. q. 1, the former numeral denotes the ‘Causa’ in the Pars II. of the ‘Decretum Gratiani];’ and ‘Extr.’ refers to the ‘Decretals of Gregory IX.’
APP4-149a — There appears from the note on this chapter in Edit. of the Canon Law — “Ioannes tureen Scorns, lib. 4, dist. 33, quaest. 2, autor est Lucium dispensare,” — to be some doubt about the power of dispensing in this case.
APP4-149b “Miror.” ] — This seems an incorrect reference: the previous reference might suit.
APP4-149c — The reference here does not support the text.
APP4-149d — This reference does not sufficiently support the text.
APP4-149e — The reference here does not suit the text.
APP4-150 — The words “not long before Basil council” have been expunged after “Jacobus the archbishop:” for the reason, see note in Appendix to vol. 2. p. 260, last line.
APP4-151 “Roberto de Lieio.” ] — Robert Carazoli, a Neapolitan, and in such repute for eloquence, that his pronunciation and gestures were quite an object of imitation: “Tanta erst eloquentia et dicendi gravitate praeditus, ut omnes in eadem arte et pronunciationem et gestus ejus imitari conarentur,” etc. See “Scriptores ordinis Minorum a Waddingo,” Romae, 1650, p. 306. He became bishop of Lecce, his native place, and wrote “Sermones de Christo, de B. Virgine,” Venetiis, 1489 and 1490, etc. “He died in 1495, after he had been preacher for fifty years.” (Dupin’s Eccles. Hist. vol. 13. p. 100.) See also “Fabricii Biblioth. mediae Latinitat.” vol. 5]. p. 102, edit. Patayli, 1754; and Sbaralea Supplement. ad Wadding (Romae, 1806), pp. 636 — 638.
APP4-151a “Certain Dominie friars.” ] — It may be well perhaps to give the names from a contemporary pamphlet: — “Cujus temeritatis quatuor haeresiarchae nequissimi fuere operatores: primus conventus Bernensis Prior, Joannes dictus Vetter; secundus Stephanus Bolshorst sacrae theologiae doctor, ejusdem conventus praedicans; terrius Franciscus Ulschi supprior; et quartus Heinricus Steinecker, procurator Conventus. Hi ergo quatuor partes assumptum onus negociumque pretensum pergrave sentientes, et de suis viribus diffidentes, daemonis implorarunt auxilium, qui arte necromantiae et per Franciseum Ulschi adjuratus tam sibi placito negotio abesse non voluit, sed in ipsorum quatuor facie praesenter et coram in forma Aethiopis comparuit: adjurationis et implorationis virtute ac vigore, operam et auxilium se fideliter praestiturum spopondit, invictaque fide pollicitus est,” etc. (De quatuor haeresiarchis ord. Praedicatorum de Observantia nuncupatorum apud Switenses in civitate Bernensi combustis, A.C.M.D. IX.” See Gieseler’s “Text-Book of Eccles. Hist.” vol. 3. p. 318.
APP4-152 — Foxe has given from the register of Archbishop Warham an account also of the persecution at this period in Kent, which will be found infra, vol. 5. p. 647.
APP4-153 “About this fourth year of king Henry VIII.” ] — “October A.
D. 1511” (see last page) was in the third year of Henry VIII.; the fourth ranged from 22d April 1512 to 21st April 1513. The same inaccuracy is repeated in the margin of next page; the mention, however, there of the 4 Henry VIII. as the year of Browhe’s martyrdom, would render it probable that “1517” in the text is only a misprint for “1511.”
APP4-154 “John Browne, Martyr.” ] — The case of this John Browne occurs no less than three times in some of the editions of Foxe: First, in all four editions 1570, 1576, 1583, 1597, his Articles are given in an extract from archbishop Warham’s Register. dated A D 1511. (See vol. 5. p. 647.) Secondly, at a subsequent place, corresponding’ to vol. 5. p. 694, an account of his Martyrdom is given; he is there spoken of as “before overpast.” Thirdly, in preparing the edition of 1583 for press, Foxe forgetting that he had given an account of his martyrdom at a later place, inserts here this somewhat abridged copy of the original one, which he had met with in the meantime, dated 1517. The account therefore here given in the text was first printed by Foxe in the edition of 1583, p. 805; the other is the original and more complete of the two, and is as follows: — “JOHN BROWNE, ABLESSED MARTYR OF CHRIST JESUS,BURNED AT ASHFORD,BY ARCHBISHOP WAREHAM,AND DOCTOR FISHER,BISHOP OF ROCHESTER,ABOUT THE SECOND YEAR OF KING HENRY VIII. A. D. 1511. “Persecutors. — William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury. Fisher, Bishop of Rochester. A chauntry Priest. Walter More, Gentleman.
William More, hys brother. Chilten of Wye, Baily arrant. Beare of Wilsborough. Two servants of William Warham. “Martyr. — John Browne of Ashford, at Ashford, An. 1511. “Cause. — The first occasion of the trouble of this J. Browne the blessed servant of God, was by a certain priest: who passyng downe to Graves ende, in the common Barge (where the said J. Browne was amongest divers other passingers too) and disdayning that he so saucely shold sit so nere unto hym in the barge (who belike semed not much to passe upon the priest) began to swell in stomach against him.
At length burstyng forth in hys priestlye voyce and disdainfull countenance, he asked him in this manet: Doest thou knowe (sayd he) who I am? thou sittest to nere me, and sittest on my clothes. No Sir (sayd the other), I know not what you are. I tell thee (quoth he) I am a Priest. What Sir, are you a person, or vicar, or some ladies chaplayne?
No (quoth he agayne): I am a soule priest: I sing for a soule. Do you so, Sir? (quoth the other): that is wel done. I pray you Sir (said he) where find you the soule when you go to masse? I cannot tell thee (said the priest). I pray you, where do you leave it, Sir, when the masse is done? I cannot tel thee, sayd the priest. Neither can you tel where you 1 finde it when you go to masse, nor where you leave it when the masse is done: how can you then save the soule? sayd he.
More, two Gentlemen and brethren, rode straightwayes to the archbishop, who then was Wil. Warham. Whereupon the sayd John Brown, within thre dayes after, was sent for by the archbishop. His bringers up wet Chilten of Wye, bally arraunt, and one Beare of Wilseborough, with two of the bishop’s servauntes, who with certayne other being appointed for the same, came sodenly into hys house uppon hym, the same day when his wife was churched, as he was bringyng in a messe of porrige to the bourd servyng hys gestes: and so laying handes upon hym, set hym upon hys owne horse, and bindyng his feete under the horses belly, caried hym away to Canterbury, neyther he, nor his wyfe, nor any of his friendes knowyng whether he went, nor whether he should, and there eontinuyng the space of 40 dayes, from Lowsonday, til Friday before Whitsonday, through the cruel handling of the sayd archbishop, and the bishop of Rochester, Doctor Fisher, he was so piteously entreated, that hys bare feet were set upon the hote burning coles, to make hym reny his fayth, which notwithstanding he would not do, but patiently abiding the payne, continued in the Lordes quarell unremoveable. At length after all this cruelty susteined, his wyfe yet not knowyng where he was become, on Friday before Whitsonday he was sent to Ashford where he dwelt the next day there to be burned. “In the meant tyme, as he was brought to the towne over night, there to be set in the stockes, it happened as God would, that a yong mayd of hys house commyng by and seyng her maister, ran home and told her mistres. “Then she commyng to him, and findyng him in the stocks appointed to be burned the next morow, sate by hym all the night long. To whom then he declared the whole storye or rather tragedy how he was handled, and how his feet were burned to the bones, that he could not set them upon the ground, by the two bishops aforesayd (he thanked God therfore) and all to make me (sayd he) to deny my lord, which I wil never do, for if I should deny him (said he) in this world, he would deny me hereafter. And therefore I pray thee (said he) good Elizabeth, continue as thou hast begon, and bring up thy children vertuously in the feare of God. “And so the next day, which was on Whitson even, this godly Martyr was burned, where he standing at the stake sayd this prayer holding up hys handes, as followeth. “The prayer of Browne at his Death. “‘O Lord I yelde me to thy grace, Graunt me mercy for my trespace, Let never the fiend my soule chace.
Lord I wyll bow and thou shalt beat:
Let never my soul come in hell heat.’ “‘Into thy handes I commend my spirite: thou hast redeemed me, O Lorde of truth.’ “And so this blessed Martir ended his lyre in peace, anno 1511. “This story the sayde Elizabeth Browne his wyfe dyd oft tymes repeat to Alice her daughter, who dwellyng yet in the parish of S.
Pulchers, testified the narration hereof unto me and certayne other, upon whose credible information I have recorded the same. “Furthermore, here is to be noted that the sayde John Browne bare a fagot seven yeares before this in the dayes of King Henry the seventh, whose sonne also named Rich. Browne for the lyke cause of religion, was imprisoned at Canterbury lykewyse in the latter tyme of Quene Mary, and shoulde have bone burned with two mo besides hymselfe, the nexte day after the death of Quene Mary, but that by the proclaimyng of Quene Elizabeth they escaped.” (Foxe, edit. A. D. 1576, p. 1255.)
APP4-155 — The other copy in some Editions reads here “Where to find:” and in the next line, “save the soul:” see note (1) in last page.
APP4-156 “Low Sunday” was the Sunday next after Easter, and fell in 1511 on April 27th; in 1512 on April 18th; in 1517 on April 19th. (See Nicolas’s Tables.)
APP4-157 “A. D. 1517.”] — It has been already (in the note on p. 181, line 26) suggested as probable, that “1517” is a misprint for “1511:” we may add, that this is the more probable, because lower down Foxe ends the account by saying, that J. Browne had borne a faggot seven years before in the time of Henry VII., who died April 21st, 1509.
APP4-158 “St. Pulcri.” ] — A very ancient curtailment of “St. Sepulcri” (see vol. 2. p. 47), which is retained to this day among file populace of London, who will generally want an explanation if you talk of “St.
Sepulcre’s church,” but will at once know what you mean by “St.
Pulcre’s.” APP4-159 — St. Mary Matfellon, or de Matfellon, is a very ancient name of Whitechapel, found in the London Registers before Richard II. See Newcourt’s “History of the Diocese of London,” vol. 1. p. 698.
APP4-160 — Hun’s disclaimer (supposing that which Foxe here refers to, to be really his) would be in some respects rather creditable to him than otherwise: see Article I., and Appendix to vol. 3. note on p. 22, Art. 18.
APP4-161 . “And his own suffragan Dr. John Young, titular bishop of Callipolis.” ] — This is put in from the Latin; see p. 190, note. This third bishop puzzled all the historians, and they have omitted all mention of him. (See Burnet, Henry, etc.) Among the early archbishops and bishops in Wood’s Athenae Oxon. appears one John Young, educated at Winchester school and New college, Oxford. He left Oxford A.D 1502 and became known to Wolsey, who made him dean of Winchester. He obtained several pieces of preferment from Warham and Fitz-james. In Bliss’s edition of the “Athenae” vol. 2. p. 727, several extracts are given from the Registers of Richard Fitzjames, bishop of London (to be found also in Bishop Kennett’s Collections, Lansdowne MSS. No. 979, Brit. Museum), from which it appears that on July 3d, 1513, he was consecrated by Fitz-james to be his “suffragan” with the title of Gallipoli, and swore canonical obedience as such to the archbishop of Heraclea (in whose province Gallipoli was) at the chapel of St. Thomas at Acres [Mercer’s chapel], London: also that on March 28th, 1514, he was made archdeacon of London in room of Dr. Horsey, resigned. Newcourt. in his “Diocese of London,” says that “Johannes Episcop. Callipolensis; was prebend of Holborn in St. Paul’s at this time. He is said to have been also judge of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. He became Warden of New college in 1521, and died March 20th, 1526.
Wood states that there was also a John Yonge, LL.D., at the same period, not to be confounded with the bishop of Gallipoli, who was rector of St. Stephen’s Walbrook, made Master of the Rolls in 1508; died April 28th, 1516, and was buried in the Rolls chapel. In Beatson’s “Political Index” he appears as Master of the Rolls A.D 1507-1516. It is a curious fact that this other Dr. Young appears in this affair of Hun (p. 195) as Master of the Rolls, as well as Dr. Young, bishop of Gallipoli.
This is a suitable place for observing, that before the Reformation it was very common for European bishops to appoint suffragans with the titles of foreign, especially Oriental, sees. Strype, in his Life of Cranmer, and Wharton, in his Observations on the same, give sundry specimens of these titular bishops: Sidonensis, or Sidoniensis (Strype, edit. 1694, pp. 36, 37, 50), Roannensis, or Reonensis (ib. pp. 36, 37), Negropont (ib. p. 37), Syrinensis (ib. 37, Appendix, p. 258), Universalis Ecclesiae (ib. p. 37), Chalcedonensis (ib. p. 36, and p. of this volume of Foxe, compared with Blomefield’s Norwich, 388), Hipponensis, or Ypolotanensis, or Hippolitanensis (Strype, Appendix, p. 256). Wharton says that there were seven of them in England, and that he could furnish a list of them all for two hundred years previous to the Reformation.
Many specimens of these titular bishops occur in Wood’s Athenae among the early archbishops and bishops: Sarepta, Nazareth, Argensis, and Ebrunensis, vol. 3. pp. 454, 427, 607, 608, were foreign titulars; and Nicopolis, p. 363 of this volume.
In the 26 Henry VIII. an act of parliament was passed, appointing by name twenty-six towns in England and Wales to be the titles of such suffragans as might in future be wanted: a specimen of these we have in Richard Thornton, or Thornden, bishop of Dover, and suffragan to Cranmer, infra, vol. 7. p. 297.
APP4-162 “John Enderby, barber.” ] — In the Edition of 1583, and all subsequent, “barber” is corrupted into “baker,” while all Editions call him “barber” at p. 195.
APP4-163 “The rode of northern, ”] — probably means the rood, or large crucifix, at the north door of St. Paul’s. See vol. 3. p. 266, line 43, and vol. 5. p. 418, lines 24, 39.
APP4-165 — For “4th” read “3d.” See the last witness’s evidence and Nicolas’s Tables. In the original (Edit. 1563, p. 394) it stands “the day of December.”
APP4-166 “Sering of Hun’s coffin .”] — This is the reading in the Edition of 1563: the passage was not reprinted till the Edition of 1583, when it was altered into “serving:” but “sering” seems the true reading, i. e. waxing, sere and cere being used indiscriminately in the old writers.
APP4-167 “The tenor of the King’s Letter in behalf of Richard Hun.” ] — Among the Records at the Rolls Office, Chancery Lane, Chapter House Papers, 1st series, No. 1439, there is a petition of Margaret Whaplod to the Lord Privy Seal [undoubtedly Cromwell, who held that office 1536-1542], praying for relief; she calls herself “wife of Roger Whaplod,” and speaks of her father as “maliciously murdered:” she states that they had then seven young children, and that they were in great distress, owing to the long denial of justice, and therefore prays redress. This petition no doubt occasioned the royal mandate in the text to be issued. There is an allusion to Roger Whaplod infra, vol. 5. p. 27.
APP4-168 — The title of Sir T. More’s book, copied from the original, is, “A dyalogue of Syr Thomas More, wheryn be treated dyvers matters, as of the veneracyon and worship of ymages and relyques,” etc. folio, 1530, 3d book, chap. 15, fol. 110. (See Dibdin’s Typegraph. Antiq. vol. 3. p. 97.)
APP4-169 “Fretted and faced away.” ] — The folio of 1684 reads “forced:” the expression at p. 190 is “fret and failed away,” but in the Edition of 1576 that passage has “freat and faled away,” while the first Edition (1563) has “fret and rased away.”
APP4-170 — See supra, p. 123. the Edition of 1571 calls, him there “Tylesley;” but the next Edition (1576) alters it into “Tilsworth, or “Tylsworth.” Foxe means “originally” by “before.”
APP4-172 “Any of these nine.” ] — Only seven things are mentioned: perhaps 7 in the MS. was mistaken for 9.
APP4-173 — John Heron, Horne (p. 229), and Herne, are evidently the same person.
APP4-175 — At p. 580 of this volume the vicar of Wycombe appears to have been Rowland, the bishop’s chaplain, and a persecutor.
APP4-176 “S. John Shorne.” ] — See the note infra, on p. 580.
APP4-177 “The book of Dionysius Areopagita.” ] — If any additional discussion is desired as to the genuineness of this treatise, it may be found defended by Natalis Alexander (Hist. Eccles. saec. 1. Dissert. 22.), and impugned by Sam Basnage (Annales Politico-Eccles. ad an. 51, Section 61, etc.) A Roman Catholic writer very recently observes: — “Ille pseudo-Dionysii liber absque dubio in quintum seculum relegandus est. (Mich. Permanederi Biblioth. Patrist. p. 351, Landishuti, 1841.)
APP4-178 “The science of printings — where was touched the inventing of printing.” ] — In the portion of the preceding volume here referred to, there are a few misconceptions, which it may be as well perhaps briefly to rectify. The lines of Bishop Campanus proceed on the notion that Ulric Han was a Gaul, whereas he appears to have been a native of Ingelstat, a citizen of Vienna. It is not quite correct that he was the first who introduced the art of printing into Rome, Sweynheym and Pannartz having that honor now assigned to them, from more careful investigation.
The first line in the verses given in p. 719 differs from every example we can find, the ordinary reading being: — “Anser Tarpeii custos Jovis unde quod alis;” from which “Jovis unde” has been removed by Foxe or others, and “vigilando” substituted, possibly in order to get rid of the heathen reference in the original: see Schelhorn’s reprint of Cardinal Quirini’s “Liber de Scriptorum editt, quae Romae primum prodierunt,” Lindaugiae, 1761, pp. 55, 90; Maittaire’s “Annales Typogr.” Edit. Amstel. 1733, vol. 1. Pp. 15, 16; Dibdin’s Bibliograph. Decameron, vol. 1. P. 382; and Schoepflini “Vindiciae Typographicae,” Argent. 1760, pp. 95, 100, 103.
The tract of M. Judex to which Foxe has referred, (vol. 3. p. 718) will be found reprinted in a collection of similar pieces, by Wolffus, “Monumenta Typographica,” Hamb. 1740, vol. 1. p. 173.
APP4-179 “Savonarola.” ] — See supra, pp. 7, 130.
APP4-180 “Noviomagus testifieth,” etc.] — See this before, p. 6.
APP4-181 — Foxe states at the bottom of the last page, that he derived the ensuing account of Luther from Melancthon. Foxe’s text has been collated with Melancthon’s Latin, prefixed to tom. 2. of “Lutheri Opera,” Wittemb. 1558; and considerably improved in some instances.
APP4-182 — “Thy” is emphatic, and therefore printed in italics: “Sed adde ut credas et hoc, quod per ipsum peccata TIBI donantur.” (Melancthon.)
APP4-183 — “Discourse” is better than Foxe’s “purpose:” “Et ex hujus sermonibus et suae mentis consolatione” are the words of the Latin.
APP4-184 — “Qui exordia academiae Witteburgensis adjuverat, studium theologicum in recenti academia excitare cupiebat,” etc.
APP4-185 — “Tantam esse vim ingenii in hoc viro, ut plane praesagiret mutaturum esse vulgare doctrinae genus, quod tunc in scholis unicum tradebatur.”
APP4-186 “Solemn manner of the schools.”] — “Usitate more.”
APP4-187 — “Ut multa praecedunt mutationes praesagia.”
APP4-188 — “Post longam et obscuram noctem.”
APP4-189 — “Quare postea, cum quosdam receptos titus mutare vellet, honesti viri qui eum norunt minus vehementer adversati sunt, eique propter autoritatem, quam et rerum bonarum illustratione et sanctitate morum antea pepererat, in iis sententiis adsenserunt, quibus magno cum dolore videbant orbem terrarum distrahi.”
APP4-190 — “De veris consolationibus in cruce.”
APP4-191 — “Promissionum Legis, et promissionis Evangelical.”
APP4-192 — “Monstrato jam dulciori genere doctrinae.”
APP4-193 — “Ut cognita sermonis proprietate et phrasi, dexterius judicare posset.”
APP4-194 — “Hunc haereticum igni perdendum (query, prodendum) esse.”
APP4-195 — “De rebus iisdem et tuendae veritatis.”
APP4-196 “Discovered outwardly.” ] — “ Significavit.”
APP4-197 “Once it was counted heresy,” etc.] — “Olim haereticus habebatur, qui dissentiebat ab Evangeliis, ab articulis fidei, aut his quae cum his parem obtinerent auctoritatem. Nunc si quis usquam dissentiat a Thoma, vocatur haereticus: imo si quis a commenticia ratione quam heri sophista quispiam in scholis commentus est. Quicquid non placet, quicquid non intelligunt, haeresis est: Graece scire, haeresis est: expolite loqui, haeresis est: quicquid ipsi non faciunt, haeresis est.” (Erasmi Opera, Lug. Bat. 1703, tom. 3. cols. 514, 515, 517.) It fared much the same or worse with Hebrew: Claude D’Espense observes of his younger days, that he was driven to read Aristotle and Plato in Latin translations instead of the originals, and then adds: — “Nam Graece turn nosse, suspectum, Hebraice prope haereticum.” In Post. ad Timoth. Epist. cap. 3. p. 400, edit. Oper. Paris, 1616.
With regard to “speaking more finely,” Erasmus may allude, to the reception which his “Colloquies” met with from the priesthood m general, or to the “Epistolae obscurorum virorum,” of which he had the credit given him.
See Maittaire’s Annales Typograph. vol. 2. pp. 365-369.
APP4-198 “The symbol,” ] — i. e. the Creed.
APP4-199 — Melancthon gives us the words of Euripides, pa~n su>ntrofon gluku>.
APP4-200 — The extract from the Edition of 1563 should not have been terminated at the words “quake for fear:” the following continuation of the passage should have been given, being still a translation of Melancthon: — “Let us render thankes unto God, the eternall Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath pleased by the ministery of this godlye Luther, to purify the evangelical fountaines from papistical infection, and restore sincere doctrine to the church: whiche thinge we remembring ought to joyne our lamentable peticions, with zelous affection besechinge God to confirme that he hath begon in us, for his holy names sake. “This is thy voyce and promise (O living and just God, eternall Father of oure Lorde Jesus Christ, Creator of all things, and of the church), I wil have compassion on you, for my names sake: I will it doo it for myself, yea even for my selfe, that I be not blasphemed. I beseche thee with ardent affection, that for thy glorye, and the glory of thy Sonne Jesus Christ, thou wilt collect unto thy self in the voyce of thy gospel, among us one perpetuall church, and that for the dear love of thy Sonne our Lorde Jesus Christ our mediator and intercessor thou wilt governe us by thy Holy Ghost, that we unfainedly maye call upon thee, and serve thee justly. Rule also the studies of thy doctrine, governe and conserve the policies and disciplin of the same, which be the nurees of thy churche and scholes. And sith thou haste created mankinde to acknowledge and to invocate thee, and that for this respect thou hast revealed thy selfe by many cleare testimonies, permit not this smal nomber and selected flocke (that professe thy sacred woorde) to be defaced and overcome. And the rather, for that thy Sonne Jesus Christ, ready to fight against death, hathe prayed in thys manner for us: Father, sanctify them in verity, thy word is verity.
Our prayers we joyne with the praier of this our holy priest, making our peticion with him, that thy doctryne maye shine among men, and that we mai be directed by the same. We heard Luther evemore pray in this wise, and so praying, his innocent ghost peaceably was separated from the earthly corps, when he had lived almoost sixty three yeares. “Such as succeded, have divers monuments of his doctrine and godlines. He wrote certain learned workes, wherein he comprised a wholesome and necessary doctrine for menne, informing the sincere mindes to repentance and to declare the frutes of the same, the use of the Sacraments, the difference betwixt the Gospel and Philosophy, the dignity of politike order, finally the principall articles of doctryne profitable to the church. He composed certaine workes to reprove, wherein he refuteth divers pernicious errors. He also devised bookes of interpretation, in which he wrote many enarracions and expositions of the Prophets and Apostles, and in this kinde his very ennemies confesse, he excelleth all other, whose woorkes are imprinted and published abrode. “Then all Christians and godly mindes conceive what praise he deserved, but certenly hys exposition of the olde and newe Testament, in utilitye and laboure, is equivalent to all hys woorkes. For in the same is so much perspicuity, that it may serve in steade of a commentary, though it be red in the Germaine ronge. And yet this is not a naked exposition, but it containeth very learned annotacions and arguments of every part. The whiche bothe set forthe the summa of heavenly doctrine, and instructeth the reader in the sacred phrase, and manner of speaking in the Scriptures, that the godly mindes may receive firm testimonies of the doctrine, out of the very fountaynes, Hys minde was not to keepe us occupyed in his woorkes; but to guid our spirites to the verye springes. His wil was, we shoulde heare God speake, and that by his woord true faythe and invocation might be kindled in cure myndes, that God might be sincerely honored and adored, and that many might be made inheritors of the everlasting life. “It behoveth us thanckfullye to accepte hys good wil and greate laboures, and to imitate the same as our patrone, and by him to learne to adorne the church, according to our power. For we must referre all our life, enterprises, and deliberations, to ii principal ends. First, to illustrate the glory of God, Secondly, to profite the church. As touching the fyrst, S. Paul sayeth: Doo all thinges to the glorye of God. And of the second, it is said in the 122 psalm, Pray that Jerusalem maye prosper, and there followeth a singular promise added in this versicle: that such as love the churche, shall prosper and nave good successe. Let these heavenly commaundements, and devine instructions, allure all men to learne the true doctryne of the churche, to love the faithfull minysters of the gospell, and the true teachers, and to employe their whole studye and diligence to augment the true doctrine, and maintain concord and unity in the true church.” (Foxe, Edit. A. D. 1563, p. 407, COTS. 1, 2.)
APP4-201 — “Maneat inter nos,” i. e. between ourselves.
APP4-202 — “Asculanus episcopus” Foxe improperly renders “bishop of Ascalon.” “Interea Romae ab adversariis procurabatur citatio, qua per fiscalem papae vocabatur in jus Lutherus, designatis ad earn causam judicibus Hieronymo de Genutiis, Episcopo Asculano, Auditore Camerae, et Sylvestro Prierate, Theologo, Mag. Palatii.” (Cochlaei Hist. de actis et scriptis M. Lutheri, Colon. 1568, p. 15.)
APP4-203 — The reader will find a copy of’ the Appeal, at vol. 5. p. 688.
APP4-204 — The Disputation at Leipsic began June 27th, A. D. 1519. the ensuing account of it is almost entirely a translation of Melancthon s “Epistola de Lipsica disputatione,” given, with ample notes of a literary kind, in the new “Corpus Reformatorum,” vol. 1. col. 87. Halis Sax. 1834. It is also printed in the “Paralipomena Abbatis Urspergensis,” whence Foxe took it: see p. 277, note.
APP4-205 . “Into other by matters and ambages.” ] — This word, though previously used by Melancthon in this letter, has here mistakingly taken the place of “symplegadas,” and of course given a wrong turn to the sentence: — “In has Symplegadas coegerunt causam, non ita multum necessarias et plane alienas ab instituto Carolostadii,” col. 92.
APP4-206 “Exscripts,” ] — “quae transcripserat.”
APP4-207 “Luther (as was said),” etc.] — From hence to the paragraph ending “ministered the first occasion,” strictly speaking should precede the disputation at Leipsic. The titles of some of the publications of Luther and Eckius are given in the notes to Bretschneider’s edition of Melancthon.
APP4-208 “Ex Paraleipom. Abbat. Ursperg,” [pp. 473-476, (being a copy of Melancthon’s Epistola, before mentioned) Edit. Argent. 1537.] APP4-209 “Which was in the month of July, A. D. 1519.” ] — The Annotator of Melancthon’s Letters, in the Edition of Bretschneider, thus carefully states the time that was occupied in this memorable discussion: — “Die 16. m. Julii disputatio solemniter finita est.
Equidem puto Vitebergenses d. 17. Julii Lipsia abiisse. Quae omnino a die 27. Junii usque ad d. 16. Julii 1519 Carolostadius et Lutherus cum Johanne Meyer Van Eck Lipsiae disputarunt.”
APP4-210 — Both Leo’s bull against Luther, and Luther’s answer to it, are given infra, vol. 5. p. 659.
APP4-211 — Charles V. was elected at Frankfort, June 28th, A. D. 1519, and crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle, October 23d, A. D. 1520. (L’Art de Ver. des Dates.)
APP4-212 “The acts and doings of Martin Luther at Worms.”] — See Lutheri Opera, Witeb. 1558, tom. 2. p. 163. The account there opens, Anno Saliutis nostrae 1521, post Dominicam Misericordia Domini, feria tertia;” i. e. Tuesday after the 2d Sunday after Easter, or April 16th. Easter fell on March 31st. (See Nicolas’s Tables.)
APP4-214 — “Sequenti feria quinta.”
APP4-215 — “Vel quocunque m do in mores gestusque aulicos peecavero;” and presently after, “non in aulis sed angulis monasteriorum versatus.”
APP4-216 — “Germanice” is the Latin.
APP4-217 — For “rebound” the Edition of 1563 (p. 411) reads “turn.”
APP4-218 — The day is called in the Latin “Feria Sexta, post Dominicam misericordia Domini:” i. e. the next day.
APP4-219 — “Feria secunda post Jubilate.” The 3d Sunday after Easter was called Jubilate, from the introit, Jubilate omnis terra.”
APP4-220 “At nine o’clock. ] — “Hora sexta ante prandium” are the Latin words. The Edition of 1563 accordingly reads, “sixe of the clock.”
APP4-221 “Loco iterum designando.” ] — St. George’s day was April 23d.
APP4-222 — “Hora nuper designata, ad domini diversorium.” Foxe blunders this sentence: “On St. George’s day, a certain chaplain of the archbishop of Treyes, about supper-time, came to Luther by the commandment of the bishop, signifying, that at that hour and place prescribed, he must, the morrow after, have access to his master.”
APP4-223 “The morrow after.” ] — Foxe says “the Friday after.” But this was Thursday, “the next day.” (See 3 lines above.) See also Nicolas’s Tables, which make St. Mark’s day (April 25th) fall in 1521 on a Thursday. The Latin expression for the date is correct — “Feria quinta, ipsa die S. Marci,” i. e. Thursday.
APP4-224 — “Affirmavit non magno redempturum, nisi audivisset eum: alioqui enim se starim Caesarem aditurum fuisse, dicturumque quae retulissent doctores.”
APP4-225 “Prest.” ] — See note on p. 372, line 20.
APP4-226 — “A writ of outlawry,” dated May 8th. (Sleidan.)
APP4-227 — Pope Leo X. died December 1st, A. D. 1521. (L’Art de Ver. des Dates.)
APP4-228 “Pope Adrian the Sixth,” etc.] — This is one of the Documents in the “Libellus Secundus” of the “Gravamina Germanorum.” See the “Fasciculius” of Orthuinus Gratius, fol. 171; and the note in this Appendix on p. 11, line 14.
APP4-229 “Instructions…to Cheregatus.” ] — This is another Document in the “Gravamina.” See the “Fasciculus,” fol. 172. Chelegatus was bishop of Teramo, near Naples.
APP4-230 “The grievances of the Germans.” ] — See the note in this Appendix on p. 11, line 14.
APP4-232 — “Ex Phil. Melancth. in Orat, funebri.” ] — The Life, to which the Address quoted by Foxe was appended, appeared rather frequently in the 16th and 17th centuries, one of the last reprints being that edited by Chr. A, Heumann, Gottingae, 1746, who mentions seven or eight previous editions.
Martini Lutheri, bona fide conscripts a Phil. Melancthone,” Witebergae, ex officina Johannis Luft, 1546;” reprinted in the new collection of Melancthon’s Works, Halis, 1839, vol. 6. col. 58.
APP4-234 “Devout prayer.” ] — “Hac precatione” in the original.
APP4-235 “He was called unto God.” ] — The words given in note (1) from the Edition of 1563 represent the original more accurately.
APP4-236 “Elias, the conductor.” ] — This seems to be mistaken, and should be translated, “Alas, the conductor,” etc.
APP4-237 “Hath not been comprehended” ] — should be, “hath not been made known” or “discovered.”
APP4-238 “Which shall follow,” ] — better, “which may follow.”
APP4-240 — These ministers were cited January 20th, A. D. 1524. (Sleidan.)
APP4-241 — In the margin John Faber is called by Foxe “Stapulensis,” but Jacques le Fevre of Etapies was quite a different person from John Faber, the vicar to the bishop of Constance, who was of Suabia. (See Scott’s Continuation of Milner, vol. 3. p. 342.) Hence “Suabiensis” is substituted for “Stapulensis.”
APP4-242 — John Oxline, or Echslin, was the minister of Burg, a town in the jurisdiction of Zurich. He was apprehended by Joseph Areberg, bailiff of Thurgau (not “Zurich,” as Foxe says), who had the criminal jurisdiction over Burg, Stamheim, etc. He bad once been a favorer of the Reformation, but took this step to gain favor with the papists and secure his re-election as bailiff of Thurgau. (See Scott’s Contin. of Milner, vol. 2. p. 496.)
APP4-243 — The manifesto of the Zurichers was published January 4th, 1525, about six months after the apprehension of John Oxline.
APP4-244 — Foxe calls these “the abbot of Capella, and the commendator of Kunacensis.” The battle was fought at Cappel, at the foot of mount Albis, about three leagues from Zurich: the abbot of Cappel was Wolfgang Joner, of whom an account is given by Scott (Contin. of Milner, vol. 2. p. 569), as well as of the monastery over which he presided. The commendator or commander of Kusnacht was Conrad Fabricius or Schmidt, of whom Scott also gives an account (see Index to the same volume). The title was connected with the Teutonic knights, whence he is called “Teutonici ordinis commendator.” (Zuing.
Op. 2. 10. 228.) Kusnacht was situated on the lake of Zurich.
APP4-245 — Foxe no doubt derived the document of which he here gives a translation, from the Paralipomena Abbatis Urspergensis, Argen. 1609, p. 351. The following is the Latin as there given: — “Solymannus Tsaccus, Dei gratis rex regum, dominus dominantium,’ Maximus imperator Byzantii et Trapezuntis, etc. Reverendo patri Philippo Vilerio Liladamo, magno magistro Rhodi, equitibusque suis et universo populo. “Commoverunt me afflictissimae gentis meae commiseratio, et summa injuria vestra. Impero igitur vobis percelerem insulae et arcis Rhodiae deditionem, pie ultroque concessa gratia secure abeundi cum omni pretiosa supellectile, cut si libet manendi sub imperio meo in hullo nec tributo quidem minuta libertate et religione vestra. Si sapiris, praeferte amicitiam et pacem bello crudelissimo. Nam victos vi manent acerbissima omnis quae victi a victoribus pati solent, a quibus non defendent vos arma domestics externave auxilia, nec ingentes muri, quos radicituus evertam. Valete bene. Quod tum demure fiet, si potius quam vim amicitiam malueritis, quae neque fraudi neque dolo vobis erit. Juro Deum, coeli terraeque autorem, juro quatuor Evangelicae historiae chronographos, vicies quater mille prophetas lapsos e coelo, summumque inter hos nostrum Mahumetem, adorandos item manes avi patrisque, tum hoc sacrum augustumque meum imperiale caput. “Ex regia nostra Constantinopoli.” There is an account of this same matter in the Universal History, with authorities cited: instead of “quatuor Evangelicae historiae Chronographos” we there read, “the four Musaphi, which came down from heaven:” in illustration of which the following quotation may be useful: the 27th rule of the Religious Code of the Turks was — “Que les livres celestes sont reellement descendus du ciel, et mis entre les mains des prophetes; quils contiennent les commandemens et les defenses de l’Eternel, ses promesses et ses menaces.” On this rule it is observed, “Que le plus eminent et le plus excellent de tous est le Couriann; le Pentateuque, Tewrath, tient le second rang; l’Evangile, Inndjil, le troisieme; et le Pseautier, Zebbour, le quatrieme.” (Tableau general de l’Empire Otho man, par M. D’Ohsson, tom. 1. p. 67, Paris, 1787.) Foxe’s translation has been revised.
APP4-245a “Henry of Zutphen.” ] — Foxe has derived the ensuing account of him from Luther, whom he cites p. 360, note (1). See Luth. Op. vol. 7. fol. 495, Witeb. 1558. The text has been collated with the Latin, and several inaccuracies corrected. The case of this martyr has been fully discussed by Muhlius in his “Dissertationes Historicotheologicae,” pp. 369-472, 4to, Kiliae, 1715; and his” De Henrici Zutphaniensis Propositionibus,” 4to, Kiliae, 1717, to which is appended a corrected version of Luther’s narrative. Muhlius’s publications are valuable, inasmuch as he consulted the original Dithmarsh records, whence he has furnished more correct names of persons and places. Foxe, after Luther, Crispin, and Pantaleon, calls him “of Sutphen:” but Muhlius calls him “Zutphaniensis,” and Sleidan (an. 1524, vol. 1. p. 244, edit. 1785) calls him “Henry Moller of Zutphen.”
APP4-246 — Muhlius names this suffragan of the archbishop “Christopher.”
APP4-247 — These Articles, as given by Muhlius, were 34 on “Natura,” and 33 on “Evangellum, Fides, Charitas;” and they are discussed and defended by Muhlius.
APP4-248 “Insomuch that they,” etc.] — “Quamobrem relicta impietate, Verbum Dei non insectandum esse suadebant, sed credendum ut salvi fierent.” (Luther.)
APP4-249 “With their blood.” ] — “Sanguine suo” (Luther) is not noticed by Foxe.
APP4-250 “Ad evangelizandum eis Christum.” (Luther.)
APP4-251 — “In feriis D. Katharinae praecidaneis,” i. e. the day preceding, or the eve of, St. Katharine’s day. (Ducange.) As St.
Catharine’s day fell on November 25th, these letters of invitation were received by Zutphen on Thursday, November 24th. (Nicolas’s Tables.)
APP4-252 — “Se ab illis vocatum esse;” and three lines lower, “In perdiscendo evangelio.”
APP4-253 “Having prepared all things toward his setting forth, on the 28th of November,” etc.] — Foxe’s text reads, “the 22d of October,” which is a mistranslation of Luther’s “duodevigesimo Octobris,” i. e. 18th of October. Other specimens of such mistranslation occur in Foxe. It is clear, however, that this date is erroneous, because it was stated only a little before, that Zutphen received his invitation from Dithmarsh November 24th. Muhlius, instead of “October 18th or 22d,” assigns the “29th of November” as the day of departure: “proximo post primam adventus die, vigesimo nono Novembris, alacris Brema Meldorfiam discedebat” (p. 435). Advent Sunday, however, by Nicolas’s Tables, in 1524 fell on November 27th; “November 28th” is therefore entered in the text.
APP4-254 “Above all other, one Augustine Tornboch…unto Master John Schnick.” ] — “Sobnick” is here substituted for Foxe’s “Swicken,” on the authority of Muhlius, and of Luther and Foxe themselves elsewhere; see p. 357, line 3. Muhlius says: “Tornborgus, Jacobitarum sire Praedicantium ibidem Prior — ut cum Jo. Schneckio (forte eodem, quem deinceps mutatum ex Melancthonis quadam ad ipsum data Epistola conjicere liceat.)” Foxe, however, agrees with Luther, whose account he follows, vol. 7. fol. 496 verso, Witebergae, 1558.
APP4-257 “Peter Nanne.” ] — This is Muhlius’s reading all through the narrative, and usually Luther’s: Foxe reads “Hanne.” Gunter is sometimes called “a scribe.”
APP4-258 “If they would put this heretic monk to death.” ] — The account given by Muhlius from MSS. rather differs from this: — “Injungerent gravissime, ne Boius publice docendi sportam ecelesiae exitio talem haereticum ingredi pateretur,” p. 436.
APP4-259 “Plainly perceiving,” etc.] — “Plane perspiciens quantum suae partis interesset, ut praedicaret.” Foxe’s text has, “diligently watching whether he did preach or not.”
APP4-261 “That every church,” etc.] — “Simulque regionis receptam consuetudinem indicat, liberam esse singulis ecelesiis relictam potestatem Parochi nut praedicatoris deponendi aut suscipiendi.” Foxe says, “that in every church the parish priest should have free liberty to receive or put out the preacher.”
APP4-263 “A thousand guilders.” ] — “ Millenorum aureorum.” (Crispin.)
APP4-264 — “Iracundia commovebantur.” Next line, for “every parish” (“unicuique Parochiae “) Foxe reads, “every parish priest.”
APP4-265 — “Erant enim Prioris audito sermone penitus incensi.” Foxe says, “for when they had heard the sermon, they were greatly offended with the prior.”
APP4-266 . “Master chancellor.” ] — i. e. Gunter. (Luther.)
APP4-267 “End well.” ] — “Cessuram feliciter:” Foxe, “come to pass.”
APP4-269 — “Sehnickus,” Luther and Muhlius: “Schink,” Foxe.
APP4-270 — “Jacobitae vel Praedicatores,” (Luther): Foxe always calls them “Jacobins.” See Appendix to vol. 3. note on p. 436. Lunden (“Landana,” Luther) is a small town in the north of Dithmarsh, three miles from Meldorf. (Martinitire, 10. Dithmarsh and Meldorf.) — Next line, “Franciscan or Minors: and Minors” (Foxe): “ad Monachos Franciscanos Minores” (Luther).
APP4-271 “The names of the presidents were these, Peter Nanne,” etc.] — This list of names is thus given by Luther: “Penus Nannus, Petri Suini filius, Hennik Lundanus, Joannes Holmius, Lorentius Hannemanus, Nicolaus Veslingburgus, Ambrosius, Joannes Brenckhusius, Marquardus Krenmerus Henstedanus, Ludekus Johannes Vessingus, Petrus Grossus Praefectus Henninstedinus.”
Muhlius gives them, as he considers, more accurately, ex Dithmarsicis chartis” (pp. 441, 442): “Peter Nanne the [of] Lunden, Peter Schwins Sohne darsulvest [of the same], Henning the Lunden John Holm tho Nienkarchent, Laurentz Heameman tho Wennenwisch, Lodewig Henneman darsulvest, Bastel John Breen in Tiebensee, Clauss von Wesslingbuhren, Grote Johan tho Waekenhusen, Marquart Kramer tho Henstede, Ludeeke Johan tho Wessling, Peter Grote Baget tho Hemmingstede.”
APP4-272 “Of counsel to this their pretence.” ] — “Quos habebant consilii conscios.”
APP4-273 “Henning, which is half-a-mile from Meldorf. ] — Luther says, “500 passibus:” Foxe, “five miles:” Crispin, “Histoire des Martyrs,” says, “une demi-lieue pres de Meldorf.”
APP4-274 — “Jacobitae vel monachi Praedicatores,” Crispin: “The Jacobins and monks,” Foxe: see note on p. 357, line 6.
APP4-275 — Luther’s and Foxe’s “Hennegus” is altered into “Hen ning,” on the authority of Muhlius.
APP4-276 — For Luther’s and Foxe’s “Altennan,” Muhlius reads “in Altenuorda:” and Muhlius reads “Neuenkirchen” for “the new church.”
APP4-277 “One of the presidents named May.” ] — “ A profligate quodam et ad id conducto homine Schotero Maas.” (Muhlius, p. 445.) Luther calls him “Maes.”
APP4-278 “One Junger, sister of Peter Nanne.” ] — It is rather fuller in Muhlius (p. 445), “egregia ista foemina Wiba, defuncti Nicolai Jungii vidua.” He also adds that she was “Joannis Petri Nanni filia, forsan et Petri Nanni sorer.” He had described her in the opening of his narrative as a distinguished patroness of the Gospel in Dithmarsch, and as having joined with Boyes in persuading Zutphen to come to Meldorff.
APP4-279 — “For two hours,” is put in from Luther.
APP4-280 “A mace :”] — “Clara.” (Luther.)
APP4-281 “Meaux…ten leagues distant from Paris.” ] — The Gazetteers make Meaux twenty-five miles N. W. of Paris, which is about ten leagues. Foxe here says “miles,” literally translating the Latin “milliare,” which, however, must be understood with some latitude: see the note infra, on p. 402, line 13. Neither Puntaleon, nor “Histoire des Martyrs,” here mentions the distance of Meaux from Paris.
APP4-282 — “Rosoium in Briam profectus est.” (Crispin.)
APP4-283 “The same year, which was A. D. 1524.” ] — Foxe’s text has, the year next ensuing, which was 1525. Foxe here referred in his own mind to the date of Castellane’s martyrdom, which was January 5th, A. D. 1525 (see p. 365, and Gallia Christiana ): but what he immediately narrates occurred at the beginning of 1524.
APP4-284 — “Gorsae captus.” (Pantaleon.) Gorze was a famous abbey, four leagues from Metz. (Martiniere’s Geography.)
APP4-285 — The cardinal of Lorraine was the bishop of Metz Jean de Lorraine, son of Rene II., duke of Lorraine, was at different times archbishop of Rheims, Lyons, and Narbonne; bishop of Metz, Toul, Verdun, Terouenne, Albi, Valence, and Lucon; abbot of Gorze, Cluni, Fecamp, Marmoutier, etc.: made in 1501, at four years old, coadjutor to his great uncle, the bishop of Metz; and cardinal of St. Onuphrius in 1518: died in 1550. (Moreri.)
APP4-286 “The abbot of St. Anthony in Viennois.” ] — Beaunier (Recueil general des Abbayes de France, Par. 1726, vol. 2. p. 980) states that the Freres Hospitaliers were instituted in La Motte, at Viennois, about 1095, to cure the St. Anthony’s fire, which was very prevalent: but were erected into a separate society under the Augustine Rule by Boniface VIII. in 1295. The Dauphin Humbert in 1306 gave the abbot of St. Anthony in Viennois the right of presiding in the states of Dauphiny, in the absence of the bishop of Grenoble. Beaunier adds, that the superior of this abbey was alone called “Abbot,” while the superiors of the other numerous houses, dependent on it as cells, were called “Commanders.” This man, however, is called “Commander” at p. 373.
APP4-287 — “Per jurisdietionem episcoporum Metensis, Tullensis, et Verdunensis.” (Pantaleon.)
APP4-288 — “Also” [“praeterea”] is omitted by Foxe.
APP4-289 — The suffragan of the bishop of Metz, here mentioned by the title of Nicopolis, is the person mentioned at p. 373 as abbot of Clairlieu. The present bishop of Metz was not of age to take the. bishopric when it fell vacant (October 20th, 1505): he was not consecrated till December 15th, 1519, having been born only April 9th, 1497. (See the note above on p. 362, line 10.) Gallia Christiana mentions that the bishop of Nicopolis held it for him during the interregnum, as his suffragan; also mentions the martyrdom of John Chatelain, January 12th, 1525. See the note in this Appendix on p. 188, line 24.
APP4-290 “Benet and Collet.” ] — This phrase corresponds to the “acolyteship” in “Histoire des Martyrs” (1564, p. 100): it is similarly used by Lambert, infra, vol. 5. p. 191; and by Foxe in the margin, vol. 8. p. 78. The phrase occurs again at pp. 578, 579 of this volume, where we read, “degrade him of his small orders of Benet and Colet:” in which sense the phrase has been used at vol. 3. p. 634. William de Pykenham, who was chancellor of Norwich and archdeacon of Suffolk, writes to Margaret Paston: “One (cause) is, for your son Waiter is not tonsured, in mother tongue called Bennett.” (Paston Letters, vol. 2. p. 129, Edit. 1841); and Foxe, at vol. 3. p. 584, uses “benet” for the “first tonsure.” “Collet” seems an abbreviation of “Acolyte,” and “Benet” of “Benedict,” alluding to the Benedictio given to persons on entering holy orders: see Martene “De Antiquis Ecclesiae ritibus,” tom. 2. p. 382, edit. Rotomagi, 1700.
APP4-291 — “Sex boris continuis in acre volitavit suspensus, lapide magni ponderis appenso.” (Pantaleon, p. 51.)
APP4-292 — This Epistle is given in Pantaleon, dated January 2d, A. D. 1525.
APP4-293 “Prest and most ready.” ] — “Prest” (Prest or Prat, Fr.) is a favorite word with Foxe, usually in conjunction with its synonyme “ready:” see p. 292, line 14, and vol. 1. p. 33, line 18, vol. 5 p. 626, line 10 from the bottom.
APP4-294 “Bonaventure, provincial.”] — See the note on p. 463.
APP4-295 — This “commendator” is the same person as the “abbot” of St. Anthony mentioned at p. 362: see the note there.
APP4-296 — Gallia Christiana, tom. 13. col. 1375, states that the abbey of St. Mary at Claruslocus, or Clairlieu, was in the diocese of Nancy, and gives for the 27th abbot (A. D. 1509-1541) “Cuni Forville de Rosieres suffraganeus Metensis, Antonio duci e consiliis.”
APP4-297 — “Decimo sexto die Augusti.” (Panta-Icon, p. 64.)
APP4-298 — Pantaleon [p. 66] states the martyrdom of these two to have happened in September 1529.
APP4-299 “Melz.”] — “Qui locus ab Antwerpia duo prope milliaria abest. (Pantaleon, p. 45.) Qui est environ une bonne lieue d’Anvers.” (Histoire des Martyrs.)
APP4-300 — “Vestis tiara et auritus pileus (stultorum instar).” (Pantaleon.)
APP4-301 — This martyrdom is dated by Pantaleon (p. 59), “pridie Nat.
APP4-302 “Right foot over the left.” ] — Pantaleon adds, et dextram manure super sinistram crucis instar collocavit.
APP4-303 — Pantaleon [p. 66] gives an account of this martyr as Henry Flander: “he preached at Courtraye in Flauders: his persecutor was “Baltazar a Cordis, officialis episcopi Tornacencis.”
APP4-304 — “Persevaldus Caecus, de Briga natus.” (Puntaleon, p. 97.)
APP4-305 — Foxe says, “Dorsardus, a Potestate in that country:” Pantaleon [p. 101] says “Drosardus, qui in ea regione habebat vitae et necis potestatem”: Pantaleon also states that Imsberg was beheaded January 8th, 1544.
APP4-306 — The Latin in Pantaleon, p. 102, is “Hannonia,” i. e.
APP4-307 “In Verle-place.” ] — “Ad forum quod vocatur Pharaelidis Flandrice. de verle place):” (Pantaleon, p. 110.)
APP4-308 — Pantaleon says that Buck was “professione sartor,” i. e. “a tailor.”
APP4-309 — As “Bruley and his company” are mentioned, this martyrdom had better have been placed after the next two, in p. 387.
APP4-310 “Formed in shape of a pasty.” ] — “Cistam in modum sepulcri concavam, trajectis utrinque clathris ferreis: allocuta est, Hunccine mihi parastis pastilium, alludens ad formam cistae in qua trucidanda erat, et artocreatis confectionem.” (Pantaleon, p. 100.)
APP4-311 . “The communication of Ratisbon.” ] — “ Colloquium quod in fine pene superioris anni de religione a Caesarea majestate indicebatur Ratisbonae celebrandum.” (Pantaleon, p. 159.)
APP4-312 “Came to the duchy of Neuberg, within the dominion of Otto Henry.” ] — Pantaleon (p. 162) says, “Civitas vicina, quae vulgo dicitur Neoburgum, duodecim milliaribus supra Ratisbonam.” It appears from L’Art de Ver. des Dates, art. “Palatins du Rhin,” that Otto Henry inherited the duchy of Neuburgh by his mother, and that having embraced Lutheranism in A. D. 1542, he joined the league of Smalcald. He was driven from his duchy, but restored in 1552. He did not become Palatine of the Rhine till the death of his uncle Frederic, February 26th, A. D. 1556.
APP4-313 “About the expedition, of Bucer’s book there to be printed.” ] — And probably a small tract of his own also, of which there is a copy in the Bodleian library, Oxford, “Christianae religionis summa ad Illustris, D. D. Ottonem Heinricum Palatin. Rheni. etc. per Jo. Diazium Hisp. 8vo. impressum Neuburgi Danubii, 1546,” and which Seckendorf has tranferred into his “Historia Lutheranismi,” lib. 3. p. 657.
APP4-314 — The death of John Diazius took place on the morning of March 27th, A. D. 1546. (Pantaleon, p. 168.)
APP4-316 . “The emperor’s placard. ] — Alioqui fore ut in mulctam Imperatoris (quam illi placardum appellant) incurreret.” (Pantaleon.)
APP4-317 “The French martyrs.” ] — The French names of persons and places have been introduced from the French “Histoire des Martyrs” of John Crispin, and “Histoire des Vrais Tesmoins,” etc.
APP4-320 “Meaux, a city in France, ten miles from Paris.” ] — “Oppidum Meldense, quod in Bria positum ad Matronam fluvium milliaria decem Lutetia abest.” (Pantaleon.) “Meaux, ville en pays de Brie, a dix lieues de Paris,” etc. (“Histoire des Martyrs,” Edit. 1619, p. 182, verso: and Edit. 1564, p. 273.) See the note on p. 361, line 2.
APP4-321 “Nine days.” ] — “ Neuf jours,” Crispin: “novem dierum,” Pantaleon: Foxe, “nine hours.”
APP4-322 — Pantaleon (p. 185) dates the martyrdom of Audebert, Saturday, September 28th, 1549.
APP4-323 “Peter Castellane, bishop of Macon (a man fit for such inquisitions).” ] — Peter Castellanus, or Du Chatel, was born at Arc in Burgundy, and became famous for his learning. Having traveled to Rome in his younger days,, he conceived a great disgust at the moral degradation of the clergy there, which he never concealed. He was of a very liberal cast of mind, and endeavored to appease the king’s wrath against the Waldenses before the destruction of Cabriers and Merindol, and interceded for some alleged heretics who were to be burnt: he also sheltered the learned printer, Robert Stephens (see Rivet. Isagoge ad Scripturam sac. cap. 12, § 11), and carried him through many a persecution raised by the bigots of the Sorbonne. What Foxe means by the expression, “a man fit for such inquisitions,” is not quite clear; but the original French here says: “Pierre Castellanus evesque de Macon, apostat de la verite par luy connue, avant quil lust parvenu aux grands honneurs de la Cour:” and the “Histoire des Martyrs,” published at Geneva in 1619, says of him: “Auquel la verite nestoit inconnue, mais suffoquae dans les grands honneurs. de la Cour.” In like manner, “remarquable apostat,” says the “Histoire Ecclesiastique des Eglises reformees au Royaume de France” (a Anvers, 1580), tom. 1. p. 79. He became ultimately bishop of Orleans, and upon his going to preach there a vast crowd assembled, “a cause de la nouveaute de veoir un evesque, prescher: ainsi qu’il menacoit tres asprement ceaux quon appelloit, heretiques, il fut frappe dun mal de colique si grand, et si soudain, questant. emporte il finit mlserablement ses jours la nuit suivante, pour faire son entree ailleurs quia Orleans” (Ibid. p. 81). See also Laval’s “History of the Reformation in France,” book 1. Section 55. He died February 3d, A. D. 1552.
APP4-324 — Maurice Secenate was martyred at Nismes in Langnedoc, August 16th, 1551: see Pantaleon, p. 215, flora whom Foxe’s account is taken.
APP4-325 — “Tanto dolore dissimulatae veritatis affectus est” (Pantaleon): Foxe incorrectly says, “for dissembling with the truth.”
APP4-326 — Monsieur de Clepi, qui eat procureur official.” (“Hist. des Mart.”) “Monsieur Clepier, procureur fiscal.” (Ibid.) “Clepierius procurator.” (Pantaleon.) “Procurator fiscalis, homo doctus (ut ego intellexi), Clepierius nominatus.” (Id. p. 229.)
APP4-327 “Dr. Coombes, a, gray friar. ] — Un cordelier, quon appelle Decombis. (Hist. des Mart.) Franciscanus, doctor Cumbanus appellatus.” (Pantaleon.)
APP4-328 “The Primacial Official.” ] — The “Official Metropolitain” was an ecclesiastical officer, who heard appeals against the judgments of the officials of any of the suffragan bishops of a province: the “Official Primatial,” or “de la Primate,” was a person who heard appeals against the judgments of the metropolitan official. (Dict. des Sciences, 5 Primatial.) See p. 414.
APP4-329 — This note, as Mr. Maitland has observed, is nonsense. The original Latin of the text runs thas: — “Ventum est ad oleum illud sacrum, salem, aliasque ejus generis nugas, quas aiebam merum esse marranismum. Hic cum viderem officialem haesitare in voce ‘marranismi,’ declaravi illi quid ea sibi vellet, dicens, istiusmodi unguenta et salsamenta prorsus redolere legem marranorum ac superstitionem Judaicam.” The Moors in Spain, who were Mahometans, were called Marrani (see p. 593 of this volume): hence the term “Marranismus,” which may be considered as synonymous with the word “Maumetrie,” i. e. “Mahometrie,” used by Swinderby and Lord Cobham, vol. 3. pp. 119, 327.
Mr. Maitland observes that Nicolas de Lyra is not responsible for the interpretation of Marranism, which Foxe seems in this note to father on him, but that it arose from Foxe’s misapprehending the meaning of a passage of Paulus Burgensis.
APP4-330 — Ville-Franche is 18 miles N. by W. of Lyons. (Gazetteer.)
Foxe says “six miles,” following Pantaleon, as in the case of Meaux, supra, p. 402: “leagues” is put in from “Histoire des Martyrs.”
APP4-331 — L’Official de la Primace, et l’official Buathier, et l’inquisiteur Orry. (“ Hist. des Mart. ) See the note on p. 409, line 36.
APP4-332 — Pantaleon talks of “Aurincum” (Avranches) all through this story; but “Hist. des Mart.” says “Evreux,” which is correct; for it appears from the narrative that the place where Noel reproved the dissolute priests was Nonancourt, which is in the diocese of Evreux.
The bishop of Evreux A. D. 1532-1574 was Gabriel de Veneur, of whom Gallia Christiana says, “Sub ejus episcopatu haeresis Calvinistica in urbe grassata est;” whereas nothing of that kind is stated respecting Robert Cenalis, bishop of Avranches A. D. 1532-1560, though he certainly was opposed to Luther’s doctrine, and appears as an actor in this persecution at pp. 428 — 430.
APP4-333 “Governor of the Marches, or the Marshal.” ] — “Le Prevost des Mareschaux.” (“Hist. des Mart.”) “Latrunculator.” (Pantaloon.)
See note on p. 419, line 33. “Prevot des Mareschaux, un officier depee etabli pour battre la campagne avec d’autres officiers et cavaliers ou archers qui lui sont subordonnes afin de procurer la surete publique: il est aussi etabli pour faire le proces a tous vagabonds, gens sans aveu et sans domicile. Los Romains avoient des milices destinies, dont les chefs etoient appelles latrunculatores.” (Dict. des Sciences.)
APP4-334 — “Chauffours, bourgade a deux lieues pros de Chartres.” (“ Hist. des Mart.”) APP4-335 — “Latrunculator” is, in the “Histoire des Martyrs,” called “le prevost des Mareschaux du pays de Dauphine.” See note on p. 416, lines 15, 22.
APP4-336 — “In Grenoble” is put in from Puntaleon and Crispin. The whole of this sentence is corrected from “Histoire des Martyrs.”
APP4-337 “A notary.”] — “Avec le Greffier” (Crispin): “Notarius criminum” (Pantaleon, p. 295).
APP4-338 — It would be more accurate to say, “Ex locorum communium collectanea a Joh. Manlio, pleraque ex lectionibus Ph. Melancthonis excerpta, etc. (8vo. Basileae, 1563), tom. 2. p. 31.”
APP4-339 — “L’Enfume.” (“Hist. des Mart.”) This was probably a nickname by which he was commonly designated for his pomposity. “Quem Fumosum appellant.” (Pantaloon, p. 296.)
APP4-340 “The lords d’Estenav and of Ciguognes.” ] — Cassini’s Map of France exhibits “Cigogne about two miles west of Marchenoir. The other title the “Histoire des Vrais Tesmoins” calls “de Saint Ay;” which makes it probable that “d’Estenay” is a corrupt form, either of “de St. Ay” or of “de Santenay,” which Cassini’s map represents as a large barony on the forest of Blois; either place is some miles indeed from Marchenoir, but the baron might have an estate and residence near Marchenoir.
APP4-341 — “Le Greffier Pontac” (Crispin), i. e. the notary; see note on p. 419. Foxe calls him “the judge.”
APP4-342 “Sainctes.” ] — “Saintes ville capitale du pays” (Crispin); whence Foxe miscalls the place “Sainctes Ville.”
APP4-343 — The name “John Caillon” is supplied from a table of Errata to “Histoires des Martyrs,” and from “Histoire des Vrais Tesmoins.”
APP4-344 — “Filleul de fen Albert, marquis de Brandenbourg…importune [le roy] par prieres des Alemans.” (Hist. des Martyrs.) Foxe does not notice “feu,” and for “des Alemans” puts in “of the said marquis.” As this happened A. D. 1558, and Albert had died January 8th, A. D. 1557 (Sleidan, ad an.), the importance of the correction of the text will be evident.
APP4-345 — The “Histoire des Martyrs” (p. 881) calls one of these the “Lieutenant-criminel; but in the case of Philippe de Luns, p. 432, the same officer is called the “Lieutenant-civil” in the French. For “Benedictine, a Jacobite,” Foxe reads, “Benedictus, Jacobin:” but see the next note.
APP4-346 — Here Danville says, “Benedictinus Jacopin et son compagnon un Sorboniste, dit Nostre Maistre:” and he had just before said that he was questioned the first time by “Benedictinus Jacopin et un Sorboniste son compagnon;” and the second time by “le eompagnon de Benedictinus, et deux autres Sorbonistes.”
APP4-347 — The speaker is called by Foxe “The Doctor,” and again at the top of next page. But Danville does not represent the first two questions as put by either in particular, but plurally by both together.
APP4-348 — This and the next three questions, according to Danville, were put by Benedictinus: Foxe always says “Doctor.”
APP4-349 — Foxe erroneously reads “the ninth of the same month;” “19” is the reading in the French: and instead of “the same doctor with two other Sorbonists,” Foxe has “another doctor with two Sorbonists:” the French says here, “derant D. et deux autres Sorbonistes;” but had previously said, that he appeared on the second occasion before “le compagnon de Benedictinus et deux autres Sorbonistes,” (see the note next but two before this): it is dear, therefore, that “D” means “le compagnon de Benedictinus.”
APP4-350 — Rebezies says, “Un Jacopin nomme Bened. maistre des Docteurs, et un autre Jacopin, duquel le nora mest incognu” (“Histoire des Martyrs,” p. 882): and the same authority makes Benedictine put the first eight questions: Foxe says “The Doctor.”
APP4-351 — The ninth question is, according to the French (p. 883), put by “Le maistre des Docteurs de Sorbonne.”
APP4-352 . “Then Benedictine,” etc.] — “Alors Benedictinus, royant que son maistre docteur ne repondoit a mon dire,” etc.
APP4-353 “Another contrary example.” ] — “Un exemple tout a l’opposite du sien:” Foxe says a “heavenly example:” but the opposition lies, not between earthly and heavenly, but between the tendencies of the two examples.
APP4-354 “The fourteenth chapter.” ] — Foxe reads “twelfth” in both cases: “Sur quoi ils me surprindrent et dirent, Il nest pas escrit de l’adoration de Saincts au 14 des Hebr. cest plustost a l’onzieme chapitre. Bien soit, dis je, tant y a quil est escrit au nouveau Testament. Et toutefois estant de retour davec eux, je recitay leur propos a mes compagnons, et trouvay que c’estoit au 14 des Actes.
Voyez si ces gens ont bien leu leur nouveau Testament, de me dire qu’il estoit escrit aux Heb. 11 chap. et non au 14.” Foxe inaccurately says for these last words, “well seen in their divinity.”
APP4-355 “About that ‘reiteration.’ “] — “Nons nous trompions sur ceste reiteration.”
APP4-356 “To wit, he is,” etc.] — “A scavoir quil est contenu sous ceste courtine et ceste blancheur que vous voyez.”
APP4-357 — “Et de cela je me tien pour resolu.”
APP4-358 — See this case of Geffery Varagle referred to in the account of the persecution at Angrogne, p. 513.
APP4-359 — Plustost par crainte de reproche, que de vraie opinion qu’ils eussent, qu’il la meritast.” (“Hist. des Mart.”) APP4-360 — The French work referred to is the “Commentaires de l’estat de la religion et la republique soubs les rois Henri et Francois II. et Charles IX.” (without place), by Pierre de la Place, published in French 1565, and afterwards translated into Latin. This story is accordingly there to be found.
APP4-361 — “Saturday, the 16th of May,” does not suit the year by Nicolas’s Tables, as Sunday in that year fell on May 15th; but it would suit the year 1556.
APP4-362 — This reference proves that Foxe used the Edition of “Histoire des Martyrs” of 1564.
APP4-363 — “Mille ecus sol” (“Hist. des Martyrs”) see the note on “crowns of the sun” in Appendix to vol. 2. p. 789: they are also mentioned infra, vol. 5. p. 458.
APP4-364 — “Natif de Braine le Chasteau,” (“Hist. des Mart.”): Foxe calls the place “Bramcastle.”
APP4-367 — Foxe evidently continues to make use of Crispin’s “Histoire des Martyrs,” in his account of the Spanish Inquisition. (Edit. 1564, p. 903.)
APP4-368 “In the year 1559, May 21.” ] — Foxe, as before, follows the French author in the ensuing account of the Auto-da-fe at Valladolid.
An account of this Auto was published very early in Italian, intituled, “Relatione dell’ Atto della Fede, che si e celebrato dall’ officio della Santa Inquisitione di Valladolid. Nel Giorno della Dominica della Santissima Trinita, a 21. del mese di Giugno, della Nativita del nostro Signore Giesu Christo M.D.LIX, etc.; in Bologna per Alessandro Benacio, et Compagni.” The authenticity of this rare tract is confirmed by the “Hist. Pontif. Catol.” of Illescas, part 2, chap. 30, p. 723, edit.
Mad. 1613, and itself also fully supports the statements of Foxe: see more in Mendham’s “Memoirs of the Council of Trent,” p. 334, where the Italian account is reprinted, and the error in the title of June for May is pointed out: Trinity Sunday could in no year fall on June 21st, and did fall on May 21st in 1559 (see Nicolas’s Tables). An account of this Auto has likewise been given in Spanish from the original archives by Llorente, late Secretary to the Inquisition, in his History of the Spanish Inquisition, published at Madrid in 1822, and republished in English by Whitaker, London, 1826. The Spanish account corrects some errors both in the French and Italian, which corrections have been introduced into Foxe’s text: they chiefly regard the names and titles of persons and places.
APP4-369 — Valladolid is here correctly called “a town,” not “a city,” for it did not become a bishopric till 1595. It was now in the diocese of Palencia, and Llorente states this as the reason why the bishop of Palencia, as ordinary, degraded the clerical prisoners (see the note infra, on p. 455, line 26).
APP4-370 “The archbishop of Seville, prince of the synagogue of the inquisitors.” ] — This was Don Ferdinand Valdes, eighth inquisitorgeneral of Spain, appointed in January 1547 by the pope, and continued such for twenty years: under his administration it is computed that there were 2,400 burnt alive, 1,200 in effigy, and 12,000 penances. (Llorente, London, 1826, pp. 164, 579.)
APP4-371 “The third scaffold was for the prisoners.” ] — These words are put in, as Foxe has omitted to make further allusion to the third stage, though he had mentioned, a few lines above, that there were three. This third stage, according to Crispin, consisted of six tiers of seats, narrowing from the bottom upwards; the bottom row being capable of accommodating ten persons, and the top but one. The prisoners then were arranged on these forms according to the supposed degree of their guilt; the solitary topmost seat being assigned in this instance to Dr. Cazalla. The knowledge of these circumstances throws light on the ensuing narrative.
APP4-372 “The count of Buendia.” ] — It appears from Llorente (London, 1826, p. 435), that this personage was Don Juan de Acuna.
APP4-373 “Sanbenito.” ] — This name for the habit of a penitent is stated by Llorente (p. 29) to be a corruption of saco bendito; for before the 13th century it was the custom to bless the cloth (sac) used in a public penance.
APP4-374 “The procurator fiscal.” ] — Foxe says, “The procurator-fiscal, or the pope’s great collector.” This definition of the meaning of the “procurator-fiscal” is not found in Crispin, nor is it correct: it is a term applied to any officer who acts on behalf of some high justiciary, and he is called fiscal, because, among other things, he looks after the pecuniary rights of his principal. (Diet. des Sciences.) Thus the public accuser on behalf of the Court of the Inquisition was called the “procurator-fiscal,” as he assessed and received the fines levied on the prisoners.
APP4-375 — Crispin mentions in the “Histoire des Martyrs,” that the archbishop of Seville, and the bishops of Valencia and Orense, were present with the other grandees at this Auto: whence Foxe probably was led to mention these among the “persecutors” of Dr. Cazalla and the rest. The Italian account adds the bishop of Ciudad Rodrigo to the list. Llorente says the archbishops of Seville and St. Iago, and the bishops of Paleneia and Ciudad Rodrigo were present, but does not mention Orense. Palencia is certainly the correct reading, for Valladolid was in the diocese of Palencia; whereas Valencia was in a remote part of’ Spain, and had a distinct Inquisitorial tribunal. Moreover, Llorente states, that in consequence of the immense number of accusations archbishop Valdes, the inquisitor-general, had been compelled, just before this Auto, to delegate his powers to Don Pedro de la Gasca, bishop of Palencia, who established himself at Valladolid, and to Don Juan Gonzalez de Munebrega, bishop of Tarragona, who repaired to Seville. (Llorente, London, 1826, pp. 197, 431.) Foxe talks of Valencia several times in the remainder of the narrative, wherein he follows the French; the Italian and Spanish accounts, however, in all those instances read “Palencia,” which is therefore introduced into Foxe’s text.
APP4-376 — Foxe after Crispin calls Dr, Cazalla “priest of Valladolid;” the title put into the text is from Llorente: the Italian says, “habitatore di Valladolid.”
APP4-377 — The title of Francis de Bivero in the text is from Llorente:
Crispin and Foxe call him “priest of Valladolid,” and the Italian “habitatore di Valladolid.”
APP4-378 “Beatriz de Bivero.”] — Foxe, after Crispin, calls her “Blanche:” Llorente and the Italian say “Beatriz.”
APP4-379 — Foxe, after Crispin, omits to mention the confiscation of goods in this case.
APP4-381 “Stone — set up in place of the house.”] — Foxe, in curious contradiction to what precedes, says “set up in the house”: Crispin however says, “en la place ou auroit este ladite maison.” Llorente in 1822 says, that he had seen the monument and inscription, but that it was destroyed in 1809.
APP4-382 — Foxe, after Crispin, calls Perez “priest of Valencia:” Llorente and the Italian say “Palencia.” Alter the words “behoof of the superiority,” Crispin adds — “Suitte du surplus de ceste histoire traduitte de certaines lettres envoyees en Allemagne.”
APP4-383 — “Palencia” is again put in for Crispin’s and Foxes “Valencia,” from Llorente: who here says (Edit. Madr. 1822, Vol. 4. p. 193), “Pues estavan presentes los argobispos de Sevilla y de Santiago, y los obispos de Palencia y de Ciudad Rodrigo, la [degradation] egecuto el de Palencia, como ordinario diocesano, puez Valladolid no era todavia obispado.”
APP4-384 — “Prest and ready:” see the note in this Appendix on p. 372.
APP4-385 — “de Roxas” is put in from Llorente; also the “first” marquis de Poza, who was “don Juan de Roxas.”
APP4-386 — Llorente, says, that Don Louis de Roxas was eldest son of Sancho de Roxas Sarmiento, who was eldest son of the forenamed first marquis de Poza; and adds, that he was nephew of Don Peter, mentioned No. 8.
APP4-387 — Llorente calls her, daughter of Alfonso Henriques de Almausa, marquis of Alcanizes, defunct, and of “donna Elvira de Roxas, su viuda, nieta materna de los citados primeros marqueses de Poza.” Crispin and Foxe absurdly call her “mother of the aforenamed marquis de Poza.” The Italian calls her “nepote al detto marchese di Poza.”
APP4-388 — Llorente and the Italian call him “de Ocampo:” Crispin and Foxe, “dell Campo.”
APP4-389 — Crispin calls Herezuelo “bachelier;” Foxe, “bachelor of divinity:” but Llorente (p. 194) “liceneiado...abogado de la ciudad de Toro:” the Italian says “Bacillieri:” he had a wife, and could not be “bachelor of divinity,” as Foxe calls him.
APP4-390 — “La quinzieme rut appelee de son siege Katharine Romain.”
APP4-391 — Foxe calls this individual “Frances Errem,” and speaks of “her” as a female: but Crispin says “Francois Errem” “an heretique;” the Italian “il licentiato Francesco di Errera;” and Llorente “Hemand de Herrera,” etc.
APP4-392 — “Comme la maitresse d’icelle secte.” (Crispin.)
APP4-393 — “Apres fur appellee Isabella de Strada, et avec icelle Jeanne Velasques.” (Crispin.)
APP4-394 — Crispin and Foxe do not name this individual: Llorente (p. 195) calls him “Juan Garcia, platero:” the Italian, “Giovan Garsia, argentiero.”
APP4-395 — Crispin and Foxe only call her” Jane de Silva.”
APP4-396 — Crispin and Foxe read, corruptly, “Lisueros;” Llorente and the Italian “Cisneros.”
APP4-397 — Crispin and Foxe say, “Cisneras de Sareglio;” the Italian, “Cisneros de Soteglio.”
APP4-398 — Foxe, after Crispin, says only “sister to the marquis de Royas.” Her full description is from Llorente, APP4-399 — Llorente gives a full account of this Second Auto-da-fe at Valladolid, which took place October 8th of the same year, and was more splendid than the former, being attended by the king, Philip II.: 13 persons, with a corpse and an effigy, were burnt; and 16 admitted to reconciliation.
APP4-400 — Llorente represents that at the former Auto-da-fe in with the remains of a woman, were burnt; and 16 admitted May, 14 persons, to reconciliation; i. e. 30 living persons in all. He does not, however, mention Case 27; but he mentions as put to penances — Don Juan de Ulloa Pereira, a knight commander of the order of St. John of Jerusalem; Donna Francisca Zuniga de Baeza; Antonio Minguez; and Isabella Minguez.
APP4-401 — Pantaleon and Crispin remark, that “Dryander” is the Greek translation of the Spanish “Encenas,” and that both are equivalent to” Du Chesne” in French, Anglice, “a man of oak.”
APP4-402 — “Franciscus Encenas.” See Pantaleon, p. 101.
APP4-403 — “Bonaventure, General of the Order.” Foxe says, simply, “Bonaventure, a General.” It appears from p. 465, that he was such in the year 1543: query whether he be the same person who had been Provincial in the year 1525; see p. 372.
APP4-404 — The original says “Comes Perilanus.” Busching’s Geography says, “Belcastro, antiently Petilia, a little city and a bishop’s see, with the title of a dukedom, which belongs to the house of Caraccioli.” Some, however, say, that Strongoll is the antient Petilia.
APP4-405 — “Gentes illas ego cognovi, ex Valdensium origine, bonae doctrinae, et melioris vitae.” (Pantaleon.)
APP4-406 “A muffler or bandage, all of gore-blood.”] — “Ligabat instita seu bends eorum oculos,” — “fasciolam illam (bendam Italice vocant) sanguinolentam et sanguinosum cultrum capiens,” etc. (Pantaleon).
APP4-407 — “Cum illa ipsorum maledicta obstinatione.” (Pantaleon.)
APP4-408 — Almost the whole of the ensuing narrative of the persecution in Provence will be found, as Foxe’s references show, in Pantaleon and Crispin, with whose account the text has been collated, and in some instances improved. It is also in De Thou, “Hist. sui Ternporis,” fol.
Lond. 1733, tom. 1. pp. 222-228.
APP4-409 — In the French Crispin, Latomus is called “Masson.”
APP4-410 — “Inter caeteros prodiit quidam monachus ex ordine Dominicanorum, Joannes de Roma appellatus.” (Pantaleon, p. 112.)
APP4-411 . “Obtaining a commission,” etc.] — “Ab episcopis legatoque Avenionensi.” (Pantaleon, p. 112).
APP4-412 — “Michelottus Serra Cabrierensis, Marrus appellatus; et Gulielmus Melius.” (Pantaleon.)
APP4-413 “Any one of his own friends,” etc. ] — “Ne ipsi sodales Dominicani ferre poterant.” (Pantaleon.)
APP4-414 “The bishop of Aix.” ] — “Episcopus Aquensis,” in Crispin, Pantaleon, and De Thou: this term would ordinarily mean the bishop of Aix’s, a suffragan of the Archbishop of Auch; but in this instance it means Antony Imberti, bishop of Aix, so called, because he was at this time, and had been for some years, bishop-coadjutor to Petrus de Filleul, archbishop of Aix, who shortly after this date died, Jan. 22d, 1541, at the advanced age of 102 years. Imberti was appointed his successor, but not installed till August 28th, 1541. He was a distinguished man in his day; he attended and figured at the Council of Trent in 1545, and published an account of its proceedings. He died in 1550. The above information is derived from Gallia Christiana.
APP4-415 — This decree against Merindol is given by Crispin, dated November 18th, A. D. 1540.
APP4-416 — “Episcopi Sextiensis scortum.” (Pant.) Aix is “Aquae Sextiae” in Latin: “Sextiensis” is used properly here, as descriptive of the bishop coadjutor. Estimee paillarde dudit eveque d’Aix. (Crispin.)
APP4-417 — “Mea lux.” (Pantaleon.)
APP4-418 — “Arnica Aquensis.” (Pantaleon.)
APP4-419 — “Interea praeses Chassanaeus, et senatores simul, ac nobiles, illinc digressi diversis itineribus proficiscuntur.” (Pantaleon.) “Le Pres.
Chassanee et les Conseillers se departirent, et les gentils-hommes sien allerent d’autre part.” Crispin.! Lower down, “Johannes de Roma Doralnicanus, de quo antea diximus.’ (Pantaleon, p. 118.) “Le Jacopin, Jean de Roma.” (Crispin.)
APP4-420 “And divers abbots, priors,” etc.] — The Latin account in Pantaleon (p. 118) says: “Abbates nonnulli ac Priores, Praepositus Aquensis cure quibusdam senioribus Canonicis.” The Praepositus [dean or provost] of Aix was Johannes de Carnolis, previously a canon of Aix; he was also chancellor of the university, and prothonotary of the apostolic see: he was Praepositus from 1526 to 1552. (Gallia Christiana.)
APP4-421 “Not forgetting his Spanish subtleties.” ] — The present archbishop of Arles was Johannes Ferrerius, nephew “ex fratre Matthis” of the preceding archbishop, “Johannes Ferrerius, in Hispania Tarraconensi ortus, Ilerdensis primum ecclesiae archidiaconus,” etc. His nephew was made bishop-coadjutor to his uncle in 1518, and archbishop on his death in 1521; he died himself in 1550. (Gallic Christiana.)
APP4-422 — “Dominicanus.” (Pantsleon.) “Un docteur en theologie, de l’ordre des Jacopins, nomme Bassinet.” (Crispin.)
APP4-423 “The president of the canons.” ] — “Praeposito canonicorum.’ (Pantaleon, p. 121.) No doubt the provost of Aix is meant: see note on p. 481, line 32. Otherwise, if the provost of Avignon be meant, it would be Perrinetus de Revillasco Taurmi, “regius consiliarius, Praepositus Avenionensis 1527 — 1547.” (Gallic Christiana.)
APP4-424 . The house of the bishop of Rieux. ] — “Episcopus Riviensis.” (Pantaleon, p. 121.) The bishop of Rieux, A. D. 1538 — 1568, was Francis du Bourg. He was made Master of the Requests, Dec. 15th, 1538, and consecrated September 2d, 1542. (Gallia Christiana.) We should rather have to hear, on this occasion, of “Episcopus Riensis or Regensis,” i. e. the bishop of Riez (Anthony Lascaris de Tende, bishop of Riez from 1532 to November 14th, 1541), he being a suffragan of Aix; while Rieux was of Toulouse.
APP4-425 “As they passed,” etc.] — “Transeuntes via Mensularia, duecutes sub axillis singuli domicellas, quas vocant (Pantaleon p. 121) “Comme ils passoyent par la rue des Changes.” (Crispin.)
APP4-426 -” Foreign” is put in from Pantaleon and Crispin: “peregrinus bibliopola.”
APP4-427 “That he had sold,” etc.] — “Imperatoris privilegio Gallice conversos Bibliorum Codices permultos a me distractos esse memineram: nee imperatoris privilegio solum, sed et Regis ipsius, Lugdunensibusque typis excusos.” (Pantaleon.) “Qu’il a vendu plusieurs Bibles en Francois avec privilege de l’Empereur; et aussi d’autres imprimees a Lyons, et des Nouveaux Testaments imprimez avec le privilege du Roi.” (See Appendix to vol. 5., note on p. 213, note (1).)
APP4-428 — “In urbe comitatuque Venissiae toto.” (Pantaleon.) “Par route la ville et conte de Venisse. (Crispin.) Foxe calls it “Venice.”
APP4-429 — “The Venaissin:” “au conte de Venisse,” Crispin: Foxe, “Venice.”
APP4-430 — Francis de Tournon, one of the most eminent men of his day, was archbishop of Embrun, which he vacated for Bourges Non.
Junii, 1525; after which he was translated to Auch June 14th, 1538; and became archbishop of Lyons 13 Cal. August, 1551. He was made cardinal of St. Peter and St. Marcelline in 1530; and abbot of St.
Anthony Viennois August 13th, 1542, and dean of the College of Cardinals: he died April 22nd, 1562. (Moreri, Gallia Christiana.)
APP4-431 — “Gulielmus Bellaius Langeius.” (Pantaleon, p. 125.) French (Crispin), “Guilleaume du Bellay, sieur de Langeay.”
APP4-432 — The words “Libera me or” are put in from the original.
APP4-433 — Foxe says “God a mercy:” but Pantaleon (p. 126) says, “Gratias ei nihilo magis agere:” Crispin, “quils ne disoyent pas grand merci:” hence the old English phrase, “gramercy,” is put into the text.
APP4-434 He was also informed, etc.] — Deque Senatus consulto, eisque rebus quae postea consecutae dicebantur, singulatim quaeque ei relata fuere. (Pantaleon.)
APP4-435 He should have good demonstration,” etc.] — This passage is founded on Pantaleon: “hujus animus ex informatione divini verbi ac utriusque Testamenti locorum inductione, recolligeretur; eoque modo sensim adhibito verbi gladio, vir is in Ecclesiam Domini nostri Jesu Christi restitui curaretur.” Christi restitui curaretur.”
A professed copy of the king’s letters is given in French in the “Histoire des Martyrs” (ED. 1564, p. 199), dated Fontainbleau, February 8th, 1540, i. e. 1541. This does not-mention the word of God, but says “voulons plustot essayer par la voye de douceur et de remonstrances de retirer et radresser les dits desvoyez a la voye de salut, que par rigoreuses punitions les faire tomber en desespoir.” It appears, however, from the admission of Durand the inquisitor (seep. 496), that the royal letters either did contain such directions as those mentioned in Foxe and Pantaleon, or that they were so understood.
APP4-437 — The confession presented to the parliament of Aix is given by Crispin: it is dated April 6th, 1541, and speaks of their having held the same doctrines since the year 1200.
APP4-438 — James Sadolet, born at Modena in 1477, was distinguished for his masterly knowledge of Greek and Latin, and his general learning. He became secretary to Leo X. in 1513, and soon after bishop of Carpentras, near Avignon. He was recalled to Rome by Clement VII. in 1523, and went on condition of returning to his diocese in three years. Paul III. recalled him to Rome in 1534, made him a cardinal in 1536, and employed him in many negotiations. He died in 1547, not without suspicion of poison for his gentleness toward the Protestants: in 1539 he wrote a letter to Geneva, calling the Calvinists “Charissimi in Christo fratres.” He was to the last, indeed, a member of the Romish Church, but remarkable for his candor and moderation, and for his affection for learned persons, though they were sometimes engaged in defending religious principles different from his own. He had a very high regard for Sturmius, Bucer, and Melancthon (Seckendorf. Hist.
Luther. lib. 1. p. 43.) Sadolet’s works were collected in 4 vols. 4to, Veronae, 1737. There is a life of him in Dupin, cent. 16, book 3. (See Biographie Universelle, and Chalmers’s Biographical Dictionary.)
APP4-439 — “Au conte de Venisse.” (Crispin). “Venice.” (Foxe.)
APP4-441 “He obtained the king’s letters patent” ] — January 1545, but kept them till Sunday, April 12th, on which day he summoned the parliament of Aix, and presenting the king’s letter, made immediate arrangements for the expedition, which set off the very next day, Monday, April 13th. (Crispin.)
APP4-442 . “Cabrietta.”] — “Cabriette.” (Crispin.)
APP4-443 “Other places besides.” ] — Pantaleon adds, “Ultra montem Lebronem.”
APP4-444 “Thereby.”] — “Finitimis.” (Pant.)
APP4-445 — Crispin gives the exhortations and prayers of four of the Ancients of Merindol.
APP4-446 — Miniers came to Merindol on Saturday, April 18th. (Crispin.)
APP4-447 — Miniers attacked Cabriers on Sunday, April 19th, and took it the next day. (Crispin.)
APP4-448 — “Poulin, baron de la Garde.” (De Thou, p. 226.)
APP4-449 “For fifty times.” ] — “During fifty days.” (De Thou.)
APP4-450 — See the note (1), at vol. 2. p. 353.
APP4-451 — “Moreover, concerning the confession,” etc.] — In the “Christian Observer” for 1836, p. 330, there is a good deal of complaint about this confession, as represented or misrepresented by copyists, etc. Both Foxe and Sleidan, from whom he quotes, expressly mention that they give merely the tenor; but as this will not suit modern exactness, the following is supplied from. Charles Du Moulin, who is famed for accuracy, and whose book was printed the very year the Confession was read m the parliament. See also “Christian Observer,” p. 410. “Alia Confessio brevior ab iisdem (Merindolianis et Caprariensibus), pro innocentiae suae defensione, anno 1544 Regi Francisco transmissa, et anno 1551 Parisiis in Parliamento regio publice recitata. “ 1. Credimus unum tantum esse Deum, qui spiritus est, rerum cunctarum Conditor, Pater omnium, super et per omnis, in nobis omnibus, adorandus in spiritu et verirate; quem solum exspectamus; Datorem vitae, alimentorum, indumentorum, prosperae item valetudinis, infirmitatis, commodorum et incommodorum: Hunc diligimus tanquam omnis bonitatis Authorem, et ceu cordium Inspectorem timemus. “ 2. Jesum Christum credimus ease Patris Filium et Imaginem, in quo omnis plenitudo Deitatis habitat, per quem cognoscimus Patrem, qui noster eat Mediator et Advocatus: nec ullum aliud sub coelo nomen hominibus datum eat, per quod servari nos opporteat. In hujus nomen solum invocamus Patrem: nec ullas preces effundimus coram Deo, praeter ess quae in Scriptura Sancta continentur, aut cum ejusdem sensu plane conveniunt. “ 3. Credimus nos habere Consolatorem Spiritum Sanctum, a Patre et Filio procedentem, cujus inspiratione precamur, et efficacia regeneramur. Is in nobis omnia bona opera efficit, atque per Eum in omnem deducimur veritatem. “ 4. Credimus unam sanctam Ecclesiam, omnium electorum Dei a constitutione ad finem mundi congregationem; cujus Caput est Dominus noster Jesus Christus. Hanc verbum Dei gubernat, Spiritus sanctus ducit. In ea sinceri Christiani omnes versari tenentur: pro omnibus etenim indesinenter orat, grata Deo ad quem confugit, et extra quam nulla est salus. “ 5. Illud apud nos est constitutum, ministros Ecclesiae — episcopos, nempe, et pastores — in moribus et doctrina irreprehensibiles esse debere; alioquin deponendos, aliosque substituendos, qui eorum locum et officium impleant. Nemo autem hunc sibi honorem assumat, nisi a Deo vocatus — ut Aaron; gregem Dei pascens, non turpe affectans lucrum, vel ut Cleris dominans; sed prompto animo exemplum piis praebens, in sermone, conversatione, charitate, fide, et castitate. “ 6. Reges, principes, et magistratus confitemur a Deo institutos esse ministros, quibus parendum sit: ham gladium gestant, ut innocentes tueantur, et malos puniant. Propterea honorem eis deferre, tributaque persolvere tenemur. Nullus autem ab hac obedientia sese eximere potest, si modo Christianus dici velit, Jesu Christi Domini et Servatoris nostri exemplum sequens. Is enim tributum persolvit, nec jurisdictionem dominationemve temporalem usurpavit, in statu illo humiliationis gladium Verbi Coelestis exerens. - “7. Credimus aquam in Baptismi Sacramento esse signum visibile et externum, nobis repraesentans illud quod virtus Dei intus in nobis operatur, nempe Spiritus renovationem, et in Christo Jesu carnis nostrae mortificationem: per quem etiam Christum sanctae Dei ecclesiae membra efficimur, in qua fidel nostrae professionem et vitae emendationem demonstramus. “ 8. Sanctum mensae, vel Coenae, Domini nostri Jesu Christi sacramentum credimus ease sacrum memoriale et gratiarum actionem ob beneficia per Christi mortem nobis collata, in coetu piorum, in fide, charitate, suique ipsius probatione celebrandam: et ita, panem et poculum sumendo Christi carni et sanguini communicare, sicuti in Sacris Scripturis edocemur. “ 9. Conjugium esse bonum, honorabile, sanctum, et a Deo institutum, profitemur; nemini prohibendum, nisi Dei verbum intercedat. “ 10. Pios, et Deum timentes, credimus Deo se probaturos ut bonis vacent operibus, quae praeparavit, ut in eis ambulent. Haec autem opera aunt charitas, gaudium, pax, patientia, benignitas, probitas, modestia, temperantia, aliaque opera in Scripturis commendata. “ 11. Contra, fatemur cavendum nobis esse a pseudo-prophetis, quorum scopus est populum ab adoratione religiosa uni Deo et Domino debita revocare, creaturis adhaerere et confidere, bona opera in Scripturis mandata relinquere, et hominum figmenta sequi. “ 12. Regulam fidel nostrae Vetus et Novum Testamentum retinemus, Symbolumque Apostolicum sequimur. Quisquis autem dixerit nos aliam profiteri doctrinam, longe eum falli et fallere demonstrabimus, si modo per judices ordinarios nobis liceat.” (See “Caroli Molinaei Opera,” tom. 3. edit. Paris, 1612, part 2, col. 578, 579, 616, 617, or edit. Paris, 1658, col. 2011.)
APP4-452 “The History of the Persecutions...against the Waldois.” ] — The ensuing narrative is (as Foxe intimates at p. 555) a translation of a work intituled “Histoire des Persecutions et Guerres faites depuis l’an 1555 jusqu’en 1561 contre le peuple appelle Vaudois,’ 8vo, 1562; and translated into Latin, 8vo, Genevae, 1581. (Le Long Bibliotheque Hist. de la France, 1719, p. 75.) Foxe’s text has been collated with the French, and corrected in a few places. Some dates in the narrative are clearly wrong, but are so in the French. De Thou (Opera, tom. 2. p. 85) gives the same account, and supplies the modern names.
APP4-453 “Would slit the minister’s nose.” ] — “Nares abscinderet,” says De Thou, who also represents John Martin Trombautius as the persecutor’s full name.
APP4-454 — “The president of St. Julian” is named in De Thou “Amatus,” or Aime.
APP4-455 — Foxe says here, “How that the last year they had presented their Confession, which,” etc.: the text is improved by a slight transposition on the authority of De Thou: “Eorum Confessionem anno superiori oblatam a senatu ad regem missam affirmat,” etc.
APP4-456 — The account of Geffrey Varialla or Varagle is given more fully supra, p. 441.
APP4-457 “A peace concluded,” etc.] — At Chateau-Cambresis, signed April 3d, 1559. (L’Art de Ver. des Dates.)
APP4-458 — Leger (L’Histoire Generale des Eglises Evangeliques des Vallees de Piemont ou Vaudoises, folio, Leyde, 1669, p. 30 of 2d part) gives this Supplication of the Vaudois to the duke, and another to his duchess.
APP4-459 “The month of March following.” ] — This takes us over into the year 1560.
APP4-460 — De Thou makes only two martyrs at Carignano, “John Carignanus Mathurinus, et uxor ejus.” Foxe’s account, however, is supported by a contemporary letter addressed by one of their ministers, Scipio Lentulus Neapolitain, to a gentleman of Geneva, detailing this persecution of the Lord of Trinity, and printed from the original by Leger (part 2, p. 34): the passage is worth transcribing: “Marcellin, Francois de Nation, et Jeanne Dratine de Carignan, sa Femme, ayant este saisis, furent condamnes huit jours apres a estre brules virs, mais Dieu fist paroistre en la Femme. une admirable, exemple de constance, car comme on la conduisoit au supplice elle exhortoit son Mary, lui disant, Sus mon Frere, bon courage, nous jouirons aujourdhui par ensemble de la Beatitude Celeste. Peu de jours apres fust aussi apprehende Jean Cartinian, homme simple et vrayement, pieux, lequel au bout de trois, jours mourut tresconstamment au milieu des flammes.” The reader wall observe, that the individual who is called by Foxe, and his French authority, “Mathurinus,” is called in the foregoing passage “Marcellin”: he is also so called by Pierre de la Place (Commentaires de l’Estat de la Religion et la Republique,” 8vo, 1565, p. 184 verso).
APP4-461 — “De l’Arche” is according to De Thou; Foxe says, “Le Laughi.”
APP4-462 — “Jacobite “is put in from the French, and De Thou.
APP4-463 — “The collateral Corbis,” called “Turbis” in De Thou. “Collateral” means assessor.
APP4-464 “One named Charles de Comptes, of the valley of Lucerne.” ] — De Thou calls him “Carolus Lucernensis Comes;” and adds that “some” of the lords of Angrogne wrote likewise.
APP4-465 — The “Histoire des Vaudois,” etc., says that there was an earthquake February 8th, two hours before daybreak, and another in the following April. See next page, line 14, etc.
APP4-466 — “Rauclaret” is the reading in De Thou; “Riuclaret” in Busching’s Geography; “Rioclaret” in the contemporary letter of Scipio Lentulus.
APP4-467 “Cluson.” ] — In De Thou, p. 89, this is called “Chiuson:” but “Cluson” is the reading in the French, the contemporary letter, and Busching’s Geography.
APP4-468 “The next day following.” ] — De Thou, p. 89, says, “12 Kal.
Octobris,” i. e. September 20th.
APP4-469 “The chief of Angrogne were assembled,” etc.] — If we calculate backwards from the notes of time mentioned in the next page, we shall find that this assembly was held on Wednesday, October 23d, 1560.
APP4-470 “On the 25th of October.” ] — The ensuing context proves that this was a Friday, the last Friday in October, or October 25th, 1560.
Foxe, however, calls it the 22d, following his authority, “His Wire des Vaudois,” etc.
APP4-471 “On Friday after, being the 1st of November.” ] — Foxe, following his authority, here says, “On Friday after, being the 2d of November:” but this cannot be correct, by Nicolas’s Tables. De Thou (p. 90), in introducing the actual assault of next day, says, “Demum IIII. Non. Novembris,” i. e. November 2d. Moreover, the contemporary letter of Scipio Lentulus in Leger (p. 35) says le Piemont, aux Calendes d envoys une armee de plus de 4000 pietons et de 200 chevaux, sous la conduite de la Trinite (qui pour mieux dire j’appellerai plustost Monsieur de la Tyranite, ou de la Tyranie meme), pour detruire par le fer et par le feu toutes les Vallees. Or le lendemain au matin ils assaillirent secretement Angrogne,” etc. There is little doubt that “Calendes” has been mistaken in some MS. for “Secundo.”
This correction is also confirmed by the account of Pierre de la Place, who at p. 185 of his “Commentaires,” etc. says: “L’armee doncques arriva a Lucerne le dernier d’Octobre, qui fut le Jeudi. Le Samedy apres, qui estoit le deuxieme de Novembre 1560, le matin, donnerent l’assault a Angrogne, qui est la premiere frontiere.” See also Foxe’s own date in p. 525, “Monday being the 4th of November.”
APP4-472 “On Monday, being the 4th of November.” ] — This suits A. D. 1560, by Nicolas’s Tables.
APP4-474 “On Saturday, being the 9th of November.” ] — This is consistent with the last date, p. 525.
APP4-475 “On Friday the 7th of February.” ] — This suits the year 1561, by Nicolas’s Tables.
APP4-476 “On Saturday the 14th of February.” ] — Saturday would fall on the 15th of February in 1561: but Foxe follows his authority.
APP4-477 “On Monday the 17th of March.” ] — This suits the year by Nicolas’s Tables.
APP4-478 — Foxe reads “9th of March,” following his authority; but without doubt it is a misprint for “19 th ” as it seems the next day but one to March 17th, mentioned at p. 541.
APP4-479 — Monday would fall on April 7th, in 1561; so that for “17th” we should probably read “7th.”
APP4-480 — See the note in this Appendix on p. 507.
APP4-481 “Warden of the Grey Friars.” ] — Foxe says simply “warden:” the rest is supplied from a few lines lower down in the text.
APP4-482 — For a somewhat enlarged account of Hamilton, see M’Crie’s “Miscellaneous Writings,” p. 90-100.
APP4-483 “Especially with Francis Lambert.” ] — “Francis Lambert was born in the year 1487 in Avignon, a celebrated city in France, situated near the river Rhone, upon the confines of the Alps, which divide France from Italy. His father, who was of Burgundian extraction, was secretary of the pontifical legation and apostolic palace; Avignon having been for some time a residence of the popes. He died when his son was very young. Being desirous to devote himself to religious meditation and practice, he in his 15th year entered a Franciscan monastery of the order of Minorites, called Observants, at Avignon.
Afterwards the monks, having found some of Luther’s writings in his possession, seized upon them, and having condemned them as heretical, caused them to be burned in the capital of the province. A short time after this, Lambert left France, and having gone into Germany, he openly renounced the monkish order. Lambert left the convent an. 1522, in the thirty-fifth year of his age, having spent twenty years under the monastic habit. Lest his enemies should seize him, or make an attempt upon his life, he was obliged to assume in public the name of John Serfan. In 1527 he was made principal of the newly-erected college at Marpurgh.” (M’Crie’s “Miscellaneous Writings, pp. 104, 107,111: see also Schelhorn’s “Amoenirates Litersriae,” tom. 4. p. 307, 330, etc.)
APP4-484 — “Progeny” is here used of those born before, i. e. ancestry.
APP4-485 “Datisi, Baroco, Camestres,” etc.] — For the use made of these words, in which the vowels alone need to be regarded, see Watts’ Logic, part 3. chap. 2, Section 3; also Appendix to vol. 1. note on p. 8.
APP4-486 “Norman Gurley.” ] — He is called Nicholas, vol. 5. p. 606.
APP4-487 “St. John Shorne.” ] — See supra., p. 232, line 18, where the same saint is mentioned: other allusions to him occur infra, vol. 5. pp. 406, 468, from which it seems probable that there was a boot of one John, who had been perhaps a priest of Shorne in Kent (see Nares’s Glossary, in vocem), preserved as a relic, which was supposed to cure the ague. His shrine was evidently very famous, and is often alluded to in the old writers.
The Editor of “Latimer’s Remains” (Parker Soc. Ed. vol. 1. p. 474), states that his head-quarters perhaps were at Shorne and Merston, near Gravesend, though he probably had shrines in other parts of the country, and cites from the Letters relating to the suppression of the Monasteries (218): “At Merston, Mr. Johan Schorn stondeth blessing a bore, whereunto they do say he conveyd the devill. He is much sowzt for the agow.”
APP4-488 — Here might be inserted the martyrdom of Stile, which subsequently carne to Foxe’s hands, and is to be found infra, vol. 5. p. 655.
APP4-489 “Lawrence Maxwell, bricklayer of London.” ] — He is mentioned by Strype from the Foxtan MSS. as a bricklayer of St.
D. 1541; soon after which we read (p. 451), that he and. all his fellow prisoners were discharged. But that occurred after the divorce of Anne of Cleves: see vol. 5. p. 461. There is also mention made, vol. 5. p. 29, of “Lawrence Maxwell, taylor, A. D. 1530,” certainly the same person, with a mistake as to his trade, “taylor” instead of “tyler.”
This conjecture is confirmed by the fact that the name preceding Maxwell’s in that place is that of “John Stacy, Tyler;” and it is observable that these two are associated in this very list; and further, it would seem from p. 681 of the present volume, where they are again associated, that they were wardens of their Company. The reason why they are called sometimes “tyler,” sometimes “bricklayer,” is, that that Company is designated the “Company of Tylers and Bricklayers.” APP4-490 — Strype remarks that Foxe has taken but little notice of the confessors of the truth under the years 1527, 1528, and therefore supplies the defect from the Foxtan MSS.: many of the names, however, in this list will be found noticed by Foxe more fully infra, vol. 5. pp. 26-42, 443, etc. The Foxian MSS. just referred to are in the Harleian Collection, No. 421: Bishop Kennett seems also to have gone over the same ground in the Bishop’s Register; see his Collections, Lansdown MSS. No. 979, where many of these names occur, with the exact dates of their appearance, and references (not always correct) to the folios in the Register: thus Sebastian Harris, “curatus eccliae, parochialis de Kensyngton, London. dioc.,” confessed having Tyndale’s Testament and the “Unto Dissidentium,” and was absolved February 23d, 1527-8: Richard Foster of London was abjured December 31st, 1527, etc. “Kengynton,” in the third line of this list is corrected by Foxe himself into “Kensington” infra, vol. 5. p. 42: but it is called “Kengyngton “in the Tunstall Register, folio 133, verso.
APP4-492 “When the Cardinal of York was thus a legate,” etc.] — Wolsey carried his legatine authority so far, that he on one occasion declined to send a commission to Cambridge in 1523, to discover who were the fautors of heresy there, merely because the suggestion did not emanate from himself: hence, among the articles afterwards, the 40th was, that he had neglected to use the means of putting down heresy.
APP4-493 “Wine with a say taken.” ] — Nares in his Glossary shows, that it was one of the usages of courts for the royal taster to give the say, i. e. having made a trial (assay) himself, to declare the goodness of the wines or viands. “To have the say taken,” was therefore an affectation in Wolsey of royal magnificence. The word is sometimes written full, “assay;” as at p. 596, last line but one; and vol. 5. p. 364, line 22.
APP4-494 — These commissions were issued A. D. 1525. (Rapin.)
APP4-495 — Foxe refers to Hall as his authority for the ensuing account of the sacking of Rome, and it is taken verbatim from Hall: but Foxe likewise refers to the “Paralipomena abbatis Urspergensis” in the notes, and we are at liberty, therefore, to correct from that author several inaccuracies of Hall, who apparently had the “Paralipomena” before him.
APP4-496 “The sacking of Rome.” ] — Clement, after mature deliberation, and with the unanimous advice of his cardinals, published on the 4th of May indulgences for all who would defend his city against Charles de Bourbon; and, in case of their falling in the service, promised to unite them to the Angels coelestialibus aeternae felicitatis gaudils aggregamus. Datum Romae anno MDXXVII., quarto nonas Maii.” (Bullae diversorum Rom. Pontificum a Bonifacio VIII. ad Paulum IIII.; Romae, 1559, fol. 67.)
APP4-497 “On the fourth day of May.” ] — Hall and Foxe say “the sixth.”
But “quinto nonas Mail” (Paralip. p. 356) the duke sent a summons to Rome to surrender, and “postridie (quod erat Sabbatum)” they arrived before the walls, i. e. Saturday, May 4th; which must be correct, as May 5th fell on a Sunday in 1527, by Nicolas’s Tables.
APP4-498 “Illarmed and,” etc.] — “Inermes et oppugnatoriis machinis nullis instructi.” (Paralipomena.)
APP4-499 “The drumslades struck.” ] — In all the Editions published in Foxe’s lifetime the reading is “blew,” instead of “struck; ” this last reading appears first in the Edition of 1596, p. 900, and seems correct.
The word ‘probably means a little drum, like the modern regimental drum, quasi “drumslet,” so that the phrase here is equivalent to “the drums beat.” In the Index to Madden’s Privy Purse Expences of the Princess Mary,5. Dromslades, is quoted from Rymer’s inedited Collections a license from the king to Bartheu [Bartholomew] Roumbangh, “dronslade player,” to export 100 tuns of double beer, 9th October, 1534. And in a letter printed by Mr. Ellis we read, “the daye afore they cawssyde the troumpettys with dromscellettys to go about the eyre.” In, the list of Henry VIII.’s band occur the names of “Barthil and Hans dromslades,” who received a quarterly pension of 33s. 4d. See also the Index to Sir H. Nicolas’s “Privy- Purse Expences of Henry VIII.”
APP4-501 “Struck in the thigh with a handgun.” ] — The Paralipomena” says that “globus aenei tormenti, parum caute a suis Emissus, merus alteru sub femore perfregit.”
APP4-502 “Pope Clement had passed so little, etc.” ] — The “Paralipomena” (p. 356) says: — “Hoc quod nunc dicetur nemo credet fortasse, Pontifici adeo non fuisse curae exereitum istum, ut sub urbis expugnationem ipse in aedem Divi Petri descenderet spectaturus sacrum, et nuntiantes expugnationem primum rideret, donee hostes in ipsum templum irruerent: nimium certe fretus Apostolico fulmine, quod nudius tertius in advenientes jaculatus fuerat, in cujus execrationits diplomate haec lecta sunt verbs: Excommunieamus Carolum dictum Borbonii ducem, et exercitum ejus, partim ex Lutheranis, partim ex Marranis constantem. Significabantur autem Lutheranorum nomine Germani, et Hispani Marranorum.” Foxe from Hall says: “The same day that these three assaults were made, Pope Clement passed little on the emperor’s army, for he had accursed them on the Saturday before,” etc.
APP4-503 — The five cardinals here intended were, 1. John Piccolomini, archbishop of Sienna, made priest-cardinal of St. Balbine, A. D. 1517, and afterwards bishop of Ostia and dean of the cardinals: died A. D. 1537. 2. Alexander Cesarini, made cardinal-deacon of St. Sergius and St. Bacchus, A. D. 1517, and bishop of Albano and Pampeluna: died 1542. 3. Paulus Emilius de Cesio, bishop of Narni, Todi, etc., made cardinal-deacon of St. Eustace, A. D. 1517: died A. D. 1537. 4.
Laurence, A. D. 1517; died A. D. 1528. 5. Andrew de la Valle, bishop of Malta, made cardinal-priest of St. Agnes in 1517; died A. D. 1534. (Moreri, 5. Cardinal.) “ APP4-504 “There is a bridge.” ] — Foxe from Hall: “This bridge is.”
APP4-505 — Laurence Pucci was made cardinal-priest of the Four Crowned Saints in 1513, and died 1531. (Moreri, 5. Cardinal): so that Hall and Foxe are mistaken in saying that he was slain on this occasion.
The cardinal Ponzetta died in the September following, of the treatment he had received. (Moreri.)
Beaucaire, bishop of Metz, writes: “Eandem fortunam Cardinales a Minerva et Ponseta subierunt; et per totam insuper urbem vestibus sacris induti, asinisque aut vilibus mulis insidentes, per ludibrium deducti sunt: quod et plerisque pontificibus accidit; in quos et in templa et statuas Germani magna ex parte Lutheriani rabiem suam effundebant. At Hispani longe crudeliores, procter vim mulieribus virginibusque multo petulantius illatam, tormentis et suppliciis familiarium, arcana exquirebant, et inter, torments multos necabant, omnemque captivorum substantiam inusitata feritate rapiebant. Itali veto in suds non minus saevi, utpote ex foeda teterrimorum latronum colluvione collecti, Hispanorum, qui strenui milites erant, virtutes non imitabantur, sed vitia longe superabant.” Vide “Rerum Gallicarum comment, auct. Ft. Belcario Peguilione Metensi Episc.” (Lugd. 1625) p. 595, 29.
APP4-507 “This woodness.” ] — “Duravit haec rabies non modicos dies.” (Paralip.)
APP4-508 “With one voice would call him Antichrist.” ] — The “Paralipomena” says, “Interim parum plausibile Romania auribus Lutheri nomen boatu horrido occinentes, si fors mitratorum aliquis de fenestra prospexisset.”
APP4-509 “Sir Frederic de Bodso.” ] — Federigo de Bozzolo in the “Il Sacco di Roma da Fr. Guicciardini,” p. 199, edit. 1758.
APP4-510 — Foxe from Hall says “July:” but the “Paralipomena” says, “Usque ad octavum Idus Junias,” i. e. June 6th. Foxe himself says, a few lines lower, “When the month of July came.”
APP4-511 . “Defender of the Faith.” ] — This rifle was first conferred by Leo X., by a bull dated Rome,5 Id. Octob. pontificatus anno nono, i. e. October 11th, A. D. 1521. (Rymer.) But it was confirmed by Clement VII., by a bull dated Rome,3 Non. Mart. pontificatus anno primo, i. e. March 5, A. D. 1524. (Rymer.) The original Bull of Leo X. conferring this title on Henry VIII. is preserved in the British Museum, and a beautiful facsimile of it was published by Causton and Co., Birchinlane, London, in 1843. It is represented as mutilated by the fire at Cotton House in 1731. The original Bull of Clement VII., called The Golden Bull, may be seen at the Rolls House, Chancery Lane.
Foxe has already described the occasion on which this title was given, at p. 294. To the note at foot of p. 294 we may add the following: — “All that seems known (writes Mr. Bruce) respecting the authorship of this volume [Henry’s Reply to Luther] may be summed up in a few words. It was begun to be written before the 15th April, 1521, and was finished before the 25th of August, in the same year. There can be no doubt that the king received assistance from the learned men about him, and in all probability many arguments and passages were altogether the work of others; but still there seems reason to believe that, in the first instance, at any event, the book proceeded from the king’s own pen, and that throughout it was subject to his super intendence and control. We know that he was consulted upon one suggested alteration, which he refused to allow. By whom he was assisted is unknown.
Rumor has singled out Lee, Fisher, and Wolsey; amongst whom probability seems to me to suggest Fisher as the most likely to have been active in the work; the others, or at any event Wolsey, contributing, perhaps, occasional suggestions. The dedicatory lines were furnished through Wolsey’s means, but by whom they were written does not appear. The table of contents was compiled by Sir Thomas More.” (Archaeologia, vol. 23, pp. 75, 76.)
APP4-512 — Wolsey was made cardinal of St. Cecilia, September 7th, 1515. (Richardson’s Godwin.)
APP4-513 — This embassy was sent about the close of 1528. (Rapin, Henry, etc.)
APP4-514 “Sitting in his pontificalibus in the cathedral church of Paul’s.” ] — This paragraph will be found in Holinshead, sub a. 1526, verbatim; except that he adds, that it was “February the 11th, on Sunday,” which, by Nicolas’s Tables, was Shrove-Sunday in the year 1526; which exactly accords with Foxe’s narrative respecting Barnes infra, vol. 5. pp. 416-418.
The editor has discovered among the Miscellaneous Exchequer Papers from the Chapter House, now kept at the Rolls House, Chancery-lane, several documents which confirm Foxe’s narrative: one (First Series, No. 560) contains a list of Interrogatories to be put to certain examinates, one of which particularly specifies eating meat on prohibited days; and, connected with this, are the examinations of four Stilyard men before the Cardinal at the Chapter-house, Westminster, February 8th [no year given]; viz. Helbertus Belendorp, Hans Rensell, Hans Ellerdorpe, and Henry Pryknes: also, on a separate sheet, dated April 6th, 1526, is the Examination and Abjuration of another Stilyard man, named Adrian Delevyn, alias Deryke. No. 1234, in the same Series, contains a letter from Sigismund, king of Poland, to Henry VIII., dated Dantzic, May 11th, 1526, in favor of Jacobus Egerth, a citizen and merchant of Dantzic, falsely accused of heresy; and another letter from the same to the same, dated Dantzic, May 12th, 1526, in favor of one George Vantelchen, citizen of Dantzic, residing in England, “qui, cum inquisitio istic fiebat in domo Londini Germanorum, absens erst: quamvis autem nulli libri Lutherani in Ejus Camera sint inventi, non audet tamen nisi securitate consecuta a Majestate Vestra istuc redire:” the prayer is for “facultatem redeundi et negocia sua et pattoni sui Ulrici Wise Consulis Gedanensis [of Dantzic] istic exercendi.” No. 12417 contains the same letter, addressed to the cardinal.
APP4-516 “The Bishop of Rochester made a Sermon in reproof of Martin Luther.” ] — Fisher had already preached at Paul’s Cross a Sermon on a similar subject, on the Octaves of the Ascension [‘May 16th] 1521.
See Herbert’s Ames.
The same bibliographer also mentions the sermon preached on this occasion: it was intituled — “A Sermon had at Paules by the commandment of the most reverend father in God my lorde legate and sayd by John the bysshop of Rochester upon quinquagesom sonday concernynge, certayne heretickes which than were abjured for holdynge the heresies of Martyn Luther that famous hereticke and for keeping and retayning of his bokes agaynst the ordinance of Pope Leo the tenth: cure privilegio a rege indulto: Imprinted in fletestrete in the house of Thomas Berthelet here to the Cundite at the sign of Lucrece, cum privilegio a rege indulto.” (Herbert’s Ames, 1. 459). The text was Luke 18. 42: “Receive thy sight; thy faith hath saved thee.” It was accompanied with a Preface, which is described by Herbert, and in which Fisher says, “I have put forth this sermon to be read, which, for the great noise within the church of Paul’s, might not be heard.”
Tyndale afterwards severely reproved him for it in his” Obedience of a Christian Man.” (See Tyndale’s Works by Russel, vol. 1. pp. 250-255, and the Tract Society’s edition, pp. 104-106.)
APP4-517 “Friar Barnes...Which was about A. D. 1526.” ] — A full account of Barnes’s examination and abjuration is given infra, vol. 5 p. 416-419. It has been suggested (see Mr. Bagster’s Hexapla, Introduction, p. 67), that Foxe’s date is not correct, and that Barnes really abjured in February 1528; and this is argued from Foxe’s statements respecting Barnes and Bayfield, at page 681 of this volume.
Those statements, however, have been misunderstood, and, as will appear, are in themselves not perfectly accurate. The following positive objections to the later date (February 1528) seem insuperable.
December 24th; which suits 1525, not 1527. Besides, Gardiner and Foxe are represented at vol. 5. p. 417 as interposing in Barnes’s favor on the day of his appearance before Wolsey, Wednesday before Shrovetide: now Shrove Sunday, in 1528, fell on February 23d, and the Wednesday previous was February 19th, when Gardiner and Foxe were on their road to the Pope, and could not have interposed for Barnes in the manner stated, for they left London February 10th, and reached Orvieto March 20th, 1528. (Henry’s Hist. of England.) To all which may be added, that John Tybal gave evidence April 28th, (see Strype’s Memorials, book 1. chap. 8, and his Appendix of Records, No. XVII.); that “Michaelmas last past was twelve months” (i. e. September 1526), he and Thomas Hilles came to London, and found friar Barnes then living at the Friars Augustine (where he was permitted to be a prisoner at large, after a half-year’s imprisonment in the Fleet), and had intercourse with him respecting the Gospel, when he enjoined them caution. His proceedings, however, were discovered, as appears at vol. 5 p. 419, which led to his removal to Northampton, whence he escaped to the continent. For further confirmation of Foxe’s date see the two notes preceding this.
APP4-518 . “After this, the said cardinal likewise in connexion open connexion with the history of Arthur and Bilney, and it is very important that this connexion should not be lost sight of. See on this subject the note in this Appendix on page 632, line 37, where it is shown, that Bilney’s abjuration before the cardinal here spoken of, is distinct from that before Tunstall December 7th, 1527. The history of Lome and Garret fully confirms the date “November 1528,” as will be shown in the Appendix to vol. 5.
APP4-519 — Foxe’s statement here is liable to some misapprehension, for though Cardinal Campeius first seriously opened the proceedings on the Divorce at Blackfriars May 31st, 1529, yet he had arrived in England the previous October.
APP4-520 “The day appointed” ] — was Friday, July 23d, A. D. 1529.
See the note in the Appendix to vol. 5. p. 53.
APP4-521 “And further on the 17th of October.” ] — Foxe, following Hall, here says, “November; which is manifestly an oversight: see the dates at the bottom of this page and of the next.
APP4-522 “That same year,” etc.] — Foxe’s text, taken from Hall, here reads inaccurately: “The next year following, which was A. D. 1530, in the month of November, was summoned a general parliament, to be holden at Westminster.” Foxe’s text, in the very next page, states the matter correctly: “A parliament was summoned to begin in the month of November...thus the parliament being begun the sixth day of the aforesaid month of November;” and a few lines lower in this page, we have “Sunday the 24th of October,” which suits the year 1529 by Nicolas’s Tables. The Parliamentary Rolls prove that the parliament met November 6th, 1529.
APP4-523 “In the year aforesaid, A. D. 1529.” ] — A correction for Foxe’s “In the year following, A. D. 1530.” See the last note.
APP4-524 — This bill respecting probates is in the Statutes at Large, cap. 5, 21 Henry VIII.; that respecting mortuaries is cap. 6; that on pluralities, etc. cap. 13.
APP4-526 — “Thenceforth” is substituted for Foxe’s “that year.”
APP4-527 — Foxe says: “where he so continued the space of a year. But after, in the year following, which was 1531, be, being,” etc. Hall, whom Foxe copies, all along erroneously supposed Wolsey to have died A. D. 1531, which will account for the erroneous dates which it has been necessary to correct in these few pages. It is melancholy to think that Wolsey died with the language of persecution on his lips.
See Cavendish’s Life of Wolsey.
Strype gives the petition (from the Foxian MSS.) vol. 1 No. 89 of the Records; and No. 90 is his will, dated Nov. 16th, 1537. He was sheriff of London in 1535.
APP4-529 — Roy was a Greenwich friar, who joined Tyndale at Hamburgh in 1524, and remained with him till 1525, during which time he acted as Tyndale’s amanuensis in printing his English Testament.
After which Tyndale found it necessary to disavow him, as he describes in his preface to the “Parable of Wicked Mammon.” He was author of the Satire on Wolsey in Rhyme, hereafter noticed, and published a translation of a Latin book called a “Dialogue between the father and the son,” with a “Prologue” of his own. In the margin of Bishop Tunstall’s Prohibition of Tyndale’s Testament (see p. 666 of this volume), Tunstall Register fol. 45, there is the following entry, to which Foxe no doubt alludes at p. 696 of this volume: “Admonitio ad tradendum libros novi testamenti in idiomate vulgari translatos per fratrem Augustinensem Lutherum et ejus ministros, viz. Willielmum Tyndall, alias Hochyns, et fratrem Willielmum Roy, apostatas Anglos, in mense Octobris anno Domini millesimo et quingentesimo 25. “Praefatus frater Roy anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo 30 erst combustus in Portugallia ob haeresim ut dicebatur.”
APP4-530 “For helping them over the sea to Luther.” ] — Mr. Anderson, in his “Annals of the English Bible” (vol. 1. p. 45, etc.) strongly contends, that there was no connexion at all between Luther and Tyndale; and that the contrary representation was sent abroad by the enemies of the Gospel to damage the reputation of his Translation, “Lutheran” being the bye-word for pre tended heresy, as “Lollard” had been in a previous age. For more on this subject, see the Appendix to vol. 5, note on p. 119, line 30.
APP4-531 “The nunnery of Denny.” ] — Founded in Cambridgeshire, A.
It contained twenty-five nuns at the time of the dissolution. (Tanner’s “Notitia Monastics.”) APP4-532 — “In ea igitur academia enutritus a puero Bilnaeus,” etc. (Latin Edition, p. 123.)
APP4-534 — Respecting Barnes, see infra, vol. 5. p. 415, and the note in this Appendix on p. 608 line 30.
APP4-535 “In Trinity church in Cambridge.” ] — This is probably a mistake for St. Edward’s church, which has belonged to Trinity Hall ever since A. D. 1446. See Foxe’s own statement infra, vol. 5. p. 415.
APP4-536 “Whose theme was Gaudete,” etc.] — Barnes’s text, taken from Philippians 4, occurs in the Epistle for the Sunday before Christmas, and in this instance it was the day before Christmas (see infra, vol. 5 p. 415, and vol. 7. p. 452), which fixes it (by Nicolas’s Tables) to the year 1525.
APP4-537 “Of all the bishops and clergy.” ] — It is remarkable that the marginal note here accords much better than the text with the Latin edition, which says: “Ingens erst per idem tempus Thomae Vulsaei, cardinalis Eboracensis, in Anglia authoritas, sed fastus, pompa, atque ambitio multo major, quae manifestam vitae vanitatem, non modo ipsius sed et universi ordinis, tum pontificis omnium maxime, apud cordatos quosque declarabat.” (Latin Edition, Bas. 1559, p. 124.)
APP4-538 “After this, on the 27th of November, 1527.” ] — Foxe here begins to use the Tunstall Register.
APP4-539 — The original text of Foxe says: “Carried with Arthur, as is aforesaid, to Tonstal:” and two lines lower “as we have before specified.” This extract from the early Edition is found there at the end of the account of Bilney; being introduced here at the opening of his history, it was necessary to modify the expressions just referred to.
APP4-540 “The cardinal asked him, whether he had not once made an oath before,” etc.] — It is clear from this that Bilney had already been before the authorities, but his appearance was probably of a more private nature, which may account for Foxe’s not having more distinctly noticed it in his narrative. The reader will be pleased to see the exact language of’ the original Tunstall Register, folio 130: “Interrogavit eundem M. Thom. Bylney utrum publice vel privatim in concionibus ad populum, disputationibus, popularive sermone opiniones Lutheri aliasve ab ecclesia reprobatas, ecclesiasticis difiinicionibus contrarias aut dissentientes, docuit vel praedicavit: ad quod quidem Interrogatorium sic objectum praefatus M. Th. Bylney respondebat, quod scienter nullas opiniones Lutheri aliasve opiniones orthodoxae fidel contrarias docuit aut praedicavit. Item, praefatus reverendus pater interrogavit eundem M. T. Bylney, an olim praestitit juramentum coram eodem quod nullas Lutheri opiniones praedicaret, recitaret, et defenderet, sed easdem ubique impugnaret: respondit, quod praestitit juramentum hujusmodi, non tamen judicialiter,” etc.
APP4-541 “All favour,” etc.] — The exact words of the Tunstall Register, fol. 131, are these: “Omnibus amicitia, odio, favore, preceve, aut pretio, aliisque similibus corruptionis generibus postpositis et semotis, absque, alicujus falsitatis intermixione seu veritatis alienacione seu omissione in forms jurandi,” etc.
APP4-542 “On the 28th of November.” ] — All the Editions read “the 27th,” except that of 1563, which correctly reads “28.” The exact words of the Tunstall Register, fol. 131, are as follows, the first words, ‘Vicesimo octavo,’ being written very large and conspicuous: — “Vicesimo Octavo die mensis Novembris anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo vicesimo septimo, in capella infra aedes reverendi in Christo pards et domini, domini Riehardi Norvicensis episcopi,” etc.
APP4-543 “Articles against Thomas Arthur.” ] — The Tunstall Register, folio 135 verso, gives the first five of these Articles as drawn from a Sermon preached at St. Mary Woolchurch, London, on Trinity Sunday, 1527; and the sixth and seventh as uttered by him “in the Parish Church of Walden and other places thereabout.”
APP4-544 “These answers thus made, etc.”] — See Tunstall Register, folio 131 verso; and the note infra on p. 632, line 85.
APP4-545 — See the note infra, on p. 632, line 34.
APP4-546 “Interrogatories.” ] — See Tunstall Register, folio 132 verso.
APP4-547 — This Article stands thus in the Tunstall Register, folio verso: “An tu, Thomas Bylney, citatus in causa haeresis ad comparendum coram Reverendissimo patre, Domino Thoma Cardinali Eboracensi, Sedis Apostolicae de latere legato, non dum purgatus de hiis pro quibus citatus eras, verbum Dei populo publice in diversis Ecclesiis civitatis et diocesis London — viz. in Ecclesiis Sanetae Helenae, et Sancti Magni Civitatis ejusdem, et in Ecclesiis de Wyllesdon, Newyngton, Kengyngton, et Chelsey, extra urbem, absque licencia suffcienti Episcopi London ant cujuscunque alterius — praedicaveris.” These sermons were preached at Whitsuntide, 1527.
APP4-548 — These answers of Bilney do not appear in the present Tunstall Register.
APP4-549 “And the reverend father Marcus Marulus.” ] — A native of Spalatro in Dalmatia. He compiled “Bene vivendi Instituta,” first printed at Venice, 1506, and afterwards at Basil, 1513; and Evangelistarium sub Fidel, Spei et Charitatis titulis in septem libros partitum; Coloniae, 1529.” See Possevini’s “Apparatus Sacer.” tom. 2. p. 61; Bayle’s Dictionary, and Panzer’s “Annales Typogr.” vol. 6. pp. 191, 406, 416.
APP4-550 — The Tunstall Register, folio 133 verso, gives five Articles from, Bilney’s St. Magnus’ Sermon, preached in the Whitsun week, ]527; containing not above half the quotations which Foxe gives, and adding one which he does not give, viz. — “Item, he sayde, good people, I exhorte you in God, that if priests be of wyl conversation, or will not applye ther learning, that you helpe them not, but rather let them starve than give them any penny:” it is subjoined “Negat, ut ponitnr.”
The same Register, at folio 134 verso, gives three Articles from the Newington Sermon, preached also in Whitsun week, 1527, and nine from his Ipswich Sermon, preached May 28th 1527, including what Foxe cites in this page and afterward in p. 649.
APP4-551 “Also, that the miracles done at Walsingham.” ] — “Norfolk anciently contained many celebrated reliques and miraculous images, to some of which pilgrims resorted from the remotest parts of Europe.
Among the local saints, we read of St. Blithe of Martham; St. William of the Wood (martyred by the Jews of Norwich in the twelfth century); St. Margaret of Hoveton (whose reliques were deposited at St. Bennet’s at Holme); St. Parnell of Stratton; St. Walston of Bawburgh; St. Tebbald of Hobbies. We also read of St. Albert of Cringleford; St. Botolph of Foulsham; our Lady of Reepham, etc.
Among other remarkable reliques formerly in this county, we read of St. John the Baptist’s head at Trimmingham; the holy thorn (a part of our Savior’s crown?) and other reliques in the church of Great Yarmouth, and a portion of the true cross at Broomholme Priory. And I must not forget ‘the good sword of Winfarthing,’ before which wives who longed to be widows used to keep a light burning for a whole year!
APP4-553 — Foxe’s text reads “Farmer:” but the Tunstall Register, folio 131, 132, reads “Forman:” no doubt Dr. Forman is meant, the rector of All Saints, Honey Lane, for he is called Farman in some original documents which will be given in the Appendix to vol. 5., connected with Garret’s history. See the note in this Appendix on p. 689, line 21.
APP4-554 “Till Saturday…On the 7th of December.” ] — From this it would appear that Bilney abjured on Saturday, December 7th, A. D. 1527. (See Nicolas’s Tables.)
APP4-555 — The following is Bilney’s abjuration, copied from the Tunstall Register, fol. 135: — “In the name of God, Amen. I, Thomas Bylney, prieste, before you, right reverent father in God, Lord Cuthbert, bishope of London, my ordinary and diocesan, and commissary to the moste reverent father in God, Lord Thomas, of the title of Saynt Cecyle prist Cardin all, archbishope of Yorke, primat of England, Chancelor of the same, of the See apostolique Legate de latere, togethere with you reverent fathers, Henry byshop of Saynt Asse, John byshop of Lyncoln, and John byshop of Bathe, lykewise commissaries lawfully deputed, confessing and knowledgyng the trew catholike and apostolique faith of holye churche, intend by the grace of God herafter ever to persever and abide in the trew doctrine of holye churche, and doo detest and abjure all manet of heresies and articles followyng, whereupon I am now diffamed, noted, vehemently suspected, and convicted; that is to say, that men shuld pray onlye to God, and to no sayntes. Item, that Christen men ought to wurshipe God and no saynts. Item, flint Christen men ought to set upp no lyghts before images of sayntes. Item, that men doo not well to go on pylgrimages. Item, that man in no wise can meryte by his own dedys.
Item, that myracles dayly shewyd be wrought by the devyl by the sufferance of God. Item, that no pope hathe suche power and auctoritie as Peter had, except he be of lyke puritie of lyfe and perfection as Peter was. And in theis articles, and all other, I here expressly consent unto oure mother the holye churche of Rome, and the apostolique doctrine of the same, and bothe in mouthe and harte make knowledge, that whosoever hereafter teche, preche, or affirm, any of theis Articles, or any other heresies, contrary to the determynation of the holye churche, is worthy to be excluded from the communion of the same. And in case I hereafter do teche, preche, hold or affyrme, any of theis articles, or any other heresies, contrary to the determynation of holye churche, whiche by the grace of God I intend never to doo, then I shall submit myself to the correction of my ordinary, accordyng to the holye canons; and for theis my trespasses and offences, I desyre you of penance, whyche I promise by these holy Evangeleis and contents of this booke by me bodilye touched, truly to doo, observe, and fulfil. In witness wherof, to this my present abjuration I have subscrybed my name with my hand and set to the signe of the crosse.”
At the margin of this is added in the Register: “Iste Themas postea die Sabbato 26 Augusti, Anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo combustus fuit Norwici propter haeresim et relapsum in eandem;” which puts his death one week later than Foxe.
This is followed in the Register, fol. 136 verso, by the articles and abjuration of Arthur; then, fol. 136 verso, the articles of Lome as given infra, vol. 5 p. 26, and his abjuation; then, fol. 137, the articles of T.
Garrard, as given infra, vol. 5 p. 427, and his abjuration. “Henry byshop of Saynt Asse” means Henry Standish, formerly Warden of the Franciscans, now bishop of St. Asaph. This title was often contracted, as here, into St. Asse; the contraction was not an unsuitable one in this instance; for Standish was a very ignorant and bigoted man, and is said, on the appearance of Erasmus’s Testament in 1516, to have fallen on his knees to the king and queen, and implored them to go on like their predecessors and put down Erasmus: Erasmus called him “Episcopus a Sancto Asino.”’ (Wood’s Ath. Bliss, i.p. 94).
According to Roy’s Satire, it was he who first informed Wolsey of the arrival of Tyndale’s English Testament, and implored him to suppress it.
APP4-556 — “Quod idem Bylney maneret in carcere in loco per Reverendissimum dominum Legatum deputando, donee idem Reverendissimus dominus Legatus vel alius suus ordinarius pro tempore futurus illam poenitentiam praedictam relaxaudam duxerit.”
Register, folio 132.
APP4-557 “And should stand before the Preacher at Paul’s Cross, all the sermon time.” ] — In the edition of 1563, page 477, these words are followed by a paragraph which, in the subsequent editions, is removed to another place (see page 608, line 11 from the bottom). The paragraph runs thus in the Edition of 1563: — “After this, the Cardinal, as legate, called the whole Cleargye before him at Westminster, and there sayde, that al the abuses of the Church should be mended, but he did nothinge therin but onlye abjure Arthur, Bilney, Jeffraye Lome, and Garret, that spake against the Pope’s autoritye and his pompe and pryde. Whose Articles here followe in order, as they were objected against them.” Then follow the Articles against Bilney from his St. Magnus Sermon (see p. 627). These Articles are found in Bishop Tunstal’s Register, but not the paragraph.
The only material difference between the two versions of the paragraph is, that at page 608 we have the date put in “A. D. 1528, and in the month of November.” This, however, is an important addition, for it appears only three lines higher on this page that, though Tunstal absolved Bilney on this occasion, yet, “for his penance, he enjoined him that he should abide in a prison till he were by him released.” (See the note preceding this.) It is plain, therefore, from a comparison of this sentence on Bilney with the paragraph in p. 608, that Wolsey detained Bilney in prison till November 1528, and that previous to his release he was reexamined and reabjured before the cardinal as “legate;” for Wolsey was exceedingly enamoured of his legatine authority, and fond of displaying it independently of the other bishops (see the note on page 589, line 25). Thus it appears that Bilney was imprisoned at least a year and a quarter, that is, from September 13th, 1527 (see vol. 5. p. 43), to November 1528: probably much longer, for it seems from the note in this Appendix on p. Article 34., that Bilney was under citation from Wolsey so early as Whitsuntide 1527. Hence we discover the reason why Bilney was so long in returning to his friends at Cambridge after hearing his faggot at St. Paul’s, December 8th, 1527 — “a whole year” as is stated at p. 64l, which carries us over into the year 1529, which is Foxe’s date pp. 641, 642.
The sentence on Bilney is immediately followed in the Register by the sentence on Arthur; from which it appears that Arthur was not, like Bilney, remanded to prison, but ordered for thirty days not to say mass in public, but only secretly to himself (if so disposed), and not to preach again without special license from his ordinary: he was, however, to bear his faggot with Bilney at St. Paul’s; and it seems probable from p. 608, that Wolsey required him to be forthcoming, with Bilney and others, in the following November.
APP4-558 — The following are the two other Latin letters, as printed in the Edition of 1563: — “Etsi nesciam, pater in Christo colende, an usquam vel dixerim vel scripserim, quod Evangelium non fitit longo nunc tempore syncere praedicatum, quod tua dominatio ex meis, sive concionum sinistris auditoribus (qui Malchum mutilatum aure referunt), sire ex scriptis, sire ex verbis meis, temere forsan potius quam malo animo effusis, collegisse videtur: tamen in hac re quoniam id tua jubet paternitas, idque pio, ut spes est, animo (neque enim apud Tonstallum ulluim fucis locum esse crediderim), quid a Deo per Christum in scripturis didicerim, et quo modo doctores magni etiam nominis similia in suis jam dudum concionibus non docuerint, quam potero paucissimis aperiam, omnia tuo permittens, imo subjiciens, paterno judicio, acriori quam ut coecutire, synceriori quam ut calumniatorem agere, velit aut possit. Ergo, fateor me non raro veritum fuisse, ne non pure jamdiu annunciatus sit Christus. Quis enim jamdiu per illum offensus aut scandalizatus fuit? quis propter Evangelium ejus persecutionem aliquot jam annis passus est? Ubi gladius quem venit mittere in terram? ubi denique reliqui Evangelii non adulterati fructus? Quos quia non vidimus an non metuendum est, arborem quae tales edere solet fructus in nostro jamdiu fundo fuisse desideratam? tantum abest ut apud nos coaluisse crediderim. An non omnia in pace vidimus? At quid dicit ecclesia? In pace amaritudo mea amarissima. At ecclesia malignantium dicit, Pax, pax; et non est pax, nisi ca, de qua scriptum est, Cum fortis armatus custodit atrium suum, in pace sunt omnia quae possidet, qui cum se videt a fortiori superandum omnia discerpit ac laniat. Quid nunc denuo fieri incipiat, non ausim affirmare. Det Dominus nobis gratiam ne venientem (si Christus est) rejiciamus, ne forte terribile illud Dei contra nos judicium experiamur: Eo quod charitatem veritatis non receperunt ut salvi fierent, ideo mittet illis Deus operationem erroris ut credent mendatio. O tremendam sentenciam, quam an jamdudum plerique incurrimus Deus novit, utjudicentur omnes qui non crediderunt veritati, sed consenserunt iniquitati! Veniet, inquit, tempus quando sanam doctrinam non sustinebunt. Quid igitur dicemus de ea quae jamdiu regnavit ac triumphavit, nemine contra vel mutiente? An sanam fuisse?
Certe nunquam magis abundavit iniquitas. Nunquam aeque refrixit charitas. At quamobrem? an quia defuerunt qui vitia insectarentur? qui ad charitatem inflammarent? at negant hoc et vere negant multi docti quidem et magni nominis theologi. Seal mores tamen indies magis a christianismo degenerantes re ipsa clamare videntur impletum quod Deus per prophetam suum Amos jam olim comminatus est, dicens:
Ecce dies veniet, dieit Dominus, et mittam famem in terram, non famem panis neque sitim aque sed audiendi verbum Domini. Et commovebuntur a mari usque ad mare, et ab aquilone orientem circuibunt, quaerentes verbum Domini, et non invenient. In die illa deficient virgines pulchrae et adolescentes insiti. “Sed ut multa praeteream, quibus adducor ut metuam verbum Dei non fuisse pure predicatum, illud est non postremum, quod qui quam purissime student predicate Jesum male audiunt propter nomen ejus, qui est Petra scandali, et lapis offensionis, his qui offendunt verbo, nec credunt in quo et positi sunt. Sed qui suat illi, inquies, et qualia docent?
Certe, quicunque intrant per ostium, Christum dico, in ovile ovium (id quod faciunt omnes, qui nihil aliud quaerunt quam gloriam Dei et salutem animarum), de omni hujusmodi recte quadam tenus dici potest illud, Quem misit Deus, verba Dei loquitur: quamebrem? Quia Angelum refert ecclesiae Philadelphiae, ad quem Johannes scribit dicens: Haec dicit sanctus et verus qui habet clavem David, qui aperit et nemo claudit, claudit et nemo aperit Ecce dedi (nomine Christi loquitur qui ostium est et ostiarius) coram te ostium, scilicet scripturarum, apertum, aperiens tibi sensus, ut intelligas scripturas, et hoc quia per me ostium intrasti, nimirum juxta nomen tuum fratrum dilectioni non tibi inserviturus. Quisquis enim per me ostium fuerit ingressus salvabitur, ingredietur et egredietur, ac pascua inveniet. Huic enim ostiarius aperit et oves vocem ejus audiant. Contra de iis qui non ingressi sunt per ostium seal aliunde, ambitione, avaricia, vel dominandi libidine corrupti, ascenderunt (ad inferos in puncto nisi aliquando recipiscant descensuri), illud Hieremiae vere dictum est: Egressus est a filia Syon omnis decor ejus, quia principes ejus facti sant velut arietes non invenientes pascua. Quamobrem? quia aliunde velut fures et latrones ascenderunt, non missi, non vocati. Et quid ergo mirum, si non prediecnt, cum non emittuntur, sed currunt ob quaeestum, assumentes sibi honorem, sibi inquam, non Deo, non animabus. Et haec est radix omnium malorum in ecclesia, quod quia non mittuntur a Deo intus (nam sine hac interna vocatione centies a Papa, rege, vel imperatore per mille Bullas electum et consecratum fuisse nihil quicquam jurat coram Deo qui respicit cor, et cujus judicium est secundum veritatem, utcunque hominum ad tempus judicio imponamus, quiet ipsi aliquando videbunt turpitudinem hujusmodi), hinc inquam omnium malorum in ecclesia origo est, quod ingerimus nos metipsos ad curam animarum, quarum salutem aut Dei gloriam (quod est intrare per ostium) non sitimus, non quaerimus, sed per omnia, nostra. Hint est quod Christum neque scimus predicare (quomodo enim, inquit, predicabunt, nisi mittantur, scilicet pure, Christum? Alioqui multi fures et latrones predicant, sed labiis tantum, cor autem eorum procul est ab ipso); neque eos qui sciunt sinimus, sed persequimur, sed scriptaras ipsas jam redivivas conamur sub praetextu pietatis opprimere, veriti (opinor) ne veniant Romani, et tollant locum nostrum. Hostis Herodes impie, Christum venire quid times?
Non eripit mortalia, Qui regna dat coelestia. “Heu caecitatem nostram, pater benignissime! heu caecitatem nostram plusquam Egyptiam! heu tenebras plusquam palpabiles! Quarum, si qui sunt, qui populum velint admonere, mox ait Pharao: Quare, Moyses et Aaron, solicitaris populum ab operibus suis, et vere suis? ite ad onera vestra. Illi opprimantur operibus et expleant ea, ut non acquiescant verbis mendacibus. Sicque dispergitur populus per omnem terram Egypti ad colligendas paleas, ad colligendas (inquam) paleas.
Quis der, ut aliquando dicat Dominus: Videns vidi afflictionem populi mei, qui est in Aegypto, et gemitum eorum audivi et descendi liberate eos. Sed quo me rapuit hic zelus? an secundum scientiam, non ausim pronuntiare; tuum esto (pater observande) judicium. “Illud jamdudum expectas, ut ad longum (ut scribis) tibi depingam, quomodo (quod hactenus diu desideratum esse dixisse praedicor id veritum esse non inficior) debet syncere praedicari ut gregi tuo melius posthac consulatur. Hie fateor verchar, ne qua subesset ironia, quoad te scripsisse illud propriis articulis testimonio oculato didicissem. Tum demure fluctuate coepi, quo animo Tunstallus hoc a Bylneo flagitaret, emeritus miles a tyrunculo, summus Londoniensium pastor ab infima ovicula. Sed quocunque animo, spero optimo, fiagitasti, Propediem (neque enim opus est unius diei apud me qui viribus corpotis sic destituor) propicio Christo, pro gratia Dei mihi collata, opus illud quamvis viribus meis majus aggrediar. Sub quo si succubuero, non fallam te, utpote cui nihil polliceor, nisi promptam quod injungis peragendi voluntatem.
Tuus, Thomas Bilneus. “Memineris eras mei, ut ad Reverendissimum tua ope deducar, ad cujus tribunal sisti longe malim, quam cujusquam suorum. “Quod ad Evangelii praedicationem attinet, utinam faceres mihi postestatem privatim tecum coram loquendi, ut libere dicam quod in scripturis sanctis per Dei gratiam didici, pro consolacione conscientiae mere. Quod si feceris, spero, te non penitebit. Omnia tuo judicio submittentur, qui (nisi te nondum in aliquo novi) arundinem comminutam non confringes, et linum fumigans non extingues, quin potius, etiam si occupatus fuero (ut sum homo) in aliquo errore, etc.” — (Foxe, Edit. A. D. 1563, pp. 465, 466.) “Salve pater, in Christo mihi plurimum observande. Rogasti, ut ad longum tibi scriberem in quibus non est predicatum sicut debui: et quotaode debuit melius predicari. Onus videlicet viribus meis longe majus: sub quo igitur si succubuero, tuum fuerit qui hoc oneris meis humeris imposueris, hoc me fasce levare. Quod ad primum attinet, ab ils non est predicatum ut debuit, qui relicto verbe Dei sua predicarunt; quales non paucos fuisse, illud abunde magnum argumentum est, quod ipsum nunc verbum syncere afferentes audiunt, Novitates annunciant isti. Sed et illud non leve hujus rei testimonium est, quod vix unum aut alterum in Anglia potentem in scripturis habemus. Et quid monstri est, si nova illis omnia videantur pia, quibus novum est evangelium, humana figmenta aliquotjam annis assueta. Utinam vanus hic essem, ac non vera, heu nimium vera, proferrem, si tamen profero, quae in sinum tuum infundo. Sed et illi pessime predicaverunt, qui, aut ipsi scripturas torserunt, aut ab allis detortas ex chartis ferme putridis temere coacervaverunt. Et quomodo non torquerent, aut ab aliis tortas quomodo dijudicarent, quando ne semel quidem Biblia seriatim perlegerint? Atque horum magnus valde numerus est, a quo etiam seipsos egre forsan vindicabunt magni aliquot Rabini, quos populus haetenus tantum non pro diis admiratus est. Atque hi nunc ventri sue timent et gloriae, gloriam vero Dei Valere sinunt; quae vel ab Asino Balaam propagari potest, tantum abest ut abjectos verbum Dei loquentes contemnere debeamus. Habemus (inquit) thesaurum hunc in vasculis fictilibus, ut virtutis eminentia sit ex Deo, et non ex nobis.
Quae stulta sunt mundi elegit Deus, ut confundat sapientes, et infirma mundi elegit Deus, ut confundat fortia, et ignobilia mundi et contemptibilia elegit Deus, et ea quae non sunt, ut ea quae sunt destrueret, ut non glorietur omnis care in conspectu ejus. At nunc omnes fere sapientes esse volunt, ideoque pudet eos simplicis Evangelii, pudet eos vere cum Paulo dicere, ac re ipsa prestare, Ego cum venissem ad vos, fratres, veni non in sublimitate sermonis aut sapientiae annuncians vobis testimonium Christi. Non enim judicavi me scire aliquid inter vos, nisi Jesum Christum et hunc crucifixum. O veri vocem Evangelistae! At nunc pudet nos hujus stultae predicationis, per quam placuit Deo salvos facere credentes, eligentes potius fastuosi in iis quae non vidimus incedere, frustra inflati a sensu carnis nostrae, narrantes iniqui fabulaciones, et non legem tuam, Domine, quae immaculata est, convertens animas. Sed quomodo Dei legem docerent, quam ne in libris quidem legerint, nedum ex ore Dei didicerint? At hoc in pastore, in episcopo, in speculatore requiritur?
Fili (inquit), omnes sermones meos quos ego loquor ad te, assume in cordo tuo, etc. Et paulo post: Fili hominis, speculatorem dedi te (dedi te, non ambientem, non irrumpentem, non aliunde ascendentem, sed nihil minus expectantem, dedi te) domui Israel, ut ipsi inservires, ipsi ab altitudine speculae si quid hostium ingrueret denunciares; dedi te domui Israel, non demure Israel tibi, ut te servum ovium agnoscas, non dominum. Non enim oves propter pastorem, sed propter eves. Major qui recumbit, quam qui ministrat: Quod agnovit ille, qui vere dixit: Nos servi vestri propter Christum: Sed ad quid dedi te domui Israel? Ut ministres tantum sacramenta? ut consecres ligna, lapides, et coimeteria? (haec, Deum testor, gemebundus atque alte suspirans nunc scribe, in sinu tuo animi amaritudinem effundens.) Nequaquam, Quid ergo?
Sequitur primum episcopi officium, Audies de ore meo verbum. O brevem lectionem, sed quam totus mundus, nisi intus docente Deo, non potest capere. Quid est, Audies de ore meo verbum? nisi eris qeodi>daktov. Ergo quotquot non sunt docti a Dee, quamlibet etiam in scripturis humanitus exercitati, non sunt speculatores a Dee dati; ac multo minus, qui non callent scripturas, ideoque (ne nihil dicant) humana semper crepant, hoc est, mendacia. Nam qui a sese loquitur, mendacium loquitur. De eo scriptum est, Volunt esse legis doctores, non intelligentes, quae loquuntur, neque de quibus affirmant: quales non possunt non esse omnes, qui quod ore loquuntur non credunt, quia intus a Deo docti non intelligunt verum esse; non habent in corde persuasum; ac proinde ne eves quidem sunt, cum se jactitent esse pastores. Contra de veris a Deoque datis ac doctis pastoribus dici aliquousque quidem potest, immo prorsus, Quod scimus loquimur, et quod vidimus (nimirum certissimis oculis fidei) testamur. Et hi neque falluntur, neque fallunt. Perro impostores proficiunt in pejus, errantes et in errorem mittentes. Hos, quia de mundo aunt, libentius audit mundus: Ipsi (inquit) de mundo sunt, ideo de mundo loquuntur, et mundus eos audit. Ecce tibi, pater, lydium predicationis nostrae diuturnae lapidem. An non mundus eos cum summo fere applausu jam diu audivit? At verbum crucis nunquam sustinere potuit caro, neque carnis prudentia, quae inimicitia est adversus Deum, nec legi Dei subditur, immo ne potest quidem. Cur ergo haereseos et pro schismaticis traducuntur, qui hominibus placere nolunt nisi ad aedificationem, memores illius scripturae, Deus dissipavit ossa eorum qui hominibus placent, dicentibus, loquere nobis placentia? Caeterum iis omissis, ad secundum veniamus. Quomodo, inquis, debuit melius predicari? Certe, si illum audivissemus, de quo dixit Pater, Hic est filius meus dilectus in quo mihi bene complacitum est; ipsum audite. Hic de semetipso dicit, Oportebat Christum pati et resurgere a mortuis tertia die, et predicari in nomine ejus penitentiam et remissionem peccatorum in omnes gentes. Quod quid aliud eat, quam quod alius Evangelista scripsit, Euntes in mundum universum predicate Evangelium omni creaturae: Qui crediderit et baptizatus fuerit salvus erit. Quid hoc nuncio afflictis ac desperabundis conseientiis suavius, jucundius, aut gratius esse potest? At hic an Christus fuerit jamdiu auditus nescio, ut qui neque omnes Angliae concionatores audivi, neque si audivissem, dijudicare satis eos ante unum aut alterum annum potuissem. Hoc ausim affirmare, quotquot ego jamdudum audivi (de celeberrimis loquor) sic predicarunt poenitentiam, quod si olim tales penitentiae precones audivissem, penitus sane desperavissem. Atque ut unum de celeberrimis tacito nomine proferam, sic, posteaquam vitia acerrime fuisset insectatus (quo nomine nulli non pie docto placuit, neque enim satis potest in scelera declamari), concludebat: Ecce (inquit) tu, libidinose, sexaginta annos velut jumentum in stercore suo in libidine tua computruisti; et vis tu praesumere in uno anno tantum coelum versus progredi, idque in senectute, quantum a coelo sexaginta annis infernum versus retrocessisti? Egregia videlicet argumentatio. Hoccine fuit predicare poenitentiam in nomine Jesu, an Christum potius cum Antichristo conculcare? Nam quid aliud re ipsa dixit ille quam, Christus frustra pro te mortuus est, non erit tibi Jesus; oportet te pro temetipso satisfacere, alioqui peribis in eternum: Mentitur Iohannes qui dicit, Ecce agnus Dei, ecce qui tollit peccata mundi; item alibi, Sanguis ejus emundat nos ab omni peccato; item, Ipse est propitiacio pro peccatis totius mundi: et alia infinita mendacia sunt. Quod quid aliud est, quam quod a Spiritu Sancto per es Petri predictum est: Erunt falsi doctores, qui Dominum Jesum, qui ipsos mercatus est, abnegabunt. Et quid sequitur hujusmodi doctrinas daemoniorum in hypocrisi loquentium mendacium? desperabunda conscientia tradit se desideriis suis. Juxta illud Pauli: Posteaquam eo pervenerunt, ut dolere desierint, semetipsos dederunt lasciviae ad patrandum omnem immunditiam cum avidiyate.
Videntes enim impossibile ut satisfaciant, Deo obmurmurant, vel tam crudelem ut ipsi predicant non credunt. Alia dicere vetat angustia chartae, et malim coram tecum in aurem instillare. Ad quod si me admiseris, spero non te poenitebit, et magna esset mihi consolacio, Christum testor, in quo feliciter cum omni grege tuo vive ac vale. Tuus Captivus, et supplex pro te ad Deum orator. T. B. — (Foxe, Edit.
A. D. 1563, pp. 466, 467.)
APP4-559 “After this abjuration made, about A. D. 1529 the said Bilney took such repentance and sorrow,” etc.] — This passage is thus punctuated in all the Editions of Foxe: “After this abjuration made about A. D. 1529, the said Bilney,” etc. But Foxe has already correctly placed the abjuration of Bilney to the year 1527. He clearly meant the words” about A. D. 1529” for the date of Bilney’s repentance, for he has so dated it next page, line 16; and he has Latimer’s authority for so dating it, in a passage which he gives in this very page from one of Latimer’s sermons: “Now when the said Bilney came to Cambridge again a whole year after,” etc. i. e. after his abjuration; which brings us into the year 1529.
APP4-560 “When the cardinal was aloft, and bare swinge.” ] — This shows that Bilney must have abjured in 1527, not 1529, for at the latter period the cardinal was in disgrace.
APP4-561 “Bilney came to Cambridge again a whole year after.” ] — How he came to be so long absent, is explained in the note on p. 632, line 37, where it is shown that he was imprisoned till November 1528.
APP4-562 — It is highly probable that Latimer also alludes to Bilney in his last sermon before king Edward. where he describes the case of a despairing person whom God restored. Tyndale also alludes to Bilney’s case in his letter to Frith infra, vol. 5 p. 132.
APP4-563 — Bilney seems to have been apprehended at London; for he appeared before Tunstall, with Crome and Latimer, March 3d, 1531. (Wilkins, 3. p. 725.)
APP4-564 “He would go up to Jerusalem, and so would see them no more.” ] — So thought Paul when taking leave of his Ephesian friends, Acts 20. 25, 38. But as the event proved him to be mistaken, so it was with Bilney; for it seems from the evidence of Lawrence Staples(infra, vol. 5. p. 32), that, about six weeks before Bilney’s attachment, he was at Greenwich, and soon after at Cambridge.
APP4-565 “The blind bishop Nixe.” ] — “Being blind of both eyes, and no less blind in soul than in body:” Edition of 1563, p. 477. “Episcopus Norvicensis, Ricardus Nixus, caecus, atque utroque oculo captus; nec interim animo minus quam corpore lusciosus.” (Latin Edition, p. 124.)
APP4-566 “Bird... that brought apples to Bonner.”] — See infra, vol. 7. p. 104.
APP4-567 “Certain Norwich men writing to London and denying that Bilney did recant, afterwards being thereupon examined, were compelled to grant, that he at his examination (execution?) read a bill, etc.”] — At the Rolls House, Chancery Lane, among the miscellaneous papers of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer, Second Series, Nos. 1884-90, the Editor has discovered the proceedings taken before the Lord Chancellor, relative to Bilney’s alleged recantation: though running to some length, they are printed at the end of this Appendix, as curious in themselves, and as fully supporting Foxe’s and Bishop Burnet’s view of the case: the copies from which they are here printed have been furnished by W. H. Black, Esq., the deputy keeper of the Records.
Nos. 1889, 1890, are autograph compositions of Bilney’s, written by him while in prison, after he was delivered to the secular power; and show an extraordinary knowledge of Scripture. One cannot conceive how Bilney should have abjured at the stake, after penning these pious effusions of his soul only three days before his execution, wherein he endeavors to confirm his brethren in the profession of the truth, evidently meaning the Gospel principles which he and they had embraced in common; and argues the goodness and wisdom of God in bringing good (that is, true contrition and humility) out of evil, meaning obviously his former abjuration.
No. 1888 is a copy of Nos. 1889, 1890; and is thus noted at the beginning: “This is the very true copye of A boke which Thomas Bylney made and wrytte wt his own hande, whiles he was in prison in the gildhall of the Citie of Norwich. After he was delyvered unto the seculer power, which boke was delyvered atte the day of his deth which Copye is sent to my lords grace the Duke of Norff. Atte his comandement by the Maier of Norwich.
No. 1887 is a memorandum made by the Mayor of Norwich, of Bilney’s last words at the stake.
No. 1886 contains fifteen Interrogatories prepared by Dr. Pellis in Latin, and put in by Dr. Pellis, December 5th, against the said Mayor, with the Mayor’s answers.
The best commentary on the foregoing papers will be the following passage from Bishop Burnet: — “He preached up and down the country, confessing his former sin of denying the faith, and taught the people to beware of idolatry, or trusting to pilgrimages, to the cowl of St. Francis, to the prayers of saints, or to images; but exhorted them to stay at home, to give much alms, to believe in Jesus Christ, and to offer up their hearts, wills, and minds to him in the Sacrament. This being noised abroad, he was seized on by the bishop’s officers and put in prison at Norwich, and the writ was sent to burn him as a relapse, he being first condemned’ and degraded from the priesthood: while he was in prison the friars came oft about him to persuade him to recant again, and it was given out that he did read a bill of abjuration. “In this he was certainly abused, for if he had signed any such paper, it had been put in the Bishop’s register, as all things of that nature were; but no such writing was ever shown, only some said they heard him read it, and others who denied there was any such thing, being questioned for it, submitted and confessed their fault. But at such a time it was no strange thing if a lie of that nature was vented with so much authority, that men were afraid to contradict it; and when a man is a close prisoner, those who only have access to him may spread what report of him they please, and when once such a tiling is said, they never want officious vouchers to lie and swear for it. But since nothing was ever showed under his hand, it is clear there was no truth in these reports, which were spread about to take away the honor of martyrdom from the new doctrines. It is true he had never inquired into all the other tenets of the church of Rome, and so did not differ from them about the presence of Christ in the Sacrament, and some other things. But when men durst speak freely, there were several persons that witnessed the constancy and sincerity of Bilney in these his last conflicts,” etc. (Burnet, Hist. of the Reformation, book 2. ed. 1681, vol. 1. p. 163.)
As Bishop Burnet refers to the Bishop’s Register, the Editor may state, that he has applied to the Norwich Registrar, and is informed by him that he has searched the Episcopal Registers with care, but can find nothing about Bilney.
After reading the documents, the reader will doubtless be of opinion, that Foxe’s and Bishop Burnet’s defense of Bilney against the charge of recantation is very fair: Bilney was, after all, but partially enlightened; and most probably, like Wicliff and others who had preceded him, died in external communion with the church of Rome. (See Appendix to vol. 3, note on p. 22, note (1).) But that he uttered any thing at the stake which could be fairly called a recantation, is quite incredible. That Dr. Pellis’s bill was not produced before Sir T.
More, nor quoted by Sir Thomas when writing on the subject, looks very suspicious; he, perhaps, learned a little prudence from the amazing absurdity of Knyghton in publishing in his Chronicle the socalled recantation of Wicliff. (See Appendix to vol. 3, note on p. 19, note (1).) The weight of evidence on the other side, produced by Foxe, is so overwhelming, that we may consider Bilney as having abundantly earned the character of a faithful witness and martyr.
APP4-568 “He was fully converted to the true catholic faith.” ] — It is remarkable, that one Michael Lobley was afterwards troubled for saying the very same thing of Bitney (see vol. 5. p. 38); which shows the real opinion entertained at the time even by the Papists of Bilney’s dying sentiments.
APP4-569 — Respecting these citations from Bilney’s Sermons, see the note in this Appendix on p. 627.
APP4-570 — It was peculiarly mortifying for poor Necton that he would go out of office September 29th following, i. e. in a little more than a month. Necton was chosen 1530 (September 8th being the day for electing sheriffs at Norwich), and they came into office on Michaelmas day: see Bloomfield’s History of Norwich.
APP4-571 — St. Magnus’s day was August 19th, and Hollinshead expressly says Bilney was burnt August 19th: this, on a Saturday, gives A. D. 1531. For the later date assigned in the Register, see the note on p. 632, line 30.
APP4-572 — An “alebrew” or “aubry” means bread and beer. (Bloomfield’s “History of Norwich,” account of Bilney’s martyrdom.)
APP4-573 — The translation of the passage in the text is imperfect, and is completed from the Latin in the note.
APP4-574 “Somewhat tarrying,” ] — i. e. delaying, See Appendix to vol. 3. note on p. 258, line 22 from the bottom.
APP4-575 “Collation”] — an exposition or short sermon: see vol. 5. p. 532, line 11, and p. 554, lines 1, 3, 5.
APP4-576 — Strype, in his “Life of Archbishop Grindal” (book 1. chap. 2), says, that Ridley might have told the story in the text about Stafford to his chaplain Grindal, who again reported it to Foxe; and this is most probably the meaning of this reference.
APP4-577 “Upon occasion whereof, the next year following, this book was made (being about the year 1527).” ] — There is some uncertainty about the time when “the Supplication of Beggars” was written. “Compyled by Simon Fyshe anno 1524” is printed on the title-page of “The Supplication of the Poor Commons, 1546” (Herbert’s Ames, 3. p. 1537). Bishop Tanner says, “Scripsit ad regem Henricum VIII. anno 1524.” It is said to have been scattered in the streets before Henry VIII. in the procession on Candlemas day [February 2d] A. D. 1526. If these dates be correct, Fish must have fled at Christmas A. D. 1523, two years before Foxe’s date, 1525, and four years before that assigned by Holinshead, 1527. Sir Thomas More in his reply, intituled “The Supplication of the poor Souls in Purgatory,” remarks that Fish values the angel at 6s. 8d. (see infra, p. 659): and that “he was not aware of the new valuacyon: for he ranne awaye before the valuacyon changed.” The noble was raised to the value of 7s. 4d. in August, and 7s. 6d. in November, 1526, which tends to confirm Foxe’s date, 1525. (See Annals of the Coinage, by the Rev. Rogers Ruding.) Holinshead gives some account of the contents of this play, and says that it was not leveled at the cardinal in particular, only his guilty conscience made him fancy it to be so.
APP4-578 “Fish, who was fled out of the realm for fear of the cardinal.” ] — This flight of Fish cannot be that above related, at Christmas 1525; for at the end of this paragraph he is said to have been absent “twoand- a-half years;” and yet Sir Thomas More was then chancellor, who accepted the seals October 27th, 1529; and Foxe himself supposes it to have been the year 1530. The fact is that Fish returned from his first exile, and was living at White-friars, in Fleet-street. about November 1526, and receiving English Testaments from Mr. Richard Herman, an English merchant at Antwerp, and selling them to others for distribution; and he was likewise in London about Christmas 1527. All this appears from the evidence of Robert Necton, given before the cardinal May 14th, 1528, printed from the Foxian MSS. by Strype, lib. 1. chap. 8. It is probable that Fish fled again to the Continent, when the search after suspected persons and books began early in 1528; or he may have fled at Christmas 1527 (as Holinshead states) in consequence of having acted in the comedy; and it is likely that then for the first time the “Supplication of Beggars” was printed at some foreign printing-office, and a copy sent (as stated by Foxe) to Anne Bullen: “two-and-a-half years” from that period brings us to “1530.”
APP4-579 — Stokesley was enthroned July 19th, 1530. (Godwin.)
But God gaue him suche grace afterwarde yt he was sory for that good zeale, and repented hymselfe, and came into the church agayne, and forsoke and forsware all the whole bill of those heresyes, out of which the fountain of that good zeal sprange.” (Apology, Works, Lond. 1557, p. 881, col. 1.)
APP4-581 — The first three Editions of Foxe read correctly, “43. M. pounds, and 333, 51. 6. s. 8. d. sterling,” which is corrupted in the Edition of 1583 into “430333 pounds 6s. 8d. sterling.” See the note on p. 657, line 23.
APP4-582 “Find” ] — maintain. See Appendix to vol. 3. p. 97.
APP4-583 “A certain of masses.” ] — ‘Certain,’ a portion or quantity: frequently .so used in the old authors. See Todd’s Johnson.
APP4-584 — Archbishop Usher supposes (Answer to a Jesuit, chap. on Purgatory), that Sir Thomas More wrote his “Supplication of Souls” in imitation of Joh. Gerson’s “Querela defunctorum in igne purgatorio detentorum ad supersrites in terra amicos.”
APP4-585 “A prohibition sent out by Cuthbert Tunstall,” etc.] — This heading is incorrect, as no books are prohibited by the Document itself except the New Testament in English. The document is correctly dated in the Edition of 1563 “the 24th of October,” that being the date in the Tonstall Register, fol. 45. “Datum sub sigillo nostro 23; to die mensis Octobris anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo 26 to et nostrae consecrationis anno quinto.” A similar document was shortly after issued by Archbishop Warham, dated Lambeth, November 3d, 1526, which is printed in Wilkins, 3. p. 706, Ex Reg. Exon. Voysey, [vol. 2.] fol. 62 1-51]. Voysey’s Register corrects certain errors of the press in Wilkins: for example, p. 706, col. 1, last line but three, for “in citius” read “ni citius;” and in the 2d col. last line but four, for “numeratorum,” read “incineratorum.” The mandate was received by Bishop Veysey on 21st November, 1526, and on the 25th November he directed a commission to the archdeacons of Exeter, Cornwall, Totnes, and Barnstaple, or their officials, to see the primate’s orders carried into execution, and to report to him by the next feast of St.
APP4-586 “Some with glosses and some without.” ] — These words describe the first two Editions of Tyndale’s translation of the New Testament into English, printed in quarto with a Prologue and Glosses, and in octavo without these additions, and issued from Worms in 1525. So diligent was the search after these Editions in England, in consequence of this order, that of the octavo only one perfect and one imperfect copy are known to exist; and of the quarto only a fragment (containing, however, the Prologue) was discovered in 1836. (See Mr.
Offor’s Preface to his Edition of Tyndale’s Testament, and Mr.
Anderson’s “Annals of the English Bible.”.)
APP4-587 “The names of the books,” etc.] — Foxe no doubt had authority for the ensuing short list. Wilkins prints it after Warham’s Mandate, with the following title: “Nomina librorum hoc tempore prohibitorum, una cum Novo Testamento:” then follows the short list which Foxe gives: but no such appendage is found either in the Tunstall or Exeter Register; and certain it is that two of the books mentioned were not in existence in the year 1526. Tyndale himself has furnished us with the dates of the publication of his “Wicked Mammon,” and “Obedience of a Christian Man.” In the conclusion of his “Practice of Prelates,” dated “in the year of our Lord 1530.” we have these words: “And let them remember, that I well toward three years agone sent forth the true Obedience of a Christian Man,” i. e. in 1527; and Ames mentions an edition of it dated December 11th, 1527.
The “Parable of the Wicked Mammon” preceded this, for it was the first publication to which Tyndale set his name; and he tells us the reason for departing from his incognito, viz. that he might disavow connexion with Roye’s Satire and Dialogue and Prologue, printed by Roye in 1527: the “Wicked Mammon” therefore was probably published in the summer of 1527; Tanner says, May 8th, 1527.
APP4-588 “Unio dissidentium.” ] — This work is so often mentioned in Foxe, that it may be acceptable to the reader to be informed of its full title and contents. “Unio dissidentium, Libellus omnibus unitatis et pacis amatoribus utilissimus, ex praecipuis eeclesiae Christianae doctoribus selectus, per venerabilem patrem Hermannum Bodium, verbi Divini concionatorem eximium. De lapsu Adae, et peccato originali. Omnes homines praevaricatores esse per Adam. Quomodo liberemur a peccato. De Baptismo parvulorum. De Praedestinatione Vocatione, Justificatione, et Glorificatione. De duplici lege, naturali et positiva. De operibus legis. De lege judiciali, et gladio seculari. De gratia et merito. De fide et operibus. De praeceptis et mandatis hominum. Lege, tum judica.
Antwerp, 1527. “Unionis dissidentium altera pars. Libellus ex praecipuis Ecclesiae Catholicae fidei Doctoribus selectus, per Hermannum Bodium, verbi Divini concionatorem. De utilitate verbi Dei. De poenitentia et triplici confessione. De correptione fratrum. De abstinentia et jejunio. De oratione. De labore manuum. De indulgentiis. De Sacramento Corporis et Sanguinis Christi. De ordine Ecclesiasticae constitutionis. Quod omnes fideles sint Sacerdotes, lieges, et Prophetae sed non omnes Ministri Ecclesia. De honore erga Sanctos. De Anti-Christo. Colon. 1527.” (Autographa Lutheri aliorumque celebrium virorum, collected by Rudolph Augustus duke of Brunswick, and described by Von der Hardt, Brunsvigae, 1690, tom. 1. p. 242.) the same author (at p. 283) mentions a later Edition of the “Unio,” as “jam denuo aucta et locupletata, verum ea diligentia nunc ab innumeris mendis ita repurgata, ut priores editiones, quantumvis accuratas, longe tamen vincat. Nam infinita pene loca male citata sunt restituta, corrupta emendata, mutila suppleta. Quod facile deprehendet, quisquis hanc cum pristinis Editionibus contulerit Colon. 1531.” (Ibidem.) Who Bodius was, we are not aware. Seckendorf, speaking of this latter Edition, Colon.
Agrip. 1531, says, “Libellus si quid judico egregius;” and in reference to the title, “Eum scopum sibi proposuit (autor), ut doctorurn illorum veterum sententiae concordantes methodum praeberent de articulis controversis conveniendi.” (Seckendorf de Lutheranismo ad Indicem supplementa). Dr. Turner, in a letter to John Foxe (printed in the Parker Society’s Edition of Ridley’s Remains), states, that he gave’ a copy of it to Dr. Taylor, afterwards burnt at Hadley, and that it was one great means of opening his eyes to the truth. It has been mentioned in this Appendix (note on p. 385) as being, at least the first part of it, in the possession of Sebastian Herris, curate of Kensington, February 24th, A. D. 1528; and at vol. 5. p. 421, as one of the books circulated by Garret. It is mentioned at p. 685 of this volume among the books imported by Bayfield from the Continent. It is also mentioned vol. 5. pp. 449, 620, among the charges brought against George Parker and John Borthwike. John Lambert mentions it with great commendation at vol. 5. pp. 189, 216. At p. 567 of vol. 5. among a list of prohibited books we find “An Abridgement of Unio dissidentium: translated out of Latin into English.” It would seem that a third part was at length added to it, for it is placed in the Indices Expurgat. of Rome A. D. 1559 and 1589 as the “Unio Dissidentium Tripartita.”
APP4-589 “The King’s Proclamation” is given at p. 676, and win be found in the Tunstall Register, fol. 143. The Proclamation is followed by the long list of Latin books which Foxe presently gives; but in the margin of the Proclamation itself the following list is written: “Libri in Vulgari lingua in partibus ultramarinis impressi, et ad hoc Regnum Augliae delati per nefandam sectam Lutherianam Editi. The New Testament in English. The wicked Mammon. The Disputation between the Father and the Son. The obedience of a Christen Man.
The Supplication of Beggars. The Revelation of Antichrist. An Introduction upon Powles Epistle to the Romans. Liber qui de veteri et novitio Deo inscribitur. Piae precationes. Oeconomia Christiana. Item alius liber qui de sepultura missae Rythmico sermone vernaculo compositus est. The sum of Scripture. Martens and Evensong. VII.
Psalms, and other heavenly Psalms, with the Commendations in English. An Exposition upon the 7th chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians. The Chapters of Moses called Genesis. The chapters of Moses called Deuteronomy. The Matrimony of Tyndale. David’s Psalter in English. The Practice of Prelates. Hortulus animae in English.
The third of the foregoing list was translated by Roye from the German, and printed with a Prologue of his own in 1526.
The full title of the eighth of the foregoing works is as follows: — “De veteri et novitio Den, de veteri et nova lege doctrinaque, sive origo idololatrise, Hartmanni Dulichii.” (Von der Hardt’s Autographa Lutheri et aliorum, vol. 1. p. 101.)
The eleventh of the list was a Satire on Wolsey and the monastic orders, called sometimes “Rede me, and be not wrothe,” and denounced as “The burying of the Mass:” it was composed by Roye and Jerome, two Greenwich friars, and printed at Strasburg about 1527: Sir T. More, when writing his “Dialogue” in 1528, was well acquainted with it: Wolsey was exceedingly stung by it, and did all in his power to destroy the work. A second edition of it was printed at Wasel in 1546, which transfers to the whole prelacy the charges originally designed only for Wolsey. It is reprinted in the Harleian Miscellany, vol. 9. p. 1.
APP4-590 — De conjugio,” etc. ] — The Edition of 1563 calls Reissenbusch “monachus Lichtenbergensis, which last words being manifestly out of construction with “Wolfgangum Reissenbusch,” are dropped in all subsequent Editions. the Register, however, says “Monasterii Lichtenbergensis:” “praeceptorem” is put in from Von der Hardt’s “Autographa Lutheri et altorum,” p. 130, where the full title is thus given: “De conjugio episcoporum et diaconorum, ad venerandum doctorem Reissenbusch, monasterii Lichtenbergensis praeceptorem, per Johanuem Bugenhagium Pomeranum, Witteb. 1525.” One of Luther’s Epistles is addressed to him, styling him “Utriusque Juris Doctori, Praeceptori in Liechtenberg, ordinis St. Antonii,” etc., dated Wittemb. March 17, 1525. (Luth. Op. Witteb. 1558, tom. vii. fol. 505.)
APP4-591 — The full title of this book is, “In Epistolam ad Romanos Andrae Knopken, Costerinensis, interpretatio, Rigae apud Livonos praelecta, ubi is pastorem agit Ecclesiae, cum praefatione Johannis Bugenhagii Pomerani, 1524.” Von der Hardt’s “Autographa Lutheri et altorum,” Brunswigae, 1690, vol. 1. p. 200.
APP4-592 — “Ejusdem libellus de differentia stimuli carnis Satante,” etc.] — This seems to form a portion of the volume entitled “Commentarii de Prophetia,” etc., according to the list of Lambert’s Works given in Schelhorn’s “Amoenitates Literariae,” tom. 4. p. 386, and in the “Miscellanea Duisbergensia,” edited by Gerdes, Amstelod. 1734, tom. it. p. 556, and is not a separate volume, as the list in Foxe might seem to make it.
APP4-593 “The New Testament came forth in print about A. D. 1529.” ] — If Foxe intended by this that Tyndale’s translation of the New Testament was first printed in 1529, he is much mistaken, as it first issued from the press at Worms in 1525 (See Appendix to vol. v. note on p. 119). But it is probable that he only meant to state the fact of Tyndale having been the first to translate and print the New Testament in English, as introductory to the ensuing anecdote relative to an occurrence in the year 1529; he probably took the anecdote from Hall, who introduces it in much the same way, thus: — “Here is to be remembered, that at this present time [19 Hen. VIII. 1529] William Tindale had newly translated and imprinted the New Testament in Englishe, and the Bishop of London not pleased with the trans thereof, debated with himself how he might compass and devise, to destroy that false and erroneous trans (as he said).” (Hall, Lond. 1809, p. 762, 21 Hen. VIII., immediately after the account of the Congress of Cambray.)
APP4-594 “At Antwerp, where the bishop then was.” ] — This determines the period about which the events related in the text took place.
Tunstall, More, and Dr. Knight attended the Congress of Cambray, for settling the treaty of Madrid between Henry, the Emperor, and the French king. That Congress broke up August 5th, and Tunstall and More took Antwerp in their way home. It is of importance to observe, that at the same time and place (Cambray) a separate treaty was agreed upon between Henry and the Emperor, Tunstall, More, and Hackett (English Envoy at Antwerp), being the Commissioners for securing the continuation of traffic for merchants between the two countries, and forbidding to print or sell any Lutheran books on either side.” (Lord Herbert’s Henry VIII. p. 316, cited in Mr. Anderson’s “Annals of the English Bible.”) APP4-595 — Joye, alias Gee, alias Clark, a native of Bedfordshire, a Scholar and Fellow of Peterhouse, Cambridge, fled from persecution in 1527, and resided at Strasburg till he came to Barrow, early in 1532.
He made and published Latin translations of the Psalter, Isaiah, and Jeremiah. He edited Tyndale’s Testament, published at Antwerp in August 1534. He also printed an Exposition of Daniel, from Melancthon and others. He died in England, 1553.
APP4-596 — Richard Necton, probably the same as Robert Necton, who was apprehended and examined about April 1528 (see Strype, book 1. chap. 8), the brother of Thomas Necton, sheriff of Norwich when Bilney was burnt; see p. 652.
APP4-597 “A compendious old treatise.” ] The original of this treatise is contained amongst the MSS. of Archbishop Parker, presented to Corpus Christi College, Cambridge (see Nasmith’s Catalogus Librorum MSS. etc. p. 333), and is assigned by Archbishop Usher to the beginning of the fifteenth century. See “Hist. Dogmatica de Scripp. vernaculis,” p. 164.
APP4-598 “More, in his Preface against Tindale.” ] — Sir Thomas, in the work alluded to — “The Confutation of Tyndale’s Answere, made by Syr T. More, Knyght, Lord Chancellor of England; prentyd at London, by W. Rastell, 1532,” — when mentioning some who had abjured, names “Richard Necton, which was, by Constantine’s detection, taken and committed to Newgate, where, except he hap to die before in prison, he standeth in great perill to be ere it be long, for his falling again to Tindale’s heresies, burned. And thus it seemed, by the manner of George Constantine, while he was here in prison, that he so sore did forthink his errors and heresies, and so perceived the pestilent poison of them, that he thought it better that such as were infect therewith, might be, by the means of his detection, amended, and with the loss of his body the soul cured, than both twain cast away,” etc. Preface, signature Cc. See vol. 7. p. 27, respecting Constantine.
APP4-599 “Morrow,” ] — i.e. Morning; the original sense of “Morrow.” — Todd’s Johnson.
APP4-601 “Also Richard., the Hermit of Hampole.” ] — “Richard Rolle, an eremite of the order of St. Austen, and lived an heremite about four miles from Doncaster, in Yorkshire, in the reign of Edward III. A. D. 1340.” — Lewis, Hist. of English Translations of the Bible, pp. 12, 13.
APP4-603 — Foxe reads, “to this man Atleta,” and “his daughter;” and, two lines lower, “Demetriadis :” these are so manifestly wrong, that they have been altered on the authority of Jerome; the references, however, do not agree with the printed works of Jerome.
APP4-604 “Maxwell and Stacy.” ] — See the note on page 585, line 33, and supra p. 236 bis.
APP4-605 “One Dr. Ruffam.” ] — In the Wolsey Correspondence, kept in the State Paper Office, vol. 7. No. 123, there is a letter from Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, to Wolsey, dated Holborn, April 1st , which mentions a seditious and Lutheran Sermon having been preached at Oxford by Dr. Rowham, a monk of Bury. This is, doubtless, the Dr.
Ruffam came to be of the same mind with Dr. Barnes on the subject of religion. The following are Bishop Longland’s words in the abovementioned letter: — “Ther is a moncke of Seint Edmuudesbury called Doctor Rowham whiche preched quarta Dominica Quadragesime att Seint Peters in Oxon, the mooste seditious sermone that ye have herd of, in rayling ayenste your Grace and Byshopes for this sequestration of evyll prechers; maynteyning certayn opynyons of Luther, comfortyng erronyous persones in ther opynyons, sayng Nolite timere eos qui occidunt corpus etc. applying itt to bold them in the same; with many other inconvenyent and unfytting wordes in his said sermone. Whiche I fear me hath and will doo moche hurte; whose sermone I send nowe unto your Grace: itt is that that is wryten in Englishe. Albeyth he didde speke many moo evill tilings then be ther wryten, as the best of the Universite will prove, and they have bound hym by oothe to drawe his saide sermone as nighe as he can as he spake itt, and bryng itt in by a day. Howbeyth I feare he will not abyde the aunswere, but will rather flee his way. Wherefore your Grace shuld doo a mervylous good deade streight to send for hym to Bury that he may be forth commyng to his aunswere when your Grace shall commaund.”
APP4-606 Dr. Barnes gave him a New Testament in Latin.” ] — This was probably Erasmus’s Latin Testament, published in 1516. It was very instrumental to Bilney’s conversion (see p. 635). It is curious to contrast with this passage of Foxe the opinion said to have been subsequently expressed by Barnes of the superior value of Tyndale’s English Testament, as compared with the Latin. John Tyball stated, April 28th, 1528 (see Strype’s Memorials, book 1. chap. 8, and Appendix of Records), that about Michaelmas 1526 Barnes sold him a New Testament in English, and at the same time “did liken the New Testament in Latin to a cymbal tinkling and brass sounding.” The other two books given to Bayfield by Maxwell and Stacy, were not printed till 1527; but the interposition of Barnes to rescue him out of the monastery prison at Bury, which is presently mentioned, must have preceded Christmas 1525 (see next note but one following this): so that we must consider Foxe as rather premature in mentioning these two books here. Bayfield himself tells us, November 11th, 1531 (see p. 683), that he had read these two books, with others, within the two years previous, i. e. since November 1529, and the English Testament before that.
APP4-607 — Dr. Barnes’s interposition to rescue Bayfield from the monastery prison, must have happened before Christmas 1525; when Barnes preached the sermon at St. Edward’s, which caused his apprehension soon after, and there was no subsequent period at which Barnes could have interposed for Bayfield’s release in the manner described by Foxe. This throws back the commencement of Bayfield’s intercourse with Barnes to the year 1522, or the beginning of 1523.
APP4-608 “And so conveyed him beyond the sea; Dr. Barnes being then in the Fleet.” ] — Barnes was in the Fleet half a year, from Feb. 11th to August, A. D. 1526.
APP4-609 “And sold all their works, and the works of the Germans, both in France and in England.” ] — Foxe here, in a few lines, describes Bayfield’s proceedings during five years, i. e. from 1526 to 1531. It may be useful to the reader to collect the various notices of his movements during that period. It appears from vol. 5. p. 43, that he was in London Sept. 13th, 1527; and from the evidence of Robert Necton (Strype’s Mere. book 1, ch. 8) we learn, that Bayfield was still in London and purchased two English Testaments about Christmas following: we learn from his Articles (p. 682 of this vol.) that he was accused before Tunstal and abjured previous to April 25th, 1528, after which he fled over the sea, and appeared again before the bishop June 20th: it would appear also from his own statements (pp. 683, 684) that he brought over books June 1530, Nov. 1530, and April 1531: after which he was betrayed and apprehended.
APP4-610 — William Smith was a tailor, and got into trouble for housing Bayfield: see infra, vol. 5. p. 38.
APP4-611 — For the original information by Edmund Peerson, on which these proceedings were grounded, see infra, vol. 5. p. 43.
APP4-612 “Fourth Article.” ] — The Editions of 1570, 1576, read “A Article.” One would rather have expected to read “third Article:” the Editor has not been able to discover the original record of Bayfield’s trouble in the Tunstall Register or the Foxian Papers, and cannot therefore collate: it is probably concealed among the uncatalogued bundles in the office of the bishop of London’s Commissary, Doctors’ Commons.
APP4-613 “John Lambert, mayor of London.” ] — In a list of the lord mayors of London given in Maitland’s Hist. of London occurs Sir Nicholas Lambard A. D. 1531; and the sheriffs of the same year, according to the same authority, were Richard Gresham, and Edward Altam.
APP4-614 “The first year of our consecration.” ] — Cuthbert Tunstall was translated from London to Durham Mar. 25th, 1530. John Stokesley was installed Bishop of London July 19th, 1530: but it is stated in Richardson’s note to Godwin, that the license of his consecration was not granted till November 26th.
APP4-615 — The reader should be apprised that this extract from the Edition of 1563 continues as subjoined: in the subsequent editions of Foxe’s work, the substance of the subjoined passage will be found applied to James Bainham (see top of p. 702 of this volume): “Until the time that he had uttered to all his acquaintance, and asked God and all the world forgevenes, before the congregation in those dales, in a ware-house in Bowe lane, where the parson of Hony lane, preacher and a doctor of divinitye, had preached at his conversion. Immediately the next Sonday after, he commeth to S. Austen’s with the New Testament in his hand in English: the obedience of a Christen man in his bosome, and stode up there before the people in his pewe. There he did declare openly with weping teares that he had denied God, and prayed all the people to forgeve him, and to beware of hys weakenesse, and not to doo as he did. For he said, if I should not tourne again unto this truthe, having the New Testament in his hand, that this God’s word wold dampne him body and soule at the day of judgment; and there he prayed every body rather to die by and bi, than to doo as he did. For he would not fele such a hell again as he did fele not for al the world’s good. And immediately was apprehended and caryed to the Bishop of London, and lay in the Lollards’ tower, until the time he was caried to Newgate, and so into Smithfield to be burned, and died a glorious martyr. “Nowe that we have briefly dyscoursed the historye of his life and conversation, here followeth the whole proces,” etc.
The parson of Honey-lane alluded to in the above passage was, as appears from Tindale’s Works (vol. 2. p. 201, Load. 1831), “Dr.
Robert Forman, or Ferman, or Farman.” He is the person intended (says Tindale) in Sir Thomas More s Dyaloge, boke 4, chap. 11. He had “not only taught and wryten and covertly corrupted dyvers lyght and lewd persons, but also had bought grete nomber of the bokys of Luther and Wyclyfe, Husse and Zuynglyus, and such other heretyques, and of many one sorte dyvers bokys to be delyvered as he coud fynd occasyon, unto yonge scolers of the universytees, such as he thought of youth and lyghtnes most lykely to be sore corrupted.”
So Sir Thomas, and much more, fol. 162, verso.
It appears from Strype (book 1. chap. 8), that Robert Forman, S.T.P.
APP4-616 — As this account of Randall in the English edition a little swerves from the Latin, and is obscure in some places, some extracts are given from the Latin. It should be observed, also, that in the Latin edition this account stands immediately after that of Richard Hun, which explains some expressions otherwise obscure. “Jam et historiae hujus affinitas in memoriam me revocat alterius cujusdam Joan. Randall, affinis mei, in quem occulta quorundam malitia baud dissimilem valde lusit tragaediam Cantabrigiae, in collegio cui Trinitatis praefertur cognomentum, anno 1526…Habuit tutorem Vinerum, pro more aetatis illius...vixdum annum egressus vigesimum.
Non pertinet historiola haec ad temporum horum numerum, sect quum hullo modo praetereundam ob rei non inutilem memoriam existimarem, tum ob historiae similitudinem nulli loco accommodatius quadrare videbatur.” (Latin Edition, Basil, 1559, p. 121.)
APP4-617 — The extract from the Edition of 1563 should have been continued as follows: — “Nowe to returne to the order of our hystorie, we will prosecute those thinges orderly, which we have determined. “THE STORIE OF ACERTAINE OLDE MAN OF BUCKINGHAM SHYRE. “I have founde in a certaine place mention to be made of a certaine olde man, which for eatyng of Bacon in the Lent (dwelling in the countie of Buckingham) was condempned to the lyre and burned, in this yeare of our Lorde, 1531. As touchinge his name and other circumstances whiche perteine unto the true setting fourth of the histories, we cannot fynde or understande any more. Notwithstandyng I have thought good, not to passe over this matter with silence, for the memoriall of the man hymselfe, albeit I know not his name.” (Foxe, Edit. A. D. 1563, p. 490, cols. 1, 2.)
APP4-618 — See the note in this Appendix on p. 617, line 31.
APP4-619 “A Letter of Bishop Tonstal.” ] — This is given in Wilkins, 3. p. 712, sub anno 1527, dated March 7th; “anno consecrationis nostrae sexto,” which fixes it to the year A. D. 1528, for Tunstal was consecrated Oct. 19th, 1522.
APP4-620 “And lest you should strive,” etc.] The original Latin runs thus: — “Et ne Antabatarum more cum ejusmodi larvis lucteris, ignorans ipse quod oppugnes, mitto ad te insanus in nostrate lingua illorum naenias, atque una etiam nonnullos Lutheri libros, ex quibus haec opinionum monstra prodierunt.” (Regist. Tunstall. London, fol. 138, and Wilkins, 3. p. 712.)
APP4-621 — “Indicat vox fuisse quosdam, qui sic hostem adver-sum invaserint, quemadmodum leo pro catulis dimicans clausis oculis insiliit in venantium agmen.” Adagiorum Erasmi Epitome (Oxon. 1666) p. 586.
APP4-622 — “Gee” is “Joy” in Edition 1563: see the note on p. 671, line 4.
APP4-623 — The following affecting narrative of an interview between Bainham and Latimer in Newgate is from the Foxian Papers, Harleian MSS. No. 422, folio 90: — “Concerning Mr. Latymer’ s communicacion with Mr. Baynham in the dungell of Newgate.” “It ys to be noted yt. after Mr. Baynham was by the Bysshoppe condempned & comitted unto the seculer power to be brent, & so imediately after his condempnation lodged upp in the deap dungen in Newgate redie to be sent to the fyer, Edward Isaac of the parishe of Well in the Countie of Kente & William Morice of Chippyng Ongar in the Countie of Essex Esquires, & Ralph Morice brother unto the said William, being together in one company mett wt Mr. Latymer in London. And for that thei were desyrous to understand the cause of the said Baynham’s condempnation, being to many men obscure & unknown, thei entreated Mr. Latymer to goo wt them to Newgate to thintente to understand by hym the verie occasion of his said condemnacion and otherwise to comfort hym to take his death quietly and paciently. When Mr. Latymer and thother before named, the nexte daie before he was brente, were come down into the deap dongell where althinges there seemed utterly darke, there they founde Baynham syttyng upon a couche of strawe wt a boke and a wax candell in hys hand praying and readyng therupon: and after salutacions made Mr. Latymer beganne to common wt hym in this sorte. Mr. Baynham we here sale that youe arr condempned for heresie to be brent: and many men are in doubt wherfore ye shold suffer: and I for my parte am desirous to understand the cause of your death, assuryng you that 1 do not alowe that any man sholde consent to hys own death oneles he hadd a right case to die in. Lett not vayne glorie overcome you in a mather that men deserve not to die [for]; for therin you shall neither please God, do good to yourself nor your neighbor; and better yt. were for you to submit yourself to the ordynaunces of men than so rashelie to fynyshe your lyf without good ground. And therefore we praie you to let us to understand ye Articles that you are condempned for. I am content, quod Baynham, to tell you altogether.
The first Article that thei condempne me for ys this; That I reported that Thomas Beckett sometyme Archbysshopp of Cant. was a Traitour, & was dampned in hell yf [he] repentyd not, for that he was in Armes againste his prince as a rebell, provoking other forren princes to invade the realme, to the utter subvertion of the same. Than saied Mr. Latymer, where redde you this. Quod Mr. Baynham, I redde it in an olde hystory. Well, said Mr. Latymer, this is no cause att all worthie for a man to take his death upon, for it maie be a lie as well as a true tale, and in suche a doubtfull matter yt were mere madness for a man to peril his life. But what else ys laied to your charge. The truth ys, said Baynham, I spake against purgatorie, that there was no such thing, but that yt pyked mens purses, and against satisfactorye masses; which I defendyd by the authoritie of the Scripture. Marie, said Mr. Latymer, in theis Articles your conscience may be so stayed, that you male seme rather to die in the defence therof than to recant both against your conscience and the Scriptures also. But yet beware of vaynglorie, for the devill wilbe redie nowe to infecte you therwith when you shall come unto the multitude of the people. And than Mr.
Latymer dyd animate hym to take his death quietlie and paciontlie.
Baynham thanked hym hartilie therfore. And I likwise, said Baynham, do exhorte you to stand to the defence of the trewth, for you that shalbe left behinde hadd nede of comforte also, the waie being so dangerous as yt is, and so spak many comfortable wourds to Mr.
Latymer. At the longeth Mr. Latymer demaunded of hym whether he hadd a wif or no? With that question Baynham fell a wepyng. What, quod Latymer, ys this your constancie to godwarde? What mean you thus to wepe? Oh sir, sayd Baynham to Mr. Latymer, you have nowe towelled me very nygh. I have a wif, as good a woman as ever man was ioyned unto. And I shall leave her nowe not onelie withoute substance or anything to lyve by, but also for my sake she shalbe an opprobrie unto the wodde, and be poynted at of every man on this sorte, yonder goeth heretiques wif, and therfore she shall be disdayned for my sake, which ys no smalle greif unto me. Marie sir, quod Latymer, I perceyve that you arr a veraie weake Champion, that wilbe overthrown wt suche a vanytie. Where arr become all those comfortable wourds that so lat you alledged unto us, that shold tarrie here behind you?, I mervaile what you meane. Ys not Almightie hable to be husband to your [wif] and a father unto your children yf you comitt theym to hym with a stronge faith. I am sorie to see [you] in this taking, as though God had no care of his, when he nombreth the heares of manys hedd: Yf he do not provide for them, the faulte ys in us that mistrusteth hym: It [is] our infidelitie that causeth hym to do nothing for ours. Therfore repent you Mr. Baynham for this mistrusting of Almightie Gods goodnes, and be you sure, and I do most firmelie beleve, yt. if you do comitt your wif wt a strong faith unto the governance of Almightie God, and so die therin, that within theis ij yeares peradventure in one yere she shalbe better provided for as towching the felicitie of this world, than you wt all your policye colde do for her yourself, yf you were presently here: and so wt suche like words expostulatyng wt hym for his feble faith he made an ende. Mr. Baynham calling his spiritts to hymself moste hartelie thanked Mr. Latymer for his good comforte and counsaile, saying playnely that he wold not for moche good but he hadd come thether to hym, for nothing in the world so moche troubled hym as the care of his wif and famylie. And so they departyd.”
The uncertainty which Latimer mentions above as prevailing, respecting the exact grounds of Bainham’s condemnation, gives a point to the speech which Foxe in the text represents him as making at the stake.
APP4-624 — “And,” i. e. if — “he were ready.” (Todd’s Johnson.)
APP4-625 “And so forward he went to the stake, on May-day, at afternoon.” ] — The reader will observe a contradiction between this date and that assigned in the preceding page, which gives “the last day of April” as the date of Bainham’s burning. It is probable, from Foxe’s having dropped this whole passage after 1563, that he found he was inaccurate in saying “May-day,” as well as in the date of Pavier’s death, toward the bottom of this page: see next note. The original account is not in Tunstall’s books, or the Foxian MSS., and is probably in the Commissary’s office. The error, if error there be, may have arisen from some person’s having mistaken “May-day Even” for the Evening of May-day. It is observable that in the affecting account just cited from the Harleian MSS. Latimer’s interview is said to have been “the nexte dale before he was brente.”
APP4-626 “The next pear after.” ] — Foxe says here, “the next week after:” but at vol. 5. p. 66 he says, “the next year following,” which is correct; for the Editor has learned from the office of the Town Clerk of the City of London, that William Paver was elected 20th June, 1514, and was succeeded by Thomas Ryshton 3d May, 1533; and as a Town Clerk is indispensable to the progress of the city business, the interval could not be long between Payer’s death and Ryshton’s election.
Postscript on page 642, line 36.] — Bilney was apprehended and imprisoned by Sir Thomas More, in the Tower of London, as appears from the following account of one Mr. John Petit, who, according to Strype’s MS. authority, (Memorials, book 1. chap. 28), was “one of the first that, with Mr. Frith, Bilney, and Tindal, caught the sweetness of God’s word. He was twenty years burgess for the city of London.”
Strype goes on to state, that Sir T. More, suspecting him of heresy, one day called unexpectedly at his house at Lion’s Key, then called Petit’s Key, with the Lieutenant of the Tower, and sent him off to the Tower, where he was very hardly treated, but at length released; soon after which he died of the ill-usage he had received. He lay in the Tower (adds Strype) at the same time that Bilney did, and lodged underneath him. “And so much favor he obtained from the underkeeper, that sometimes by removing a board he allowed them to dine and sup together, and to cheer one another in the Lord. with such simple fare as Papist charity would allow them. And before this, when John Frith was in the Tower, he came to Petit’s Key in the night, notwithstanding the strait watch and ward by commandment. At whose first coming Mr. Petit was in doubt, whether it was Mr. Frith or a vision, no less doubting nor otherwise than the disciples were, when Rhoda the maid brought tidings that Peter was out of prison. But Mr. Frith showed them that it was God that wrought him that liberty in the heart of his keeper, Philips: who, upon the conscience of his own good word and promise, let him go at liberty in the night to consult with godly men. And this was the same good keeper that granted Petit and Bilney the liberty before said.” There is some difficulty about the chronology of the foregoing account, for Frith s imprisonment must have been after that of Bilney.
DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THOMAS BILNEY, MARTYR, ETC. N.B. - Wherever square brackets occur in the following pages, the matter included between them has been written, and afterwards erased from the original.
AMONG the Records in the Public Record Office, Rolls House, and in the custody of the Master of the Rolls, pursuant to Statute 1 & 2 Vict. c. 94, to wit, among the Miscellaneous Papers of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer; Second Series, [No. 1889, 1 it is contained as follows: - Anno Dni. 1531. Augusti. xvjo.
God, that ys faithfull and true in all hys wurdys, and wholye in all hys wurkys, Blyssed be the name of hys maieste for evyr, saith By hys chosen vessell, and wholie Apostyll pawle that vnto them that love hym, and are called of purpose, all thyngs are turnyd to good, and wurke for in somoche that there synnys the beste, [yea trulye all thyngs,] Aare turnyd to there moste avayle gostlye, [to the chosen chylder of god,] thurugh the great mercye of god, whiche dysposyth all things swetelye, and wurkith greate things and incomprehensyble, [thyngs,] and merveyllys with owt numbyr. He turnyth the verye synne of his electe and chosen (Blyssed ys that man oh lorde, whom thu haste chosen & taken to thye mercye) to ye gostelye profyght and comforte of them and other of hysse, While theye when god openyth there eyes themselvys, thurugh suche synnes are brought to the vertue of mekeness, and povertye of the spryte, to the knowleche of god & of them selfe. to mornyng & weylyng for there synnys to pytye and compassyon towardere here neyghburs, to mercye, to fastyng to preyor and almesse dedys. That thurugh synne almyghtye god wurkith in vs his chosen, mekenes, itnessith the wholye prophete Dauid seyng. Wele ys me oh lorde, that thu haste mede me lowe & meke, that I maye lerne th[y]e meanys where bye, thu makiste thyne, rightwyse in thie syght, howe & by what meanys god makith his childern rightwyse in hys sight teachith hothe petyr, pawle, and John in all there wrytyngs, but speciallye pawle in hys epistle to the Romaynes in this wyse. The rightwysenes of god, where bye he makith vs rightwyse, cumyth by the faith and beleve that we have in Jesu christe, to as manye and vpon as manye as beleve in hym. For all, none excepte, have synned, and have nede of the glorye of god, but theye are frelye iustyfyed and made rightwyse thurugh hys grace, by the redemptyon whiche ys in christe Jesu, whom god hath 3 4 them selvys, when it pleasith god to open there eyes, are brought thurugh the knowleche of there synnys, to mekenes and poverte of the sprete. Nowe onto the meke ys god evyr redye to geve grace. The wholye Apostell petyr to witnesse where he seith. Se that ye have mekenes of harte faste roted in yow, For god withstondith ye prowde, and gevith grace to the meke. The moste blyssed vyrgyn & mother Marye, fylled with the wholye goste berith recorde of the same seyng in that moste swete & hevynly songe Magnificat, God my savioure hath deposyd and plukkyd downe the myghtye from there seats and hath exaltyd the meke. So deposyd he prowde Nabugodonosor kyng of Babylon, the myghtye captayne Holofernes, the prowde & high myndyd Aman. And exaltyd ye humble man Dauid, the meke man Mardocheus, with Moyses, Joseph & manye other. So gracyouse ys almyghty god onto the meke.
And  of them that are, thurugh knowleche of them selvys power in spryte, what seith our sauyor christe? Blyssed are the power in spryte, for therys ys the kyngdom of hevyn. More ovyr thurugh knowleche of oure synnys, god, (thurugh Jesus chryste, by whome he gevith vs all thyngs, & with owte whome we can doo noo thyng, not onys thynke a good thought) bryngith vs to repentaunce, to mornyng & welyng for oure synnys, to hunger and thurste for right-wysenes, And so where we thurugh oure synnys were accursid (For accursyd are all those that kepe not the vttermoste poynte of goddys lawe saith sayncte pawle Moyses & Dauid, yea almyghtye god by them) god of hys infynyte mercye, for the tendyr love & favor that he hath evyr had to hys dere sone, and onto vs for hys sake, hathe taken aweye from vs hys curse, and enduyd vs with manyefold hevynlye & spuall blyssygs thurugh Jesus Christe, whiche seith Blyssed are thei that morne, for thei shalbe comfortyd, Blyssed are thei that hunger and thurste for rightwysenes, for thei shalbe fullylled.
Thus turnyth god oure synnys, thurugh Jesus christe, whiche gave hymsylfe a raunsom for vs & oure synnys, (O right mervelous merchaundyse, who evyr harde of anye lyke?) to oure rightwysenes. In so moche that where was moste abundaunce of synne, there was moche more abundaunce of grace, but not of owre deseruyng, o thu enemye of grace, and of the crosse of christe, whose god ys thye bellye, not of or deseruyng, what then o blyssed apostle, thurugh Jesus christe, oure savior, oure redemar, and redemption, oure peace, oure rightwysenes oure holynes, oure paschal Lambe oure manna, oure high pryste, or advocate, oure bedeman, oure brother, oure comherytour, oure light oure life everlastyng god and man blyssed mut he be [for] of all his creaturys in hevyn yerth and vnder them for evyr Amen. Thus turnyth god oure father, oure curse, thurugh Jesus christe, whiche was made accursed (Abhorre not ye wurdes of god) for our cursyd levyng, to oure blyssyng. Wherefore, lete vs crye owte in owre hartys, with the blyssed Apostle sayncte paule, seyng. Blyssed be god the fa- 5 Ad ephe. jo.
Among the Records, etc. No. 1890, 6 it is contained as follows :- Grace onto vs and peace be multyplyed By knowleche of god and chryste that for vs dyed Grace be with vs mercye and peace From god oure father and chryste our harts ease.
Blyssed be god the father of oure lorde Jesus Christe, whiche is the father of mrcyes and the lorde of all comeforte, whiche confortyth vs in all oure afflictyon and trobull, soo, that we are habyll to conforte them that are in anye trobull thurugh the conforte, where with we are confortyd of god.
For as the affiictyons of christe (for oure afflictyons are hysse afflictyons, O wunderfull conforte) As the affiictyons of Christe doo growe & increase in vs, evyn soo thurugh Christe growith & increasith oure conforte, inwarde ioye. and solace. Dyd not the Apostellys. departe from there examynacon with great ioye that theye were thought wurthye of god, to suffer anye reprove payne or shame for ye swete name of Jesu, whiche hadde sufferd so moche for there sake? Pawle and Sylas caste in to preson, and putte in to stokks at mydde nyte preysed almyghtye god. doyng in dede accordyng to hys owne teachyng & wrytyng. For vnto the Romaynes thus he wrytyth We reioyse in trobull knowyng, that trobull bryngith furthe pacyence, and pacyence causyth provyng or felyng, And felyng causith hope. Wherefore the holye Apostell seyncte Jamys confortyth them that are in trobull seyng. Take it my brothern for greate and singulare ioye and gladnes, when ye fall in to dyuerse tentacons knowyng this thynge, that the tryeng of yor faithe bryngeth furth pacyence. But lete pacyence have hyr perfyte wurke of charyte wyth hyr, which charyte ys pacyente & curteys, pacyent in sufferyng mekelye, gentill and curteys in doing, good for evyll, in preyng for hyr enemyes. For where as we rede in holye scrypture, that the holye sayncts semyd to be sumtyme owte of charyte, bothe in sharpe, fumose, & hastye wurds, and also in cruell dedys, yt was in goddys cause and for goddys honor, whiche ye wholye saycts when they sawe dysteynyd or blasphemyd, anone they enflamyd wt the lyre of love, were in suche an Agonye, that sumtyme theye slewe & kyllyd, with lyre and swerde, the seyncts of ye olde testamente, wt materiall lyre and swerde. As Helyas, Moyses, Samuel.
Matathias. [wt] Phinees, with other, but all thys was done in goddys querell, and not wt owt hys wurde & commandement, but evyr in there owne [c] wrongs & iniuryes [there moste] theye were moste meke, softe, pacyente & gentill, evyr doyng good for evill, preyeng for there enemyes.
Dede not Moyses wysshe him sylfe to be rasyd owte of ye booke of lyre, excepte he myght obteyne mercye for the people? The sayncts of the newe testamente in lyke maner, induyd with the same grace, in godds cause & honor were allweys fervent & whote, redye to kyll & burne, but not with lyre of faggtts nore yet wt swerdys of stele, for that belongith to the seculare power, but with the swerde of the spryte, which is III.
Among the Records, etc. No. 1887, it is contained as follows: - Theis ben the wordes openyd & declarid by Thomas Bilney at the place of his execueon callid the Lollardez pitte without Bisshops gate of the Cite of Norwich to the people gatherid & present to see the same execucion - as to the [knowledge of &] remembraunce of Edward Rede of Norwiche. - And as far as he cowde bere awaye.
Good christen people I here sey that the 3 orders of freres be put in blame for my deth. and that thei shuld be the occasion thereof and that the alines of the people is withdrawen from them for my trouble. I exhort & prey you to be good to them & to extend your charitable alines to them. for it is not thei that put me to deth. And where as that the lady Ankeres of the blak freres is put in grete trouble and surmysed that she shuld be an heretike and that I shuld teche & instructe her with heresyes as well by bookes as otherwise. Good cristen people here I take my deth upon it that I doo knowe her but for a full good & vertuous woman. I beseeche god to preserue her in her goodnes. And I know non heresy in her nor I neuer taught her heresy. I wold god there were many more so good lyvyng in vertue as she is both men & women. And where as I was sworne not to preche withoute licens Afterwardys I thought I myght preche without licens of myn ordinary and in so doyng to comytte non offence before God to preche the worde of God where as amongys the people lakked preching notwithstonding myn othe. And in that I have broken such comaundements as the Juges of the laws halle comaunded me to obserue. I am penytent & sory for it and desire you to prey for me And I advertise you to he obedyent vnto your superyour Juges beyng in auctorite of what estate or Condicion soeuer thei be spirituall or temporall. And where as I haue seid if Pope or Busshop or their lawes doo cursse me by their power & by that I am accursed outewardly and not accursed before God. I exhort you to fete the sentence of the Churche & to be obedient. And in that thyng that I haue disobeyed I am sory & aske God mercy and all Christen people, and I prey you to prey for me. Also good cristen people it hath ben seid that I shuld sey I beleve not ecclesiam Catholicam. Here I proteste before God that I haue euer belevid & doo beleve ecclesiam Catholicam. and in that I haue euer had my most cumfort and haue at this tyme. Although that at oon tyme sith I being in trouble & in wekenes was promysed to speke withoute inpechement shuld vnadvisedly sey that I beleve not ecclesiam Catholicam. as it is now vsed. Iff I did so sey I seid not well and I was then taken at the worst, for if I myght have ben harde to the eend of my tale. it shuld apperid that my beleve is & hath euer been ecclesiam Catholicam. and therupon I take my deth. And he then exhorted all the people to beleve stedfastly ecclesiam Catholicam Shewyng auctoritees of Scripture sondry & many to move the people in the feith of Crist seyng with high voice. Credo ecclesiam Catholicam sondry tymes.
Also where I have seyd that Crist did neuer forbidde preestes to haue wives I leve & remytte that to Master Doctour my Gostly father & other Doctours to dispute in Vniuersitees after my deth notwithstonding that. I haue seid & doo sey that virginire and chastite is gretly to be preysed & is accepted of God to be gretly meritoryous, the seid Bilney then giving many good exhortacions to provoke cristen people to chastite & shewing vnto the peolpe diuers Auctoritees of Scripture to fortefye the same & shewid what graces God gaf to theym that lived chast for the love of God.
Furder the seid Bilney seid. good cristen people it hath been reportid that I haue spoken ayenst abstinence. I assure you I neuer thought but that abstinence & fasting is grete plesure to God & a very mean to bring a man in the favour of God. I wold (seyd he) that the prelats & men of dignitees & especially thei of the spiritualtie wold live in abstinence more than thei doo & take example of our Mastir Crist for Crist himself fasted fourty dayes, and therupon declarid moch mater preysing abstinence and fasting Resyting the abstinence of many holy persons that ben Seintez in heven, and exhorted all the people to Joy in fastyng for the love of God. and shewid many myracles which God did be cans of abstinence and withdrewe many punysshmentz wherwith he shuld hau striken & punysshed the people if fastyng had not ben vsed. The burninge of Thomas [Beln] Bylneye at Norwch And the accusacons againste [of] Reade maior of Norwch by Doctor Peilis IV.
Among the Records, etc. No. 1884, it is contained as follows: - Nono die Novemhris Ao regis xxiijo . John Curatt of Norwiche being worn by the Lord chuncelor Sayeth that apon the same daye that Thomas Billney shuld surfre his deth, this deponent being desirous to [speke se with] the same Bilney on the same daye came in the mornyng [of the same daye] vnto the Chappell of the pison (where the same Thomas Bylney was and there hadd hard masse And so this deponent there commonyd and talkyd with the same Bilney. how he was right glad to se hym so penytent.) And so after suche commonycacon hadd Doctor Pellis came in  to the chappell, And there the same Doctor Pellys and one Doctor Warner toke the same Bylney vnto the Aulter and there talkyd secretly with the same Bylney. What they commonyd this deponent can not tell. And this deponent doth remembr shortly after the said commonycacon the same Bylney delyuerd vnto the same Doctor Pellis certeyn books whiche the same Bylney had written than being in pison, Whiche books one Edward Rede than being Mayer desyred to se [the] And so the same Rede had the said books to se, and so whan he had the same books he said how he wold keape theym still forsomoche as the same Bylney hadd written theym. Syns the tyme that the same Bylney was delyuerd, vnto the Laye power, and Temporaltie. And so the same Rede to this deponents knowledge deteyneth and kepith the same books still.
And so the same Rede [talkyng] wt dyuers other Aldermen of the Citie talking wt Bylney this deponent went and talkyd with Doctor Pellis. on the other syde of the same chapell, moving and exorting the same Doctor Pellis to exorte & cause the same Bylney to publisshe and declare vnto the common at the place of executon suche opynions and errors as he had hild before tyme, sayeng how it shuld be very expedient and profitable vnto the people so to be. With the whiche the said Doctor Pellys said vnto this dept thus, Bicause ye saye so ye shall se what I have don, and with that plukkid out of his bozom A bill., wherein was conteigned A Reuocacon of certeyn errors & opinions whiche the same Bylney had holden. Whiche bill the same Doctor Pellis [did] hadd showed vnto the same Bylney before) as the same Doctor Pellis said vnto this deponent thin A while after and so with A [that] euery man departyd.
And after whan the same Bilney was brought to the place of execucon the same Rede than being Mayor sent for this deponent & other to go wt hym to thexecucon of the same Billney. And so this deponent went wt the same Mayor to the same place And ther approchid as here vnto the same Bilney as he cowde, and so stode so here the same Bilney, that he myght well here euery word that the same Bilney did speak there at that tyme. So that whan the same Billney did declare vnto the people [in] the Reuocacon of his opinions, speakyng of fasting, Saying that he knew hym self that he erryd whan he preachid ageinst fasting, Bringing in & [declaryd] declaring the historie of Judith, and dyuers other histories and Auctorities of scripture.
And so when the said Bilney had said his mynde vnto the people, the same Bilney came toward the stake, where Doctor Pellis being there toke out the same bill [out his bozom] the which he had shewid this deponent before in the chappel], Sayeng vnto Billhey. Thomas. here is a bill ye know it well ynough, ye saye truthe Mr Doctor quod the same Billney.
And wt that the same Billhey red openly the same bill. Which this bothe hard and sawe, Saving that in the latter ende of reding of the same bill this deponent was constraynyd to stope to amend his [shooe] shoo and so by thoccasion therof this depot hard not the conclusion & ende of the same bill, but the same Bilney did rede it all owt. Which bill the same Doctor Pellis [hath] had ageyn to this depots knowledg All whiche this deponent knoweth to be true for somoche as when the same Billney redd the same bill this deponent stode by the same Billney, neuer deperting while the same Byllney Lyved. And so upon the Sondaye after Michelmas daye last past at after dynner. The same Rede being Mayer commaundid this deponent and dyuers other persons suche as he supposed to be at the Burnyng of the same Billney, to come & assemble at the counsaile howse of the Town of Norwich. Where the same Mayer and dyuers other persons being there assemblyd The same Mayor spake openly in thiswise, Brethern so it is. I must shortly goo vp to the parliament, where I am suer I shalbe inquyryd of concernyng the deth of Billney, Wherfore I wold desire you e all to knowe yor mynds therin. And that I myght haue A testimoniall signed wt yor hands. & sealyd wt the town Seale so that I myght testefie and verefie the truthe thefor And sayd further how he wold that euery man shuld wright that he knew and bring it in. And said further asfor my parte ye shall Se what I haue Written, and wt that drew out a bill of papir out of his bozom conteynyng the circumstaunce of the dethe of Bylney Which bill touchid the truthe therof in euery poynt. saving there was noo mencion made in the said [M] Mayeres bill, that Bilney did rede any bill of Reuocacon delyuerd vnto hym by Doctor Peilis. And [th] so this deponent told the same Mayer that his said bill was not perfectly true, for the cause abousaid To the whiche the same Mayer said, [W] speaking vnto this deponent, why woll you saye that Billney redd any suche bill of Reuocacon? To the whiche this deponent said, ye [mat] mary Sr or ells I were to blame, knowing that I knowe for I bothe sawe hym and hard hym reding suche a bill. With the wiche the Mayer being very angry & movid said how this deponent was a false and vntrue [me] man and not worthy to come amongs any honest company, wt many other high and opprobrious wordds, Saying. That this deponent said vntruly and that no man there, wold so saye. Sayeng also how a testimonyall shuld be made thowgh thin deponent said naye. And so the same Mayer being movid & displesid wt this deponent, commaundid hym tappere before hym at the same place on Wednesdaye next after, ther to answere to suche things as shold be than layd ageinst hym. At wiche daye. this depot, said vnto the same Mayer that he there for dyuers causes cowd not be. And upon that the same Mayer swore [by the ma] that than he shuld abide in prison vntill that daye and so [co] after at the request and Mayer instunce of suehe persons as were ther. the same Arelessid his said commaundemt and assigned this deponent to appiere the saterdaye after. And so this deponent did. And ther nothing layd ageinst him. [Signed] bi me John Curat And so neuer syns the same Mayer wolld call this deponent to any maner of counsaill of makinge of any testimoniall of the premisses. If any such be maide. (Indorsed) Concernyng the examinacon of Curat of Norwhiche.
Among the Records, etc. No. 1885, it is contained as follows: - Thexaminacon of Mr. Rede of Norwiche.
Edward Rede of Norwyche sworne the 25 daie of Nouembr in the 22j yere of the king that now is.
Deposith and saiethe as touching the booke that bylney wrytt him self in prison to that he saieth how he hathe the same booke in his Custody and keping. And acording to the Duke of Norffs commandmt this deponent sent vpp vnto the same Duks Grace the very true copie therof.
As touching the bill of reuocation that Doctor Pellis had written and devised. This deponent saieth how he seing the same bill in Doctors Pels hands in the [Chapp] Chapel of the Gyld Hall of Norwyche desieryd the same Doctor Pells to see the same byll, and so wt that the same Doctor pels did Rede that same byll vnto this Deponent as fart as this Deponent dothe remember Wiche byll conte[i]nyd[th] [the R] A Revocation of certain opinions and herises that the same Bilney had hild as the same Doctor did Allege by the same byll. [But wither the same Bilney did [h] euer hold eny such opinions as apperyd to be by the same bill of reuocation this Deponent cannot tell.] And further this deponent saiethe how that he and diuers of his britherne of the same Citie of Norwyche being present at the burnyng of the same Bilney Harde the same Bylney make vnto the people ther then present a good and a Godly exhortation. And after that donne this deponent sawe the same Doctor [Plls] Pellis take a byll vnto the same Bilney But what bil yt was this deponent cannot tell Nor yet whet whas conteinyd therin. But this deponent saieth how th same Bilney did looke vpon it. and as fer as this deponent cowld perceue and se. The same Bilney dyd Rede the same byll or els part of it softly to him self. For this deponent saieth how he cowld not here Bilney rede the same bill or any parcell of yt. And yet this deponent stode very here him being and stonding wtin a person or twoo of the same Bilney. And further this deponent saiethe how that when Bilney had red softely the same bill or parcell of yt as it apperyd to this deponent that the same Bilney so dyd. The same Bilney then declared openly to the people hys mynd [therin. Touching the same bill]. Wiche matter for so moche as to this this deponents (parceyving and vnderstanding did not declare in all poynts the same bill. whiche this deponent had seen and hard before of Doctor Pellis being in the chappll aforsaid. This deponent therfore as nere as he cowd bere and conceyue in his remembraunce did afterward put in writyng. Whiche doth appere by a bill of the same drawen by this deponent & delyuer[e]d vnto the clerc of the Counsaile.
And aftr the dethe of bilney the same Doctor Pellis came vnto this deponent and brought him a byll of Reuocation of certein Articles that bilney shuld have revokyd at the time of his Dethe, and desieryd this deponent to haue yt exemplified vnder the town Scale wich bill this deponent toke of the said Doctor Pellis and saied how he wold look upon yt. And saied yf it did agre wt a drawght that this deponent had made and drawne acording to the truethe as fer as he had borne awaie. That then he wold be content to helpp him as much as laye in him to haue yt exemplified under the Townes Scale. And aftr this deponent assemblyd diuers of the Aldermen and brithern of the Citie that whet then present at the burnyng of the same Bilney. And ther shewd theim thentent and mynde of the same Doctor Pellis and so wt that caused the same byll that this deponent had Receuyd befor of the same Doctor to be Redd. And aftr yt was opinly Rede this deponent wt diuers of the said Aldermen and bretherne said how they thowght that the same byll did not in all things word for word agrey to ther vnderstonding wt the reporte and declaration that bylney did make at the time of his dethe. And therfor diuers of theim wold not agree to the exemplifieng of the same byll. And so therwt this deponent desiered euery man ther present to bring in writing the very trueth of the Declaracon of the mattr as fer as they had perceuid and borne awaie. - To thintent the trouth might appere when so euer it shuld please the Ks counsaile to Send for it.
And apon that diuers of theim said vnto this deponent in this maner we vnderstond how ye haue made a remembraunce of that mattr wherfor w[h]ie praie you that we male here yt. And apon that. the remembraunce that this deponent had made and writtin was opinly redde. wt the wych diuers of theim was content and saied how yt was acording to the trueth to their knowleige. And saied how to that byll they wold be content to put to their hands.
And aftr that fills deponent spake to one Curate one of the Aldermen their merueiling that he wold [not] wryght nothing concernyng the same mattr for so much as he was so good a penneman. To whome the same Curate answeryd and saied how he wold set no penne to the booke except he myght se that same bill that Doctor Pellis did deliuer vnto Bilney at the time of his dethe. And wt that this deponent saied vnto him. Mary hier is a Copy therof as Doctor Pellis hathe promysd me apon his trouthe and honesty, asfor that quod Curate I wiil beliue no man so well as my self. for I know that same bill amongs a C. Bils. And so this deponent coud not cause the said Curate to make any drawte concernyng the same mattr nother according to Doctor[s] Pellis booke, nor yet to none other. [Signed] per me Edward Rede.
The same Mr. Rede being further examinyd by the Lord chuncelor the first daye of Decembr. Ao. regis 23.
Sayeth that he thinkith and supposith, that the bill that [the bill] Doctor Pellis did take vnto Billney at the tyme of his dethe was rather to be the bill of reuocacon that this same Mr Rede had seen & red before of the same Doctor Pellis in the chappell of the yeldhall of Norwithe then otherwise the trothe thefor he can not testifie.
Being further axed be vertu of his othe whither the same bill that Doctor Pelles brought after the deth of Billhey to be exemplefied, was the same bill that the said Doctor Pelles. did rede to this deponent in the said chapell, He Sayeth to this how he can not suefly tell.
Sayeth: how the bill that he delyuerd vnto the clerc of the counsaill. was of his owen devise and drawyng, Saving the preface and superscripcon of the same bill. whiche a nother man drew the same, whome he dothe not now remember And sayeth how he had noo mans counsaile or advise about the same bill. And that ther is. to his knowledge neuer a copie of the same bill. but only, oone [delyuerd by this deponent].
Which copie this deponent left wt his Deputie at Norwiche at his comyng vpp hither to London. And saieth how he delyuerd a nother copie of the[r-] same bill unto oone [Willm] Mere, Whiche copie [had ageyn] this depot had agein and so hath in his keping. ITEM the same Rede sayeth how there be 2 other billes made by oone Grue Aldreman & one of them made by the Vndershrif Mere.
And as touching the words of Curat that this deponent shold saye that he was a false man & not worthy to be amongs any honest men and that A Testimonial shuld be made though he said naye, as apperith by the examinacon of the same Curate.
To this the same Rede saith that he doth not remember that he so said or spake so to the same Curate. But he sayeth that vpon the debating amongs the Alldermen for the bill that Doctor Pellis delyuerd to this deponent to be exemplefied [Th] how he spake to the stone Curate as he hath deposid before, And desiryd the same Curate to declare amongs theym his remembrance touching the trouthe, and upon that Curat said how that Bilney red openly the bill that Doctor Pellis toke hym. And after ward the same [red] Curate said that he wold not Swere that billney declaryd the same bill openly to the people that Doctor Pellis toke [hym] to the same billney allthough the same [billney did not rede the same] Curate did here the same billney rede the same bill. And vpon that this depot askyd the same Curat what he ment therby saing that his tale apperid 2 sundry wayes. Wherwith the same Curate said, Take it as ye woll & make what definicon ye lyst, for I woll explayne it non other wise.
And for that the said Curate was so obstinate and so obscure & wold I not be playne, This deponent said vnto the same Curate, how that it be comyd euery Alldreman to be true & playne and sayd to Curate ye do in this matter as. Ye have 4 or 5 yeres [pl] past wt certen mony that Mr. Tery gave for the relief & comforte of the poore people of the Citie. To whom ye be executor And the Mayer for the tyme & the Aldermen have many tymes yerely requyryd the same mony to be ordred according to the will and testament of the same Tery and ye have allwayes aunsweryd sinistrely. And as for any other words this deponent doth not remember that he hadd but referrith hym self to the Alldremen that were then present.
And sayeth that notwtstanding that the same Curate [was] hath not syns be called to counsaile, yet the same Curate myght have comen if he had list, & maye whan he woll. For he sayeth how the Mayres officers gyve warnyng to the Alldremen & other to come to counseill wtout the knowledge of the Mayer.
The first d…of December, in the 23 yere of the reigne of King Henry the 8th.
Rede sworne and examyned byfore my Lord Chancelor the day and yere abouewritten saieth that the bil that Doctor Pellis toke vnto the said bilney of Reuocacon at the tyme of his dethe. [saiethe] rather to be the [true] byl [of Reuocacon that] the said [Doctor Pellis deliuered] red vnto rede the said red. that the said Doctor Pelles red to [hym] in the chapel of yeldhall then otherwise he hath bene axed by virtue of his othe[e] whether the bil that Doctor Pelles brought after the dethe of the said bylney, to be exemplified was the same bil that the said he redd to Rede [before his burnyng] in the said chapell he saieth he cane not surely tel. to that was deluered [by] the clerke of the counsaile that shoulde have bene exemplified by rede The bil of exemplificacon was drawen [of] hym self wt oute counsaile [or not]. Item that there is neuer a copy of the same but oon that he left wt his deputie. At Norwiche to his knowledge. there is Grue Item [he hath] as he supposeth…ther billes made by on [Drue.] Alder…the other by the vndershrive, the…wrote h…self. \Indorsed) The bookes concernynge Rede of norwiche.
Among the Records etc. No. 1886, it is contained as follows: - Edwardus In Primis. interrogetur in [Johes] Reed Major Ciuitatis Norwici. vtrum praesens erat in Judicio tempore examinacionis Thorne Bilney. nuper declarati pro Relapso in Heresim, per Doctorem Pellis Judicem in hac parte competentem. ITEM interrogetnr vtrum praesens erat tempore dicte examinacionis quando praelibatus Thomas Bilney. nullum certum dare voluit Responsum quibusdam Articulis cujus pretextu ejus Responsum Judex admittere noluit.
Edwardus ITEM Interrogetur an ille idem [Johes] Reed Major Antedictus insurgendo publice dixit Judici sedenti pro Tribunali hec verba vel in effectu consimilia, viz Sur me thynke you do hym wronge. or ellis you do not well wt hym yt you wull not admitte hys answir as he dothe speke or make vnto you. Cui Judex Respondebat, Maist. Mayer yor wyll nor hys wyll may not Rewle ye wyll of ye lawe. But the wyll of ye lawe must Rewle yor wyll. and his wyll bothe. And the wyll of the lawe is yt he muste make certum Responsum, And not equivocum et ambiguum Et ex hoc Judex fecit plures libros adduci in Judicio et Revolui et legi publice. ITEM Interrogetur an dictus Thomas Bylney. viue vocis oraculo ibidem in Judicio appellauit ad Serenissimum dominum Regem dicendo, I appele vnto ye Kyngs grace, And in Mayer I charge you yt you take me away from ye Judge that I may prosecute myn Appele wt all lybertie afore ye Kyngs grace. ITEM Interrogetur antedictus Major. vtrum ipse publice asseruit praelibato Judici sedenti in Judicio. provt sequitur vel in effectu consimilia. Sur me thynke I am now charged wt hym. And me thynke now I muste neds take hym from you. ITEM Interogetur an ex dictis Antedicti Maioris certe leues persone tune et ibidem excitabantur dicere domino Maiori. dicendo provt et quemadmodum dixerunt viz Maistr Mayor you are bownd to take hym away. ITEM Interrogetur an Doctor Pellis Recipiebat quasdam Scripturas de Thoma Bilney in Capella carceris quas idem maior publice asseruit se voluisse habere Ad cujus Importunitatem dictus Thomas Pellis deliberauit easdem Scripturas dicendo M. Mayer it Reather become the me to haue them than you in this mater. ITEM Interrogetur vtrum audiuit Thomam Bilney publice dieentem in Judicio Antedicto Doctori Pellis Judici suo dicendo Sur do you yor offyce I am content, And I wull be more Rewled by you than by all this hole company becawse you have trewly handeled me. ITEM Interrogetur vtrum Doctor Pellis sepius requirebat praelibatum Maiore mad denunciandum ei tempus execucionis Thorne Bilney. ad illum finem, vt admoneret Thomam Bilney ad reducendum Populum. quem offendebat ad viam veritatis, et fidem Catholicam. ITEM Interrogetur vtrum idem Major significauit eidem Doctori de Tempore exeeueionis praedicte vel non. ITEM Interrogetur an vnquam videbat vel audiuit Reuocacionem Thorne Bilney conscriptam et conceptam in Capella Carceris. ITEM Interrogetur vtrum Doctor Pellis deliberauit hujusmodi Schedulam Thome Bilney in loco et tempore execucionis. ITEM Interrogetur vtrum publice dictus Thomas Bilney. alta vote legebat vel non. ITEM Interrogetur vtrum Thomas Bilney post lecturam hujusmodi Revocacionis deliberauit eandem sechedulam antedicto Doctori Pellis. ITEM Interrogetur vtrum Thomas Bilney immediate post degradacionem coram toto populo alta voce revocauit errores suos. hortando populum vt obedirent deo et ministris Ecclesie. et ministris Juris. Et vtrum tunc et ibidem submisit se determinacioni Ecclesie Catholice, Et vtrum tunc et ibidem genibus flexis coram toto populo petijt beneficium absolucionis a sententia excommunicacionis in ipsum latae Authoritate Sanctissimi in Christo patris Pape Moderni, Eta sentencia Canonis et A sententia excommunicacionis late in ilium Authoritate Reverendi patris Epi Norwic Et vtrum tunc et ibidem Doctor Pellis publice ipsum absoluebat b ipsis excommunieacionibus et Restituit Sacramentis Ecclesie.
The answers of Edward Reed mrchant Major of Norwiche made vnto certeyne articles put in agaynst him by Doctor Pellis the fyfte day of December anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo. 31. by S. Thomas More Knyght Lord Chancellor of England.
Being demanded of the thirde article he desyreth to have respyte to make answer there vnto.
To the fourth He confesseth this article to be true.
To the fyfte article.
He denieth that he dyd say to the Chauncellor as it is conteyned in the article,, but he saith that he said thus or words of lyke effecte, Maister Doctor ye knowe that the Kynge hath a new title gyven hym by the clergy and ye were at the grauntyng of it, of what effecte it is I knowe not but ye howe. And therfore ordre yor selfe so that ye may he my discharge and yor owne to. I am content to take hym yf he owght to be the Kyngs prisoner.
To the syxte To this article he answereth that he remembreth it not.
To the seventh He agreeth this article to be true except the word importunitie.
To the eight He saith that he remembreth not this article.
To the tenth He saith that he gave the shiriffs commaundment to gyve hym warnyng but he wotteth not wither they dyd it.
To the eleventh He confesseth this article to be true.
To the twelfth He confesseth that he gave hym a byll but he wotteth not wether he were that same byll or not.
To the thirteenth article He saith that he did not here Bylney rede the byll, but he sawe hym loke upon it, and if Bylney did rede it he redd it softly.
To the fourteenth He saith that he can not tell.
To the fifteenth article At the repeticion of this article he saith that there be dyuers poynts in it which he remembreth not, but he can tell that Bylney dyd knele downe and humbly desyred absolucion, And he remembreth that Doctor Pellis gave hym absolucion, but he remebreth not that he dyd submitte hym to the determinacion of the chirch, but he thinketh that he dyd.
Also he doth not remembre that Bylney dyd there revoke his errors nor that he dyd exhorte the people to obey god, the ministres of the chirch & the ministres of the lawe.
Also he saith that he thinketh that Bylney dyd at that tyme desyre to be howseled but he remembreth it not perfaytely.
Be me Edward Rede.
PROCESS AGAINST BILNEY AND ARTHUR, A.D. 1521. (From the Tunstal Register, folio 130 verso.)
ACTA HABITA ET FACTA in quodam hereseos negocio contra magistros Thomam Arthure in sacra theologia et Thomam Bylney in legibus bacchalarios, coram Reverendissimo in Christo patre et domino, domino Thoma, miseracione divina tituli sanctae Cecillae sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesiae presbytero cardinali, Eborac. Archiepiscopo Angliae primate Ac apostolicae sedis etiam de latere Legato, in domo capitulari ecclesiae conventualis sancti Petri Westmonast. 27mo die mensis Novembris, Anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo 27o, Indictione prima, Pontificis sanctissimi in Christo patris et Domini nostri Domini Clementis divina providentia hujus nominis papae septimi Anno Quinto, Assistentibus eidem Reverendissimo in Christo patre et domino, domino Willielmo, permissione divina Cant. Archiepiscopo totius Angliae primate et Apostolicae sedis legato, Ac Reverendis in Christo patribus et dominis, dominis Cuthberto London. Johanne Roffen. Nicholao Ellen. Johanne Exon. Johanne Lincoln. Jobanne Bathon. et Wellen. Henrico Assaven. et Johanne Carliolen. respective episcopis, Ac nonnullis allis venerabilibus viris tum theologis quum Jurisperitis tunc ibidem praesentibus et circumstantibus, sequuntur: praesente me Matheo Grefton notario publico Actorum scriba.
IN PRIMIS, viz. missa de Spiritu Sancto ad summum altare dictae ecclesiae conventualis Sancti Petri Westmon. per Reverendum patrem Johannem Exon. Episcopum celebrata, verboque dei per Reverendum patrem dominum Johannem Lincoln. Epum. in lingua vulgari publice proposito, dictus Reverendissimus pater dominus Thomas Legatus de Latere antedictus ad dictam domum capitularem cum magna caterva tam spiritualium quam temporalium eum comitante processit. Ac deinde dictus Reverendissimus pater Legatus de latere antedictus judicialiter et pro tribunali ibidem sedens, assistent, eidem ut prefertur prefatis Reverendissimo ac Reverendis patribus, prefatos magistros Thomam Bylney et Thomam Arthure in judicio coram eisdem produci fecit. Quo facto prefatus Reverendissimus pater Legatus hujusmodi primo et ante omnia publice interrogavit eundem magistrum Thomam Bylney, utrum publice vel privatim in concionibus ad populum disputacionibus familiarive sermone opiniones Lutheri aliasve ab ecclesia reprobatas ecclesiasticis diffinicionibus contrarias aut dissentientes doeuit vel predicavit; ad quod quidem Interrogatorium sic objectum prefatus magister Bylney respondebat quod scienter nullas opiniones Lutheri aliasve opiniones orthodoxae fidel contrarias docuit aut predicavit. Item prefatus Reverendissimus pater interrogavit eundem magistrum Thomam Bylney, an olim praestitit juramentum coram eodem quod nullas Lutheri opiniones predicaret recitaret et defenderet sed easdem ubique impugnaret; respondet quod praestitit Juramentum hujusmodi, non tamen judicialiter. Quibus Interrogatoriis sic ministratis et responsionibus ut premittitur factis, prefatus Reverendissimus pater prefatum magistrum Thomam Bylney de plene et fideliter respondendo articulis sive erroribus per eum tam in Civitate et dioc. London. quam in dioc. Norwicen. aliisque locis assertis et predicatis absque alicujus falsitatis intermixtione, veritatisve omissione aut qualificacione, per venerabilem virum magistrum Brianum Higdon, decretorum doctorem decanum ecclesiae Metropolitanae Eborac., tactis per eum sacrosanctis dei Evangelils, jurari fecit: quem sic juratum Idem Reverendissimus pater super articulis et erroribus hujusmodi seriatim publice expositis examinavit; ac deinde examinacione dicti Mag. Bylney facta et completa sepedictus Revmus. pater ad examinacionem prefati M.
Thomae Arthure, tunc in judicio presentis, ac modo et forma quibus supra per praefatum M. Brianum Higdon decanum antedictum de mandato dicti Revmi. parris ad Sancta dei Evangelia Jurati, de et super articulis et erroribus per eum tam in civitate et dioe. London. quam allis locis eisdem convicinis, cum assistentia dicti Revmi. parris Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi ac aliorum Reverendorum patrum superius nominatorum, processit.
Quibus sic gestis prefatus Revmus. pater judicialiter (ut premittitur) sedens quendum Ricardum Foster laicum per prefatum M. Brianum Higdon modo quo superius Jurejurando onerari fecit: quem sic Juratum prefatus Revmus. pater Interrogavit, an domino Thomas More militi olim dixerat in sacramento altaris non esse verum corpus Christi; ad quod Interrogatorium respondebat negative. Et tunc idem Revmus. pater assignavit ei ad deliberandum consulendum et informandum animum suum plenius usque in meridiem ejusdem diei, et tunc ad redigendum responsum suum in scriptis ad Interrogatorium hujusmodi. Et deinde eodem die post meridiem completa penitus examinacione dieti M. Thomae Arthure prefatus Revmus. pater in dicta domo capitulari, assisten, sibi ut prefertur prefatis Revmo. et Revdis. patribus, ex officio recepit in testes in praesentia prefati M. Bylney quosdam Johannem Hogkyn ordinis fatrum praedicatorum per totum regnum Angliae priorem provincialem, Galfridum Julles, et Richardum Jugworthe ejusdem ordinis, sacrae theologiae professores, necnon Willielmum Jeket generosum dominum, Wilm. Nelson presbyterum, et Thomam Williams laicum, super articulis et erroribus per eum assertis et predicatis tam in dioc. London. quam dioe. Norwicen.: quos idem Revmus. pater in presentia dicti Magri. Bylney, omnibus amicitia odio favore preceve aut precio aliisque similibus corruptionis generibus postpositis et semotis, absque alicujus falsitatis intermixione seu veritatis alienacione seu omissione in forma jurandi testem, tactis per eos et eorum quemlibet sacrosanetis Dei scripturis, Juramento oneravit, ac negocium hujusmodi de die in diem usque in finalem expeditionem ejusdem prorogavit. Quibus sic factis idem Revmus. pater ex eo quod aliis arduis negotiis hujus Regni Anglias et Reipublicae utilitatem (ut asseruit) concernen, adeo esset impeditus quominus ul teriori examinacioni negotii hujusmodi interesse potuit, igitur omnibus 7s et modis judicialiter procedendi contra quoscunque tam clericos quam laicos de et super heretica pravitate seu herescos crimine suspectos notatos diffamatos, necnon contra omnes et singulos scripta scedulas libellos vel opuscula a Martino Luthero edita et translata, dudum auctoritate domini Leonis decimi et sedis apostolicae dampnata et rejecta, habentes tenentes laudantes legentes sive praedicantes aut approbantes sive defendentes; testes quoque et alia probacionum genera ad eorum malicias convincendas damnatasque eorum opiniones detegendas recipiendi admittendi et in forrod Juris Jurandi et examinandi; notarios quoque et locum quemcunque deputandi; omnesque et singulos culpabiles inventos juxta Juris exigentiam et canonicas sanctiones corrigendi puniendi et reformandi eosdemque ad abjuracionem per cos in debita juris forma faciendam compellendi, aut si res ita exigerit potestati seculari committendi et liberandi; dictum quoque inquisitionis negocium super heretica pravitate, cure omnibus et singulis suis Incidentibus emergentibus dependentibus et connexis, discutiendi terminandi et finaliter decidendi; praefatis Revdis. patribus Cuthberto London. Johanni Roffens. Johanni Lincoln. Johanni Exon. Nicho. Elien. henrico Assaven. Johanni Bathonen. et Johanni Carliolen. respective Episcopis, Ira quod tres eorum ad minus ad invicem judicialiter sedeant, vices suas commisit; dicto Revdo. patre London. Episcopo protestante et allegante se Jure etiam suo ordinario secundum debitum officii sui contra delinquentes in dioc. sua velle procedere, juxta juris et sacrorum canonum exigentiam.
VICESIMO Octavo die mensis Novembris Anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo vicesimo septimo in capella infra edes Revdi. in Christo patris domini, domini Ricardi Norwicen. Episcopi, juxta Charyng Crosse, London, Revus. pater London Epus. judicialiter sedens, assistentibus sibi Revis. patribus Epis. Nicholao Elien. et Johanne Roffen. ex officio suo in praesentia Mi. Thomas Arthure recepit in testes M. Johannem Darell in legibus bacch, et Gawinum Wilkenson, artium magistrum, in testes super articulis et erroribus predicatis per eum in ecclesia beatae Mafias Wolchurche ac contra eundem datis et ex officio ministratis: quos quidem Reverendus pater omnibus corruptionis generibus semotis absque alicujus falsitatis commixtione sen veritatis omissione oneravit Juramento tactis sacrosanctis Dei evangeliis de fideliter deponendo etc. et in praesentia Magistri Arthure. Et deinde dictus Revus. pater London Epus. de consensu dictorum Revdorum. patrum assumpsit nos Zachariam Dawtre et Matheum Grefton norarios publicos in Registrarios et actorum scribas; et oneravit nos Juramento de fideliter excercendo officium notariatus in conscribendis actis hujus inquisitionis, negocium hereticae pravitatis tam quoad eum quam allos de heresi suspectos concernentibus. Et deinde facta examinacione dicti Mag. Arthure per dictos Revdos. patres unacum Reverendo patre Henrico Assaven. Episcopo, super quibusdam interrogatoriis, dictus Reverendus pater London Epus. monuit M. Arthure in vim Juramenti sui praestiti ne unquam revelaret examinacionem suam aut responsiones suas ad dicta interrogatioria factas nec aliquam partem eorundem. Quibus sic expeditis idem Reverendus pater London Epus. judicialiter sedens de consensu Episcoporum superius nominatorum ex officio recepit in presentia Mri. Thomae Bylney magistrum Ricardum Mabot sacrae theologiae professorem, et dominos Willielmum Covyn et Ricardum Nele, presbyteros, in testes super articulis et erroribus predicatis et assertis per eundem M. Bylney, et ab eis interrogandos: quos Idem Reverendus pater de simili consensu omnibusque corruptionum generibus penitus semotis Juramento oneravit in praesentia ejusdem M.
Bilney. Et postea de consensu Episcoporum supradictorum denuo oneravit nos Zachariam Dawtre et Matheum Grefton notarios publicos de fideliter exercendo officium notariatus ut supra, in praesentia ejusdem M.
Bylney. Et assumpsit nos in actorum scribas et Registrarios ut prius.
SECUNDO die mensis Decembris in loco supradicto Reverendus pater London Epus. unacum Reverendis patribus Johanne Lincoln. Nicholao Elien. Joanne Roffen. et henrico Assaven. respective Epis., ob reverentiam Reverendissimi domini Legati de latere committentis, assumpserunt in se onus Commissionis ejusdem Revmi. patris apud Acta existen., et decreverunt, etc. Et dictus Reverendus pater London Epus. decrevit tam Jure suo ordinario quam virtute commissionis hujusmodi in dicto negocio procedendum. Quibus sic gestis idem Reverendus pater, cum consensu Episcoporum hujusmodi, in praesentia dicti Magtri. Thomae Bylney recepit in testes Willielm. Wasse, Willielm. Cade, Willm. Nelmys, et Thomam Dayly de Wyliesalon, necnon dominum Georgium Jacson, priorem ecclesiae parochialis Sancti Stephani Ipswici, fratrem Johannem Briger, ordinis fratrum minorum, et Johannem Semer, super articulis et erroribus predicatis et assertis in dioc. Norwicen. necnon dominos Gabrielem Halehed et Willm. Dowlyng capellanos super articulis et erroribus predicatis in ecclesia paroch, sancti Magni London, ac Johannem Dery Johannem Sheperd Johannem Ingman et Radulphum Taylor de Newyngton dictae dioc. de et super articulis et erroribus predicatis per eum in ecclesia parochiali de Newyngton predicta; quos idem Reverendus pater ut supra in praesentia Mri. Bylney oneravit Juramento, omnibus odio favore amore etc. postpositis. ET DEINDE eisdem die et loco, coram Reverendis patribus dominis Cutberto London. Johanne Lincoln. Johanne Roffen. Johanne Bathon. et Wellen. ac henrico Assaven. respective Episcopis judicialiter sedentibus comparuit personaliter Magister Thomas Arthure, et lectis ac recitatis publice articulis contra eum ministratis, ad primum respondebat negative: ad secundum respondebat et fatebatur se dixisse contenta in Articulo. Ad tertium respondebat quod talia vel similia sensu dixit. Ad quartum respondebat et fatebatur se dixisse verba in sensu similia. Excepit, quod non fecit mentionem de tirannis. Ad quintum fatetur quod dixit hujusmodi verba, declarando in concione sua quod quilibet Christianus est sacerdos offerendo sacrificium labrorum, et si murmuraverunt contra ordinem sacerdotalem murmurant contra seipsos.
Ad sextum et septimum respondebat negative: ad octavum respondebat et fatebatur se dixisse. Quibus responsionibus sic factis et recognitis, Idem Mr. Arthure eosdem articulos et errores contra eum ministratos et per eum publice confessatos revocavit reprobavit et dampnavit, Ac se sponte judicio et correctioni ecclesiae submisit; praesentibus tum ibidem venerabilibus viris Magro. Galfrido Wharton, decretorum doctore dicti Reverendi patris London Epi. vicario generali, et Roberto Ridley sacrae theologiae professore, Johanne Tunstall clerico, Ac Magistro Radulpho White norario publico, Ac Thoma Dowman et Willmo. Westwray literatis, ac allis in copiosa multitudine congregatis.
TERTIO DIE mensis Decembris in loco supradicto, coram Reverendis patribus dominis Johne Lincoln. et Henrico Assaven. Epis. judicialiter sedentibus, Reverendus pater London Epus. in exonerationem conscientiae suae (ut asseruit), postquam dictus Magister Bylney saepe et instanter requisitus ad ecclesiam redire noluit, nequid sibi transmissum ab eodem celaret, realiter exhibuit apud nos notarios publicos in praesentia Magistri Bylney quasdam literas sire Epistolas, cum scedula in una Epistola earundem implicita, et alteram epistolam in modum libelli plicatam, in sex foliis contenta, quas omnes et singulas exemplificari et Registrari et originales sibi retradi mandavit et jussit in praesentia dicti Magtri. Bylney, petentis copiam earundem, et nos notarios antedictos juramento oneravit super fideli custodia exemplificacionis et Registracionis Earundem.
QUARTO DIE. mensis Decembris in domo capitulari sancti Petri Westmon. coram Reverendis patribus dominis Cuthberto London. Nicho.
Elien. et Johanne Roffen. judicialiter sedentibus comparuit Magis. Thomas Bylney; quem Reverendus pater London Epus. benigne post varias et nonnullas salutiferas exhortaciones et admoniciones ei factas Interrogavit, an Sponte hereses suas et errores hujusmodi abjuraret et ad unitatem ecelesiae rediret: qui respondebat se velle stare conscientiae suae. Et deinde Reverendus pater London Epus. de consensu dictorum Reverendorum patrum, necnon Johannis Lincoln. et henrici Assaven. Episcoporum, ex officio in praesentia dicti Magistri Bylney publicavit dicta testium, quoad eum productorum; et pro publicatis haberi ac publice legenda fore decrevit: quae Ego Matheus Grefton publice legi in praesentia Mri. Bylney. Et deinde adjuncto eiisdem Reverendo patre Bathon. Epo. dictus Revdus. pater London Epus. monuit eum quatenus deliberet secum an velit ad unitatem eeclesiae redire et opinionibus suis renunciare, et jussit eum abire in loco remoto ad deliberandum secure: qui sic recessit per dimidiam horam: deinde ipso Mro. Bylney comparente dictus Reverendus pater London Epus. denuo interrogavit, an voluit ad ecclesiam redire: qui respondebat Fiat justicia et judicium in nomine Domini. Et iterum admonitus et exhortatus ut superius, dixit ut prius Fiat Judicium.
Interrogatus, an sciat dicere causam quare pronunciari non debeat pro convicto super heresi, respondebat Haec est dies quam fecit dominus; Exultemus et letemur in ea. Interrogatus iterum, an sciat aut velit dicere eausam quare declarari non debeat pro convicto de heresi: qui respondebat iterum FIAT JUSTICIA ET JUDICIUM. Deinde interrogatus per euadem Reverendum patrem fatebatur, se esse convictum super crimine heresis per testes: et tune post habitam deliberacionem dictus Revdus. pater London Epus. vireto exuto sic dixit, IN NOMINE PATRIS ET FILII ET SPIRITUS SANCTI AMEN: EXURGAT DEUS ET DISSIPENTUR INIMICI EJUS; faciendo crucem in fronte et pectore suo. ‘Et deinde de consensu expresso et consilio dictorum Reverendorum patrum dictus Reverendus pater viva voce pronunciavit dictum Mrum. Bylney praesentem et praemissa videntem et audientem sub hac forma: Ego cum consilio et consensu omnium confratrum meorum praesentium pronuncio te Thomam Bylney super nonnuilis articulis accusatum detectum et de heresi convictum, et ad reliquam partem sententiae deliberabimus usque in crastinum.
QUINTO DIE mensis Decembris Anno Domini predicto in domo capitulari sancti Petri Westmon. coram Reverendis patribus dominis Cuthberto London Nicho. Elien. henrico Assaven. Johanne Bathon. et Wellen. et Johanne Lincoln. respective epis. comparuit Magister Thomas Bylney personaliter: quem Reverendus pater London. Epus. interrogavit, an adhuc ad unitatem ecclesiae redire, ac recognoscere et revocare hereses et errores per eum predicatos et contra eum probatos, velit: qui quidem Magister Bylney respondet, quod non vult esse scandalo evangelio, et quod sperat se non esse separatum ab ecclesia, et dixit quod si multitudini testium creditur sperat se habere 30 bonae vitae testes contra unum contra eum productum: quos testes domini dixerunt seros venire, quia post publicacionem recipi de jure non debent: Byllney tune allegante historiam Susannae et Danielis, deinde Reverendus pater London Epus. post multas et varias bonas exhortaciones consuluit ei, ut ad unitatem ecclesiae [rediret] et hereses suas abjuraret, et praemisit prefatum Magistrum Byllney ut in aliquo loco secretiori iret ac ibidem cum amicis suis deliberaret usque ad in horam primam post meridiem ejusdem diei.
Post MERIDIEM ejusdem diei loco predicto coram Reverendis patribus Cuthberto London. Nicho. Ellen. Johanne Lincoln. henrico Assaven. Epis. judicialiter sedentibus comparuit personaliter Magr. Thomas Arthure: quem Revdus. pater London Epus. denuo interrogavit, an adhuc velit ad unitatem ecclesiae redire ac hereses et erroneas opiniones recognoscere et revocare et easdem abjurare, et judicio et correctioni ecelesiae se submittere: qui quidem Magr. Arthure respondit et negat se errasse, et quod non vult se submittere nisi cum fuerit sibi demonstratum per sacram scripturam vel alias quod articuli per eum predicati sint erronei et heretici: quod tunc libenter vult se cum omni humilitate submittere et eosdem articulos revocare: et deinde ipse Arthure petiit copiam arficulorum sibi decerni, et dominus decrevit copiam articulorum de quibus cupiebat convinci et responsionum eorundem.
EODEM DIE post meridiem loco antedicto coram eisdem Reverendis patribus unacum Reverendo patre Johanne Bathon. et Wellen. Epo. judicialiter simul sedentibus comparuit personaliter Magr. Thomas Bylney; quem Reverendus pater London Epus. iterum interrogavit, an velit adhuc redire ad ecclesiam et revocare et recognoscere hereses at opiniones erroneas et eas abjurare et se submittere: qui respondit et sperat se non esse separatum ab ecclesia et petiit locum et tempus ad producendum testes reprobatorios contra testes contra eum productos. Item interrogatus iterum per eundem pattem Reverendissimum, an velit redire ad dictam ecclesiam catholicam, ipse Bylney respondit, [quod] hoc docto et probato sufficienter quod est convictus, tunc vult se submittere et redire: ac denuo petiit terminum ad producendum testes reprobatorios: seal aliud responsum dare non vulr isto die, ut dicit. Deinde dominus habuit aliquantisper deliberacionem unacum Revis. patribus, semoto Mro.
Bylney; Ae postea comparente dicto Mro. Bylney, dominus denuo interrogavit an velit abjurare hereses et eisdem renunciare: qui respondit et petiit terminum assignari ad producendum testes reprobatorios. Iterum interrogatus idem respondit ut superius. Deinde dominus de consensu dictorum patrum decrevit, dictam Pnetieionem tanquam contra jura non esse admittendam nec audiendam. Irerum terrogatus an velit abjurare, respondit quod non; et petlit terminum ad consulendum illis in quibus fiduciam bonam habet, quid sit sibi faciendum. Rerum interrogatus an velit redire (ac eundem rogavit instanter ut rediret) ad ecclesiam; alioquin dicit, ut oporteret legere sententiam. Deinde Dominus Bylney petiit quatenus dominus concederet ei inducias usque in crastinum diem, ad deliberandum an velit hereses de quibus infamatur abjurare. Dominus concessit eidem Bylney quatenus aliquantulum secum deliberet cum magistro Dancaster, et ipse Bylney petiit terminum ad deliberandum usque in crastinum cum Magistris Farman et Dancaster, et casu quod Dominus nolit petita concedere dixit quod voluit appellare et in vocem appellacionis prorumpere. Deinde iterum atque iterum admonitus dixit FIAT JUDICIUM ET JUSTICIA. Quibus ut praefatur hinc inde gestis, dominus ad peticionem dicti Bylney, qui unam tantum noctem petiit, ex benignitate sua concessit eidem duas noctes ad deliberandum secure unacum Mro.
Dancaster viz. usque in diem Saboti usque ad horam nonam ante meridiem, et tunc ad plene et determinate respondendum quid intendat facere in ea parte viz. an velit ad unitatem ecclesiae redire et hereses abjurare an non.
Die SEPTIMO mensis Decembris Anno et loco predictis coram Reverendis patribus Cuthberto London. Johanne Lincoln. et Henrico Assaven. epis. judicialiter sedentibus comparuit personaliter Magister Thomas Bylney, quem Reverendus pater London Epus. interrogavit, an velit nunc redire ad gremium et unitstem ecclesiae et recognoscere et revocare heresim et errores super quibus detectus accusatus et convictus existit: qui respondebat, quod cum esset jam per Magistrum Dancastrum et alios amicos persuasus ut ad ecclesiam rediret, vellet libenti animo ad gemium Ecclesiae redire et se cum omni humilitate submittere, sperans quod Reverendi patres mite et syncere cum eo agere vellent in abjuratione et penitencia. Deinde petiit quatenus liceret sibi perlegere abjurationem: quod Reverendus pater London Epus. ei concessit, ut plene dictam abjurationem per se in loco secretiori videret atque perlegeret, ac deinde responderet quid facere in ea parte velit: quam abjurationem dictus Magister Bylney secure secrete habuit, ac eandem vidit et legit ac cum eadem ad dictos Revdos. patres rediit. Ac iterum per dictum Reverendum patrem London Epum. interrogatus, quid intenderet in hac parte facere: qui tune interveniente et praesente Johanne Bathon. et Wellen. Epo. publice et aperte respondebat coram astantibus et Deo, quos in testes vocabat, quod libenter velit abjurare et quod non intendit hoc facere aliquo metu mortis vel penae alicujus. Deinde humiliter lachrimando petiit veniam quod sic perperam male et contumaeiter in Ecclesiam se gessisset ac eam offendisset. Qui Reverendi partes misericorditer, quantum in ipsis esset et sibi peccatum easer, remiserunt et condonarunt. Quibus sic factis, deinde statim idem Magr. Bylney tactis sacrosanctis per eundem Evangeliis revocavit recognovit et abjuravit, et juravit, et se submisit humiliter, prout continetur in scedula abjurationis quam publice tunc ibidem legebat alta voce, et eandem subscripsit et consignavit signo sanctae crucis ac eandem, Reverendo patri London Epo. porrexit. Qui Reverendus pater eundem magrum. Bylney a sentencia excommunicationis absolvit, ac eundem, praestito primitus (ut praefertur) juramento corporali de penitendo, juri et sacramentis ecclesiae et congregacioni fidelium restituit, prout continetur in schedula absolutionis quam idem Reverendus pater tunc publice legebat, ac deinde penitenciam salutarem hic sequentem injunxit, videlicet quod idem Bylney maneret in carcere in loco per Reverendissimum dominum Legatum deputando, donee idem Reverendissimus dominus Legatus vel alius suus ordinarius pro tempore futurus illam partem penitenciae relaxandam duxerit, et quod non celebret publice coram populo missam donee sit in hujusmodi carcere, sed solum sibi secrete, et quod nunquam de cetero publice concionabitur aliquo loco ant ecclesia nisi fuerit sibi specialiter sede apostolica aut per Reverendissimum patrem aut ordinarium suum indultum et licentiatum: praeterea quod crastino die ante processionem in ecclesia cathed. Divi Pauli London fiendam nudo capite cum fasciculo lignorum precedat humiliter et penitenter, ac facta processione ante pulpitum in quo fiat concio in cemeterio Divi pauli aut alibi ibidem cum hujusmodi fasciculo stet, et a principio usque ad finem expectet.
DIE SEMPTIMO Decembris Anno et loco predictis coram Reverendis patribus Cuthberto London. Johanne Lincoln. Henrico Assaven. et Johanne Bathon. et Wellen. Epis. judicialiter pro tribunali sedentibus comparuit personaliter Magister Thomas Arthure, quem Reverendus pater London Epus. interrogavit, quid velit respondere de et super articulis sibi objectis, et an velit persistere in opinionibus suis, an velit redire ad unitatem ecclesiae. Qui sic interrogatus respondebat, quod nuper ultimo die judiciali respondebat ex quadam mala passione; de quo dolebat et penitebat: et iterum interrogatus ab eodem Reverendo patre, an velit redire ad ecclesiam et opiniones revocare; qui respondebat quod vellet libenter, et petiit videre et legere abjurationem. Deinde ipso Magistro Thoma Arthure sufficienter et abunde per dictum Reverendum pattern London Epum. docto et instructo de heresi et erroribus suis per sacrosanctam ecclesiam alias condempnatis, Idem Reverendus pater interrogavit an aliquid velit dicere contra rationes et auctoritates sacrae scripturae et sacrorum canonum, quos ipse Reverendus pater aperte et publice eidem Magistro Thomae Arthure tunc ibidem ostendebat allegabat demonstrabat, et apertis libris docuit contra articulos per eundum Arthure assertos et predicatos:
Qui tunc Magister Arthure respondebat quod bene et sufficienter sibi esset per dictum Reverendum patrem satisfactum et doctum de suis erroribus et heresibus, quas dicebat se libenter velle revocare et se judicio et correctioni ecclesiae submittere, ac post multas et varias doctrinas per Ipsum Reverendran patrem adductas et recitatas: et ipse Mag. Arthure publice professus quod dolebat et penitebat, quod ultimo die juridico sic erraverat et motus esset ac quadam mala animi passione locutus esset: quare petiit veniam, dicens quod libenter velit hereses suas perversos errores et opiniones revocare reeognoscere et abjurare et correctioni ecclesiae se submittere. Interrogatus an ye]it hoe sponte et non morris metu vel cruciatus corporis facere, ipsc Arthur respondit, quod non aliquo metu penae aut mortis hoc intendebat (ut superius dixit) viz. revocare recognoscere et abjurare; prout tunc ibidem facto revocabat recognoscebat et abjurabat, ac jurabat tactis per ipsum sacrosanctis evangeliis prout continetur in scedula abjurationis quam tunc et ibidem publice legebat et eandem suo nomine propria manu subscribebat ac signo crucis consignabat, ac deinde eandem dicto Reverendo patri porrexit: deinde idem Reverendus pater London Epus. eum magistrum Thomam Arthure, praestito ut praefertur juramento de penitendo etc., a sentencia excommunicacionis majoris absolvit ac ipsum sacramentis ecclesiae et congregacioni fidelium restituit, prout in scedula absolutionis per ipsum Reverendum patrem lecta continetur. Ac eidem Magistro Arthur sequentem penitenciam injunxit, viz. quod crastina die dominica ante processionem in ecclesia Cath. Divi Pauli London nudo capite cure fasciculo ligneo in humeris precedat, ac deinde ante pulpitum crucis sancti pauli in cemeterio ibidem, vel alibidem in ecclesia ibidem, cum hujusmodi fasciculo stet et expectet a principio conscionis usque ad finem, et quod in publico coram populo per 30 dies non celebret missam sed secrete sibi si velit, praeter crastinum diem in quo neque secrete neque aperte coram populo celebrabit. Praeterea idem Reverendus pater injunxit, quod nunquam posthac coram populo concionabit publice vel privatim, nisi de expressa lieencia sedis apostolicae et ordinarii loci cujuscumque sub quo ipsum degere contigerat.
Super quibus omnibus et singulis prefati Magr. Arthure et Thomas Bylney, fuerunt et sunt tam in Civitate London. et dioc. ejusdem, quam in universitate Cantabrigiae ac alibi, apud bonos et graves diffamati.
As ex animo credant juste et pie dampnatas esse Lutheri Assertiones quas Episcopus Roffen. impugnat, et ipsum Lutherum cum suis asseclis impium esse et execrabilem hereticum.
AN ex animo credant concilia universalia et constituciones ecclesiasticas semel receptas necdum abrogatas, etiam propter conscientiam non solum ob metum. esse ab omnibus servandas.
AN citra crimen hereseos credere liceat, beatam virginem deiparam non perpetuo virginem mansisse.
AN credant leges pontificias utiles esse necessarias et ad pietatem provehentes, nec sacris scripturis repugnantes, nec quoquo pacto abrogandas aut comburendas, sed ab omnibus potius plurimum Reverendas.
AN credant ecclesiam catholicam seu universalem errare posse in fide, et quam censeant illam ecclesiam catholicam, sensibilem scilicet aliquam et digito monstrabilem, an spiritualem tantum et Intelligibilem soli Deo cognitam.
AN putent Imagines sanctorum in templis satis christiane locatas esse, ae adorari oportere a vere christianis.
AN eltra fidel Jacturam et hereseos ullam notam credere possimus, animas Petri Pauli beatae virginis ac aliorum divorum esse aut non esse in celo, nec ullum adhuc de animabus defunctorum habitum judicium.
AN festa et jejunia ab ecclesia instituta et recepta possit aut debeat privatus aliquis suo arbitrio et sola libidine citra peccatum et contumaciam non servare.
As prelatis et Epis. et Regibus quemadmodum et parentibus divino precepto teneamur obedire.
AN credant ecelesiam recte et pie ad sanctos defunctos precaciones aliquas dirigere.
AN solum Christum precandum putent, nec crimen esse hereseos, si quis contendat sanctorum neminem nostris precibus pulsandum.
AN putent omnes vere christianos equo et eodem jure esse sacerdotes, et omnes accepisse a Christo claves ligandi et absolvendi, si spiritum dei assequuti sunt; Et solos tales, sire laici sive sacerdotes sint.
AN ex animo credant fidem esse posse absque operibus et charitate.
AN credant magis ex fide esse ut populus oret lingua vernacula, quam literata et ignota; imo an laudent preces in aliena lingua.
AN mallent missas et evangelia publice in ecclesia legi in vulgari lingua, quam literata et latina.
AN laudent pueros solum doceri precationem dominicam, non etiam salutationem aut simbolum.
AN deriidendas putent particulas illas ligneas, quibus passim utitur vulgus.
AN censeant totam scripturam sacram verti debere in linguam vernaculam, idque magis ex utilitate populi fore quam ut nunc legitur.
AN vellent organa musica et cantus vocales ab ecclesia dei auferri.
AN credant pertinere ad pontifices ut quenquam vinclis et carceribus coherceant, aut ullam habeant potestatem cohercivam aut corporalem.
AN credant piam esse constitucionem ut nemo in aliena diocesi concionetur, absque literis commendaticiis et potestate ab Epis. impetrata.
AN putent vota religiosorum et privatas particulares religiones ex dei spiritu primum constitutas, nec ullo modo pugnare cum vero et libero christianismo.
AN credant orandum esse pro mortuis. An credant purgatorium esse. An potius neotrum credere teneamur ex necessitate fidel, sed liberum sit sic credere aut non credere citra ullum dispendium.
AN credant philosophiam moralem et naturalem aliquid conducere ad melius intelligendum scripturas, aut ad explicandum aut defendendum fidel veritatero.
AN credant Indulgentias pontificias potius rejiciendas quam amplexandas.
AN sit contra doctrinam Christi et apostolorum, christianos quoquo modo contendere in Judicio ut sua sibi restituantur.
AN omnia credant ex necessitate futura, et salvacionem et dampnacionem; et nichil omnino esse in nostro arbitrio.
AN Deum authorem putent malorum, tam culpae quam penae.
AN censeant aliquas esse posse virtutes morales citra gratiam christianitatis, An potius figmenta sint quas Aristoteles commentus est virtutes.
INTERROGANDI sunt an missam soli celebranti prodesse putent: - An ritum nunc missandi libere quisquam pro suo arbitrio, et citra fidei jacturam, aut omittere ant mutare possit.
AN hereticum et sediciosum ceaseant docere populum, illis esse liberum decimas dare sacerdotibus aut aliis quibuslibet pauperibus.
AN Christianius esse putent tollere a templis sanctorum Imagines, quam permittere ut illic maneant deaurentur et honorentur.
AN Christianum esse putent, ut concionatores cohortentur homines ad peregrinaciones et veneracionem Reliquiarum.
An tu Thomas Bylney citatus in causa heresis ad comparendum coram Reverendissimo patre duo. Thoma Cardinali Eborac. sedis Apostolicae a latere legato, ante diem comparicionis tuae, non dum purgatus de hiis pro quibus citatus eras, verbum Dei populo publice in diversis ecclesiis Civitatis et dioc. London viz. in ecclesiis Elenae et sancti Magni Civitatis Ejusdem, et in ecclesiis de Wyllesdon Newyngton Kengyngton et Chelsey extra urbem, absque licentia sufficienti Epi. London aut cujuscunque alterius predicaveris. ‘Sequuntur alia interrogatoria in vulgari, non tamen ministrata.
Is it not heresie to teache or to beleve, that pilgremages to the temples and reliques of holy martires and other sayncts is not a worke of the self good and also meritorious, if it be don for the honour of God and good sayncts?
Is it not an heresie to teche or to beleve, that men may at their pleasure breke the constitucions of holy church and of holy fathers, as fastyng dayes, holy dayes, matens, masse, and suche, without any grudge of conscience or dedly synne?
Is it not an heresie to beleve, that the very flesh and bloode of Crist is not in the sacrament of thaulter, or that the very bred and wyne remayneth after the consecracion?
Is it not an heresie to say and hold, that no reverence owght to be don to the Images of sayacts?
Is it not heresie to say and teche, that men owght to pray to no sayncts in heven nor for no dead men?
Is it not heresic to say, that men deservyth no thanke of God if they observe all the ceremonies of the churche, nor no blame shall have or commytt any synne if he kepe never on of them: quod est diffinitive damnare ceremonias?
Is it not heresie to beleve, that ther is no jeperdie nor harme to he dewly acordyng to the canones excommunicat by the pope or byshop?
Si neget haec esse heretica, interrogetur an hereticum sit non audire ecclesiam; quod si tribuat, necnon pro heretico habebitur qui predicta non esse heretica fatebitur, utpote ecclesiam et concilia recusans audire habeatur: sin ista concedat esse heretica, jubeatur ut illa clare et manifeste exprimat populo.
Vide responsa horum viz. Bylney et Arthure in libro papiri f in anno domini hic annotato. ARTICULI et errores magistri Thomae Bylney predicati sire assertl in ecclesia paroch, sancti Magni Civtatis London in hebdomada Penthecostes Anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo 27, super quibus omnibus et singulis dictus Thomas Bylney tam infra dictam Civitatem quam alibi apud bonos et graves graviter infamatus existit. IN PRIMUS he sayd, pray yow only too God and to noo saynts rehersyng the latyney. And whan he came to Sancta Maria ora pro nobis, he sayd Stay there: negat. ITEM he sayd, cristen men owght to wurshipe God only, and no saynts: negat. ITEM . he sayd, cristen peple shuld set upp no lights before the Images of saynts, for sayntys in heven nede noo light and the Images have no yes to see: negat. ITEM he sayd, that lykwyse as Ezechias distroyed the brasen serpent that Moyses made by the commanndement of God, even soo shuld kynges and prynces now a dayes dystroy and burne the Images of saynts sett upp in churches and other placys: negat ut ponitur. ITEM . he sayd, good pepole I exhorte yow in God, that if prysts be of yvylle conversation or will not applye ther lernynge, that yow helpe them not but rather let them starve then gyve them any penny: negat ut ponitur. ITEM that the sayd Bylney uppon thes premysses and other errores and heresies was before and at that tyme gretly diffamyd notyd suspected, both within the cytie and dioc. of London as within the diocese of Norwiche and the universitee of Cantebrige, emongs good and faithfull cristen peple, and thereuppon hath ben detectyd before Juges ordinary competent in that behalffe.
ARTICULI et errores Mri. Thomae Bylney, predicati sive asserti in Folio 134. ecclesia paroch, de Wyllesdon London dioc. in hebdomada Penthecostes Anno dni. millesimo quingentesimo 27, super quibus omnibus et singulis idem Thomas Bylney in parochia de Wyllesdon et allis vicinis et circumvicinis apud bonos et graves graviter infamatus est.
Is PRIMUS he sayd that the Jewes wold have becom chrysten long agoo but for idolatry usyd by cristen men, as offeryngs of candells wax or money to Images of’ stockes and stones stonding in churches or chapellys.
Respondit non occurrere memoriae an dixerit ut objicitur, et petit terminum ad deliberandum: quod si ad memoriam reducere non possit, paratus erat stare depositionibus testium et quasi a se dictum agnoscere quod illi testificabunt. ITEM he sayd the prests take away the offryngs to suche Images, and give them to hooris and dyd hang them abowght there neckys, and after that tok them fro them and dyd hange them ageyn uppon the Images. ITEM he sayd that sum men say that Reliques and Images born abowt sum tyme doo speke: but if any of them doo speke, it is the devylle that apekith in them and not God. ITEM . he sayd that gooying on pilgremages was nowght, and that no man shold use :it, for it were better not: And that rather he shold tary at home and gyffe sumwhat in almose. ITEM he bad the peple, offryng to owre Lady of Wyllesdon whiles he preched, cum down frome offrynge and doo there dewtye and leve ther vayne devotyon, sayinge that the fawte was in the curatts that wold not teche them oderwyse. ITEM he sayd that if a man were confessyd after a Remembraunce of his synnes, one paternoster were as good as gooyng to Rome on pilgremage. ITEM he sayd that owre Lady of Wyllesdon was a common baude. ITEM he sayd Mary Magdalen was a stewyd hoore; howbeit ache turnyd afterward to grace. ITEM he sayd there that he shold be shent for saying as he had don, but he caryd not for ytt.
ARTICULI et errores mri. Thomae Bylney predicati sive asserti in ecclesia paroch, de Newyngton London dioc. in Ebdomada Penthecostes Anno Dni. millesimo quingentesimo 27, super quibus, etc.
IN PRMIS he prechyd and exhorted the peple that they shold pray only to God, and nether to our Lady saynt Peter saynt John nor any other saynt in heven, for if any man had nede none of them coulde helpe them but only God. ITEM he, sayd there, yow doo not well to goo on pilgremage to our Lady of Walsingham Ipiswiche or Wyllesdon or to any other place and there to offe, for they be nothing ells but stockes and stones. Therfore it were better to tarry at home and pray to God there. ITEM he sayd to the peple there present, take awaye those candellis that yow set before theis Images, ye ar fools, ye make them youre godes and they can doo nothing for you.
ARTICULI sive errores predicati per M. Thomam Byllney in ecclesia Christi in villa de Ipiswiche Norwicen. dioc. 28 die mensis Mail anno domini 1527.
SEYNG that oure Savioure Christ ys oure mediator betwene us and the father, what shold nede us to speke to any seynt for Remedye, to Christis inferior. Wherfore to make suche peticyon to any but to oure savyoure Christe, trustyng therebye to have remedye, dothe injurye to the blode of Christe and difformythe oure Savioure Christe, lyke as if a man shold take and stryke of the hed and sett yt under the tote and the tote to set above.
MAN is so imperfect, that in no wyse he can meryte by his own dedis.
THE commyng of oure Savyoure Grist was long desired, and by dyverse and many profetts was prophecyed that he shold come. But John the baptyste plusquam propheta, whiche did not only prophecye but with his fingar shewyd Ecce Agnus Dei, Ecce qui tollit peccata mundi. Then if this were the very lambe whych John dyd demonstrate and shewid, qui tollit peccata mundi, what ingerye is this to oure Soverane Chryste, that this bull to be buryed in the cowle of saynt Francis shold or may remyt 4 parts of penance! What is lefte to oure Savyoure Criste, qui tollit peccata mundi? This I wyll justyfie to be a greate blasphemye ayenst the blode of Christe.
BEFORE this tyme the peple hath been beglied by false prechours prechyng for luker of money and not for the helthe of mannys soule; to whom good frendes geve yow no more credence, for yow have long been begylyd and seducyd by them; but gyve good peple credence to me and to suche as I am, whiche comythe for no luker of youre moneye but only to preche the gospell of our Saviour Christe. Loo here ys the new Testament and here ys the olde. These he the Swordys of our Savyoure Chryste; whiche I will teche and shew to yow, and nothyng else. For I doo see that the grace of oure Sayyour Chryste growethe amongst yow, that my preching is great pleasure and comfort to yow; whiche greatly rejoceth me, that yow be so glad and diligent. I desire yow therfore all of perseverance.
THESE 500th yerys there hathe ben no good pope nor in all tyme past that we can fynde but L, for they have nether prechyd ne lyved well conformably to there dignytie. Wherefore tyll now they have borne the keys of symonie to open menys purses and cofers, and used there auctoritie for luker of money. Ayenst whome good perpole we must preche and shew to you, for we cannot come to them: itt is grete pitie they have foreslaundered the bodie of oure Savyoure Cryste.
THE PEPLE hathe used folishlye of late pylgremages, whiche for them had been better to byn at home.
MANY hath made certayne vowis whiche he not possible for them to fulfill, and they nothing meritoryouse.
THE prechers before this hath been Anticrists; and now it hath pleased owre Savyoure Criste to schew there false errors and to gyve a nother waye and manet of prechynge of the holy gospell of Christe, to the comforte of youre soules.
I TRUSTE that there shall come and will other besides me, whiche shall shew and preche to you whiche is the very trew gospell of our Savioure Christe and the mynde of holy fathers; whereby ye shall he browghte from these errors wherin yow have byn longe seducyd, for before this there hathe hen many that hathe slaundered yow and the gospell of owre Saviour Criste; of whom spekes oure Savyoure Mathei vjo qui scandalizavit unum de pusillis istis qui in me credunt etc. “In the name of God, Amen. I, Thomas Bylney, prieste, before you, right reverent father in God, Lord Cuthbert, bishope of London. my ordinary and diocesan, and commissary to the moste reverent father in God, Lord Thomas, of the title of Saynt Cecyle prist Cardinall, archbishope of Yorke, primat of England, Chancelor of the same, of the See apostolique Legate de latere, togethere with you reverent fathers, Henry byshop of Saynt Asse, John byshop of Lyncoln, and John byshop of Bathe, lykewise commissaries lawfully deputed, confessing and knowledgyng the trew catholike and apostolique faith of holye churche, intend by the grace of God herafter ever to persever and abide in the trew doctrine of holye churche, and doo detest and abjure all manet of heresies and articles followyng, whereupon I am now diffamed, noted, vehemently suspected, and convicted; that is to say, that men shuld pray onlye to God, and to no sayntes. Item, that Christen men ought to wurshipe God and no saynts. Item, that Christen men ought to set upp no lyghts before images of sayntes. Item, that men doo not well to go on pylgrimages. Item, that man in no wise can meryte by his own dedys. Item, that myracles dayly shewyd be wrought by the devyl by the sufferance of God. Item, that no pope hathe suche power and auctoritie as Peter had, except he be of lyke purltie of lyfe and perfection as Peter was. And in theis articles, and all other, I here expressly consent unto oure mother the holye churche of Rome, and the apostolique doctrine of the same, and bothe in mouthe and harte make knowledge, that whosoever hereafter teche, preche, or affirm, any of theis Articles, or any other heresies, contrary to the determynation of the holye churche, is worthy to be excluded from the communion of the same. And in case I hereafter do teche, preche, bold or affiyrme, any of theis articles, or any other heresies, contrary to the determynation of holye churche, whiche by the grace of God intend never to doo, then I shall submit myself to the correction of my ordinary, accordyng to the holye canons; and for theis my trespasses and offences I desyre you of penance, whyche I promise by these holy Evangelels and contents of this booke by me bodilye touched, truly to doo, observe, and fulfil. In witness wherof, to this my present abjuration I have subscrybed my name with my hand and set to the signe of the crosse.”
ARTICULI et errores Mri. Thomaae Arthure, predicati sive assertl in diversis locis et temporibus infrascriptis, Super quibus etc.
In ecclesia beatae Mariae Wolchurch Civitatis London in die sanctae Trinitatis Anno Dni. Millesimo quingentesimo 27.
IN PRIMIS he exhorted the pepole in his prayers, to pray specially for those that now be in pryson for preching the trew gospell of God. ITEM he sayd, that thowght men be restrained to preche now a days, which is ayenst Godes lawes, yet I may preche - First by thauctoritie of my Lord Cardinall, for I have his license. Secondarily by thauctoritye of the Universitie. Thirdly by the pope. Fourthly by thauctorytie of God wher he sayd, Euntes in mundum predicate evangelium omni creaturee; by the whiche auctoritie every man may preche; And there is nother byshope nor ordynary nor yet the pope that may make a law to lett any man to preche the gospell. ITEM whan he spake of the lawes, he browght a symylytude of Crosses sett upp ayenst the walles in London that men shold not pisse there. That whether there were on crosse or few moo, men did Reverence to them and pissed not there. But whan there was in every corner A crosse set, then men of necessite were compellyd to pisse uppon the crosses. Soo lyke maner, when there [were] but a few holy and devoute lawes in the churche, then men were aferd to offend: then afterwarde they made many lawes for there Advantage; and suche as were pecunyall they doo observe them, And those that are not pecuynall they doo call them palea, and regardethe them not. And so now a dayes there ar so many lawes, that whether a man dothe yll or well he shall be taken in the lawe. ITEM he sayd, good peple, if I shold suffre persequution for the preching of the Gospell of God, yet there ys seven thousande moo that will preche the gospell of God as I doo now. Therefore, good peple good people (quae verba sepius quasi lacrimando iteravit), Thynke not yow that if theis tyrannes and persequutors put a man to dethe for prechyng the gospell of god, That he ys an heretycke therfore, but rather a martyr. ITEM he sayd, that every man ye every layman is A pryst; and theruppon he made a declaration, whiche peraventure dyd not satisfye every man there present. ITEM the sayd Thomas Arthure in the parishe churche of Walden and other placys ther about did preche to the people, that they shold pray to no saynts in hevyn but onlye to god almightie; and they sholde use no other mediator for them but criste Jhesu our Redeemer onlye. ITEM he preched there, that they sholde wurshipp noo Images of sayntes, which were nothyng but stockes and stones. ITEM the sayd Thomas Arthure dyd preche uppon Whitsondaye last within the Universitie of Cantabrige suche or lyke wordes and sentencys; That a bacheler of dyvynitie admytted of the universitie, or any other person havyng or knowyng the gospell of god, sholde goo fourthe and preche in every place and let for no man [of] what estate or degre so ever he were. And if’ any bhishope did accurse them for so dooyng, There cursyng shuld turne the harme of theire selfys.
IN THE NAME OF GOD AMEN. I Thomas Arthure, priste, Bacheler of Dyvinitie, of the diocese and jurisdiction of London, accused and detected of suspicion of heresie, openly knowledge and confesse before yow Right Reverent father in God lord Cuthbert Byshop of London my ordinary and diocesan, and commissary to the most reverent father in God lord Thomas of the title of Saynt Cecyle, prist Cardinall, Archbyshope of Yorke, primat of Englond, Chauncelor of the same, of the Apostolique See Legate de latere, to gether with yow Reverent fathers, lordes henry bishop of Saynte Asse John bishope of Lyncoln and John bishope of Bathe and Wellys, likewyse commissaries lawfully deputed. That I erroneouslye and dampnably contrary to the determinacion of oure moder the holy churche have sayd and openly prechyd affyrmed confessyd defendyd and mayntened, That a bacheler of dyvinitie admytted of the universitie, or any other person havyng or knowyng the gospell of God, may goo forthe and preche the gospell in every place, and let for no man. And if any byshop did accurse them for so dooying, the cursyng shal turne the harme of there selfys. And that there ys nother bishop nor ordynary nor yet the pope, that may make a law to let any man to preche the gospell. Also in lyke maner I have sayd and openly prechyd confessyd and mayntayned, That if a man be put to dethe as an heretyke for prechyng the gospell, he is not therefore an heretyk but rather a martyr. Also I have slaunderously and sedycyousely sayd and prechid and confessed, That there ar so many lawes in oure mother the holye churche now a dayes, that whether a man doo ylle or well he shalbe taken in the law. The whiche my erronyouse sayngs prechinges and confessyons as hereticalle dampnable slaunderouse false and sedityous, with the defenses and mayntenaunces of the same, in speciall, with all other heresies in generall, before almighti God and yow my ordinary in this honorable audyence I voluntarily and gladly as a trew penytent person retorned from my heresies unto grace utterly renounce forsake and abjure. Promyttyng, and I promysse faithful]y, unto almyghtie God oure foresayd mother the holy churche and unto you my forsayd ordinary, and swere by theis holye Evangelies and contents of this book here by me bodylye touched, that from hensforthe I shall never retorne ayen to the sayd heresyes or any other damnable heresyes and opynyons, and nevermore favor folow defend reherse affyrme or mayntayn them contrary to the determynatyon of oure moder the holye churche, nor hide concele or kepe close any suche heresies and damnable opynions nor there auctors nor fautors in tyme to come, nor be conversaint or famylyar wytyngly with any person or persons suspect of heresy. But assone as I shall know any suche persons or their fautors, I shall truely and faithfully detect them with there heresies and there opynyons to there ordynares for the tyme beyng withowght any delay.
Submyttyng myself mekely lowlye and penitently to oure tooder the ho]ye churche and your correction, heyng contryte and sorye; and desire penaunce for my sayd offences and trespaces in this behalf. Whiche I promyse by the vertue of my othe suefly to doo observe and fulfyll. In withes wherof, to this my presente abjuratyon I have subscrybed my name with my hand and set to the signe of the crosse.
LETTER FROM THOMAS BILNEY TO THE VICAR OF DEREHAM IN NORFOLK, EXHORTING HIM TO TAKE CARE OF HIS FLOCK. (From the Parker MSS. in 400, Vol. 340, No. 14, p. 281.)
Good maister vicar I hartely commend me unto you: hertely also thankyng yowe for your kynd token & manyfold benefyts shewed to me in tymes past, for the wych I am not hable to recompense yowe, but he shall for whose sake ye doo such thyngs. Syr my trust ys that yt nedyth not that any man & moch lesse I shuld exhort yowe to yowr dewtye, that ys to preache the word of God unto your flokke; for I trust ye doo yt dyligently of your owne accorde, knowyng that ye are bownd so to doo both by the auctoryte of the prophets of chryste and also hys apostles, as yt aperyth evydently in many places of’ both testaments wherin many tymes the curats are callyd pastores, as Ezechaelis 34 cao. & in the 33 cao. of the same prophet, where God speketh ad speculatores. Item Hieremie 23 & in many placis of Esaie. In the newe testament the 10 chapter of John. Item Johnis ultio. Item Actorum vicesimo, ubi sanctus Paulus alioquitur omnes curatos dicens, Attendite vobis et universo gregi in quo vos Spiritus sanctus posuit episcopos ad regendam ecclesiam dei quam acquisivit sanguine suo. Item ja Petri quinto. Pascite qui in vobis est gregem Christi etc. - et cure venerit pastor princeps recipietis immarcessibilem gloriae coronam. Loke the concordance upon the word pastores, and there ye shall see more auctorytie wherbye yt shal evydentlye appere unto yowe in what case the curats of Englond do leve, qui pascunt semetipsos with the profyts of their benefyces, sed non pascunt gregem verbo dei. Ideo minatur illis deus Ezehaelis 43 eternam damnationem, dicens, Vae pastoribus etc. Master vicare, meliora sunt vulnera amici quam fraudulenta oscula inimici. Proverbiorum 27. Of a truth these sayengs perteyne specyally unto bishopps, quibus vae est nisi evangelizent ja ad Corintheos 9. But yet they also bynd curats that take cure of sowle under the bisshoppys, as the forsayd place of the 20 chapter of the Acts doth testyfye, wher saynt Powle calleth playnly presbyteros episcopos et superintendentes. God of hys goodness hath geven yowe such grace in your lyvyng & conversacion, quod lucet lux tua coram hominibus ut videant opera tun bona et glorificent patrem celestem. Wherfor ye no doubt of myght edyfye more with one syngle sermon, then another (by whose lyfe the flokk are not moved) shuld with many clerkly & curiose sermones. Nam regnum dei non est in sermone sed in virtute. Ther ys none that doo moore good then theye that esteme themselvys unhable: abscondisti haec (inquit) a sapientibus et prudentibus, et revelasti ea parvulis et humilibus. Howe symple ys the sermone wherwith Peter convertyd so many thousands! Actorum 2. Dyd not Jonas convert y gret cyte of Ninive unto repentance with these fewe wurds, adhuc quadraginta dies et Niineve subvertetur! Yt ys not the wurd, but God wych wurketh in hys wurd: Neque qui plantat est aliquid (inquit Pau. 1 ad Corinth. 3), neque qui rigat, sed qui incrementum dat deus. Lete the prechar be the temple of God & speke the word of God, and noo dowbt of that God wyll wurke wyth hys wurd: Verbum meum (inquit Esaie 55) non revertetur ad me vacuum. Non vos estis qui loquimini, sed Spiritus Parris vestri qui loquitur in vobis: Matth. 10. Ego (inquit Exod. 4) ero in ore tuo docebo que te quod loquaris chryst shewith wherin the Summe of prechyng stondeth, Marci primo: penitete (inquit) et credite evangel lo, et appropinquabit regnum cell. It ys impossible that a good man that leveth after hys techyng (as I verely cownt yowe) shuld speke the wurd of God in rayne, thowgh yt were but every Sundaye one sentence or he gospell:
Exempli gratia - Fryndys, our Sayyour Chryst sayth in the gospell of luce the 13 chapter. Nisi penitenciam egeritis, omnes peribitis. Wherfore amend your lyres yff yowe wyll be savyd. - And another Sondaye, Sic deus dilexit roundum ut filium suum unigenitum daret, ut omnis qui credit in eum non pereat sed habeat vitam eternam. Johnis. 3. - And on the 3d Sondaye Anima quae peccaverit, ipsa morietur. Ezechielis 15. - And on the fourth Sondaye Ego sum resurrectio et vita, qui credit in me, etiamsi mortuus fuerit vivet. Johns 11 Yff ye shuld saye no mor but every Sondaye this moch of the wurdes of God, & soo continue, noo dowght of that god wuld wurk every daye in some of his elect; for he hath promysyd and can not be false in his promyse, that hys word shall never be spoken in vayne. Esaie lvo. Oyes (inquit) mere vocem meam audiunt. Johnis 10.
Ite inquit et invenietis, solvite et adducite mihi. Matthei 21. Item Johnnis ultimo, Mittite in dextram navigii rhete et invenietis. Miserunt ergo, & jam non valebant illud trahere prae multitudine piscium. Our Lord gyf yowe grace to remember that ys wryttyn Matthe. 24. Quis (putas) est fidelis servus et prudens, quem constituit dominus suus super familiam suam, ut det illis cibum in tempore? Beatus ille servus quem cum venerit dominus ejus invenerit sic facientem. Amen dico vobis quoniam super omnia bona sua constituet eum. And on the other syde, reed, good master vicar, that ys wrytten Matthei 25 de talentis: Inutilem (inquit) servum ejicite in tenebras exteriores. Illic erit fletus et stridor dentium. O master vycar, yff chryste shall saye in tremendo illo Judicio, Ite maledieti in ignem eternum etc. bicause thei fedd hym not in hys hungrye membres with materyall Brede, what shall he saye unto them wych of dewrye wer bund to fede the hungrye sowlys with hys word, and let them sterve for hungre. Vale for the massanger calleth, praye for me I besech yowe.
By your owne T.B.
Thomas bilneye to the vicar of dereham in Norfolk.
LETTER FROM BILNEY TO HIS FATHER AND MOTHER. (From the Parker MSS. Vol. 340, No. 22, p. 579.)
Father and mother accordyng to my dutye I lowly comend me un to vowe, preyg yowe of your dayly blyssyngs certyfyeng yowe that at the wry ting of this byll (thankes be to God) I was as hayle and mery as ever I was in my lyff. And so I have ben contynually both daye and nyght (lauded be Jesus Chryst) ever syns the begynnyng of my Joyful vexation and mery troble. In somuch that I never slept more sowndlye then I dyd in the roydes of my busyness. Thys I saye, father and mother, that ye showld tak no thowght for me, but be merye and glad in allmyghty God, hertely thankyng hym for hys grace mercy and goodness toward me pore synner and hys most unworthy servant, whych of hys tender love toward me [he] hathe alweys plentyfully shewed onto me, but especyally in thys lytel storme and tempest reysyd agaynst me in hys mercyful sufferanse, to trye and prove my lytel fayth and love toward hym and to porge my soule more clene from the dreggys of synne: yt was hys blessyd wyll that I showld be cast in to the fyer of troble, that the rust of my sowle showld be the sonar somewhat avoyded and consumyd. In the whyche fyer of troble he hath hetherto so preservyd me only of hys pure mercy, with owt my deservyng, and so quenchyd this fyer with the dewe of hys grace, that yt hath not scorkled one one (sic) her of my hede, but hath reyther kyndled such an her in my cold hart that I cannot chose but love God better then I ever dyd Except I wyll be wondersfully uukynd unto such a kynd father. We rede in the holy wrytyng of’ God, good father and mother, howe that 3 yong men war bownd hond and rote and put in to a howge gret fyer, becawse thei wold not worshyp the golden ymag of kyng Nabuchodonosor, in to the wyche fyer the angel of God enteryd with them and so preservyd them in the myddes of yt, that one here of ther hede was not syngyd, but the flare of the fyer brast out of the fornace by the the (sic) power of God and mowntyd up 49 cubytes above the fornace and brent as many of the kynges servantes as war abowght the kyndlyng of the fyer. So trulye suche as be cast in to the fyer of trobulatyon by kynges prynces or prelates be cause they wylnot be obedyent unto ther commawndmentes contrary to the commawndments of God, ar wont to be saffe and sownd in the mydes of the fyer. So that the lest here of ther bed doth no perysh, as chryst promysed to hys un to hys (sic) descyples, for the grace of God enteryth with them into the fyerand preserve (sic) them in the roydes of yt, and thowght ther boddyes be brent to ashes yett ther sowl ys all safe and the more acceptable to God. And oftentymes thys fyer of trybulatyon brasteth howtof the fornace and burn (sic) hup them in sowle, and after thys lyffe in bodye also in the fyer of hel (yff theye do not repent wnyl thei lyre), that do kyndel thys fyer. Insomuche that the servants of God whyche be put in to the fyer care for nothyng so muche as for the forgyvnes and salvacyon of them that dothe cast them or cause them to be castyd in to thys fyer, thowe they dye ther. So prayd Stephan for them whych stonyd him to deth - ye so prayd our most marcyful savyor Chryst for them that naylyd hym uppon the crosse. And so many tymes the rather by menys of suche prayers the kyndlers, kepers, and mynystars of the fyer at the last be convertyd and turnyd to mervelus gret grace in god. So saynt poule which sometyme was a gret pursuer and enemy of chrystan peple and of chrystes feyth, consentyng to the deth of saynt Stephan and castyng in to the fyer of troble as many as he cowd fynd belevyng up on Chryst, at the last thorowe the help and prayer of saynt Stephan he was convertyd and was made a gret pursuer with the feyt, the most valyent and strong precher of Chrystes gospel - so myghty a thyng ys the marvelus wurkyng of God by the helpe of devout prayers.
But I wold not (good father and mother) that ye showld thynk that I am put in to this fyer of trybulation with ow my deservyng. I have deservyd thys and much more, for althowe I am not fawty (as I take God and my conscyens to recorde) in any heresye or errour that I have been accusyd of and don pennance for, or ever prechyd or favoryd prively or apertly ony opinyon contrary unto the determination and techyng of our mother holy chyrche (as I wyl answer at the daye of dome), yet for my neglygent and reklowse lyff and especyall in my youth when I neyter knew God nor my sylf, I knowledge my sylf to have deserved moch more payne and troble then thys, and am redye by the grace of God with owt the whych we can do nothyng to suffer moch more yff yt be hys plesure. And ho ys ther that lyvyth so perfectly in thys world, but that deservyth moch more peyne and troble then he sufferyth? truly I dare seye very fewe or none.
The holy apostle Saynt John whych was most derly be lovyd to ower savior chryst was not ashamyd to numbre and compt hymself unfeynydly amonge synners, seyng Yff we shall seye that we have no synne we begyle our sylf and make god a lyar. What than shal we saye of our selves whyche so grevoslye offend god and ower neyburghs every daye, and owr inworde thowght and dede? Whereas we be bownd under the peyne of Everlastyng damnation to love God above all thynges and owr neyburghs as our sylf, what shal we saye? truly that the best of us all, none exept - wer not the gret mercy of God howerly shewd upon bus for Jesus Chrystes sake that dyed for our synnes and never yett cesseth to cal unto hys father for mercy for hus, continualy shewyng unto hym the prynt of the blessed wondes that he sufferyd for ower synnes in hys hondes hart and feet; war not this gret marcy purchasyd for hus, - the best of hus all war nothyng els but a fyer brond of hell. And thys wyll I prove by godys grace by the evident and playne wordes of God. The holy prophet Moyses and saynt Pawle also, whyche be to sufficient wytnesses, do saye that ever), man and woman be accursyd of godys owne mowth that do not observe and kepe continualy every uttermost poynt of the lawe of God: but ther ys non lyvyng that so dothe allwaye observe all the commandementes of God: wherfor all, non exept, be accursyd of the ryghtwysnes of God and worthy to be damnyd. I saye not thys of myn own heed. Saynt Powle wytnessyth the same, seyng almyghty godys lawe hathe lokkyd and sparyd hupp all the world under synne, so that all ther mowthes be stopped, soo that thei cannot denye but that the best of them all ys deply in hys der and daunger: the chyld that ys borne thys nyght that never thowght amisse ys damnyd owt of the blysse of of (sic) heven, exept yt be chrystenyd, thorowe the one syne of Adam wherby he damnyd hym sylf and all hys issue for ever. Insomuch that neyther our lady nor Saynt John baptyst could have cure to heven, except owre savyour Chryst had openyd the gats by his dethe, and overcum the strong hold of the dyvell that kept all mankynd in captyvite, and toke from hym the holy prophets & patryarches Adam and Eve, Abel, Abraham Isaac and Jacob, Moses and saie, hieremie and John with such other, wher of sum had ben ther presonars many thousand yeres, thynkyng full long for hes comyng. O good lord yff the chyld that ys borne thys nyght not chrystynyd enjoythe not the blysse of heven, yff the blessyd patryarches and prophetes coud not for all ther holy lyvyng come thyther; wherof sum war so obedyent unto the wyl of [God] that they war redy to kyll ther owne chylde, havyng no more, for the love of God; Som war sawd on sunder for prechyng the word of God; some war hedyd; What shall cure of hus most wrechyd wretchyd synners whyche have defylyd and spotyed with innumerable prydes, wrathes, invyns, covetyes, glotonyes, slowthes, and lecheres, slaunderynges, lyes, sweryng, and ydell wordes, the whyte garment of Innocentie and clennesse, whyche was dyed in the most presius water and blud trykelyd out of the syde of Chryst the derly belovyd son of God and put on hus in ower baptyme? what shal cum of hus? trulye nothyng els but everlastyng damnatyon with the fends of hel in paynes intollerable with owt end, wher boylyng led fyer and bromston [are] but a part of the paynes that the damnyd persons shal ther suffer bothe in bodie and sowle with ow cessyng, as long as God shal be in heven. Thes peyns doubtles, father and mother, shal we suffer, as God thretenythe in the Scriptures, except we unfeynydly repent us whyl we have tyme and space, and axe mercy for owre manyfowld synes whyce we have done synse the yeres of dyscrecyon agaynst the goodnes of God; that hath made us unto hys owne ymag and lyknes, and bowght us agayne from the thraldom of the dyvel nyther with gould nor yet with sylver (as Saynt Petyre saythe), but with the preciose blod of that most clen and Inocent lambe hys only dere son Jesus Chryst, owre Savyor; for hose passions sake yff we aske forgyfnesse of ower synnes, be they never so grevose, owre most mercyful father in heven wyl not deny yt us; whyche ys alwaye a thowsand tymes mo redye to forgyve hus than we be to axe mercy and forgynnesse, whyc of owr Sylf cannot so moche as axe mercy with owl hys grace moveth our hartes and tonges ther on to. Let us thefor be sory for owr evyll synnes; with a full purpose no more to fall un to them, by Goddes grace, and to be playnly confessyd of them as sone as we may convenyently; or at the lest at tymes ordeyned by holy churche; and axe forgynnesse: and no dowbt of yt we shal strayt waye obteyne yt, yff we beleve stedfastly in the promys of almyghty God; as wytnessyth the holy Scripture of the prophet david, Seyng, I porposed in my herr to be confessyd un to my Lord God of my wretchyd lyvyng, and a none of hys Infynyt mercy he forgave me the wykydnesse of mysynne: so excedyng ys hys mercy toward them that wyll aknowlege and confesse ther synnes, and ask forgyveness of them for Christes sake, and lyre a newe lyff, forsakyng by Godys grace ther olde; so that they wyll put ther hole hope & trust in Christes passion; dayly prayng with owr mother holy church the spouse of Chryst in thys maner: O Lord Jesu Chryst the son of the lyvyng God, put thi passyon crosse and dethe be twyxt thi jugement and owr sowles nowe and in the houre of our dethe, and grant hus blessyd Savyor whyl we be alyve mercy and grace, and after ower dethe forgvnnes and rest. Amen. And thowe thes wordes be not wrytten in the Scrypture, yeet these wordes must nedes be axceptable unto ower Savyor chryst, for they be the wordes of his spouse unto hom he saythe in holy wrytyng, be thy royce sownd in myn eeres, for yt ys very swet & plesent unto me. 2 Cant. To speke ageyne of hope, why shuldnot the synful sowle, lying up on the deal bed, hope and trust to be saved by the passion of chryst? beyng he dyed for synners, as the Scrypture of God wytnessethe yn many places of bothe hes testamentes, newe and olde, and especyally in the newe testament, wherin he hathe bequethed unto repentant synners forgynnesse of ther synnes & everlastyng lyfe, be ther synnes never so gret & never so many. O father & mother, this ys a gracius testament; and that we showlde not doubt or be in drede of the payment of thes blyssyd legacies and bequestes, he hathe ratyfyed and made suer thys testament by hys dethe and sealyd yt with hys owne preciose blod in the mownt of Calvarye. And more over for a gage of the same he hathe left un to us, in forme of brede & wyne, hes owne bodye & blud in the holy sacrament. Wold owr Lord, that ye wold dispose yower self to receyve nowe in yowre age at the lest 4 tyings in the yere! I knowe sum devoute peple in Cambryg and other were, that use to receyve this most holy sacrament at every pryncypall fest: but yff ye be not disposed so to do by cause yowe wold not be have syngular among yower neyburghs, I exhort yowe (good father and mother)for chrystes sake, when ye here masse on the holy daves or other days, or when ye here them ryng to masse, that ye wyl call to yowre remembrance the passyon of Chryst, howe gret paynes he sufferyd for our synnes; and howe preciouse thynges he hathe bequethed hus, remission of owr synnes and everlastyng lyffe.
Howe prove I thys? At the last soper that he made with his apostels & dyscyples on mandy thors daye, the nyght before, hes passyon, he toke the brede in to hys blyssed hondes, & blyssed yt & brake yt & gave yt un to hys dyscyples, sayeng; Take yowe this, And eate yt for this ys my very boddy that shall be betrayed for yower sakes. And in lyk manet, after soper he toke the cupp & blyssed yt & gave yt on to them sayeng Drynke of yt all, forys (sic) the newe testament in my blode whyche shal be shed owt for yower sake and for many in remyssion & forgynnes of synnes: wherfor as oft as ye shal do this, do yt inrembrance (sic) of me.
Here ye see and here thys blessyd legat & bequest of forgynnenes of synnes, and howe Chrystes commawndeth us to remember hys passion that he sufferyd for the forgynnesse of owr synes. When soever we here masse, yff ye stedfastly beleve the promysse of hym that made thys testament ye be doubtlesse the chylder of Almyghty God & heyrs of hys testament: and why showld we in any wyse waver or doubt of the forgynnes of ower synnes, be thei never so many or grevose? for beyng sayth saynt Powle that the father of heven hathe not sparyd hys own dere son but hathe gyven hym to dethe for bus all, howe ys yt possyble that he showld denye us any thyng? he hathe gyven hus hys owne sone, as the holy prophete Esaie saythe in this manet: A lytel babe ys borne forower sakes, and the son of God ys gyven un to hus, and hys lordshypp power and [Caetera desunt.] FOOTNOTES BOOK MAXIMILIAN THE EMPORER 1. Edition 1563, p. 371. Ed. 1570, p. 864. Ed. 1576, p. 704. Ed. 1583, p. 729. Ed. 1596, p. 670. Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 828. ¾ Ed. 2. This Mary was niece to king Edward IV. 3. Ex lib. D. Weseli de sacramento poenitentiae. 4. Not whatsoever is said to be loosed on earth, is loosed in heaven; but whatsoever is loossd in very deed in earth, that is also loosed indeed in heaven. 5. This Ostendorpius 19 was a man well learned, and canon of the minster of Derenter. Ex Noviomago. 6. Here it appeareth that this Rodulphus Agricola was of good judgment, though the friars afterwards buried him in a friar's weed.
JOAN BOUGHTON 1. Ex Fabiano, et ailo scripto codice.
HIERONYMUS SABONARIOA 1. Ex Catal. Testium Illyrici. 2 The following lines, inserted in some recent editions, have been introduced since Foxe’s death: they are also in a Dutch Martyrology, published at Dort, in 1657. ¾ Ed. “Antonius Flaminius, an Italian, and for piety and learning famous in that age, wrote this epigram upon the death of Hieronymus Savonarola: ¾ Dum fera flamma tuos, Hieronyme! pascitur artus, Religio, sanctas dilaniata comas, Flevit. et ‘O,’ dixit, ‘crudeles parcite flammae, Parcite, sunt isto viscera Ilostra rogo.’ Which may be thus Englished. Whilst flames unjust, blest saint! thy body burn, Weeping Religion, with dishevelled hairs, Cries out and says, ‘O spare his sacred urn Spare, cruel flames, that fire our soul impairs.’” 3. “Indistinctly,”without distinction. ¾ Ed. 4. Ex Illyrico. 5. Ex Paulo Jovio lib. 2. Ex Peucero lib. 4. Ex Hieronym. Mario. 6. Ex Hieronym. Mario. 7. Lib. 4. ‘Cosmograph.’ 7a. The pope’s law giveth leave to kill all that be accursed of him. won.
THE HISTORY OF THE TURKS 1. Gratis venumdati estis, gratis redimimini. Esay 3. 2. Omnes sitientes venite ad aquas; emite absque argento et commutatione.
Esay 4. 3. Ex Munster 4. Murder commonly prospereth not with the Lord. 5. Ex Peucer ct aliis. 6. Tanais is the uttermost flood in the north side, and the Nile the uttermost flood on the south side of Asia. 7. Ex Seb. Munstero Cosmograph., lib. 4. 8. Some stories record this conflict to be after the time of this Turk. 9. Ex Christoph. Richerio Gallo, et Gasp. Peuc. et aliis. 10. Nothing prospereth that is taken in hand by the pope's setting on. 11. This Epirus is a country in Grecia, bordering near to the parts of Macedonia. 12. This John Huniades is reported, of twenty battles with the Turk, to lose but two. 13. Note here God's punishment upon the betrayer of innocent blood. 14. See Vol. 3 p. 722. ¾ Ed. 15. Ex Johanne Ramo, lib. 2. rerum Turcicarum. 16. Ex Hier. Zieglelo, in lib. de illustrib, viris Germa. cap. 98. 17. Ex Johanne Ramo de rebus Turcicis. 18. These two empires were Constantinople and Trapezunde. 19. Ex Johanne Ramo. 20. Ex Melchiore Soit. lib. 2 de bello Pannonico. 21. Ex Johan Crispo. 22. Ex Johanne Crispo, Duce Naxi, etc. 23. Note what hurt cometh by the dissension of Christian princes. 24. Stiria is a country or province nearly adjoining to Austria. 25. Ex Johanne Ramo de Rebus Turcicis, lib. 2. 26. Ex Epist. Mart. Stellae de Succesibus Turcarum, etc. 27. Ex Johan. Martino Stella de Turcarum in Hungaria successibus, etc. 27a. Funfkirchen; see p. 76. ¾ Ed. 28. Ibid. et aliis. 28a. Ibid. 29 Martino Stella. 30. Stuhlweissenberg; see the Appendix ¾ Ed. 31. Ex Epist. Johan. Marti. Stellae ad fratres de Turcar. in Hungaria successibus. 32. Let good Christians never stand to the Turk’s gentleness. 33. Ex Epist. Marti. Stellae ad fratres de Turcar. in Hungaria successibus. 34. “Guidons,” standards. ¾ Ed. 35. Annal. lib. 3, fol. 30. 36. The Authors of the Turks’ Stories:
Leonicus Chalcondyla, Nicolaus Eboicus Episc. Saguntinus Johannes Ramus, Andraeas a Lucana, Wolfgangus Drechslerus, Johannes Crispus, Johannes Faber, Ludovicus Vives, Bernardus de Breydenbach, Sabellicus, Mitlyeneus Archiepisc, Isiodorus Rutherus, Marinus Barletus, Henricus Penia, de bello Rhodio, Melchior Soiterus, Paulus Jovius, Johan. Martinus Stella, Gaspar Peucerus, etc., Nicolaus a Moffen Burgundus, Sebast. Munsterus, Baptista Egnatius, Barthol.
Peregrinus 37. Ex Marino Barletio de Scod. expugnat, lib. 38. Lib.1 fol. 515. 39. Ex Bernardo de Breydenbach. Decan. Eccl. Magnus. 40. Ex Leonico Chalcondyla de rebus Turcicis. lib. 10. 41. Ex Leonico Chalcondyla. 42. Ex Andr. de Lacuna et ex Wolfg. et aliis. 43. Ex Johan. Fabro, in oratione ad regem Hen. VIII. 44. Ex Johan. Fabro, et aliis. 45. Ex Bartholo. Georgioniz. Peregrino lib. de afflictionibus Christianorum sub Turco. 46. If Christians may not go like Turks, why should our gospellers go like papists? The Turks have their fire and faggots as well as our papists. 47. This is with tears rather than with words to be expressed. 48. On the 4th of August, 1498, the Great Continent of America 96 was discovered by Columbus; the above observations were made by Foxe, about 1566. ¾ Ed. 49. Apamea is a city in Bithynia, also another in Mesopotamia, Apamea Cybotus; also a city in Great Phrygia, and another also in Parthia. 50. At Carura, a certain man with a company of harlots being there lodged, suddenly happened an earthquake in the city, wherein he, and all they were swallowed up. Plus II. Papa, lib. de Descriptione cap. 16. 51. Here Basilins Magnus was bishop. 52. Here Gregorius Nazianzenus was bishop. 53. Another Coricus is also in the isle of Crete. 54. Antiochia, apud Orontem, a chief city in Syria, where the disciples of Christ were first named Christians, Acts 11. 55. Nicopolis, is a city also in Macedonia, mentioned in the epistle of Saint Paul to Titus, chap. 3. 56. Acts 13, Seleucia, is a city in Syria. Also another in Pamphylia, another in Cilicia Pisidia, another in Coelo-Syria, and in Mesopotamia another. 57. Colossians 2. In this Laodicea was the council kept, which is called Concilium Laodicense. There is another Laodicea in Lydia, near to Colossse in Asia Minor. Colossians 4:15. Laodicea also is the chief city in Phrygia Pacatiana, near to Galatia, Acts 18, Timothy 1:6. 58. Daniel in Babylon in Chaldaea, where Nebuchadnezzar reigned. It was after destroyed, and translated by Seleucus Nicanor. Another is in Egypt called Alcayrus. In the country of Babylonia, is also a certain region appointed for philosophers and astronomers, called Chaldea.
Jeremiah 1. 59. Genesis 8. Armenia Major is divided from Armenia Minor by the river Euphrates. This Armenia Major and Minor, this day be both under the Turks. 60. In Edessa reigned king Abgatus, mentioned in Euseb. lib. i. cap. 15, to whom Christ wrote, promising to send unto him after his death. 61. Acts 11. This Cyprus king Richard I did once subdue, fighting against the Saracens. 62. Ex Aene. Sylv. lib. De Orbis Descrip. cap. 74. Et Seb. Munst. lib. 5. 63. Argos, is a city in Amphilochia, and another also in Peloponnesus. 64. Acts 17. Of Corinth Strabo writeth, that more than a thousand virgins there in the temple of Venus, used yearly to be set out as common; and therefore not without cause Saint Paul writeth ‘Eratis scortatores, idolstrae,’ etc. Corinthians 1:6. 65. The islands about Graecia; see above. 66. Acts 17. In Creta St. Paul ordained Titus to be bishop and overseer. 67. Fifty-three islands. 68. Corsica, is an island beyond Italy, which the Turk’s navy joining with the French, did overcome, A.D. 1553. 69. The region of Mysia is divided into two parts; whereof the one is in Asia, and is divided into Mysia Major, and Mysia Minor. The other is in Europe, and is divided into Mysia (or Moesia) Superior, and Mysia Inferior. 70. Epidaurus, is a city in Illyria, and also another in Peloponnesus. These regions were in former times called by the name of Illyria or Illyricum, and afterward, by reason of certain Scythians coming thither, they were also called Sclavonia. Stephanus, king of Bosnia, and afterward of Rascia and Moesia, was by subtle train allured to come and speak with Mahomet the Turk, who, being come, was taken and his skin flayed off. 71. All this tract of Bulgaria, Wallachia, Transylvania, Servia, Rascia, and Moldavia, was wont to be called Dacia, but afterward was severed into divers lands and dominions. Bulgaria was won of Bajazet the Turk from the crown of Hungary, through the unprosperous war of Sigismund, at the field of Nicopolis, A.D. 1395. This Sigismund was the burner of John Huss, and the persecutor of his doctrine. 72. Where Johannes Huniades was born. 73. At Columbetz, Sigismund lost the field, fighting against the Turks. 74. In Varna, a city in Rascia, Ladislaus, king of Hungary, fought with the Turk, and was overcome, A.D. 1444. Vide supra.
DESTRUCTION OF THE TURKS 1. Ex Phi. Melanct. in Dan. cap. 9. 2. Mac. lib. 1, cap. 1. 3. Ex Lyra in Gloss. Ordin. c. Macedonians 1. 4. Vide Rodul. Gualt. de Antichristo. 5. Ex Bonifacii extravag. 6. Ex Bonifac. 8. Extra de Majorit. et Obed. 7. Enw>pion to~n qhri>ou . 8. ‘Et faciet eos occidi qui non adoraverInt imaginem bestiae.’ Apocalypse 13. 9. latei~nov . The number of these letters in Greek, maketh the full number of 666. 10. ‘Et hic bibet de vino irae Dei.’ Apocolypse 14. 11. Ex Leonico Chalcondyla, lib. i. 12. The prophecies of Methodius have not been fulfilled; a specimen of the strange effusions of Hildegard will be seen in vol. 2, p. 353. Justin laid great stress upon the few remaining works of the Sibyllae, and some of the Christians of the early church were so prejudiced in their favor that it gave occasion to Celsus to stigmatize them with the name of “Sibyllists.” The Christian reader may peruse these prophecies with curiosity, but he will return, with firmer confidence, to that ‘more sure word of prophecy,’ which came ‘not by the will of man,’ but in which ‘holy men of old spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost.’ ¾ Ed. 13. Eight weeks of years, counting every week for a sabbath of years, that is, every day for a year, cometh to fifty-six years. 14. The reign of Christian kings in Jerusalem lasted eighty-eight years. A.D. 1187. 15. By this resigning up the crown to the crucifix in Golgotha, is signified the ceasing of the Christians in Jerusalem till the coming of Christ. By this tribe of Dan, and the cities Chorazin, Bethsaida, and Capernaum, are signified God’s great malediction upon Antichrist. 16. Ex Paulo Jovio. 17. Ex Antonin. part 3, tit. 19, cap. 1. 18. Vid. in primo Tom. operum Johan. Hus. de Anatomia. [Antichristi, pp. 423-463, Edit. 1715.] 19. Aventin. lib. 3. Annalium. 20. Ex Brigitta, lib. 4, c. 57. 21. Ex Erythrea Sibylla in suo Nazilographo. 1. Imperiali scripto. 22. The lamb lying, that is, the church, without travail shall be maintained with some living or possessions of the chief rulers. 23. By these four beasts is meant the four monarchies of the world, that is, the multitude of all the kingdom of the Gentiles, as in the Apocal. By the city of Aeneas is meant Rome. 24. The six hundred and sixty-three feet do mean the years of his reign. 25. These two stars seem to mean Huss and Jerome, who being put to death by the pope, their doctrine rose again more strongly than before. 26. By the prince of the Gentiles, the Turks do here mean the kingdoms and dominions of the Christians, whom they call Gentiles, because they are not circumcised after their manner. 27. Solyman died in 1566. The Second Edition of the Acts and Monuments was printed in London in 1570, at which period the above report of Solyman’s death arrived. ¾ Ed.
THOMAS CHASE 1. Ex Regist. London.
FAITHFUL WOMAN IN SUDBURY 2. Ex Commentariis Phil. Cominaei, De Bello Neapolitano 108 , lib. 3. 3. [See page 8 of this volume. ¾ Ed.] 4. Ex Philip. Cominaei, De bello Neapolitano, lib. 5. 5. Augustus reigned fifty-nine years. 6. [See vol. 2, p. 579. ¾ Ed.] 7. [See vol. 2, p. 699. ¾ Ed.] 8. [See vol. 2, p. 688. ¾ Ed.] 9. It is heresy, to say a stone is a stone, and a block is a block! 10. This Thomas Langton was elected archbishop, but died before he was confirmed. 11. “ Corody 113 ,” an allowance: “Bona quaevis, quae ad victum, vestitum, cultumve ministrantur et inserviunt.” Carpentier, Supplem. ad Ducange. [See Appendix.] 12. “Housel,” the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper. ¾ Ed.
THE PROUD PRIMACY OF POPES 1. This refers to an event which is said to have occurred at the period when temporal immunities were bestowed on the church by Constantine: when an angelic voice was heard in the air, saying, “Hodie effusum est venenum in ecclesia sancta Dei.” See Wickliff, Dialog. lib. 4, ch.18. ¾ Ed. 2. Ex lib. Serm. Discipuli. 3. Look to Tyndal, in his Book of the Practice of Prelates. 4. Boniface III, obtained of Phocas to be called universal bishop. 5. [See vol. 2, p. 128. ¾ Ed.] 6. [Ibid. p. 174. ¾ Ed.] 7. [Ibid. pp. 195, 304 ¾ Ed.] 8. [See Appendix.] 9. Ex Aventino. 10. The Supplication of King John to Pope Innocent the Third.
Reverendo Domino suo et Patri Sanctissimo Innocentio, Dei gratia summo Pontifidi, Johannes, eadem gratia Rex Angliae, etc. Cure comites et barones nobis devoti essent, antequam nos et nostram terram dominio vestro subjicere curassemus, extunc in nos specialiter ob hoc, sicut publice dicunt, violenter insurgunt. Nos vero, post Deum vos specialem dominum et patronum habentes, defensionem nostram et totis Regni, quod vestrum es, ease credimus vestrae paternitati cmmissam, et nos quantum in nobis es curam et solicitudinem istam vestrae reservamus dominationi, devotius supplicantes quatenus in negotiis nostris, quae vestra sunt, consilium et auxilium efficax apponatis, prout melius videritis expedire; latores praesentium, etc. Teste meipso apud Dour. 13 die Septem. 11 [Corrected] Ex Rotulo patent. de an. Regni Reg. Johannis 17 [in Rymer].
IMAGE OF ANTICHHRIST 1. Pope Bonifacius VIII. Extravag. [Commun. lib. 1, tit. 83 de Majori. et Obed. c. 1. ‘Unam.’ 2. Distinct. 21. Prohem. ‘Decretis.’ 3. Pope Gelasius, dist. 21. c. 3. ‘Quaravia.’ 4. Gelasius, ibidem. 5. Pope Nicolaus, dist. 21. c. 4. ‘Inferior.’ 6 Pope Lucius, Causa 24. Q.i.c. 9. ‘A recta.’ 7. Pope Calixtus, dist. 12. c. 1. ‘Non decet.’ 8. Pope Innocentius I. dist. 11. c. 11. ‘Ouis.’ 9. Pope Stephan. dist. 19. c. 4. ‘Enimvero.’ 10. Pope Bonifac. VIII. Extravag. [Commun. lib. i. tit. 8.] c. ‘Unam sanctam.’ Item, pope Johannes XXII. Extravag. [Commun. lib. 1. tit. 1.] cap. ‘Super gentes.’ 11. Pope Innocent III. art. de Major. et obed. [in Decretal. Greg. IX. lib. 1. tit. 33. c. 6. ‘Solitae. 4.] 12. Pope Gelasius, dist. 96. c. ‘Duo.’ 13. Ibidem. 14. Innocentius de Major. et obed. c. ‘Solitae.’ 15. Glossa. Ibidem. 16. Ibidem. 17. Innocentius. Ibid. 18. Pope Clement V. Clementin. [lib. 2. tit. 9.] de jure-jurando. C. ‘Romani.’ 19. Pope Johannes, dis. 96. [c. ‘Si imperator,’ et Pope Gelasius dist. Ead.] c. ‘Nunquam.’ 20. Pope Clement V. Clementin. [lib. 2. tit.11.] de Sentent. Et de re judicata ‘pastoralis.’ 21. Pope Innocent III. [Decretal. Gregor. IX. Lib. 2 tit 1. 13.] De judiciis c. ‘Novit.’ 22. Ibidem. 23. Pope Marcellus, caus. 2. 1. 6. C. ‘Ad Romanam.’ [See Appendix 121 ] . 24. Innocent. ‘Novit ille.’ 25. Bonifacius Martyr. dist. 40. c. ‘Si Papa.’ 26. Glossa Extr. de sede vacant. ‘Ad apostolatus.’ 27. Pope Leo, caus. 2. q. c. ‘Nos.’ 28. Greg. [1 Causa] 2. q. 7. [§ 40.] ‘Petrus.’ 29. Pope Nicolaus, dist. 21. c. 9. ‘In tanturn.’ 30. Hieron. caus. 2. q. 7. c. 33. ‘Paulus.’ [ See Appendix 122 .] 31. Glossa Gratiani. Ib. 32. Glossa in Diss. 11. c. ‘Quis.’ 33. Caus. 2. q. 7. c. ‘Beati.’ 34. Pope Nicolaus, dist. 22. c. ‘Omnes.’ 35. P. Anaclet, dist. 22. c. ‘Sacrosaneta.’ [ See Appendix 123 .]. 36. P. Gelasius, dist. 21. c. ‘Quamvis.’ 37. P. Nicolaus, dist. 21. c. ‘Denique.’ 38. P. Steph. dist. 19. c. ‘Enimvero.’ 39. Pope Lucius. Causa 24, q. 1. c. 9. ‘Arecta.’ 40. P. Nicolaus, dist. 22. c. ‘Omnes.’ 41. P. Gregor. dist. 81. c. ‘Si qui.’ 42. P. Leo, caus. 3. q. 6. c. ‘Multnm.’ 43. Dist. 20. ‘Decretales.’ 44. Pope Julius. Caus. 2. q. 6. ‘Qui se.’ [ See Appendix 124 .] 45. Causa. 2. q. 6. ‘Arguta.’ Item. c. ‘Ad Romanam.’ Item. c. 35. ‘Placuit.’
Glossa Gratiani Nisi. 46. Pope Gelasi. 25. q. 1. c. ‘Confidimus.’ 47. P. Urbanus, 25. q. 1. c. ‘Sunt.’ P. Pelagius, 25. q. 2. c. ‘posteaquam.’ 48. Bulla Donationis, dist. 96. c. ‘Constant.’ [ See Appendix 125 .] 49. P. Paschalis, dist. 63. c. ‘Ego.’ 50. P. Clement. V. Clementin. [lib. 2. tit. 9.] c. ‘Romani.’ Glossa. 51. P. Bonif. VIII. Sext. Decret. [lib. 1. tit. 6.] c. [111. § 4. ‘Ubi.’] 52. Ibidem [See Appendix 126 ] . 53. P. Bonif. prohem. [Corp. Juris Canon. vol. 2. p. 283, Edit. Paris, 1687.] Sext. Decret. Ab ‘Sacrosanctes.’ 54. Anacletus, dist. 22. c. ‘Sacrosancta.’ 55. P. Bonif. IV. Sext. Decret. de poenit, et feints, c. 5. Glossa. [ See App 127 .] Item Alexand. 4. Sext. decret, c. 4. in Glossa. 56. P. Hilarius, 25. q. 1. ‘Nulli.’ 57 Sext. Decret. cap. ‘Ab Arbitris,’ Glossa. 58. P. Bonif. Sext. decret. [lib. 1. tit. 2.] de Const. c. ‘Licet.’ 59. Pope Innocentius III. de trans. [Decretal. Greg. IX. lib. 1. tit. 7.] c. 3. ‘Ouanto.’ 60. Prohem. Clement. Gloss. ‘Papa Stupor mundi, etc. Nec Deus es, nec homo, quasi neuter es inter utrumque.’ 61. P. Bonif. Extravag. de Majorit, et obed. c. ‘Unam.’ Item, dist. 22. c. ‘Omnes.’ 62. Sext. Decr. [lib. 2. tit. 14.] de sentent, et de rejudicata, c. 2.] ‘ Ad apostolicee.’ Item in Gloss. Ibid. 63. Pope Nicolaus, dist. 22. c. ‘Omnes.’ 64. Gloss. Ibid. 65. Pope Gelasius, dist. 96. c. ‘Duo.’ 66. Pope Gelasius Ibidem. 67. Dist. 96. c. ‘Illud.’ 68. Ex citatione Hiero. Marii. [See Appendix.] 69. Pope Hildebrandus, alias Gregorius VII. Ex Platina, in vita Gregorii. [p. 169, edit. Col. Agrip. 1626 ] 129 . 70. Hildebrandus, Ibidem. 71. Antoninus, in tertia parte Summae majoris. 72. Bulla Clementis. 73. Pope Innocent. de electione [Decretal. Greg. IX. lib. 1. tit. 6. c. 34.] ‘Venerabilem.’ 74. Extrav. [Commun. lib. in. tit. 2.] de praebend, et dig. c. 4. ‘Execrabilis.’ 75. Pope Zacharias, Caus. 15. q. 6. c. ‘Alius.’ 76. Pope Hildebrand. alias Gregor. VII. Clementin. [lib. 2. tit. xi.] c. 2. ‘Pastoralis.’ 77. Ex Gestis Hildebrandi. 78. Baptista Egnatius. 79. Platina, Benno, Nauclerus. 80. Platina, Egnatius, Benno. 81. Polydore Virgil. Historia Jornalensis de rebus Anglorum. 82. Chronica vernacula. 83. Pope Urbanus, Cans. 15. q. 6. c. ‘Juratos.’ 84. Pope Paschalis, Cursulanus, Platina, Vincentius, Stella, Antoninus, Mattheus Parisiensis, Pope Gelasius II; Pope Calixtus II Plat. de vitis pontiffcum. 85. Pope Innocentius II [Platina, p. 185, Edit. 1626.] 86. Nauclerus. 87. Pope Alexander III. de sponsal et matr. [Decret. Greg. IX. lib. 4. tit. 1.] c. 11. ‘Non est.’ 88. Nauclerus [Chronica, p. 856, Edit. 1579; Balei] acta Romans pontifieum. [p. 271, Edit. 1615.] 89. Pope Adrian [IV. Platina, p. 189, Ed. 1626: Barns] vit. Romans pontiffcum. [p. 244, Ed. 1615.] 90. Ex Aventino. [ See Appendix 135 .] 91. Bulla [rather, Epistola] Adriani contra Caesarem. [in Labbe, tom. 10. col. 1149.] 92. [Balei] Acta Ro. pont. [p. 263. See Appendix 137 .] 93. Pope Innocentius III. Ex [Bald] vitis et Actis Romans pontificum [p. 285: Labbe, tom. 11. pt. 1. col. 1.] Ex Ab. Ursperg. 94. Ex eodem. 95. Pope Honor. III. Ex Mario. [p. 29, See Appendix 138 .] 96. Pope Greg. IX. Ex eodem. [p. 30, See Appendix 139 .] 97. Pope Innocent IV. Hieronymus Marius [p. 33.] Petrus de Vineis. 98. Ex Chronic. Carionis. 99. Hist. Anglorum. 100. Ibidem. 101. Ibidem. 102. Pope Marcellus, dist. 17. c. ‘Synodurn.’ 103. Dist. 20. ‘Decretales.’ 104. Pope Nicolaus, dist. 19. ‘Si Romanorum.’ 105. Ibidem. 106. Dist. 20. ‘Decretales.’ 107. Symmachus Pope, 9. q. 3. ‘Aliorum.’ 108. Pope Innocentius VI. [Causa 9.] q. 3. c. 13. ‘Nemo.’ [ See Appendix 140 .] 109. Ibidem. 110. Pope Gelasius I. [Causa 9.] q. 3 c. 17. ‘Curteta.’ 111. Ibid. 112. Athanasius Patriarcha [Causa 9.] q. 3. c. 12. ‘Antiquis.’ 113. Pope Greg. [Causa 9.] q. 3. c.  ‘Quatuor.’ [See Appendix 141 .] 114. Pope Agatho Dist. 19. c. ‘Sic omnes.’ 115. Pope Nicholas, [Causal 9.] q. 3. ‘Patet.’ 116. Pope Innocent II. [Causal 17.] q. 4. e. 29. ‘Si quis.’ 117. Dist. 19. c. ‘In memoriam.’ 118. Sext. Decret. Tit. 7. De renunciat. ‘Quoniam.’ Glossa. 119. Offic. lib. 1. 120. Glossa Extra. De verb. signfi. c. ‘ad.’ 121. Pope Greg. Caus. 35. q. 9. c. 4. ‘Apostolicad.’ 122. Pope Symmachus 142 . Caus. 9. q. 3. ‘Aliorum.’ 123. Ibid. 124. Pope Greg. [I. Causa] 6. q. 3. c. ‘Scripturn est.’ 125. Caus. 17. q. 4. ‘Sacril.’ Glossa. 126 [Causa] 2. q. 7. c. 27. Plerumque. Item Glossema Gratiani. 127. Ibid. 128. Ibid. 129. Ibid. 130 Ibid. ‘His ita.’ [Gratiana Glos. 7]. 131 Pope Urbanus [Causa] 23. Q. [8. C. 22] ‘Tributum.’ 132 Ibidem. ‘Quamvis.’ 133. Pope Benedict. Extr. De aut. et usu pallii, c. ‘Sancta.’ 134. Pope Stephanus. dist. 19. ‘Enira veto.’ 135. Pope Gelasius, dist. 21. c. 3. ‘Quamvis.’ 136. Dist. 21. ‘Decretis.’ 137. Pope Anaclet. dist. 21. c. 2. ‘In novo.’ 138. Pope Bonifacius et Greg. Dist. 89. ‘Ad hoc.’ 139. Ibid. 140. Dist. 89. c. ‘Singula.’ 141. Ex citatione Bullugeri Decad. 5. Sermo. 3. 142. De officio Archipresbyt. in Glossa. 143. 143 *** 144. Ex 3. parte Summae majoris b. Antonini. 145. Pope Innocent III. [Decret. Greg. IX. lib.i, tit. 15.] De sacra unctione, c.1. ‘Cum venisset.’ 146. P. Nicholas, Dist. 22. c. ‘Omnes.’ 147. P. Clement, Dist. 80. c. ‘In illis.’ 148. P. Anacletus Dist. 22. c. ‘Sacrosaneta.’ 149. Ibidem. Quasi vero Petrus non a Petra, sed ke>fav ajpo< th~v kefalh~v ducatur. 150. Dist. 21. c. ‘In novo.’ 151. Ibid. 152. Dist. 21. c. Decretis. 153. Pope Leo dist. 19; c. ‘Ira Dominns.’ 154. P. Nicholaus in tanturn, dist. 22. 155. P. Clemens, in Bulla Viennae in scriniis privilegiorum. 156. Dist. 21. c. ‘Decretis.’ 157. Pope Anacletus, dist. 22. c. ‘Sacrosancta.’ 158. Pope Damasus [Causa] 25. q. 1. c. 12. ‘Omnia. Item Pope Greg. Dist. 19. ‘Null.’ 159 P. Nicolaus, Dist. 22. C. ‘Omnes.’ 160. Ibid. 161. Ibid. 162. Dist. 20. ‘Decretales.’ 163. Ibid. 164. Dist. 20. ‘Decretales.’ 165. Dist. 19. ‘Si Romanorum.’ 166. Gabriel Biel, lib. 4. Dist. 19. 167. Petrus de Palude. 168. Dist. 96. c. 11. ‘Si Imperator.’ 169. Gabriel. lib. 4. Dist. 19. 170. P. Nicolaus, Dist. 19. c. ‘Si Romanorum.’ in Glossa. 171. Item [Causa] 24. q. 1. ‘ Haec est.’ c. 9. ‘A recta.’ 172. Dist. 40. c. ‘Si Papa.’ 173. [Causa] 2. q. 7. c. 41. ‘Nos si.’ in Glossa. c. 8. 174. Extravag. de elect. ‘Innotuit.’ [ See Appendix 144 .] 175. De poenitentia, dist. 1. [Causa 33. quaest. 3.] c. 47. ‘Serpens.’ in Glossa. 176. Dist. 19. c. ‘ Nulli.’ 177. August. deAncho. 178. Glossa ‘Ordinaris.’ 179. Antonins. 180. Antoninus, Summae majoris 3. part. Dist. 22. 181. Ibid. 182. Ibid. 183. [Causa] 23 q. 5. c. 46. ‘Omnium.’ 184. Idem Antoninus in ibid. 185. Ibid. 186. An Alphabetical List of the Authorities here alluded to: Antonin in Summulis, Augustinus de Ancho in Decre, Astesanus Minorita, Baptista de Salvin, sua, Baptistiniana, Bonaventura, Campensis, lib, controversiarum, Coclaeus, Durandus in speculo, Driedo. de eccle. Scripturis et dogmat, Edwardus Pevellus, Anglus, contra Luthe, Eckius in Enchir, Franciscus, Fulgo, Gabriel. Biel, Spica, Gaspar, Gratianus in Decretis, Gerson, doctor illuminatissimus ecclesiastica postestate, Hugo Cardinalis in postilla, Hostiensis, Holkot, Hosius, Johannes Andrea, Innocentius, Johan. de Turre Cremata de ecclesia summa, Lanfrancus contra Wiclif., Lilius Historicum Anglus, Lapus, Laurentius, Magister senteniarum, Nicolaus, Ockam in dialogo, parte 1 lib. 5., Oytanus, Petrus de Palude, Petrus de Tharam, Petrus de Aliaco, Panormitanus Alexander de Alex, Raymundus in summa de casibus, Richardus, Rabanus, sup. Mat. Cap. 16., Rupertus Tuitiensis, Scotus doctor subtillis, Thomas Aquin, Ulricus, Waldenus, confessionale, et de Sacramentis , 187. Johan. Driedo. De dogmatibus variis, 1. 4. 188. Hugo, in glossa dist. 40. c. ‘Non Not.’ 189. Gloss. in caus. 11. q. 3. c. 14. ‘Absit.’ 190. Gloss. in caus. 11. q. 3. ‘Si inimicus.’ 191. Hostiensis in c. ‘Quanto de transl. praeb.’ 192. Ex summa casuum fratris Baptista. 193. Ex Citatione Henr. Bulling. de fine Seculi. orat. prima. Item, ex Citatione Jacobi Andrae, adversus Hossum, lib. 5. Item, ex Citatione Hier. Marii in actis [secundi Diei, p. 180: Causa 17. q. 4. c. 30.] 194. Pope Nicolaus, Dist. 96. c. ‘Satis.’ 195. [Causa] 11 q. 11. ‘Sacerdotibus.’ 196. [Causa] 12. q. 1. ‘Futurum.’ 197. Decretal. [Greg. IX.] de Transl. [lib. 1. tit. 6.] c. 3. ‘Quanto.’ 198. Thus you may see it verified, that St. Paul prophesieth, of the adversary sitting in the temple as God and boasting himself above all that is named God, etc. Thessalonians 2:2. 199. Pope Nicolaus, Causa 15, q. 6. c. ‘Autoritatem.’ 200. Pope Martin Dist. 34. c. 18. ‘Lectar.’ 201. Pope Greg. Junior, 32. q. 7. c. ‘Quod proposuisti.’ 202. Pope Inno. IV. Sext. Decret. [lib. 5. tit. xi.] de sententia excom, c. 6. ‘Dilecto.’ 203. Pope Alexander III. [Decret. Greg. IX. lib. in. tit. 30.] De decimis, c. 10. ‘Ex parle.’ 204. Pope Nicolaus, [Causa] 15. q. 6. ‘Autoritatem.’ 205. [Decret. Greg. IX. lib. 1. tit. 6.] De elect, et elect, potestate, c. 4. ‘Significasti.’ in Glossa. 206. Baptista de Salis, in Summa casuum ex Panormitano. 207. Pope Inno. IV. [Decret. Greg. IX. lib. 1. tit. 6.] De elect, c. 34. ‘Venerabilem.’ 208. Ext. De Jure-jurando [Decret. Greg. IX. lib. 2. tit. 24.] cap. 19. ‘Venientes.’ Item De Elect. C. Significasti.’ in Glossa. 209. Pope Martinus V. Extrav. [Commun. lib. in. tit. 5.] c. 1. ‘Regimini Universalis Ecclesiae.’ 210. Pope Urbanus II. Calls. 23. q. 5. c. 47. ‘Excommunicatorum.’ 211. Pope Nicolaus, cans. 15. q. 6. ‘Autoritatem.’ 212. Ibid. 213. Dist. 82. c. 5. Presbyter. 214. Pope Pelagius, Dist. 34. c. ‘Fraternitatis.’ 215. Baptista de Salis, fol.* 216. 24. q. 1. ‘Quoties.’ 217. Extr. de transl, c. ‘Inter.’ 218. 3. q. 6. ‘Quamvis.’ 219. 6. q. 3. ‘Donique.’ 220. 10. q. 1. ‘Prater.’ 221. 2. q. 6. ‘Ideo.’ 222. Extr. de rest. ca. ‘cum venis.’ 7. q. 1. ‘temporis.’ 223. 6. q. 1. ‘Felix.’ 224. 16. q. 1. ‘Et ternporis.’ 225. Extr. de voto. ‘Ex multa.’ 226. Extr. de statu Monachi c. ‘Cum ad . 149 ’ 227. Extr. de juramento c. ‘Venientes.’ 228. Extr. de judicio, c. ‘Et si clerici.’ 229. Extr. de Bigamis, c. ‘nuper 149a .’ 230. Extr. de clerico non oral. ministrante. 231. Extr. de corpore vitiatis et di. 55. 232. Dist. 50. ‘ Miror 149b .’ 233. Extr. de sententia excom, c. ‘cum illorum.’ 234. Ibid. 235. Extr. de filiis Presbyt. c. ‘Nimis.’ 236. Extr. de Prebend. cap. ‘de multa.’ 237. Extr. de elect, c. ‘Cum nobis.’ 238. Extr. de aetate et qualit. ‘generalem.’ 239. Dist. 17. ‘Per tot.’ 240. 9. q. 3. ‘Per principale 149c .’ 241. De elect, c. ‘Venerabilem.’ 242. Extr. de officio delegati, c. ‘querenti 149d .’ 243. 9. q. 3. ‘Aliorum.’ 244. Extr. de Tempor. ordinand, c. ‘Cure in distrib.’ 245. Extr. de usu Pallii. c. ‘ad honorera.’ 246. Extr. de elect, c. Dudum.’ 247. Extr. de elect, c. ‘Venerabilem.’ 248. Tractatu de censuris. 249. Extr. de elect, c. ‘Innocuit.’ 250. Extr. de reliquiis et vencratione Sanctorum [lib. 3. tit. 45.] c. 1. 251. Extr. de Prebend. [lib. 3. tit. 5. c. 28.] ‘de multa.’ 252. Extr. Qui. ill. sint leg. [lib. 4. tit. 17. c. 6.] ‘Tanta.’ 253. 9. q. 3. cap. ultimo. 254. Extr. de sentent, et re judic. [lib. 2. tit. 27. c. 1.9.] ‘in causis.’ 255. Extr. de elect. [lib. 6. tit. 28. c. 1.] ‘Qued sicut.’ 256. Extr. de restit, spol. [lit). 2. tit. 13. c. 13.] ‘ Literas.’ 257. Ext. de prmscript. [lib. 2. tit. 26.] cap. ult. et de judicio [lib. 2. tit. 1. c. 13.] ‘ Novit.’ 258. Thomas. 259. Extr. Qui. lil. sint logit. [lib. 4. tit. 17. e. 13.] ‘Per venerabilem.’ 260. Petrus de Palude, lib. iv. 261. Secundum Thomam in 4. 7. q. 3. Per principalem. Dist. 40. ‘Si Papa.’ 262. ‘Incur,’ fall under. ¾ Ed. 263. Ibid. 264. Dist. 32. e. ‘procter hoc’ Verum 149e . 265. Dist. 96. Constantinus. 266. Ex Commentariis Theoderici Niemi, quem citat Illyrieus [Flatins] in Catalogo testium, fol. 228. [The editor has endeavored to select from the best authorities the English names of the places contained in the following sentence, copied verbatim from the original. A few names, which are more difficult to explain, and distinguished with asterisks, are left in the text nearly in the form in which Foxe gives them; the Case only being altered from the accusative to the nominative. The authority upon which the alteration from ancient to modern orthography is made is principally Monsieur Baudrand. “Surianum, Montembordon, et Lunae insulam. Corsicae Regnum, Parvam Mantuam, Montemselete, Insulan:Venetiarum Ducatum Ferrariae,Caniodum, Caniodam, Ducatum Histriae,Dalmatiam, Exarchatum Ravennae, Faventiam, Cesenam, CastrumTiberiatus, Roccam, Mediolanum, Castrum Ceperianum, Castrum Cusianum, Terram Cornulariam, Ducatum Arimini, Contam, Montem Ferretum, Montem Capiniae seu Olympicum, Castrum Exforii, Robin. Eugubin [um] Urbin [um], Forum Sempronii, Gallii, et Senogalli, Anconam, Gosam, Ducatum Perusii, Urbenetam, et Tudertum, Castrum Sinianum, Ducatum Spoletanum, Theanum, Calabriam, Ducaturn Neapolim, Ducatum Beneventi, Selernum, Sorenti insulam, Cardiniam insulam, Anciae insulam, Territorium Cutisan. Territorium Praenestinum, Terrain Silandis, Terrain Clusium, [camirinon], Terram Fundan. Terram Vegetan. Terram Claudianam, Terrain Camisinam, Terrain Fab[r]iensem, Terrain Siram, Terrain Portuensem, eum insula Archis, Terram Ostiensem cure maritimis, Civitatem Aquinensem, Civitatem Lamentum et Sufforariam, Civitatem Fallschum, Fidenam, Feretrum, Cliternam, Neapolim, Galiopolim. ¾ Ed. 267. Cusi or Cudelaff. 268. Rubi in Apulia, now Ruvo. 269. Dist. 96, ‘Constantinus.’ 270. Antoninus. In Summa majore 3. Part. 271. Ex lib. Gravaminum nationis Germanicae. 272. Sext. decret. De penis. [lib. 5. tit. 9. c. 5.] ‘Felicis,’ in Glossa. Item de privilegiis, [lib. 5. tit. 7. c. 4. ] ‘Autoritate,’ in Glossa. 273. Pope Bonifacius VIII. Extr. de Major. et obed. c. Unam sanctam. 274. Ibid.
BOOK HENRY THE EIGHTH 1. Edition 1563, p. 373. Ed. 1570, p. 935. Ed. 1576, p. 773. Ed. 1583, p. 799. Ed. 1593, p. 735. Ed. 1684, vol. 2, p. 1. ¾ Ed. 2. Chronicon Ragurn Anglicae 8 vo. Basilea, 1561. ¾ Ed. 3. Ex Masseo, lib. 20. [Edit. Antv. 1540, p. 271.] 4. Pragmatica Sanctio, was a practising or a determination of a certain parliament in France against the bishop of Rome, in defense of certain matters of religion concluded in the council of Basil. 5. [See supra, p. 126. ¾ Ed.] 6. Sane cum sancta Romana Ecclesia de intemeratae, semperque Virginis, etc. 7. Ex Jod. Clitovaeo de puritate conceptionis, lib. 2. 8. Clitovaeus, lib. 2. cap. 2. [“Clitovaeus,” a Frenchman and canon of Chartres. His writings are enmnerated in Ant. Possevini apparatus sacer; Col. Agrip. 1608: tom. 1. p. 960: see also the Autographa Lutheri aliorumque; Brunsvigae 1690, tom. i p. 42. ¾ Ed.] 9. The Gray Friars had made a picture of Joachim and Anna kissing, by which kiss Anna was conceived with Mary. Ex Rob. de Licio Minorita. 10. Verba papse Sexti in decret. 11. Clitovaeus, lib. 2. cap. 15. 12. In Epist. ad Lugdunens. [No. 174. § 7.] 13. Clit. lib. 2: cap. 14. 14. Ibid. 15. Lib. eod. cap. 13. 16. Ex Casparo Peucero [Chronicon Carionis suet. Cusp. Peucero: Witeb. 1566; tom. 4. p. 330 ¾ Ed.] Sebast. Munster. Cosmog. Lib. 3. 17. Ex Peucer. Sebast. Munstero, Carlone, et allis. In the Centuries of John Bale I find their names to be, John Vetter, Francis Uliscus, Stephen Bolizhorst, and Henry Steinegger. 18. Ex Historia Bernensi conscripta vulgari et Latino sermone. [See also the “Tragical History of Jetzer,” etc. fol. London; 1079; also “Protestant Journal,” 1836, p. 124. ¾ Ed.] 19. Ex Chron. Cation. 20. Ex Registris Fitzjames. 21. Ex Regist. R. Fitzjames.
JOHN BROWNE 1. This John Browne was father to Richard Browne, who was in prison in Canterbury, and should have been burned, with two more besides himself, the next day after the death of queen Mary, but that by the proclaiming of queen Elizabeth they escaped. [See the Appendix. ¾ Ed.] 2. Chilton of Wye, a bally-arrant, and one Beare of Willesborough, with two of the bishop’s servants, set him upon the horse, and so carried him away. 3. Ex testimonio Aliciae Browne, ejus filiae, cujus mariti riomen dicebatur Strat, in parochia St. Pulcri 158 .
RICHARD HUN 1. The strenuous and successful efforts made by the leaders of the Popish party, and the disgraceful exposures which ensued, render the history of Richard Hun one of the most interesting on record. ¾ Ed. 2. “Sed justissimus Dei Omnipotentis oculus, ubiqne praesens, rerumque omniurn et testis et vindex, ut falli nullis potuit latebris, ita nec latere voluit tam sceleratam in virum probum, et innocentem erudelitatem.
Nam praeterquam quod Carolus ipsemet, sceleris minister, non potuit non ream conscientiam Julianne ancillae sum patefacere, tum praeter ancillae hujus confessionem accessit insuper multiplex ex variis conjecturis existimatio.” etc. See the Latin Edition; Basle, 1559, p, 120 ¾ Ed. 3. Ex Regist. R. Fitzjames, London. 4. A ‘holy mother church’ which cannot abide the word of God to be translated! 5. Ex Regist. R. Fitzjames. London. 6. The sentence definitive against Richard Hun after his death.
In Dei nomine, Amen. Cure nuper (pendente sacra synodo, et generali praelatorum et ‘cleri provincim Cantuariensis convocatione, in ecclesia nostra cathedrali sancti Pauli London, per praelatos et clerum provinciae Cantuariensis, actualiter ibidem exercita) contigisset, quod quidam Richardus Hunne de parochia sanctae Margaretae in Brigestrete Lond. de et super crimine haereticae pravitatis notatus et diffamatus extitisset: reverendissimus in Christo pater et dominus, dominus Willielmus miseratione divina Cantuariensis archiepiscopus, totius Angliae primas, et apostoliem sedis legatus, ipsius venerabilis coetus et convocationis caput et praesidens, ex vehementibus et violentis (quas contra eundem Richardum Hunne super haeretica pravitate tune habebat) praesumptionibus contra eundem Richardum debitam facere inquisitionem cupiens, ut (si ratione haeresis hujusmodi membrum fuisset a corpore Christi mystico praecisum) ipsum ad caput et corpus (id est, Christum, sanctaeque matris ecclesiae unitatem) per salutaria monita et condignam poenitentiam revocaret et reduceret: ne idem Richardus inter simplices et devotas Christi fidelium et catholicorum animas coerrando, et zizania haeretica seminando, fidelium mentes macularet et inficeret, et sinistris ac perversis assertionibus et opinionibus, a veritatis semita et vera fide Christiana aberrare faceret; ad effectum citandi eum ad comparendum coram dicto reverendissimo patre et domino archiepiscopo, suisque coepiscopis et sufferaganeis, caeterisque illius concionis sive sacrae synodi praelatis, super praemissis responsurum perquiri fecit et mandavit. Verum idem Richardus apprehendi non potuit. Unde dictus reverendissimus Pater suum tam pium, tam sanctum et laudabile propositum ad effectum perducere non potuit. Quod cum nos Richardus permissione divina Londinensis episcopus, dicti Richardi ordinarius, (cui etiam tanquam de haeresi suspectus, idem Richardus a multis retroactis temporibus delatus et detectus extiterat) intellexerimus, non volentes nec audentes praedicta facinora silentio et conniventibus oculis pertransire et praetermittere, ne ob nostram negligentiam et torporem sanguis ejus in districto examine, sive Dei judicio, de manibus nostris requiratur, volerites certiorari et informari an ea quae de ipso et contra eum nobis delata et dicta fuerant, veritate aliqua fulcitentur, et an in luce vel in tenebris ambularet, ne fortasse ovis morbida existens, innocuas animas gregis dominici pestifera haeresi corrumperet et inficeret, ad informandum animum nostrum, ipsum coram nobis vocandum, et super praemissis diligenter interrogandum et examinandum, omniaque faciendum, quae secundum canonicas sanctiones erant facienda (ejus animam pio et paterno zelantes affectu), descendimus et properavimus: contra quem objectis judicialiter et propositis publice in judicio articulis, de et super quibus nobis (ut praefertur) delatus, detectus, et notatus fuerat (quos per venerabilem virum magistrum Johannem Downam hic publice jam lectos, pro hic lectis et insertis habemus et haberi volumus); habitisque et receptis ad eosdem articulos responsionibus et confessionibus suis; deinde testes fide dignos de et super eisdem articulis et aliis contra dictum Richardum in debita juris forma recepimus, admisimus, et diligenter examinari fecimus; propositoque nuper per nos verbo Dei ad crucem divi Pauli, ejus detestabiles haereses et errores, in articulis et libris suis, quibus usus est, comprehensas, in ejus et ipsorum detestationem et damnationem publicantes, atque publice recitantes, populo in magna multitudine ibidem tunc congregato, notificavimus et intimavimus: Quod isto die contra eundem Richardum, tanquam contra haereticum, ad ipsiusque condemnationem et excommunicationem in specie, ad aliaque in hac parte requisita, necnon ad excommunicationem receptatorum, defensorum, fautorum, et credentium ipsius in genere, juxta canonicas sanctiones, sanctorum patrum decreta, et oranera juris vigorera et dispositionem, Deo duce, procedere intendebamus: monitionemque sive denunciationem quandam generalem dedimus et fecitinus tunc ibidem, videliceb quod si qui fuerint ejus receptatores, defensores, fautores, et credentes, quod eltra hunc diem ad nos et sanctae matris ecclesize gremium redirent, et se submitterent: quod si facerent (de misericordia omnipotentis Dei confisi), polliciti sumus quod ipsos de erronus et reatibus suis hujusmodi pcenitentes, cure gratia, benignitate, misericordia, et fayore, ad animarum suarum solatium et salutem reciperemus, quodque honestatem eorum pro posse servaremus in hac parte. Alioquin si sic sponte venire non curarent, sed juris ordinarium processurn expectarent; scirent nos hoc admissum adversus eos severius executuros, in quantum jura permitterent. Adveniente itaque jam die isto, ad premissa et infra scripta facienda, sic ut praefertur, per nos praefixo, nos Richardus episcopus antedictus, in negotio inquisitionis haereticae praditatis praedictae legitime procedentes volentesque hujusmodi negotium sine dubito terminare, solenne concilium tam in sacra theologica facultate, quam jure canonico et civili doctorum, et hunc venerabilem coetum cleri et populi coram nobis fecimus congregari; et visis, auditis, intellectis, crimatis, ac diligenter et matura deliberatione discussis meritis et circumatantiis negotii memorati, actisque et actitatis in eodem productis et deductis praedictorum digesto et maturo consilio (cure nullus appareat contradictor sen defensor, qui dicti Richardi opiniones, articulos, et memoriam defendere velit), solum Deum oculis nostris proeponentes ad sententiam nostram contra eum, ejus opiniones et libros, receptatoresque, fautores, defensores, et credentes, se nobis juxta tenorem et formam monitionis et denunciationis nostrarum praedictarum minime submittentes, nec ad gremium sanctae matris ecclesiae redire curantes, licet quidam salvationis pii filii citra monitionem et denunciationem nostras praedictas ad nos veneruut, et se submiserunt, quos cam gratia et favore recepimus, in hac parte ferendam sic duximus procedendum et procedimus in hunc qui sequitur modum. Quia per acta actitata, inquisita, deducta, confessata, et probata, necnon per vehementes et urgentes praesumptiones, et judicia perspicua comperimus luculenter, et invenimus dictum Richardum Hunne crimine haereticae pravitatis multipliciter irretitum, atque haereticum fuisse et esse, nonnullasque opiniones et assertiones detestabiles et heereses damnatas, dum in humanis ageret, et vitales carperet auras, affirmasse, proposuisse, et recitasse. 1ibrisque suspectis, et de jure damnatis, et nounullas haereses pestiferas in se contiuentibus usum fuisse, receptisque, admissis et examinatis testibus per commissarios ad hoc deputatos de et super impoenitentia finali, pertinacia, et obitu dicti Richardi Hunne: Idcirco nos Richardus episcopus antedictus, servatis servandis (prout in tali negotio postulat ordo juris), dicti Richardi Hunne impoenitentia ac finalia obstinatia et pertinacia, per evidentia signa testibus legitimis, vehementissimis et violentis praesumptionibus comprobatis, prout jam coram nobis legitime extitit facta fides, edicto apud crucem divi Pauli, die dominico ultimo praeterito, ad audiendum per nos ferendam sententiam, ad hunc diem per nos publice facto et proposito: propterea de hujus venerabilis coetus (videlicet, reverendorum patrum, dominorum Thomae Dunelmensis, et Wilhelmi Lincolniensis, ac Johannis Calipolensis, episcoporum, necnon in sacra theologia, decretorum, et legum dectorum, et cleri, atque proborum et venerabilium virorum, domini majoris, aldermanorum, et vicecomitum civitatis Londinensis, et populi hic congregatorum, et nobis in hac parte assidentium et assistentium) consensu, assensu, et consilio, eundem Richardum Hunne diversarum haeresium libris, dum vixit, usum fuisse, ac notorium et pertinacem impenitentem haereticum fuisse, ac in haeresi decessisse, atque conscientia criminis et metu futurae sententiae, animo pertinaci et impoenitenti, corde indurato obiisse et decesisse, praemissorumque praetextu de jure excommunicatum fuisse et esse, atque in excommunicatione hujusmodi decessisse, ipsiusque receptatores, fautores, defensores, et credentes, etiam in genere de jure excommunicatos, atque sententia majoris excommunicationis innodatos et involutos fuisse et esse pronunciamus, decernimus, et declaramus: ipsum Richardurn Hunne et libros suos haereticos de jure damnatos, suamque ac librorum ipsorum memoriam, in detestationem et damnationem sceleris et criminis hujusmodi,condemnamus: dictumque Richardum Hunne (ob praemissa), ecclesiastia carere debere sepultura sententiamus, etiam pronunciamus, decernimus, et declaramus, et in foro ecclesiastico tanquam membrum putridum projicimus, corpusque suum et ossa brachio et potestati seculari relinquimus et committimus, juxta et secundum canonicas et legitimas sanctiones, consuetudinesque laudabiles in regno Angliae ab antiquo usitatas et observatas, in opprobrium sempiternum et detestationem criminis nefandissimi praedicti, ad aeternamque hujus rei memoriam. caeterorumque Christi fidelium metum atque terrorem, per hanc nostrum sententiam, sive finale decretum, quam sive quod ferimus et promulgamus in his scriptis. 7. What final obstinacy was in him, when you say beforet that by his own hand-writing he submitted himself to the bishop’s favorable correction? [See p. 184. ¾ Ed.] 8. “Murrey,” mulberry color. ¾ Ed. 9. The depositions of witnesses, distinguished by asterisks, are inserted from the edition of 1563, pp. 393-395. ¾ Ed. 10. Where Charles Joseph set his horse that night that he came to town to murder Richard Hun. 11. So it stands in the original. 12. Ex publicis actis. Ex archivia et Regist. London. 13. ‘Dared,’ confounded: to “dare larks,” to catch them by dazzling them in a peculiar manner. Todd’s Johnson. ¾ Ed. 14. Cope, Dial. 6, p. 847. 15. Cope, ibid. 16. Dial. b. tit. 17. The first edition, 1568. ¾ Ed. 18. In the first Edition of the Acts and Monuments, London, 1563, page 391, Foxe says, “So upon good evidence Dr. Horsey the chancellor, and Belringer, with Charles Joseph the somner, were indicted for the murder; but afterwards, by the means of the spiritualty and money, Doctor Horsey caused the king’s attorney to confess him on his arraigmnent, not to be guilty; and so he escaped and went to Exeter.’
See the Latin Edition also; page 121. Basle; 1559. ‘ Ille, largitionibus corrupto praecone,’ etc. profugit Exoniam. ¾ Ed. 19. Ex Ed. Hall, in vit. Henry VIII. anno 6.
JOHN STILLMAN 1. Ex Regist. Fitzjames, London.
THOMAS MAN 1. He meant some image or picture of the Virgin, set up in some blind place to be worshipped. 2. “Ad sancta Dei evangelia jurari fecit, tribus mediis digitis erectis, et super librum positis, in signum Trinitatis, et fidei catholicae: et duobus (videlicet pollice et auriculari) suppositis et suppressis, et sub libro positis, in signum damnationis corporis et animae, si non deposuerint veritatem in hac parte.” 3. The popish chanceilor would not seem to consent to his death, but yet could send him to the shambles to be killed. 4. Rogamus attente in visceribus Jesu Christi, ut hujusmodi dignae severitatis ultio et executio de te et contra to in hac parte fienda taliter moderetur, lit non sit rigor rigidus, neque mansuetudo, e dissoluta, sed ad salutem et sanitatem animae turn,’ etc. 5. Ex Regist. Ric Fitzjames, fol. 798. 6. See supra, page 123.
ROBERT COSIN 1. Ibid. page 124. 2. Ex Regist. Johan. Longland.
CHRISTOPHER SHOEMAKER 1. A mark was anciently valued at thirty shillings, afterwards at thirteen and fourpence. ¾ Ed. 2. Had we no other evidence but these registers of bishop Longland, we should have abundant testimony to prove that the church of Rome is an enemy to the diffusion of the word of God. Let the reader peruse the nature of the charges preferred against the above honest and welldisposed persons; let the crimes alleged be weighed against the punishments inflicted; let the source from whence the persecution arose; the object against which Romish vengeance was principally directed, be respectively, dispassionately, and attentively considered, and it will not now excite surprise, that infidelity and Romanism are twin-sisters, leagued in impious companionship, to quench the spirit of religion, to suppress the word of God, and to subvert the course of pure and undefiled Christianity. ¾ Ed. 3. How flagrant must be the idolatry of the popish service at the elevation and adoration of the host, to have provoked a rustic of the sixteenth century to utter such a bitter sarcasm! ¾ Ed. 4. Ex Regist. Longland. fol. 11. 5. Ibid. 6. Fol. 15. 7. Fol. 11. 8. Fol. 16. 9. Ex Regist. Longland, fol. 50. 10. Ex Regist. Longland, fol. 71. 11. “His Maundy,” or Mandy, perhaps “Dies Mandati;” thus “Maundy Thursday,” the day on which Christ commanded the disciples to eat the Passover. ¾ Ed. 12. An unquam audivit Johannem Hakker legentem sacram Scripturam contra doterminationem Ecelesiae? ¾ Ex Regist. Joh. Longland, fol. 85. 13. “Sir,” is the translation of “Dominus,” a term still applied to those who have taken their bachelor’s degree, and hence “Sir” came to be a term for priests who had graduated. ¾ Ed. 14. Ex Regist. Longland, fol. 72. 15. “Wickliff’s Wicket” was reprinted at the university press at Oxford, in 12 mo.1828. edited by Rev.T. P. Pantin. ¾ Ed. 16. Ex. Regist. Joh. Longland. Lincoln, fol. 105. 17. “Share Thursday,” Maundy Thursday. ¾ Ed. 18. Ex Regist. fol. 32. 19. Fol. 32. 20. Fol. 33. 21. Fol. 34. 22. Fol. 34. 23. Fol. 36. 24. Fol. 33. 25. Fol. 37. 26. Fol. 40. 27. Fol. 40. 28. Fol. 40. 29. Fol. 4. 30. Fol. 34. 31. Fol. 35. 32. Fol. 9. 33. Fol. 45. 34. Ex Registro, fol. 90. 35. “Greece,” a step. ¾ Ed. 36. See supra, page 219. ¾ Ed. 37. Ibid. page 123. ¾ Ed. 38. “Thomas Dorman.” See supra, p. 123, where he is called “Yormand Dorman:” he was probably Thomas Dorman, yeoman. ¾ Ed. 39. This Master Dorman, because he was put to school by his uncle at Berkhamstead to Master Reeve, being a protestant, therefore he, for the same cause, in the first sentence of his preface saith, that he was brought up in Calvin’s school.
DOCTOR JOHN COLET 1 See p. 230. ¾ Ed. 2. ‘Iniqua pax justissimo bello praeferenda 3. Ex Epist. Erasm. Ad Jodoc. Jonam. 4. Ex. Erasm. Ad Perisiens. 5. ‘Habentes speciem pietatis, sed vim ejus abnegantes.’ Timothy 2:3. 6. See volume 3. p. 718. ¾ Ed. 7. Collated with the edition of 1563, p. 400. ¾ Ed. 8. See volume 3, p. 508. ¾ Ed. 9. “Somnium hujus noctis exponatis. Videbam quod in Bethlehem volebant delere omnes imagines Christi, et delebant. Ego surrexi sequenti die, et vidi multos pictores, qui pulchriores imagines et plures fecerant, quas leate aspexi: et pictores cum multo populo dicebant, Veniant episcopi et sacerdotes et deleant nobis! Quo facto multi populi gaudebant in Bethlehem, et ego cum eis, et excitatus sensi me ridere.” From the first edition, page 400, quoted from the 44th epistle of John Huss. ¾ Ed. 10. ‘Stante mandato Dei,’ etc. 11. John Huss de Sacerd. et monachorum carnalium abominatione, cap. 37; vol. i.p. 526, Historia et Monumenta Jo. Huss et Hieron. Pragensis; Norimb. 1715. ¾ Ed. 12. See vol 3. p. 525. ¾ Ed. 13. Cap. De Votis Monast. 14. Ex Philippians Melanc. in Apologia, cap. de Monast. 15. Ex Revel. Briget. 1. 4. cap. 17. 16. Antoninus, part 3. Hist. titul. 23. cap. 14. 17. “Ouch,” a collar of gold formerly worn by women. ¾ Ed. 18. This anecdote occurs in the Catalogus TestiumVeritatis, drawn up by M. Flacius Illyricus, and re-edited by Simon Goulart, A.D. 1608; at p. 1924. ¾ Ed. 19. Ex Baleo, cent. 8. 20. Ex Johan. Carlone, Franc. Mirandula, et aliis. 21. “Rock;” a distaff. ¾ Ed. 22. See supra, pp. 234, 236, 237, 239. ¾ Ed.
HISTORY OF MARTIN LUTHER 1. Ex Aventino. 2. See vol.3 page 249. ¾ Ed. 3. See Edition 1563, p. 249. 4. See Edition 1563, p. 249. 5. Ex Christia. Massaeo, lib. 20: Chronicon historiae utriusque Testamenti:
Antverpiae, 1540. This volume is placed by the church of Rome in the second class of works needing expurgation. See Index lib. prohib. et expurgandorum, folio Madriti. 1612, p. 132. ¾ Ed. 6. Ex Chr. Casp. Peucer. lib. v. 7. Paraleipomena Abb. Ursperg. Argentorati, 1609, p. 347. [This Chronicle was published in folio, Argentorati, 1537: the continuation, called Paralipomena, was probably drawn up by Caspar Hedio: see Meuselii Biblioth. Hist. vol. 1. p. 78. ¾ Ed.] 8. Ibid. p. 348. [The passage is extracted ex Epist. Erasmi ad Albert. archiep. Moguntinensem, col. 514, Lug. Bat. 1706. See Appendix. ¾ Ed.] 9. For the following passages in asterisks, extending to page 268, see Edition 1503, p. 404. ¾ Ed. 10. See the Appendix. ¾ Ed. 11. Ex Paralip. Abbat. Ursperg; [Argent. 1609, p. 342. ¾ Ed.] 12. Clement. [lib. 5. tit. ix.] de poenit, et remiss, cap. ‘Abusionibus.’ 13. Ex Paralip. Abb. Ursperg. [pp. 342, 343.] 14. Proteus was a monster noted in poets, which could change himself into all forms and likenesses. 15. “Arabages,” idle circumlocutions. ¾ Ed. 16. Ex Parilipomen. Abbat. Ursperg 208 . 17. Here is good doctrine of Eckius, I trow. 18. Ex Sleid. lib. i. 19. “Dutch,” that is High Dutch, or German; “Deutch.” ¾ Ed. 20. “ Dutch 216 ,” German. ¾ Ed. 21. See Edition 1563, p. 410. ¾ Ed. 22. This he spake of Luther’s words, ‘he denied any good fruits to come of their laws. 23. Ex Histor. Philip. Melancth.; ex Sleidano.; ex Parali. Abb. Ursperg.; et ex Casp. Peucero. 24. The title of this curious production is ‘Assertio Septem Sacramentorum.’ A good edition was printed in London in 1688, to which are adjoined Henry VIII’s epistle to the pope, Mr. John Clark’s oration, and the pope’s answer thereunto. As also the pope’s bull, by which his holiness was pleased to bestow upon king Henry VIII (for composing this book) ‘that most illustrious, splendid, and most Christian title of Defender of the Faith. Faithfully translated into English by J.W. gent.’ A copy of the portion of the bull which conferred the title is subjoined. ‘Considering that it is but just, that those who undertake pious labors in defense of the faith of Christ, should be extolled with all praise and honor; and being willing, not only to magnify with condign praise, and approve with our authority, what your majesty has with learning and eloquence writ against Luther; but, also, to honor your majesty with such a title, as shall give all Christians to understand, as well in our times as in succeeding ages, how acceptable and welcome your gift was to us, especially in this juncture of time: We, the true successor of St. Peter, whom Christ, before his ascension, left as his vicar upon earth, and to whom he committed the care of his flock; presiding in this holy see, from whence all dignity and titles have their source, having with our brethren maturely deliberated on these things, and, with one consent, unanimously decreed to bestow on your majesty this title, viz.
Defender of the Faith. And as we have by this title honored you; we likewise command all Christians, that they name your majesty by this title; and, in their writings to your majesty, that immediately after the wordKING, they addDEFENDER OF THE FAITH. Having thus weighed and diligently considered your singular merits, we could not have invented a more congruous name, nor more worthy your majesty, than this worthy and most excellent title: which as often as you hear or read, you shall remember your own merits and virtues; nor will you by this title exalt yourself or become proud, but, according to your accustomed prudence, rather more humble in the faith of Christ, and more strong and constant in your devotion to this holy see, by which you were exalted. And you shall rejoice in our Lord, who is the giver of all good things, for leaving such a perpetual and everlasting monument of your glory to posterity, and showing the way to others; that if they also covet to be invested with such a title, they may study to do such actions, and to follow the steps of your most excellent majesty, whom, with your wife, children, and all who shall spring from you, we bleu with a bountiful and liberal hand, in the name of Him from whom the power of benediction is given to us, and by whom kings reign and princes govern, and in whose hands are the hearts of kings.’ The Bull is dated ‘the fifth of the Ides of October, A.D. 1521.’ ¾ Ed. 25. If these pastors care anything for the sheep, it is only for the wool. 26. Rather a new raiser-up of the old doctrine of the patriarchs, prophets, and apostles! 27. He meaneth the doctrine of John Huss translated into Germany. 28. Christ and his apostles taught us, that we are saved by faith only in the Son of God: the same doth Luther preach, and the pope deny. Holy martyrs and fathers in the old time, ministered the communion in both kinds to the people, and taught that faith was necessary in receiving the sacraments: the same doth Luther affirm, and the pope deny. The old way of the fathers was this, that they never had any advocates and mediators but Christ alone, and that they never sold the merits of Christ’s passion for money. In the same way doth Luther now walk; whereas the pope hath devised a new way to walk in for money, with a hundred other new devices, new sects, and new ordinances, which the old fathers never knew. 29. The doctrine of Luther hath been preached in Germany above these forty years; and yet is there never a prince, nor magistrate, nor citizen in Germany, God be praised! who, by the doctrine of Luther, is worse by one half-penny: whereas by the pope, good reckoning hath been made, that Germany hath been worse by three millions of florins by the year. Out of the territory of the bishop of Mentz amount to the pope, for the archbishop’s pall, twenty-six thousand florins. In the council of Basil it was openly declared, that nine millions of gold were gathered in the time of pope Martin, and translated to Rome. Now lot the princes of Germany consider this. [See Vita Io. Tezeli quaestoris sacri a G. Hechtio; (8vo. Vitemb. 1717) pp. 34, 35. Sleidan, lib. 4, p. 207. Edit. Francof. 1785. ¾ Ed.] 30. The preaching of Christian liberty of the soul, breaketh no civil order touching the outward obedience of the body. But the pope would have the souls of men in his bondage, and therefore he cannot abide this inward liberty of the spirit to be touched, for that were against the pope’s purse and profit, which were a heresy intolerable. 31. This is no good consequence: Luther burned the pope’s stinking decretals, ergo he will not stick also to burn the books of the civil law. 32. The persecuting Pagans in the old time, did object to the old fathers of the primitive church, the blasphemies of Thieste’s supper, of the incest of Oedipus, and the worshipping of an ass’s head. In much like sort doth the pope here lay unto Luther riots, rebellions, and all mischiefs he can devise; not because they are true, but because he would have the world so to believe. 33. Obedience to God, and obedience to St. Peter and his vicar, do not well match together by the Scripture; for the obedience to the Creator is one, and the obedience to the creature is another. 34. Let the pope follow the word of God as Moses did, and be sent of God expressly as Moses was; and then let Luther be punished as Dathan and Abiram were. Again; if the pope be the successor of Peter, and have his authority, why then doth not the pope, bearing the keys of Peter, exercise the power of his spirit upon Luther his great enemy, as Peter did upon Ananias and Sapphira? 35. If Jovinian, Priscillian, and Vigilant were proved heretics, they were proved not only by canons and councils, but by Scripture; so was Luther never. 36. Your fathers in the council of Constance did kill the prophets of God, and you make up their graves. But thanks be unto God, who hath given such light unto the world, to understand your cruel impiety in killing John Huss, which you thought should never be espied. 37. You have well imitated your forefathers already, in burning so many Lutherans; and yet how have you prospered against the Turkish infidels the space of these forty years. 38. The false dragon resembleth the pope, and the strong lion the Turk. 39. The false dragon here seeth that it is time to bestir him. 40. The ‘Instructions to Cheregatus,’ are reprinted in the Historia Concil. general, auct. Edmundo Richeric. (4to Colonia, 1691) tom. 4, part 2, pp. 65-69. ¾ Ed. 41. The honor of God consisteth principally in honoring Jesus the Son of God, whom the Father hath sent. Now examine, good reader! whether more extolleth the honor of Christ, the doctrine of Luther, or the doctrine of the pope? Luther sendeth us only to Christ; the pope sendeth us to other patrons and helpers. Luther’s doctrine tendeth wholly to the glory of Christ; the pope’s doctrine; if it he well weighed, tendeth to the glory of man. Luther cleaveth only to the Scripture; the pope leaneth to the canons and councils of men. 42. This edict of the emperor above touched, was devised and set out unknown to divers of the princes there, and seemeth chiefly to be brought about by the pope and his flatterers about him. Look more hereof in the story of Sleidan. lib. 3. 43. The doctrine of Luther tendeth against the usurped power of the see of Rome; ergo the doctrine of Luther dissolveth all obedience due to magistrates. This consequent is to be denied, for the power of magistrates is of God; and he that resisteth them, resisteth God. So is not the usurped power of the pope. 44. If the pope doth say, that no precepts of magistrates do oblige under pain of mortal sin, he saith not true; if he say that Luther so teacheth, he belieth Luther; who teacheth all men to be subject untomagistrates; no man more. 45. Whoso considereth the doctrine of Luther, ‘De libertate Christiana,’ shall find this to be a false slander: for how is it likely that he meaneth any rebellion, who, describing a Christian, calleth him a servant, and an underling to all men? 46. The cause why the pope doth charge the Lutherans with sedition, did rise upon this: because one Franciscus Sickingus, a valiant man, and a great favorer of Luther, did war against the archbishop of Treves, for withholding two certain persons from judgment, who should have appeared, and by his means did not. 47. As for slanderous words and bitter taunts, with what face can the pope charge Luther, being himself so impudent and bitter, as in this his present letter is manifest to be seen if wherein he showeth himself in his own colors what he is. 48. If the doings and properties of Mahomet be rightly considered, none should be found so aptly to resemble him, as the pope himself He declineth from the word of God, and setteth up another law; so doth the pope. He killeth and slayeth the contrary part; so doth the pope.
He holdeth salvation by works of the law; so doth the pope, and if Mahomet give liberty of flesh, so doth not Luther; but the pope both taketh it, and also dispenseth with the same. Mahomet would not have his religion reasoned upon; no more with the pope. Briefly, as the sect of Mahomet is divided into many sundry sorts of religion, and of religious men; so hath the sect of the pope its friars, monks, nuns, hermits, and other swarms of an infinite variety. 49. Here the pope agreeth rightly with Mahomet, for he will not have his religion reasoned upon, no more will the pope have his. 50 And how then can this be called a holy see, where so many abominable impieties, and manifold excesses, both in spiritual matters, and also in external life, are seen and practiced! such ambition in the prelates; such pride in the pope; such avarice in the court; and, finally, where such corruption is of all things, as you yourselves do here confess, and cannot deny? 51 True it is, that the sickness hath begun in the head, that is, at the very triple crown: and therefore the sickness being great, and having need of a sharp physician, God hath sent Luther unto the pope (as Erasmus writeth of him), as a meet physician to cure his disease; yet he refuseth to be healed. 52 You proceed so by little and little, that nothing at all is seen. Sudden mutations be not for the pope’s purpose; but the Lord promiseth to come suddenly, when he is not looked for. 53 ‘Rota’ is some office in the court or chancery of Rome. 54 The pope flattereth for advantage. And why then have you abused the church so long with these apostolical provisions, and yet do not redress the same! 55 Ex Orth. Gratian. 56 Annates is a certain portion of money wont to be paid to the court of Rome, or of the one year’s fruits, at the vacation of an ecclesiastical living. 57 Famous libels’ be such books as rail against the fame of any person, showing no name of the author thereof. 58 Ex Orthuin. Grat. [vol. 1. p. 346, in his Fasciculus rerum expetend. et fugiendarum Edit. by Browne, Lond. 1690. - ED.] 59 Ex Johan. Sleidano. 60 The first edition of the “Centum grav. natio. Germanicae “was published in 4to. at Nuremberg, 1523; See Panzer’s Annales Typographici. It is inserted also in Browne’s Fasciculus Rerum expetend, et fugiendarum, tom. 1. p. 354, Lond. 1690; and in Le Plat’s Monumentorum ad hist. Concilii Tridentini illustrand, collectio.
Lovanii, 1781. - ED. 61 This question; whether these gossips that christen bells may marry together by the canon law! 62 Ex Johan. Sleid. lib. 3. 63 A Roman Catholic bishop, Dr. Milner, in his “Letters to a Prebendary” (seventh edition. London, 1825, pp. 113-118), has favored us with a series of the coarsest expressions which can be selected from the writings of Luther, to deduce from them that Luther’s morality was prostrated, that his sentiments were depraved, and that his motives and actions were the result of pride, bigotry, and ambition. Dr. Milner closes his observations with these words, “There are other passages, in great numbers, too indecent to admit of being translated at all; indeed I almost blush to soil my paper with transcribing some of them into my notes below, in the original Latin.” This learned doctor of the popish church shrinks, with wonted modesty, from his own translation of Luther’s addresses to his royal antagonist Henry VIII.; but how would his delicacy have been offended had he heard Mr. John Clark, the king’s orator, before the Consistory of Leo X. (in presenting his master’s book to that spiritual head of the church), break out into such epithets as these which follow; unless, indeed, they were deemed excusable, as spoken of “an execrable, venomous, and pernicious heretic.” [See page 1 of Henry the Eighth’s own book, entitled “Assertio septem sacramentorum. Faithfully translated, etc. by T. W. gent. London, 1688.”] The orator denounces Luther as “this furious monster,” with “his stings and poisons, whereby he intends to infect the whole world.” Or again, “What so hot and inflamed force of speaking can be invented sufficient to declare the crime of that most filthy villain?” [see page 2.] Or, in reading forward, how would his ear have been jarred with the expressions, “idol and vain phantom,” “a mad dog, to be dealt with drawn swords,” and “a viper’s madness!”
How startling to hear three times repeated from the mouth of the most holy father pope Leo, the title of” terrible monster;” or to hear him, the head of a church that professes to be no persecutor of Protestants (because she persecutes all heretics alike), speak in definite terms of “driving away from our Lord’s flock the wolves; and cutting off, with the material sword , the rotten members that infect the mystical body of Christ;” [see the pope’s ball to king Henry]. And, lastly, how would the tender feelings of Dr. Milner have been wounded had he read king Henry’s own words, in his “Address to the Reader,” animadverting upon Luther as “one risen up, who, by the instigation of the devil, under pretext of charity, stimulated with anger and hatred, spues out the poison of vipers against the church!” Again, how inconsistent with the meekness of Christianity, for the Defender of the Faith to speak thus of Luther: “Oh, that detestable trumpeter of pride, calumnies, and schisms! what an infernal wolf, etc., what a great member of the devil is he!” etc. Every Christian mind must deeply regret the coarse and vulgar expressions used by the orator, the pope, the king, and Luther, in common with other writers of that age: that such should have been the expressions of Luther is deeply to be lamented, as the life and conversation of Christians should be characteristic of the religion which they profess: at the same time it will be perceived, that Luther was the more readily betrayed into errors of this kind in consequence of the bold and uncompromising character of his mind, a quality as much to be admired by every protestant, as it was dreaded by the papists: they could not refute his arguments, founded upon Scripture; they dared not injure his person, beloved and esteemed by the people. That the tender mercies of the Romish church would not have spared Luther, unless secured from danger by a more powerful arm, we may gather from John Clark’s oration to the pope, on presenting to the pontiff king Henry’s book; who, speaking of the poisoning of Socrates, adds these words respecting Luther: “Could this destroyer of the Christian religion expect any better from true Christians, for his extreme wickedness against God?” And again, king Henry VIII. in his “Address to the Reader,” speaking of Luther’s repentance, adds, “If Luther refuses this, it will shortly come to pass, if Christian princes do their duty, that their errors, and himself, if he perseveres therein, may be burned in the fire.” Whatever may have been the errors of Luther, they teach us this truth; that weak and unstable must be that proud and boasting church, which shook from its base to its summit, as Luther divulged and propagated his scriptural, and alas, in those days, “strange” doctrines. The success which crowned the labors of this “puny brother” (as king Henry calls him in the last sentence of his book), we must ascribe to the honor of God and the glory of his grace, who hath “chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise, and the weak things of the world to confound the things which are mighty; and who hath chosen base things of the world, and things which are despised, yea, and things which are not, to bring to naught things that are, that no flesh should glory in his presence.” - ED. 64 Ex Johan. Sleid. lib. 5 [p.307, ed. Francft. 1785. - ED.] 65 Ex Paralip. Abb. Ursp. 66 Ex Phil. Melancth 232 . in oral. funebri Ex Hieron. Wellero. 67 Edition 1503 p. 415. - ED. 68 “Unto the eternal school, and perpetual Joys.” Edition 1563, p. 416. - ED. 69 See Edition 1563, p. 416. - ED. 70 For the following passage in asterisks, see E dition 1563, p. 407. - ED. 71 ‘Notorious offenders,’ i. e. in orig. Scortatores. - ED. 72 ‘Ipso facto,’ that is, upon the very doing of the act, without any further Judgment or trial by the law. 73 ‘Women;’ i. e. in orig. Scorta et concubinae. - ED. 74 ‘Paramour,’ i. e. in orig. Scorta. - ED. 75 Touching the Greek church, this cardinal speaketh untruly. 76 ‘More notorious offenders,’ i. e. in orig. Stuprum. - ED.
THE HISTORY OF THE HELVETIANS 1 Ex Chron. Helvetic. Ex Sebast. Munst. Cosmog. lib. 3. Ex Com. Johan.
Sleid. lib. 3. 2 These thirteen pages will be better recognized under the following titles; the respective cantons of Zurich, Bern, Lucerne, Uri, Schweitz, Unterwalden, Zug, Glarus, Basle, Soleure, Friburg, Schaffhausen, and Appenzel. The other seven pages, “not conjoined together with such a full bond,” are these: “Rhetus Pagus,’ the extreme south-east districts of Switzerland; “Lepontus Pagus,’ the district about the source of the Rhone: “Sedunus Pagus,” the capital of which district, was ‘Civitas Sedunorum,’ mentioned by Caesar, and is the modern Sion; “Veragrus Pagus,” constitutes the district called ‘Dauphine’ before the revolution: “Sangallus Pagus,” St. Gallen; “Mullusianus Pagus,” Mulhausen; “Rotulensis Pagus,” Rheinthal. - ED. 3 Note that the pages in Switzerland are for the most part situate in valleys. 4 Ex Seb. Munster. Cosmog. lib. 3.
ULDRICUS ZUINGLIUS 1 Ex Johan. Sleid. lib. 3. 2 Ibid. [p. 191. - ED.] 3 Zuinglius and Leo Juda were preachers at this time in Zurich. 4 If the scope of doctrine be well marked, between the papists and the protestants, it will not be hard for any man to judge which is the true doctrine. For the whole end and scope of the pope’s doctrine, tendeth to set up the honor and wealth of man, as may appear by the doctrine of supremacy, of confession, of the mass, of the sacrament of the altar, etc.: all which do tend to the magnifying of priests; as purgatory, obsequies, pardons, and such like serve for their profit. Contrariwise, the teaching of the protestants, as well touching Justification, original sin, as also the sacraments and invocation, and all other such, tend to the setting up of Christ alone, and to the casting down of man. 5 It was the pope’s law then, that in Lent no man should eat flesh or eggs, nor any other white meat; wherein it may seem to be verified which St.
Paul doth prophesy [1 Timothy 4.], ‘In the latter days certain shall depart from the faith, hearkening to the doctrine of devils, forbidding to marry, and to eat,’ etc. 6 Ex Johan Sleid. lib. 4. 7 Ex Comment. Sleid. lib. 4. [p. 329 and 347-352. - ED.] 8 Foxe says here, “the said year above mentioned:” but the last year mentioned is “1525:” and the “next year” is presently called “1527:” hence the necessity of the change here made. - ED. 9 Ex Com. Jo. Sleid. lib. 4. 10 Ex Farrag. Epist. Eras. 11 Ex Johan. Sleid. lib. 8. Et ex Epist. Johan. Ecolampad, lib. 4. Mart., Frechto. et Somio. [p. 211 of Epistolae doet, virorum quibus tum Euchar. er Anabaptismi negotium tum alia continentur; fol. 1548. - ED.] 12 Haec Ecolampad. 13 Ex Com Johan. Sleid. lib. 8. [p. 472. Edit. Francof. 1785. - ED.] 14 Ex Oswaldo Miconio de vita et obitu Zuinglii. 15 Ex Epist. Ecolamp. ad Wolfgangum Capitonem. lib. 4. [p. 173.] 16 Gratiam et pacem in Domino. Accipe igitur charis, frat., etc. 17 Ut mors illius eos qui eraut apud inferos redimeret. 18 “Pridie Calend. Sept.” Epis. p. 122, i. e. August 31. - ED.
HENRY DOES AND JOHN ESCH a Behold how constantly and joyfully these martyrs take their death. b Ex 6. Tomo M. Lutheri 245 , fol. 307. [“This year, A. D. 1523, Soliman the Great Turk wrote a letter unto the Master of the Rhodes, requiring to have the town given over unto him: the tenor whereof here ensueth: Letter of Solyman, the Great Turk, to the Master of the Rhodes.
Solimanus Isaccus, King of kings, and Lord of lords, by the grace of God most mighty emperor of Constantinople and Trebisonde, etc.; unto the reverend father Philip de Villiers l’Isle Adam, grand Master of the Rhodes, to his knights, and the commonalty there. Compassion for my afflicted people and your extreme injuries have moved me.
Therefore I command you the speedy surrender of the island and citadel of Rhodes, humanely and willingly granting you the favor, to depart with all your riches and substance; or, if ye will, to remain under my dominion, your liberty and your religion not being diminished in any thing, not even in paying of tribute. If ye be wise, prefer amity and peace before most cruel war; for if ye be overcome, there is nothing to be looked for but extreme cruelty, such as the vanquished are wont to receive at the hands of the conquerors; from which neither your own force, nor foreign aids, shall in any case defend you, neither yet your mighty strong walls, which I will utterly subvert. Fare ye well: which thing you may do, if ye will before force prefer my friendship, which shall be assured unto you without fraud or guile. I swear by God, the Maker of heaven and earth, and by the four historiographers of evangelical histories, and by the twenty-four thousand prophets that came from heaven, and chiefest of them our Mahomet, and by the worshipful spirits of my father and grandfather, and by this my sacred and august imperial head. From our palace at Constantinople. The same year, in the time of pope Adrian, the island of Rhodes was lost, and yielded over to Solyman the Turk, to the great hinderance and detriment of all Christendom.” From Edition 1563, p. 422. The history of the taking of Rhodes will be found supra, p. 53, See Appendix. - ED.] 1 When the prelates cannot prevail by power, they fall to practice. 2 In this rude country of Dithmarsch, Master Rogers, our countryman, was superintendent at the time of the six articles; where he, with great danger of his life, did. very much good. 3 Where the offense is not done to man, confession to man there needeth not. 4 Ex Epist. Mart. Luth. [Opera. vol. 7. p. 495. - ED.] 5 Ex Crisp. et Pantal. [A fuller title of this latter very scarce work, is this, “Martyrum historia; hoc est maximarum per Europam persecutionum ac sanctorum Dei martyrum coeterarumque rerum insignium in ecclesia Christi his temporibus gestarum commentarii; auct. IIenrico Pantaleone;” folio, Basileae, 1563. - ED.] 6 Ex Lud. Rab. 7 Ex Rab. et Pantal.
JOHN LECLERC 1 Ex Pantal. et Crisp.
JOHN COSTELLANE 1 “Vittery,” Vitry-le-Francais. - ED. 2 Whoever escape, the Christians are sure to suffer. 3 Truly you say, for your measure is death definitive; and therefore look you for the same measure again at God’s hand. 4 If Luther be to be noted of cruelty, who teacheth all men, and killeth no man, what then is to be noted in the pope, who killeth all God’s children and teacheth none? 5 “ Nicopolis 289 .” See the Appendix. - ED. 6 “ Bennet and Collet 290 ,” the acolyteship: see Appendix. - ED. 7 Note here these persecutors 291 , how they will seem outwardly to be lambs, but inwardly are ravening wolves. 8 Pantaleon, pp. 40-42. The History of Johannes Diazius, which is inserted here in some editions, will be found in the place allotted to it by Foxe, in the History of “Martyrs who suffered in Germany,” at page 387. - ED. 9 See Pantaleon, p. 46. - ED. 10 Pantaleon, p. 48. - ED. 11 The cross discerneth between true Christians and counterfeit. 12 Ex Ecolamp. [or rather, Ex Pantaleone, p. 48. - ED.] 13 ‘ The truss of the cord’ 296 is a certain hanging up by the hands behind, having a weighty stone fastened at their feet. 14 The promises of the papists are not to be trusted. 15 Nihil peccavit agnus, sed lupus esuriit 306 . 16 Ex Johan. Ecolampad. [Pantaleon, pp. 51-54. - ED.] WOLFGANGUS SCHUCH 1 ‘Clarilocus,’ Clair-lieu. See Appendix. - ED. 2 Ex Ludov. Rabo et Pantal. [p. 54.] JOHN HUGLEIN 1 Ex Comment. Sleid. lib. 6. [et Pantaleon. lib. 3. p. 60. - ED.] GEORGE CARPENTER 1 Pantal. pp. 61-63. - ED.
LEONARD KEYSER 1 Ex 6. Tomo Operum Lutheri. [Pantaleon, p. 63. - ED.] WENDELMUTA 1 Ex Pantal. [p. 65.] PETER FLISTEDEN AND ADOLPHUS CLAREBACH 1 Ex Com. Johan. Sleidan. lib. 6. p. 380. [Pantal. p. 66.] 2 Pantaleon, p. 58. - ED. 3 Ex Johan. Gastio. 4 See Appendix. 5 Pantaleon, p. 68. - ED. 6 See Appendix. 7 ‘Dornick,’ Tournay, from the Latin “Tornacum.” - ED.
THE MARTYRS OF GERMANY 1 Ex tom. 2. Convivalium Sermonum Johan. Gastii, et ex Pantal. [p. 81.] 2 Ex Fran. Encenate. [Pantaleon, p. 96.] 3 Ibid. [See Appendix.] 4 Giles Tilleman, mentioned immediately after as a martyr: see also infra, p. 459. - ED. 5 Ex Fran. Encenate. [See Appendix.] 6 Ex Franc. Encen. [Pantaleon, p. 101.] PERSECUTION IN GAUNT AND FLANDERS 1 Ibid. 2 ‘ Hennegow,’ Hainault 329 . - ED. 3 John Oporine, or “Johannes Oporinus,” was the printer of Foxe’s Latin Edition of the Act and Monuments, published at Basle in 1559. - ED. 4 Ex Pantaleone [p. 108. His martyrdom took place May 8th. - ED.] 5 Ex. Lud. Rab.; Pantal. [p. 110.] etc. 6 Ex Phil. Melancth. 7 Ex Pantal lib. 4. [p. 100. - ED] 8 Ex Lud. Rab. lib. 6. [apud Pantal. pp. 84-96. - ED.] 9 Ex Lud. Rab. et aliis. 10 Ex Johan. Gastio, Conviv. Sermo. lib. 2. 11 Ex Claudio Senarcleo: [i. e. “Historia vera de morte Jo. Diazii, quem frater ejus Germanus Alphonsus Diazius nefarie interfecit; per A.
Senarcloeum; 8vo. (no place): 1546. - ED.] 12 Ex Johan. Sleid. lib. 21:[Pantaleon, p. 158.] 13 Ex tom. 2. Conviv. Sermonum Johan. Gastii. 14 Ex Johan. Sleid. lib. 19. 15 Ex Johan. Sleid. lib. 19. 24. 16 Ibid. lib. 18. 17 Berghen, or Mons, was the capital of Hennegouw or Hainault. - ED. 18 Ex Lud. Bab.; Pant. et aliis. 19 Ibid. 20 Ex Crisp. et aliis. 21 The names of the persecutors be not expressed in the story. 22 Ex Johan. Sleid. lib. 22. 23 Haec Phil. Melanet. 24 The names of their persecutors appear not in the story. 25 Ex Lud. Rab. lib. 6. 26 Ex Johan. Sleid. lib. 25. 27 Ex Crisp, Pantal. et Adriano. 28 Ex Johan. Sleid. lib. 25. 29 Ex Pantaleon. [p. 328.] 30 Ex Lud. Rab. 31 Ex Crisp. 32 Ibid. 33 Ex Gallicana Hist. et Adrian. 34 Ex Elegia cujusdam viri docti in Pantal.
FRENCH MARTYRS 1 Ex Crisp. 2 This Denis, having a wooden cross put into his hands by the friars, with his teeth cast it Into the river, which made the friars mad. 3 Ex Crisp. et aliis. 4 Ex Crisp. 5 Ibid. 6 Ex Henric. Pant. 7 In France the manner was, that the martyrs coming by any image, as they went to burning, if they would not worship the same, had their tongues cut out. 8 Ex Crisp. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. 11 Ibid. 12 Ibid. 13 Ibid. 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid. 16 Ex Crisp. 17 Ibid. 18 Ibid. 19 This friar taketh praying for the poor which be alive, and those that be dead, to be all one. 20 ‘Filioli, custodite vos a simulachris.’ I John 5. 21 Ex Crisp. 22 Custodite vos a simulachris. 1 John 5. 23 Ex Gallic. Hist. Crisp. lib. 2. [That is, ‘Histoire des vray tesmoins de la verite de l’Evangile,’ p. 131, Edition 1570. Lib. 3. p. 155, Edition 1619. - ED.] 24 Ex Crisp. 25 Ex Lud. Rab. lib. 6. 26 Note how God maketh these adversaries, with their own song, to praise the sacrifice of these holy martyrs against their wills. ‘O salutaris hostia,’ id est, ‘O wholesome sacrifice,’ is a song which the papists use in praise of the sacrifice of their mass. 27 To give never so little to the adversaries, is a great matter. 28 Ex Crisp. lib. 6. 29 Ex Pantal. et Hist. Gallie 30 The names of his persecutors in the story be not expressed. 31 Ex Pantal. 32 Ex Crisp. et Adrian. 33 Ex Pantal. Crisp. et allis. 34 Ex antal. et Crisp. 35 Ex Crisp. lib. 6. 36 Ibid. 37 Ibid. 38 Ibid. 39 Ex Crisp. et Pantal. lib. 7. 40 Ex Crisp. 41 Ex Crisp. 42 Ibid. 43 Ibid. 44 Ibid. 45 Ibid. 46 Ex Crisp. 47 Maranatha 338 is a Hebrew word mentioned, 1 Corinthians 16. and signifieth curse and malediction to the loss of all that a man hath, and thereof cometh Maranismus: vid. Nic. Lyr. [See App.] 48 Ex Crisp. 49 Ex Crisp. et aliis. 50 Ex Crisp lib. 3. 51 Ex Crisp. et Pantal. etc. 52 Ex Crisp. 53 The name of his persecutor appeareth not in his story. 54 Ex Epist. Johan. Chambone; et ex Crisp; Pantal. etc. 55 Ex Crisp. 56 Note, what opinion the papists have of the law of God, when it standeth not with their law. 57 Ex Crisp.; Partial. 58 Ex Crisp 59 Ibid. 60 Lib 9. 61 Ex Crisp 62 Ibid 63 Ex Crisp 64 Ex Histor. Gallic. per Crisp. 65 Ex Crisp. 66 Ex Crisp. 67 Ex Pantal. 68 Ex Crisp. 69 Note the just vengeance of God upon a wicked persecutor. 70 Ex Crisp et Pantal. et allis. 71 Ex Pantal 1. 10. 72 Ex Pantal. lib. 73 Ex Jo. Manlio in dictis Philippians Melancth. 74 Ex Crisp. lib. 4. 75 This inquisitor was the advocate that the lieutenant sent with the notary. 76 ‘Parvus Christianismus potior populoso papatu.’ 77 Ex Crisp; Pant. et aliis. 78 Ex Crisp. lib. 6 [p. 844] 79 Ex Gallic. Hist. per Crisp. lib. 6. 80 Ex Crisp. 81 ‘Impius fugit, et nemo persequitur.’ 82 Ex. Hist. Gal. per. Crisp. lib. 6 [See also Edition 1596, p. 835. - ED.] 83 The accusers appear not in the story. 84 Ex Crisp. lib. 6 85 Ex ejus epist. ad uxorem, apud Crisp. lib. 6. 86 Ex Gallic. Hist. Crisp. lib. 6. 87 Ex Crisp. lib. 6. 88 The accusers be not named in the story. 89 Ex Typograph. Crisp. lib. 6. 90 Mercy here importeth no offense acknowledged, but to be saved from the rage of the people. 91 Note well the true notes of the pope’s holy church. 92 Lib. 11. 93 Ex Crisp.; et Pantal. lib. 11. 94 Ex Crisp. lib. 6. 95 See here, how the whole power of the world was confederate together against the poor saints of God, according to the prophecy of the second Psalm: ‘Astiterunt reges terrae et principes convenerunt in unum adversus Dominum,’ etc. 96 Ex Crisp, lib. 6. 97 ‘Confessionem auricularem non improbamus; est enim Evangelium secretum.’ 98 Melancthon, in his Common Places, speaking of the popish confession which consisteth in the enumeration of sin, saith, that it is a snare of conscience, and against the gospel; and otherwise maketh there no mention of ‘Evangelium Secretum:’ no more doth the confession of the Almains. 99 Note this blasphemous doctrine, which maketh saints equal intercessors with Christ. 100 Ex literis Franc. Rebez. in Crisp. lib. 6. 101 Ex Crisp. lib. 102 Ibid. Et ex Pantal. lib. 103 Ibid. 104 He sent them far enough then. because they should never return, pretending that he lacked victual, but the cause was religion. 105 Ex Crisp . lib. 6 et ex Comment. Gallic. de statu Relig. et Reipub. 106 The pope’s own distinctions, as follow: Dist. 19. cap. 7. ‘Ita Dominus;’ Distinct. 21 cap. 2. ‘In Novo;’ Distinct. 22 cap. 1. ‘Omnes,’ et cap. 2. ‘Sacrosancta.’ 107 Ex Crisp. lib. 6 page 897. 108 Of Minerius or Miniers, the great persecutor, read hereafter in the story of Merindol. 109 Mass, a common instrument for all things, and also to blow the fire. 110 ‘Filii hujus seculi prudentiores in sua generatione quam filii lucis.’ 111 ‘Crucifige, crucifige eum!’ 112 Ex Crisp 360 . lib. 6 p. 902. 113 Ex scripto testimonio Senatus Genevensis. 114 Apoplexia is a sickness engendered in the brain by abundance of gross humors, which deprive them that have it of speech, feeling, and moving. Most commonly it assaileth gluttons, drunkards, and surfeiters. 115 Ex Crisp. lib. 6 p. 116 Ibid. 117 Touching the story of Merindol, vide infra. 118 The inquisitors of Spain take Christ’s office, to judge the quick and the dead. 119 Ex Franc. Encena. Hispano, teste oculato. [Crispin.] 120 Ex Puntal. lib. 5.
THE INQUISITION OF SPAIN 1 Example of the same well appeareth in Roche above-mentioned. 2 See the Appendix. 3 ‘Cierges;’ wax-tapers. - ED. 4 This Dominic was Master Melchior Cano. 5 This good mother, with her children, burned by Antichrist, resembled the mother with her seven children burned in the Second Book or Maccabees, chap. 7:1. 6 Ex quin. parte Mart. Gall. Impress. p. 474. [The same enumeration appears in the 6th Livre, folio 538, of the ‘Histoire des vray Tesmoins:’ edit. 1570; and in the same work under the title ‘Histoire des Martyrs persecutez.’ See the Appendix. - ED.
THE ITALIAN MARTYRS 1 See p. 387 of this vol. - ED. 2 Ex Pantal. lib. 6, ex Crisp. et aliis. 3 Ex Hen. Pantal. lib. 7 [p. 200] Ex [Acta Martyrum, qui hoc saeculo in Gallia, Germania, Anglia, Flandria, Italia, constans dederunt nomen Evangelio; Genevae. Apud] Joh. Crispinum,  p. 363. - ED. 4 The name of the persecutor in the story appeareth not. 5 Ex Pantal. lib. 7. 6 Ex Coelio. 7 The pope’s church cannot abide St. Paul’s epistles. Paul’s epistles must give place to philosophy. 8 Pope Paul III. died A. D. 1549. - ED. 9 Ex Pantal. lib. 9:[A. D. 1553, p. 263. - ED.] 10 Ex Johan. Man. in dictis Phil. Melanct; [apud Pantal. 265. - ED.] 11 Ex Epist. cujusd, nobilis Comensis apud Pant. lib. 10. et Coelium. 12 For the original see Pantal. pp. 328-332. - ED. 13 Ex Epist. D. Simonis Florelli. Vide Pantal. lib. 11:1 p. 337. 14 Ibid.
EIGHTY-EIGHT MARTYRS 1 For the foregoing letters, see Pantaloon, p. 337. - ED.
HISTORY OF THE DESTRUCTION OF MERINDOL 1 ‘ A notable history 362 ,’ etc. This appears to be taker from a small French volume, entitled ‘Histoire memorable de la persecution et saccagement du peuple de Merindol et Cabrieres et autres circonvoisins, appelez Vaudois; 8vo. (no place) L’an 1556;’ or from ‘Histoire des vrays Tesmoins de la verite de l’Evangile, qui de leur sang l’ont signee, depuis Jean Hus jusques au temps present,’ etc. (folio l’ancre de Jean Crespin, 1570;) pp. 114-116. It occurs also in Latin, in ‘Jo. Camerarii historica narratio de fratrum orthodoxorum ecclesiis in Bohemia, Moravia, et Polonia,’ etc.; 8vo Heidelbergae, 1605; pp. 383, 384. - ED. 2 For the original of this people, see vol. ii page 216. 3 ‘Barbes;’ these were their ministers for lack of better, until they came to more sincere knowledge: who instructed them most commonly by night abroad in caves and quarries, for fear of persecution. 4 Of these Calabrians, vide infra. 5 See the Appendix. - ED 6 There is no cruelty too cruel for a harlot. 7 Churchmen, be they ever so evil, must not be spoken against. 1 Par. [Chron.] 16. 8 As Herodias wrought the death of John Baptist, so this woman seeketh the death of the Merindolians. 9 The visor of honesty on a harlot’s face. 10 Like mother, like daughter. 11 Oderunt me gratis. John 15. 12 ‘Basely handled,’ Genitalia amittant. Vid. orig. - ED. 13 ‘Quaerebant principes sacerdotum et scribae, quomodo interfecerunt Jesum,’ Luke 22. 14 Note, how the pope’s church is led, not with any conscience of truth, but only with love of livings. 15 Cathedrae pestilentia. 16 Your oblations be against the Scripture. 17 Your pilgrimage is idolatry. 18 Your charity is gone indeed, when ye seek so the blood of your brethren. 19 Your estimation is Pharisaical. 20 Your jurisdiction is tyrannical. 21 Your ordinances serve not to Christ’s glory, but your own. 22 ‘The day shall come when men shall think they do a good service to God, in putting you to death.’ John 16. 23 ‘Ex fructibus eorum cognoscetis eos.’ 24 This most godly and Christian Confession you shall find more largely set out in Henry Pantaleon, and also in the French story, treating of the destruction of Merindol and Cabriers; also touching their faith and confession you shall partly see hereafter. 25 The bishops condemn the Merindolians for heresy, and yet can show no heresies in them by the word of God. 26 Syndicus is a Greek word, and. signifieth an advocate or patron, or deputy sent to plead our cause. 27 What were the articles and doctrine of their Confession, read Sleid. lib. 10. 28 Oaths and promises are broken by the papists. 29 Antichrist here playeth the devil. 30 Ex Hist. Gallica, Pantal. et aliis. 31 See vol. 2. p. 64. - ED. 32 Ex Antonino, part 3. titul. 19. capitulo 1. 33 See vol. 2. p. 356 in the note. - ED. 34 See the story of Sleidan, lib. 16. 35 This Confession, worthy of perpetual memory, you shall see more largely set out in Henry Pantaleon, writing of the destruction of Cabriers and Merindol, and also in the French story of Johan. Sleid. lib. 16. 36 See the Appendix. - ED.
HISTORY OF THE PERSECUTION OF THE WALDENSES 1 Note here how the papists play the Anabaptists. 2 The ‘syndics’ were as sheriffs, councilors, or advocates. 3 Sennacherib flieth from the face of Israel! 4 Behold the policy of this poor people! 5 Behold the double dealing and dissimulation of the papists to bring their wicked purposes to pass. 6 Mark here the fair pretense and traditorous meaning of the lord of Trinity, who by and by after seeketh the death of this good minister. 7 Note how God did bless his servants standing in their own defense. 8 Note again how God blesseth his people, standing to their defense against the bloody papists. 9 ‘Be wise like serpents.’ 10 God giveth victory to his servants. 11 Note how the ministers of the gospel promise to their enemies and perform, doing good for evil. 12 Note again the secret work of God. 13 ‘The wicked fleeth when no man pursueth him.’ 14 The cruelty of this wretched Truchet against this poor people appeareth before in this story. 15 Behold the artillery of this simple people, and with what weapons they fought. 16 Behold, how this traitorous Trinity, whilst he pretendeth an agreement, goeth about to destroy these poor men! 17 ‘Ranconis,’ or Raconis, probably Raconigi. - ED. 18 Note how this bloody wretch, pretending agreement, peace, and quietness, immediately seeketh the destruction of this poor people.
BOOK HISTORIES OF SEVEN MARTYRS AT COVENTRY 1 Edition 1576, p. 946. ED. 1583, p. 973. ED. 1596, p. 887. ED. 1684, vol. 2. p. 181. - ED. 2 Note how these martyrs, holding with the popish sacraments, yet were burned by the papists for only a few Scriptures in English. 3 See Edition 1563, page 460. - ED. 4 See Edition 1563, page 460. - ED. 5 Condemned by councils and universities, but here is no mention of the Scripture. 6 Note here that these articles agree not with the articles in the register before-mentioned. 7 If ye could show to what place of the Scripture, we would gladly hear you. 8 The university of St. Andrews was founded about the year of our Lord 1516. in the reign of king James the First, who brought into Scotland out of other countries two doctors of divinity, and eight doctors of decrees, with divers other. - Hect. Boet. lib. 16. c. 17. 9 He meaneth Fisher bishop of Rochester, who wrote against Ecolampadius and Luther, and at length was beheaded for treason. 10 King Henry VIII. is here a Matthias, when he maketh with you; but when he put down the pope and his abbeys, then ye make him a heretic.
PATRICK HAMILTON 1 ‘As many as received him, to them he gave power,’ etc. John 1. 2 ‘And he. by the knowledge of him, shall justify many,’ etc. Isaiah 53. 3 ‘All our righteousness is as filthy clouts.’ Isaiah 64. 4 ‘When ye have done all that is commanded you, say, We are unprofitable servants.’ Luke 17. 5 ‘Without me ye can do nothing.’ John 15. 6 ‘The law worketh anger.’ Romans 4. 7 ‘Now are we quit and delivered from the law, being dead to that wherein we were once holden.’ Romans 7. 8 ‘Justis non est lex posita, sed injustis, et inobsequentibus.’ 1 Timothy 1. 9 This article repugneth against this place of John 1, ‘The law is given by Moses: grace and verity by Jesus Christ.’ 10 What is the whole service of God in the pope’s church, but only a heap of ceremonies? 11 This article repugneth against this Scripture, ‘Go and preach the gospel to every creature. He that believeth,’ etc. But they preach as though Christ had said, ‘Go and preach the law to every creature.’ 12 This article is contrary to the place Romans 8, ‘That which the law could not perform in the behalf of our weak flesh,’ etc. 13 This article repugneth against the place, Galatians 2, ‘For if righteousness come by the law, then Christ died in vain.’ 14 This article savoreth of the pride of the Pharisee, who said, ‘I am not like this publican.’ 15 This article repugneth against this place, ‘They bind heavy burdens and grievous to bear, and lay them on men’s shoulders,’ Matthew 23. 16 ‘Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees I which for the doctrines of men, transgress the commandments of God.’ 17 Ex Scripto Testimonio Scotorum. 18 Ex Scripto Testimonio Scotorum. 19 It was happy that they were not put to taste bread and water. 20 Ex Testimon Scrip. civium Amarshemensium. 21 Ex Regist. Lincoln. 22 Ibid. 23 Ex Regist. Lincoln 24 Ex Regist. Lincoln, fol. 300. 25 Ex Regist. Longland. 26 Ex eod. Regist. fol. 313. 27 See Edition 1563, p. 418; also Strype’s Ecclesiastical Memorials 408 , lib. 1. chaps. 7, 8. - ED.
THOMAS WOLSEY 1 Note the state and pride of the pope’s clergy. 2 Ex Edovar. Hallo. 3 Ex Paralip. Ab. Ursp. 4 Friar Forest, vide infra. 5 Ex Hallo. an. 17. Reg. Henric. VIII. 6 Ex Hallo. an. 19 Reg. Henric. VIII.
POPE CLEMENT 1 See Della Istoria di Fr. Guicciardini, tom. 4. p. 240. Edit. Friburgo. 1776. - ED. 2 Ex Paralip. Abba. Ursp. 3 Ex Paralip. Abb. Ursp. 4 A new-found Litany of the lord cardinal’s making. 5 O reigned hypocrisy! 6 Belike the cardinal here lacketh good neighbors, seeing he is compelled to praise himself. 7 You may long say so, before we will believe you. 8 Mark the style, and you shall see that it is all one with the cardinal’s former letter, which, he saith, he wrote with his own hand. 9 He meaneth the matrimony between king Henry VIII. and queen Katharine, his brother Arthur’s wife, whether it was lawful or no. 10 Note this cause, the cardinal is most meet to be pope, because he can best bridle the emperor. 11 That is, after his own desire. 12 If his usurped authority were clean extinct, the faith and religion of Christ should stand and flourish much better. 13 A signifieth the cardinals of the king’s, and the French king’s side. 14 B signifieth the cardinals of the emperor’s side. But here is never a C, to signify any cardinals on Christ’s side. 15 He might as well have said ‘easily,’ as ‘facily,’ if it had pleased him, but our gross terms are too low for this high prelate, as here commonly you may see. 16 Yea, Sir! now ye speak to the purpose. Now we begin to feel you, when ye bring your bribes and rewards of money. 17 Thou must imagine here, good reader! to be no corruption, but honorable pollicitation. 18 To accede, that is, to come. 19 That is, not due. 20 Search here thy dictionaries, good reader! for this eloquence passeth my intelligence, 21 ‘Demorari,’ that is to say, ‘tarry.’ 22 ‘Pusillanime. i. e. Pusillo animo:’ that is, ‘weak hearted.’ 23 By this one election, note the common order of Rome in canvassing for the popedom. 24 The cause of the king’s marriage with his brother’s wife, was dangerous to the pope for this: if it were unlawful, then the dispensation of pope Julius was void: if it were lawful, then the judgments of so many universities were false. 25 Ex Hallo. 26 By the archbishop he meaneth William Warham. 27 Ex Epist. Erasm. ad Joan. Vergeram. [Epistol. 1151, col. 1347, Edit. Lug.
THOMAS BILNEY 1 See Edition 1563, page 461. - ED. 2 See Edition 1563, page 477. - ED. 3 ‘Lazar cots,’ houses for the reception of leprous or diseased persons, in Greco-Latin ‘noso-dochia .’ - ED. 4 See Appendix 490 . 5 Regist. Tunstall. Lond. Fol. 6 See Appendix 539 . 7 “Mingere.” - ED. 8 Ex Regist. Londinensi. [Tunstall. fol. 132. - ED.] 9 Ex Regist. Londinensi. [Tunstall. fol. 132. - ED.] 10 May 28th, 1527, Reg. Tunst. Lond. fol. 134. - ED 11 St. Francis’s cowl remitteth four parts of penance. What remaineth then for Christ to remit? 12 Ex Regist. Tunst. Lond fol. 133. - ED. 13 See Edition 1563, p. 474. - ED. 14 The pope’s calendar maketh more mediators now, than Were in the primitive church! 15 Note this argument: ‘We must praise God in his saints.’ Romans 1. 16 John 17 He meaneth absolutely, without condition. 18 Scylla and Charybdis be two dangerous rocks in the sea. 19 By this church story he meaneth belike, ‘Legenda aurea,’ otherwise called, ‘The Legend of Lies.’ 20 We read of a like saying of another friar, Augustine of Antwerp, testified by Erasmus in his Epistles, who, openly in the pulpit at Antwerp, preaching to the people, wished that Luther were there, that he might bite out his throat with his teeth. So doing, he would nothing doubt with the same bloody teeth to resort to the altar, and receive the body of Christ. Erasm. Epist. lib. 6. Ad obtrectatorem. [Col. 630, Edit.
Lug. Bat. 1706. - ED.] 21 Psalm 118. In nomine Domini incipit omne malum. 22 Ex Regist. London. 23 See Edition 1563, pages 465, 469 (printed, 465); pages 466, 467. These letters will be found in the Appendix 558 . - ED. 24 The Edition of 1570. - ED. 25 Reverendo in Christo Patri D. Cuth. Tonstallo, Londini Episcopo, T.
Bilnaeus salutem in Christo, cum omni subjectione tanto Praesuli debita.
Hoc nomine, Pater in Christo observande, longe beatiorem me puto, quod ad tuae Paternitatis examinationem vocari me contigit. Ea enim eruditione es, ea vitae integritate (quod omnes fatentur) ut ipsemet non possis (alioqui divinarum in te dotium aestimator non adraodum magnificus) quoties tibi succurrit, quanta tibi gratis fecerit Deus, in illius laudes non erumpere, ac tecum in corde tacitus exelamare, ‘Fecit mihi magna qui potens est, et sanctum nomen ejus’ [Luke 1.] In talem nunc me judicem incidisse gratulor, ac Deo, qui moderatur omnia, gratiam pro virili habeo.
Et quanquam (testis est mihi Deus) nullins in omnibus meis concionibus, erroris milli conscius sum, nedurn heereseos ant factionis (quod calumniantur quidam, queestus sui, quam animarum lucri avidlores) tamen supra roodurn leetot, divina (haud dubie) benignirate provisum est, ut ob veritatis testimonium, ad Tonstalli tribunal sisterer: qui, si quis alius, optline novit, nunquam defuturos Jarmes ac Jambres, qui veritati resistant: nunquam defuturos Elimates [Acts 13], qui conentur subvertere vias domini rectas; denique nunquam defuturos, Demetrios, Pythonissas [Acts 16], Balaamos, Nicolaltas [Apoc. 2], Cainos, Ismaeles; qui omnes, cure quae sua sunt non quae Jesu Christi, avidissime sectentur et quaerant, qui fieri potest ut Christum sincere ac simpliciter annunciatum perferant? Nam si populus semel in Christum pro se passum, solide ac pure confidere occeperit, ruent mox in vere tidelium pectoribus, quaecunque hactenus Imro Christo amplexi sunt.
Tunc intelligent non hic ant illic Christum esse, seal regnum Dei in semetipsis esse Tune intelligent patrem neque in montibus Samariae, neque Hierosolymis adorandum esse, sed in omni loco, in spiritu et verirate. Quod si fit, actum de lucris suis putabunt bestiae agri, quorum interest impleri illud Ezechielis 34. Dispersae sunt oves meae, eo quod non esset pastor et factm sunt in devorationem omnium bestiarum agri, et dispersee sunt. Erraverunt greges mei in cunctis montibus, et in universo colle excelso, et super omnem faciem terrae: dispersi sunt greges mei, et non erat qui requireret: non erat, inquam, qui requireret.
Imo, si quis requirere velit, ac in caulas Christi, unitatem dico fidel, errabundos reducere, mox insurgunt nomine Pastores, sed revera lupi, qui non aliud de grege, quam lac, lanam, pellem, quaerunt; animas cum suas, turn gregis permittentes diabolo.
Insurgunt inquam, ac Demetrii instar exclamant: Hic haereticus ubique suadet avertitque multam turbam, dicens, quod non sunt dii qui manibus fiunt. Hi sunt, hi (pater colende) sunt, qui, sub praetextu persequendi haereticos, ventris sui negotinm agunt, inimici crucis Christi. Qui quidvis potins ferre possunt, quam puram Christi pro peccatis nostris crucifixi annunciationera. Hi sunt, quibus Christus aeternam minatur damnationera, cure ait,Vee vobis Scribae et Pharisaei, hypoeritae! qui clauditis regnum coelorum ante homines: vos ermo non intratis, nec introcuntes sinitis intrare [Matthew 23] Hi sunt, qui, cum ipsi aliunde ascenderunt, silos intrare non sinunt. Quod patet, quia si quis per me, inquit Christus, introierit, salvabitur, et ingredietur, et ogredietur, et pascua inveniet [John 10]: et hi non inveniunt pascua (nunquam enim docent) et alios post se trahunt, ut non per Christum, qui solus est ostium per quod ad pattern pervenitur, sed aliunde per opuscula, quae ovibus, tacito nonnunquam Christo, suadent, proponunt et injungunt, ad suum potius quaestum, quam animarum salutem spcetantes; hoc deterlores, quam illi qui super Christum fundamentum eedificant lignum, foenum, stipulam [1 Corinthians 3] Isti fatentur se Christum scire, sed factis negant.
Denique hi sunt medici illi, in quos muller illa, annis duodecim sangninis profiuvio vexata, omnia sua consumpserat, nec adjumenti quicquam senserat, sed deterins se habebat, donec vix tandem ad Christum yenerst: quae simulatque fimbriam vestimenti ejus in fide tetigerat, sic sanabatur, ul; statim in corpore idipsum sentiret [Luke 8] O mutationera alexterse excelsi! quam et ego miser peccator non semel sensu: qui tamen antea quam ad Christum yenire potui, sic omnia mea insumpseram in ignaros medicos, indoctos confessionum auditores, ut parum mihi virium (alioqui natura imbecilli) reliquum ruetit, parum pecunim, ingenii item parum, indicebant enim mihi jejunia, vigilias, indulgentiarum ae ramsatum emptiones, in quibus omnibus (ut nunc intelligo) sua potins quaerebant, quam salutem animae meae languentis.
Sed tandem de Jesu audiebam, nimirum turn, cum novum Testamentum primum ab Erastoo Eederetur. Quod cure ab eo Latinins redditum accepi, Latinitate potins quam verbo Dei (quod tunc quidnam esset prorsus nesciebam) alectus, emebam, providentia (sine dubio) Divina, ut nunc interpretor. Incidi prima (ut roemini) lectione in hanc (o mihi suavissimam Pauli sententiam). Certus sermo, et dignus, quem toodis omnibus amplectamur, quod Christus Jesus yenit in roundum ut peccatores salvos faceret, quorum primus sum ego [1 Timothy 1] Heac una sententia, Deo intus ill cotale meo (quod tunc fieri ignorabam) docente, sic exhilaravit pectus roeum, prius peccatorum conscientia sancium ac pene desperabundum, ut mox visus sire mihi, nescio quantam intus tranquillitatem sentire, adeo quod exultaverunt ossa humiliata [Psalm 51] Postea Scriptura coepit mihi dulcior esse roclic ac favo: in qua paulatim didici omnes meos conatus, omnia jejunia, omnes vigilias, omnes missarum et indulgentiarum redemptiones, quae sine fiducia in Jesum (qui solus salvum facit populum suum a peccatis suis) fierent; didici, inquam, haec omnia nihil aliud fuisse, quam (quod ait Augustinus)celerem cursuni extra viam; quam perizomata illa ficulnea, quibus Adam et Eva verenda olim sua frustra tegere conati sunt:
Nunquam prius tranquilitati quam promissioni Dei de serpentis capire, per mulieris semen Christum conterendo credidissent: Nec ego prius a peccatorum aculeis ac morsibus sanari potui, quam a Deo doctus essera illam lectionem, de qua loquitur Christus. Sieur Moses exaltavit serpentem in deserto, ita exaltari oportet filium hominis, ut omnis qui credit in ilium non pereat, seal habeat vitam eaternam [John 3] Hanc tandem sublimem lectionera, quam nullus docere potest nisi Deus, qui hanc Petro revelavit, ubi pro modulo gratiae Dei mihi datae, gustare coepi, rogavi Dominure ut augeret milli fidero, ac tandem nihil magis optavi, quam ut, sic reddita mihi laetitia salutaris sui, spiritu me suo utcunque confirmaret, lit virtute nonnulla donatus ex alto, docerem iniquos vias ejus, quae sunt misericordia et veritas, ut impii ad ipsum per me olim implure, converterentur [Psalm 51] Quod pro virile conor apud R. D. Cardinalera, ae tuam Patcrnitatem, blasphematur in me (haec est unica mihi in his tribulationibus fiducia) Christus, quem pro virili doceo, factum nobis a Deo Patre sapientism, justitiam, sanctificationem, redemptionem denique et satisfactionem [1 Corinthians 1] Qui factus est pro nobis peccatum, id est, hostia pro peccato, ut nos efficeremur justitia Dei per ilium [2 Corinthians 5] Qui factus est pro nobis maledictum, ut nos a maledicto legis redimeret [Galatians 3] Et qui non venit ad vocandum justos, sed peccatores ad poenitentiam: Matthew 9, justos inquam, qui se sanos putant, et falso putant: (Omnes enim peceaverunt, et egent gloria Dei, qua gratis remittit credentibus peccata per redemptionem quae est in Christo Jesu; Romans 3), quid omne genus humanum sauciatum gravissime ruerat in eo, qui inter Hierusalem et Hierico incidit in latrones. Ideo pro virili doceo, at omnes primum peccata sua agnoscant ac damnent, deinde esurlant ac sitiant justitiam illam, de qua Paulus loquitur; Justitia Dei per fidera Jesu Christi in omnes et super omnes qui credunt in eum. Non est enim distinctio; omnes enim peccaverunt et egent gloria Dei; justificantur autem gratis per gratiam ipsius, per redemptionem quae est in Christo Jesu [Romans 3] Quam qui esuriunt ac sitiunt, baud dubie sic aliquando saturabuntur, quod neque esurient neque sitlent in aeternum.
Sed quoniam hanc esuriem ac sitim extinguere solet humduse justitiae saturitas, quam parat potissimum opusculorum nostrorum electitiorum fiducia, qualid sunt peregrinationes, veniarum redemptiones, cereorum oblationes, electa a nobis jejunia, et interdura superstitiosa, denique qualescunque (ut vocant) voluntariae devotiones, contra quae loquitur Scriptura Dei [Deuteronomy 4:2] Non facies quod tibi rectum videtur, sed quod ego praecipio tibi, hoc tantrum facito, nec addens nec minuens: ideo inquam hujusmodi opusculorum mentionem nonnunquam facio; non ea (Deum testor) unquam damhans, sed eorum abusum repreheudens, legitimumque usum parvulis manifestum faciens, hottans, ne sic his adhaereant, ut his saturati (quod plerique faciunt) Christum fastidiant. In quo feliciter valeat Pateruitas tua.
Et haec omnium summa. Si indixeris mihi ut singula dilatero, non recusabo, modo tempus mihi concesseris. Nam statim hoc facere non est harum, quoad corpus, virium; paratus semper, sic ubi lapsus fuero, meliora doceri. Totus tuus, T.BILNEUS. 26 Jannes and Jambres were two of Pharaoh’s priests, who resisted Moses, but their names be not expressed in Exodus 7, but only in 2 Timothy 3. 27 Elymas Magus. Acts 13. 28 Pithonissae. Acts 16. 29 Nicolaite of Nicolaus. Apoc. 2. 31 This letter may well answer to the note in Dr. Sanders’s book, entitled ‘The Rock of the Church,’ fol. 14, and note 5. 32 Haec Latim. Ser. 7. [vol. 1. p. 200, in Dr. Watkins’s edition 562 , 1824 ED.] 33 Haec ille. Ser. 8. fol. 132 . 34 Fol. 5. 35 Nam facies ejus erat euntis Hierosolymam. 36 Read of Sinon in the second book of Virgil: who craftily mixeth true things with false, to betray the city of Troy. 37 Thomas More here pointeth Antics. 38 Mark how these things hang together. 39 That Is, ‘He so saith.’ 40 State inficial, in rhetoric, is when one standeth to the denial of the fact. 41 Extravag. de haeret. ‘super eo.’ 42 Bilney needed not to be burned by the sentence of the canon-law Ex Tractatu cujusdam Doct. Canonistae. 43 Ex Regist. London. fol. 134. [Where it appears, that Bilney preached at Wyllesdon, diocese of London, in Whitsun Week, 1527: also at Newyngton, same diocese, same week. - ED.] 44 See Answer to Art. III supra, p. 625. - ED. 45 At haec clavis errat perpetuo. 46 Ex Regist, London. fol. 137. 47 In other words; ‘As it is reported, by him that was his scholar, he would many times attempt to prove the fire with holding his finger nigh to the candle; but especially the night before he suffered martyrdom, at what time he did hold his finger in the prison at Yeld Hall, after twice proving so long in the flame, that he burnt off the first joint; giving thanks to Grad for his strength. en said the doctor that lay with him, ‘What do you, Master Bilney?’ He answered, ‘Nothing, but trying my flesh by God’s grace, and burning one joint, when to-morrow God’s rods shall burn the whole body in the fire.’ - See Edition 1563, p. 466. - ED. 48 ‘Noli timere, quid redemi to, et vocavi to nomine tuo, meus es tu. Cum transieris per aquas, tecum ero, et flumina non operient to. Cum ambulaveris in igne, non combureris, et flamma non ardebit te, quia ego Dominus Deus tuus, sanctus Israel, salvator thus.’ [The copy of the Holy Scriptures originally belonging to Thomas Bilney, is now in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. Many annotations are inscribed upon its pages with his own hand; and it is an interesting fact that this opening of the 43 chapter of Isaiah, which consoled the pious martyr in the hours of his deepest affliction, is particularly distinguished with a pen, in the margin. - ED.] 49 Thus Master More is proved a liar by a witness present at Bilney’s death. 50 The story in the first edition, page 467, slightly differs - ‘And from thence was he carried in the morning to be burned in Lollards’ pit in Norwich with great joy and gladness falling down fiat upon his face before the stake, then, rising up, kissed it and embraced it, and took the chain and closed in himself, confessing his faith, and animating the people to stand fast in the truth of God’s holy word; and so suffered as a true martyr of Jesus Christ.’ - ED.
MASTER STAFFORD 1 Ex fideli testimonio D. Ridlet, et Edmund 576 . Epiac. Lond.
SIMON FISH 1 Ex certa relatione, vivoque testimonio propriae ipsius conjugia. 2 Peradventure the common count of the parishes of England, among men, and in maps of the old time so went. And albeit the said parishes do not amount now, to the same rate of 52,000, yet nevertheless the number, no doubt, is great, and therefore the quarterage of the friars cannot be little, but riseth to a great penny through the realm: whereupon the scope of this man’s reason soundeth to good purpose; for although he hit not perfectly on the just sums, yet it cannot be denied, but that the friars had very much, and much more than they deserved. Again, neither can it be denied, but the more they had, the less redounded to the impotent needy beggars indeed. And what reason is it, that such valiant beggars, who may work, and yet will needs be idle, should reap any piece of the crop, who bear no burden of the harvest, but willfully do sit idle, and serve to no use necessary in the commonwealth? 3 Admit the summa totalis came not to so much, yet it came to more than the friars deserved, who could well work, and would not; and would needs beg, and needed not; whereof read before the story of Armachanus. 4 ‘Oh grievous,’ etc., These words, saith Master More. the souls themselves did hear even into purgatory. Belike Master More himself stood behind purgatory-door at the same time; ei else how could he tell that the souls did hear him? 5 He meaneth all this only of idle friars. 6 If this be not true in the whole, I would the greatest part were not such. 7 The realm of England is diminished and decayed by the number of two hundred thousand persons at feast, or else replenished with so many wanton men and women, by restraining of marriage from priests, monks, friars, nuns. colleges, hospitals, beadmen, and such like orders, within the realm of England. The increase of which number might be recovered, and the realm more peopled, and also God’s commandments better kept, if these vows of bondage were broken, and matrimony permitted free to all men. 8 The pope’s clergy stronger in parliament than princes, as hath appeared by their cruel laws against the poor gospellers. 9 If the pope may deliver souls out of purgatory for money, he may then as well deliver them without money, if it pleased him. Again, if he deliver one, he can deliver a thousand; if he can deliver a thousand, he can deliver all; and so make a gaol-delivery, and a clean despatch of all purgatory, if he would: and if he will not when he may, then is there no charity in him. 10 Master More here played the cavillet, noting the author of this supplication to desire leave to rail on the whole clergy; as though the hypocrisy of the Friars could not otherwise be disclosed without railing on the whole clergy. 11 Of Dr. Alen, the cardinal’s chancellor, read before. 12 Of this Dr. Horsey, the bishop of London’s chancellor, read before. 13 ‘Ten times,’ that is, ten times as much as he had in benefices before, and not as he paid to the king. And although these murderers of Hun were not recompensed with ten times, or with four times as much (which More denieth), yet can he never be able to deny the substance of the story, that is, that Hun, by these, was brought to his death; and that they, being put to their fines, were afterwards sufficiently recompensed with benefices upon benefices. 14 More expoundeth this to mean the abuse of the sacrament of the altar. 15 ‘Utopia,’ that is to say, ‘nusquam,’ no place. 16 A poet, saith Horace, ‘reddere personae scit convenientia cuique.’ 17 ‘The author,’ that is, of the ‘Beggars’ Supplication.’ - ED. 18 For the Latin of this prohibition see Edition 1563, p. 449. - ED. 19 Ex Regist. Loud. [Good titles are given of these works in Autographa Lutheri, etc; Brunsvigae, 1691, tom. ii. p. 107. The titles distinguished with asterisks are from the first edition of the Acts and Monuments, pp. 450-452. - ED. 20 See More, in his Preface against Tyndale 598 . 21 A troubler of Ferrar, bishop of St. David’s. 22 For this passage, and the “Compendious old Treatise,” see Edition 1563, pp. 452-455. - ED. 23 Lib. 3. cap. 3. - ED. 24 Lib. 5. cap. 24. 25 Lib. 6. cap. 1. 26 Bishop Grosthead. - ED. 27 Haec Augustinus in ‘de questionibus veteris et novae legis.’ Cap. 91. 28 Decreti Pars II. causa 24. cap. 39: “93.” in the text is a mistake. - ED. 29 ‘Lex Domini immaculata, convertens animas.’ 30 ‘Revelatur enim ira Dei super omnem impietatem et injustitiam hominum eorum qui veritatem Dei in injustitia detinent.’ Romans 1. 31 This proclamation was made throughout all England, A. D. 1530, anti the twenty-first year of king Henry VIII. 32 For this Letter see page 697. - ED. 33 See Edition 1563, page [printed] 467. - ED.
JOHN TEWKESBURY 1 In Strype’s Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. 1. pt. 1. p. 116, Oxford, 1822, mention is made of ‘John Tewkesbury, haberdasher, dwelling nigh to St. Martin’s gate.’ The name occurs in an account of a ‘Persecution in the diocese of London for religion.’ It is remarkable as proving this; that however these melancholy histories have accumulated under the hands of Foxe the martyrologis, more lengthened details might have been given out of his own MSS.: as appears by the following observation of Strype: - “Some of which visitation I shall now give, having the original papers thereof [MSS. Foxiana] before me; and the rather, because John Foxe, in his Martyrology, hath omitted it, and hath recorded little more than the names of them that were persecuted; and. these extant in the first edition only.” The table of the names of these persons will be found in page 585. - ED. 2 See edition 1563, page 486. - ED. 3 See the Appendix. 4 He meaneth, by communication, not by vindication: and yet this point seemeth to be falsely gathered. 5 For if they had known the Lord of glory, they would not have crucified him. 6 Lo, here is no Scripture brought to repel these opinions, but only authority to repress them. 7 In words they pretend moderation, but their doings be clean contrary.
JOHN RANDALL 1 See Edition 1563, page 490. - ED. 2 This observation, with the letter of .bishop Tonstal, alluded to at page 673, is from the Edition of 1563, pp. 491, 492. - ED. 3 These ‘ Andabatae 621 ’ are certain men that fought blindfold.
JAMES BAINHAM 1 Omnes sancti Dei orate pro nobis. 2 Ex Regist. Lond. 3 Ex Regist. Lond. 4 ‘Quotiescunque comederitis panem hunc, et de poculo biberitis, mortem Domini annunciabitis.’ 5 This passage in asterisks is from the first edition, p. 492. - ED. 6 This passage in asterisks is from the first edition 1563, page 493. - ED.
ROBERT KING 1 This Letter of Robert Gardner was written to Chapman, a Londoner, who is yet alive. 2 Ex testimonio ipsius Garderin.
APPENDIX FOOTNOTES 1 It is observable that the edition of 1576 (at p. 1255) reads, “where you find it ;” but that of 1583 (p. 1292) and those subsequent read “where to find it.” 2 In the “Paralipomena Rerum Memorabilium,” appended to the “Chronicon Abbatis Ursper-gensis,” p. 349, we read: - “Anno Domini 1521. Eodem tempore scribit Lutherus de Captivitate Babylonica Ecclesiae praeludium cum ejaculatione hac. Laeta Libertas: item carmine isto annexo, Hostis Herodes impie, etc.”
DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THOMAS BILNEY, MARTYR FOOTNOTES 1 No. 1888 contains a copy of this document. 2 “So it is drawn and striken in ye copy yt bilney made wt his own hande & wrytyn leve all yis out.” (No. 1888, page 2, marginal note.) 3 In No. 1888 the third page ends here, and the fourth begins with 4 this line, which reads in continuation of the first page of the original. 5 No. 1888 ends with this word in full, thus “fader,” and proceeds with a copy of No. 1890. (Pages 6-20 are blank.) 6 No. 1888 contains a copy of this document. 7 Both the original folio sheet, No. 1890, and the quarto copy, No. 1888, end abruptly thus. The latter (which includes both No. 1889 and 1890) is thus noted at the beginning: - \i This is the very true copye of A boke which Thomas Bilney made & wrytte wt his own hande whiles he was in prison in the gildhall of the Citie of Norwich Aftr he was delyurd vnto the seculer power which boke was delyured atte [this] the day of his deth, which Copye is sent to my lords grace the Duke of Norff Atte his commandement by the Maier of Norwich