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    BOOK 8 (CONTINUED) THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE LOOSING OUT OF SATAN 1 Edition 1563, p. 497. Ed. 1570, p. 1173. Ed. 1576, p. 1004. Ed. 1583, p. 1031. Ed. 1597, p. 941. Ed. 1684, vol. 2 p. 250. -Ed. 2 This Taverner repented him very much that he had made songs to popish ditties, in the time of his blindness. 3 Of this Dalaber, read more in the story of Thomas Garret. 4 John Frith, speaking according to that time, showed the opinion of Luther might be received. 5 See Edition 1563, pp. 500, 501.-ED. 6 This letter is to be seen in the end of that excellent and worthy work which he made in the Tower, concerning the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. [The title of this work is ‘A Boke made by Johan Fryth, prysoner in the Tour of London, answering unto M. Mores letter against the treatyse Johan Fryth made concerning the sacrament, etc. printed at London by Anthony Scoloker, 1548; and afterwards by R. Jugge, 8vo. 1548. Ames’ Typographical Antiquities, by Dibdin, vol. 4 p. 107.-ED.] 7 ‘Ferebatur in manibus propriis.’ 8 ‘Ferebatur tanquam in manibus suis.’ 9 The argument from Chrysostome: the belly of man cannot avoid any part of Christ’s body: the belly of man avoideth some part of every thing that the mouth receiveth: ergo, the mouth of man receiveth not the body of Christ. 10 A question is here asked, with the cause declared, why that, seeing the matter of the sacrament itself importeth neither salvation nor damnation, Frith offereth himself to death for the same? 11 This is to be weighed with the time when Frith wrote. 12 ‘Ego Frithus ita sentio, et quemadmodum sentio, ita dixi, scripsi, asserui, et affirmavi,’ etc. 13 As they had, which crucified Christ. 14 See Edition 1563, p. 505; where it is also given in Latin.-Ed.

    ANDREW HEMET 1 The man that gave him this the was Valentine Freese, the painter’s brother who was afterwards, with his wife, burned in York.

    THOMAS BENET 1 ‘Ut ne scortator aut immundus essem, uxorem duxi, cunt qua bisce sex annis ab istorum Antichristianorum manibus in Devonia latitavi.’ 2 Antichristians are those who are against Christ. 3 ‘Est blasphemia in castris. 4 ‘Bless and curse not,’ saith the Lord: ‘curse and bless not,’ saith the pope. 5 The articles for which Lome was abjured being less fully given in recent editions, they are introduced from the first edition, (1563,) pp. 477, 478.-ED. 6 It was the manner at this time to take money for reading of bills at sermons. Ex Regist. Lond WILLIAM TRACY 1 See Hall’s Chronicle, p. 796. Edit. 4to. 1809. There is a commentary both by Tyndale and Frith upon this will, vol. 2 pp. 4 and 246 of their Works. London, 1831.-Ed. 2 Ex Regist. Lond. 3 “Childermas-day;” the feast of the Innocents, being the 28th of December.-Ed. 4 Ex Resist. 5 Why then doth Master More say, that Bilney recanted and died a good man, if these be punished for commending him to die a good man! 6 It is heresy with the pope, to trust only to the merits of Christ. 7 Ex ipsius schedula ad Episc. Scripta. 8 Exodus Regist. Loud 9 The first Edition of the Acts and Monuments, p. 419. See also vol. 4 pp. 585, 586 of this Edition. This catalogue of names is omitted in all other Editions.-ED. 10 This Parker was abjured twenty-four years before this. 11 Ex Regist. Lond. 12 See vol 4 p. 680.-ED. 13 The names of; the ten Dutchmen Anabaptists, who were put to death, were Segor, Derick, Simon, Runa, Derick, Dominick, David, Cornelius, Elken, Milo. 14 Ex Ed. Hall. [The twenty-third year of Henry VIII. page 784. Lond. 1609-Ed.] A COMPENDIOUS DISCOURSE 1 See Ed. 1563, p. 455.-Ed 2 ‘All quarters,’ that is, the judgments of ten or twelve universities against the king’s marriage, Orleans, Paris, Toulouse, Angers, Bologna, Padua, the faculty of Paris, Bourges, Oxford, and Cambridge. [See the Appendix.] 3 Ex E. Hallo. [pp. 754, 755 Edit. 1809.-Ed.] 4 For this passage between asterisks see Ed. 1563, p. 457.-Ed. 5 These four bishops were Warham of Canterbury, West of Ely, Fisher of Rochester, Standish of St. Asaph. 6 See Edition 1563, p. 457.-Ed 7 Ibid. p. 458.-Ed. 8 See Appendix.-Ed. 9 Out of a written book of records, containing certain conferences between the cardinal and queen Katharine’s almoner about this matter, remaining in our custody to be seen. 10 See Edition 1563, pp. 458.-Ed. 11 The searching of the king’s marriage brought more things to light. 12 See Edition 1563, p. 458.-Ed. 13 Ibid. p. 508.-Ed. 14 See infra, vol. 8 pp. 5-10.-Ed. 15 Edition 1563, p. 459.-Ed. 16 Gordium was a city in Asia, where there was a knot so fast tied, and folded so many ways, that (as the saying was) whosoever could loose it, should have all Asia. So Alexander coming to it, when he could not loose it with his hands, he cut it asunder with his sword. 17 “The king’s proverb:” look before, vol. 4 p. 658. 18 Edition 1563, p. 459.-Ed. 19 Ex Ed. Hallo. 20 See the Appendix. (this was indicated at the bottom of the page, but not found in the original text, p. 56.) 21 See above, p. 45, and Appendix.-Ed. 22 See Edition 1563, p. 508.-Ed. 23 ‘Limina Apostolorum,’ the dorsels (see vol 2 p. 421, note and Appendix) or thresholds of the apostles. Foxe seems to have read it “lumina,” for he translates “lights.”-Ed. 24 See the Appendix.-Ed. 25 The name of this gentlewoman was M. Wilkinson. 26 See the Appendix. 27 ‘Say,’ a thin sort of stuff.-Ed. 28 The king’s chappel ‘in coapes;’ i.e. his chaplains. See Stowe’s Annals, 4to. p. 958.-Ed 29 Ex Statut. an. 25. Reg, Hen. VIII. 30 See vol. 4 p. 705.-Ed. 31 See p. 51, and the Appendix.-Ed. 32 See Edition 1563, p. 459. 32a See pp. 45, 58.-Ed. 32b Thus was the wicked act ‘Ex Officio’ broken by the king. [The bloody statute ‘Ex Officio’ was passed in the second year of Henry IV., and will be found supra, vol. 4 p. 239: under that statute, persons accused of heresy might be imprisoned in the bishops’ prisons, and were to be tried and sentenced in the bishops’ court; and in case of relapse, the secular authorities were bound to burn them at the bishop’s requirement. The present Act provided, that such persons must be proceeded against, by two witnesses, in open court, and tried by jury; and though a bishop was to be one of the commissioners, yet in case of conviction the king’s writ must be had before any sentence could be executed. This Act is supposed to have been occasioned by the general sympathy felt for John Fryth, and the indignation excited at his burning, and it proved a wonderful barrier against the operation of the Act of Six Articles in 1539.-Ed.] 32c Stat. ann. 25 Reg. Hen. VIII63 . [See the Statutes at Large, 25 Hen.

    VIII. caps. 19-21.-Ed.] 32d ‘No man to appeal to Rome.’ Bonner, in his Prologue before ‘De vera obedientia,’ saith that this ravenous prey of the pope cometh to as much almost as the king’s revenues. 33 Vide supra, vol. 1 p. 362. 34 Vide supra, vol. 2 p. 371. 35 Stat. an. 25 Reg. Hen. 36 See Appendix. 37 This Act of Succession is in the Statutes at Large, 25 Hen. VIII. cap. 22.-Ed. 38 Ex Ed. Hallo. [See Hall’s Chronicle, pp. 814, 815. Edit. London, 1809.- Ed.] 39 To this place belongs a passage to be found at pp. 655-658, containing the pope’s sentence definitive, ratifying the marriage between Henry and Katharine, and disallowing all proceedings taken to the contrary as unlawful and unjust, threatening Henry in case he should not submit, and condemning him in the whole of the costs of the suit at Rome, which was grounded on Katharine’s appeal. The Bull containing this sentence is dated Rome, March 23d, A.D. 1534. This Bull produced an inevitable rupture between England and the pope, and the circumstances under which it was passed are most remarkable. John de Bellay, bishop of Paris, had been dispatched by Francis, the French king, to mediate between the two parties and prevent, if possible, the threatened breach. Henry, at the solicitation of this prelate, had agreed to a certain compromise, which de Bellay carried at once to the pope, and obtained his concurrence, provided the king would send to Rome an authentic copy of the compromise in writing, by a person authorized to act in his name, by a certain day. The day arrived, but no tidings from England. The Consistory met, March 23, and the Imperial party at Rome by their clamours completely overbore the influence of de Bellay, who begged for a delay of six days more, not doubting but the English courier was delayed on the road by the weather. The Bull was accordingly passed, the pope and twenty-six cardinals being present. The Imperialists at Rome were as much transported with joy, as the English party were confounded. Two days after the courier arrived with every thing that was desired or expected. The pope and cardinals then saw the grievous error they had committed, which they would gladly have repaired, but it was irreparable; the sentence had been pronounced with too much solemnity, and made too public, to be reversed.

    There are few passages in our history more worthy of attention than this event. Both Henry and the pope sincerely wished for a reconciliation; all who desired it, thought it certain, and all who feared it believed it to be unavoidable; and yet the court of Rome, whose interest was so deeply concerned, by one false precipitate step rendered it impracticable. Those who believe in an overruling Providence, and think the Reformation of religion hath been a blessing to England, will gratefully acknowledge its influence on this occasion.

    This great revolution was brought about by those who were its greatest enemies.—(Henry’s History of England.) 40 See Edition 1576, p. 1028.-Ed. 41 ‘Wait,’ or watch.-Ed. 42 ‘Ego Stephanus Wintonien. Episcopus, pure, sponte, et absolute, in verbo pontificio, procteor ac spondeo illustrissimae vestrae regiae majestati, singulari ac summo domino meo, et patrono, Henrico Dei gratia Angliae et Franciae regi, fidei defensori, domino Hiberniae, atque in terris Ecclesiae Anglicanae Supremo immediate sub Christo capiti, quod posthac nulli exterpo imperatori, regi, principi aut praelato, nec Romano pontifici (quem Papam vocant) fidelitatem et obedientiam,’ etc. 43 ‘Universis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis, ad quos praesentes literae perventurae sunt, coetus omnis regentium et non regentium academiae Cantabrigiensis, salutem in omnium salvatore Jesu Christo. Cum de Romani pontificis potestate,’ etc. 44 The book of Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, ‘De vera obedientia.’ The original of this treatise appears in Browne’s Fasciculus Rerum expetend, et fugiendarum, vol. 2, pp. 800-820: and an old translation is given in Mr. Stevens’s Memoirs of Bradford. London, 1832.

    Appendix, pp. 62-138.-Ed. 45 The argument: The prerogative was given to him who confessed. Flesh and blood in Peter did not confess Christ: ergo, the prerogative was not given to the flesh and blood of Peter. 46 See how these clawbacks can cling together in truth and in falsehood; and all to fashion themselves to the world, and the time present. 47 Bonner knew well what morsel would best please his father of Rome, and that money and bribes would soon stop his mouth. 48 Seeing thou knowest the pope to be such a cruel tyrant, why then wouldst thou, against thy knowledge, become his slaughterman? 49 Lib. de Simplic. Praelat. [See Appendix.] 50 Aug. in Johan. Tractat. 50. [section 12.] 51 ‘Snaphaunse,’ a fire-lock.-Ed. 52 Concilium tertium Carthaginense, cap. 26. First, the general counil of Nice decreed, that the patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch should have like power over the countries about those cities, as the bishops of Rome had over the countries about Rome. In the council of Milevis it was decreed, that if a clerk of Africa would appeal out of Africa unto any bishop beyond the sea, he should be taken as a person excommunicated. 53 In the general council of Constantinople (the first), 70 it was likewise decreed, that every cause between any persons should be determined within the provinces where the matters did lie; and that no bishop should exercise any power out of his own diocese or province.

    And this was also the mind of holy St. Cyprian, and of other holy men of Africa. To conclude, therefore, the pope hath no such primacy given him, either by the words of Scripture, or by any general council, or by common consent of the holy catholic church. 54 Gregorius, lib. 4. Epistolarum; Indictione 13 Epist. 13. 55 This letter was testified by Cuthbert Tonstal, to Matthew, archbishop of Canterbury, and others, to be his own, about fourteen days before his death. 56 Read his traitorous oration to the emperor 71 , in his book entitled, ‘De Ecclesiae Concordia,Õ moving him to seek the destruction of king Henry, and the whole realm of England. [See App ] 57 Of this flying-away of Peter from Rome read before. [See Appendix.] 58 ‘Petrum solum nominat et sibi comparat, quia primatum ipsc acceperat ad fundandam Ecclesiam; se quoque pari modo electum ut primatum habeat in fundandis eccleslis gentium,’ etc. 59 ‘Hoc erant utique et caeteri Apostoli, quod fuit Petrus, pari consortio praediti, et honoris et potestatis.’—Cyprian. De Simplicitate Clericorum. 60 ‘Cuncti Apostoli claves regni coelorum acceperunt et ex sequo super eos Ecclesiae fortitudo fundatur.’-Contra Jovinianum. 61 ‘Sciant ergo Episcopi se magis ex consuetudine, quam dispensationis Dominicae veritate, presbyteris esse majores.’Cap. 1. super Titum. 62 ‘Ubicumque fuerit, Episcopus, sive Romae, sive Eugubii, sive Constantinopoli,’etc. 63 ‘Petrus, Jacobus, ac Johannes, post assumptionem Salvatoris, quamvis ab ipso fuerant omnibus pene praelati, tamen non sibi vindicarunt gloriam, sed Jacobum, qui dicebatur Justus, Apostolorum Episcopum statuunt.’ 64 ‘Clemens tertius post Paulum et Petrum pontificatum tenebat.’ Lib. 2 c. 21. 65 ‘Quinta successione post Petrum atque Paulum plebis gubernacula sortitus est.’ 66 ‘Fundata et aedificata Ecclesia, beati apostoli Lino officium episcopatus injungunt.’ Lib.5 c. 6. 67 ‘Ecclesia quae est apud Ephesum a Paulo quidem fundata est, a Joanne vere aedificata.’Euseb. lib. 3 cap. 23. [Rather Irenaeus, as quoted by Eusebius; this quotation is not quite accurate in the latter clause.-Ed.] 68 (5) Lib. 4 c. 24. 69 ‘Plane, quoniam pro magnitudine sua debeat Carthaginem Roma praecedere, illic majora et graviora commisit.’ Cypr. Lib. 2 ad.

    Cornelium. 70 ‘Quia singulis pastoribus portio gregis est ascripta, quam regat unusquisque et gubernet. rationum sui actus, Domino redditurus,’ etc.

    Cypr. lib. 3 Epist. ad Cornelium. 71 Aug. Ep. 162, [nunc 43, cap. 3, § 7.] 72 Dist. 16. Viginti. [Distinct. 16 § 13.] 73 Vide duns Epistolas ad Bonifacium, etc. pap. etc. tomo [1] conciliorum, [Edit.1538], fol. 307, 308. 74 ‘In Hierusalem primum fundata ecclesia totius orbis ecclesias seminavit.’ 75 ‘Quia non sit fas in eadem ecclesia, duos simul episcopos esso, nee priorem legitimum episcopum sine sua culpa deponi.’ 76 ‘Ait enim quidam, non debuit episcopus pro consulari judicio purgari,’ etc. August. Epist, 162. 77 ‘Laesus est qui non habet parem ullum super terram: summitas et caput est omnium hominum super terram.’ [Ad pop. Antioch. Hom. 2 § 2.] 78 ‘Colimus ergo et imperatorem sic, quomodo et nobis licet et ipsi exped ut hominem a Deo secundum. Tertul. ad Scapulam, etc. [cap. 2.] 79 ‘Sciant quis illis dederit imperium.’ Tertul. in Apologet. [cap. 30.-ED.] 80 ‘Omnis anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit.’ 81 ‘Sive sacerdos ille sit, sive monachus, sive apostolus, ut se principibus subdat.’ [See App.] 82 ‘Non enim subvertit pietatem haec subjectio.’ 83 See page 317, edit. 4to. London, 1809.-Ed. 84 ‘Honesty,’ credit or honor.-Ed. 85 Ex Actis in Termino Pasehae, an. 27 reg. Hen. VIII. 86 These dialogues were written by Harpsfield, under the name af Alanus Copus; 4to. Antverpiae, 1566; see Wood’s Athenee Oxon. vol. 1, p. 491. Bliss,-ED. 87 Copus in Dialog. 6. p. 995. 88 This general council was the first council of Constantinople. 89 Stat. 26 Hen. VIII.

    THE LIFE OF WILLIAM TYNDALE 1 See the Latin edition: Basle, 1599, p. 138.-ED. 2 Mr. Offer, in his recently published Life of William Tyndale, represents him as the baron, when, in truth, he was only a descendant of the baron. The editor subjoins an extract from an unpublished MS. of a descendant of Thomas, the brother of William Tyndale. “Hugh Tyndale, a descendant of Robert, Baron de Tyndale, of Longly Castle, in Northumberland, settled in Gloucestershire during the wars of York and Lancaster, where he passed for some time under the name of Hutchens, having been concerned in the quarrel between the contending families. He married Alicia, daughter and sole heiress of — Hunt, of Hunt Court, in Nibley, near Dursley, Esquire. His son John Tyndale was the father of William Tyndale of Magdalen hall, Oxford, who was born at Hunt Court about the year 1477, and is justly styled The worthy Apostle of the English Reformation.”-ED. 3 Enchiridion, a book of Erasmus. 4 See Edition 1563, p. 516, as misprinted.-ED. 5 ‘Haec ille.’ 6 The popish prelates procured not only the condemnation of Tyndale’s books, but also burned both them and the Testament, calling it ‘Doctrinam peregrinam,’ strange doctrine. 7 The longer narrative given in the first edition, is here substituted for a short passage in recent editions.—ED. 8 For the passage distinguished with asterisks, see Edition 1563, pages 519, 520.-ED. 9 ‘ The printer hereof 100 ,’ John Daye.-ED. 10 Ex lib. Tynd., ‘ Praxi praelatorum 101 .’ 11 I pray God this be not a prophecy against England. 12 To look for no man’s help, bringeth God’s help. 13 Master Tyndale here beareth with time. 14 By the affirmative, he meaneth the opinion which M. Luther and the Saxons do hold of the Sacrament. 15 Master Tyndale again beareth with time. 16 ‘Eating the whore’s flesh,’ is to spoil the pope’s church only for the prey and spoil thereof. 17 Stat. an. 28 Hen. 8. cap. 7. 18 Paulus Jovius can find no immorality in all Rome, but must come and pick matter, where none is, in England. [See the Appendix.-Ed.] 19 Ex Johan. Sleid. lib. 10. 20 See Appendix. 21 Truth may be pressed; it cannot be oppressed. 22 The way to Mantua is long and dangerous. 23 ‘Non veni pacem mittere in terram, sed gladium.’ 24 God grant! 25 See for the contents of this book p. 163 infra.ED. 26 In these visitations of religious houses, horrible it is to read, what wickedness and abomination were there found and registered by the visitors. 27 Ex Ed. Hal. 28 These verses were thought to be made by Master Armigyl Wade. 29 Out of Bonner’s own hand-writing. 30 Here seemeth to lack some word, but that I would not alter any thing in his own copy. 31 See how Bonner rejoiceth at his great good fortune; as though he had not enough before, having four livings, and being meetly well sped for one man. 32 The king’s pleasure was not regarded by the bishop of Winchester. 33 He meaneth here the French king. 34 The King of England, he meaneth. 34a Out of the copy of Bonner’s own letters, by his own hand writing, which I have to show. 35 Bishop-like spoken. 36 Mark the mellifluous and honey-mouthed words of Winchester to Bonner. 37 The like trembling and leaping of his veins and flesh for anger, did Master Bucer also note in this Winchester’s disputing with him in Germany. Vide Bucerum De Coelibatu. 38 Stephen Gardiner, ‘bedlam-like.’ 39 Bonner seemeth by this pear, to be a Worcestershire man. 40 See Edition 1570, in loc.Ep. 41 See Edition 1570, in loc.Ep. 42 See p. 144, supra. — ED. 43 See the Appendix. — ED. 44 ‘Quia omnia fete in sanguine seoundum legem mundabantur, et sine sanguinis effusione non sit remissio.’ Hebrews 9. 45 ‘Lapis virus, ab hominibus reprobatus, a Deo electus, probatus angularis et preciosus. 1 Peter 46 ‘Obtulit semetipsum immaculatum Dec, ut sanctificaret inquinatos.’Hebrews 46a Ibid. 47 ‘Habemus pontificem magnum qui pentravit coelos Jesum Filium Dei’ Leviticus 16, Hebrews 48 ‘Summus pontifex, maximus pontflex, universalis pontifex. 49 ‘Non dabo gloriam meam alteri.’ Isaiah 42. 50 Gregorius in Registro, lib. 4:indictlone 30:Epist. 38. 51 ‘Data est mihi omnis potestas in coelo et in terra.’ Matthew 52 ‘Quis potest dimittere peceatum nisi solus Deus ?’ Mark 53 The office of a bishop :’ If he had placed here, ‘administrare sacrarnenta,’ for ‘sacrificare ‘his partition so might have stood 54 ‘Transeat a me calix iste.’ Matthew xxvi. 55 ‘Preces et supplicationes cure clamore valido et lachyrnis.’ Hebrews 5: 56 Nay, rather, ghostly doctrine you should say. 57 ‘Ego sum ostium; ego sum via, veritas, et vita.’ 58 Were,’ a blemish in cloth.-ED. 59 ‘Quantum ad participationera cum eis in peccato.’ Matthew 9. 60 ‘Hic erit magnus, et Filius Altissimi vocabitur.’ Luke 1. 61 ‘Prophets magnus surrexit inter nos.’ Luke 7. 62 ‘Quod profociebat valde, et factus est magnus valde.’ Genesis 26. 63 ‘Magnus Sacerdos ex fratribus suis.’ Leviticus 21. 64 ‘Pastor pastorurn,’ ‘Pontifex pontiffcure,’ ‘Propheta prophetarum,’ ‘Sanctus sanctorum, Dominns dominantinto,’ ‘Rex regnm ;’ ‘its et Magnus magnorum est.’ 65 ‘Habernus Pontificem magnum, qui penetravit coelos, Jesum Filium Del.’ 66 Hayles iu Gloucestershire, where they pretended to show some of our Savior’s blood.-En. 67 See Grafton’s Chronicle, vol. 2:p. 462, Edition 1809. — ED. 67a See Edition 1563, p. 571. — ED 68 See Edition 1553, pp. 571,572. — ED. 69 These verses form part of The Fantasy of Idolatry, which may be found on a subsequent image in this volume.-ED.

    JOHN LAMBERT 1 ‘Vae vobis, cure laudaverint vos omnes homines,’ etc. Luke vi. 2 ‘Nemo tenetur prodere selpsum.’ 3 Popish doctrine will abide no trial. 4 Chrysost. in Opere Iraperfecto [These Commentaries accompany the Editions of St. Chrysostome, but are not considered his. The passage quoted is in Horn. 44, vol. 6:p. 928. Edit. Paris. 1836. — ED.] 5 ‘Qui sunt probari nummulari, et qui non.’ Matthew 25. 6 Chrys. Ibid 7 ‘Qui strut probi clavigeri, et qui non.’ 7a See Appendix. 8 ‘Non omnes,’ must be taken universally in Scripture. 9 Eunuchs three ways to be taken in Scripture. Matthew 19. 10 ‘Velim omnes homines,’ etc. 1 Corinthians 7. 11 ‘Sed unusquisque proprium donurn habet,’ etc 12 ‘Si quis discernit presbyterurn conjugatum, tanquam occasione nuptiarum, quod offerre non debeat, anathema sit.’ Distinct. 29. 13 ‘Si quis vituperat nuptias, et dormientem cram viro suo fidelena ac religiosam detestatur aut culpabilem aestimat, veht quae regnum Dei introire non possit, anathema sit.’ Dist. 31. 14 ‘Vae etiam laudabili vitae hominum, si remota misericordia discutias earn. Quia vere non exquiris delicta vehementer, fiducialiter speramus aliquem locum apud to invenire indulgently. Quisquis autem tibi enumerat vera merita sua, quid tibi enumerat nisi munera tua! O si cognoscerent se omnes, et qui gloriatur in Domino gloriaretur.’ August.

    Confess. lib. ix. 15 ‘Nunquid inops es et gaudes lucris? Nunquid avarus et usuras exigis?

    Supererogatur tibi ut debeas ! et quis habet quicquam non tuum?

    Reddis debita nuili debens, donas debita nihil perdens.’ Confess. 5:lib. i. 16 ‘Domine, da quod jubes, et jube quod vis.’ 17 ‘Tota spes mea est in morte Domini. Mors ejus meriturn roeurn, refugium roeurn, salus vitae, et resurrectio mea. Meriturn meum, miseratio Domini. Non sum meriti inops quamdiu ille mise-rationurn Dominus non defuerit. Et si misericordiae Domini multi, multus ego sum in meritis’ [See Appendix.-ED.] 18 ‘Conclusi sub peccato, et venundati sub eodem.’ Romans 7:11. 19 See Appendix. 20 ‘Subdiaconatus tempore apostolorum non fuit sacer.’ 21 Panormitanus Abbas in cap. ‘Omnis utriusque sexus.’ 22 ‘ Solus Deus remittit peccata 122 :’ this saying is taken out of Peter Lombard, and cited in the Decrees. 23 ‘Ecce Agnus Deiqui tollit peccata mundi.’ 24 ‘Vocabitur nomen ejus Jesua,’ etc.Matthew 1. 25 ‘Vae vobis scribae et Phariseei, qui claudiris regnum coelorum,’ etc.

    Matthew 23. 26 Greg. in Pastoral. 27 ‘Clavis apertionis.est sermo correctoris, qui increpando culpam detegit, quam saepe nescit qui perpetravit.’ 28 ‘Verbum Dei dimittit peceata.’ 29 ‘Revela oculos meos.’ Psalm cxix. 30 Metonymia is a figure, when the name that properly belongeth to one, is improperly transferred to another thing. 31 ‘Quod sanctum est veritatem prarferre amicitiae. 32 ‘Si dextra marius scandalizet, deberet praescindi et abjici.’ 33 ‘Sunt et alia multa quae fecit Jesus.’ John 21. 34 ‘Dominus narrabit in scripturis populorum.’ Psalm 87. 35 ‘Omnis scriptura divinitus inspirata,’ etc. 2 Timothy 3. 36 ‘Universae viae Domini misericordia etveritas,’ etc. Psalm 25. 37 ‘Adhaesi testimoniis this, Dominc; noli me confundere.’ Psalm 119. 38 ‘Verax, et vide ejus veritas: omnis autem homo vanitas et mendax.’ 39 ‘Fundamentum aliud nemo,’ etc. 1 Corinthians 3. 40 ‘Jam non estis hospites et advenae, sod coneives sanctorum, et dornestiei Dei,’ etc. Ephesians 2. 41 ‘Virtute Dei custodimini per fidera ad salutere, quae in hoc parata est it patefiat in tempore supremo, in quo exultatis nunc, ad breve ternpus affticti in variis experimentis si opus sit, quo exploratio fidei vestrae multo pretiosior auto quod petit, et tamen per ignem probatur, reperiatur m gloriam et honorcm.’ 1 Peter 3. 42 ‘Nemo se decipiat, fiatres; duo enim loca sunt, et tertius non est visus.

    Qui cure Christo regnare non meruit, cure diabolo absque ulla dnbitatione peribit.’ 43 What our desrving is, he declareth before, in the fifth article 44 ‘Scitote vos, quod eum anima a corpore avellitur, statim in Paradiso pro meritis bonis collo-catur, aut certe pro peccatis in inferni tartara pracipitatur. Eligite modo quod vultis, aut perpe-tualiter gaudere cure sanctis, aut sine fine cruciari cure impils.’ Fol. 1005. 45 ‘Omnes nos raanifestari oportet coram tribunali Christi, ut reportet quisque ea quae fiun per corpus, juxta id quod fecit, sire bonum, sire realurn.’ 2 Corinthians v. 46 ‘Memores sitis vinctorum, tanquam una cure illis vincti: eorum qui affliguntur,veluti ipsi quoque vetsantes incorpore.’ Hebrews xiii. 47 Cap. 55:fol. 107, vol. 1:Edit. Benedict.-ED. 48 ‘Id est, ejusdem meriti cujus ipsi sunt participes.’ 49 ‘Cum ceciderit justus non collidetur, quia Dominus supponit manure suam.’ Psalm 37. 50 ‘Venite ad me, omnes qui laboratis et onerati estis, et ego reftclam vos.’

    Matthew 11. 51 That is, with a special efficacy for us to mark more attentively. 52 ‘Unus est Deus, unns estet mediator Dei et horninure, homo Christus Jesus, qui dedit semetipsam redemptionera pro omnibus.’ Erasmus translateth it, ‘conciliator Dei et horninure.’ 1 Timothy 2. 53 ‘Solicita creaturae expecturic revelationera filiorum Dei expectat.’

    Romans 8. 54 ‘Omnis creatura congemiscit, et nobiscum parturit usque ad hoc tempus.’ 55 ‘Cui minus remittitur, minus diligit.’ Luke 7. 56 ‘Argenturn igne examinatum, purgatum septuplum.’ Psalm 11. 57 ‘Quid paleis ad triticum? Propter hoe ego ad prophetas, dicit Dominus, qui furantur verba meaunusquisque a proximo suo, et seducunt populum meum in mendaciis suis, et in erroribus suis.’ Jeremiah 58 ‘Voluntas reputatur pro facto.’ 59 ‘Sine Cerere et Baccho friget Venus.’ 60 ‘Venter mero aestuans spumat in libidinem.’ 61 ‘Nitimur in vetitum semper, eupimusque negata.’ 62 ‘Funis plus aequo tensus rumpitur.’ 63 The Latin is thus, ‘Non sit nobis religio humanorum operum cultus, meliores enim sunt ipsi artifices qui talia fabricantur; quos tamen colere non dcbemus.’ 64 ‘Quoniam nihil tam efficax ad commonefaciendum diseipulos, quam viva vox.’ 65 ‘Laudate Dominure de coelis,’ etc. Psalm 149. 66 ‘Coeli enarraat,’ Psalm 19:etc. 67 ‘Praedicationis quippe offieium suscipit, quisquis ad sacerdotium aceedit.’ [See App.] 68 See Appendix. 69 He meaneth the dialogue of Erasmus, entitled, ‘Abbas et Erudita.’ 70 ‘Mortificabant animus qaee non moriuntur, et vivificabant animus quae non vivunt. Ezekiel 13: 71 ‘Pietas ad omnia utilis est, ut quae promissiones habeat praesentis vitae et futurae.’ 1 Timothy 4. 72 ‘Beatus vir cujus est nomen Domini spes ejus, et non respexit in vanitates et insanias falsas.’ Psalm 40. 73 The French Bible was translated into the French tongue, with the king’s privilege, about fifty years before Lainbert’s time. [See Appendix.] 74 The Psalter translated by the king of England into the Saxon tongue.

    Read before. 75 ‘Omnis qui male agit, odit lucem.’ John 3. 76 ‘Sed frustra jacitur rete ante oculos pennatorum.’ Proverbs 1: 77 Dist. 15. cap. ‘Canones generalturn.’ 78 ‘De Conse.’ Distinct. 1. [cap. 67.] 79 Causa 21. quaest. 2. cap. [5.] ‘Praecip.’ 80 ‘si diligitis me, praecepta mea servate.’ Aug. in Johan. 81 ‘Opera bona non faciunt justurn, sed justificatus facit bona opera.’ 82 ‘Presbyter fornicans est plus puniendus quam uxorem ducens.’ [See App.] 83 ‘Non sedi cure concilio vanitatis, et cure inique agentibus non introibo: odivi ecclesiam malignantlure, et cum impils non sedebo; sod lavabo inter innocentes manus meas,’ etc. Psalm 26. 84 ‘Dominus dissipat coneilia gentlure, reprobat concilia populorum, et concilia principum: concilium autem Domini in aeternum manet,’ etc. 85 ‘Quare fremuerunt gentes, etc.’ Psalm 2. 86 Dist. 31. cap. [12.] ‘Nicena.’ 87 He meaneth here the church invisible. 88 ‘Nemo tenetur prodere semetipsum.’ 89 ‘Cogitationes liboreo sunt a vectigalibus.’ 90 ‘Cyprian· De Simplicitate Praelatorum.’ 91 ‘Ab his qui videbantur aliquid esse; quales aliquando fuerunt, nihil mea refert,’ etc. Galatians 92 ‘Non sanctorum filii sunt, qui tenent loca sanctorum, sed qui exercent opera eorum.’ 93 ‘O pastor et idolurn !’ Zechariah 11. 94 ‘Christus est caput anguli, nec est in alio quoquam salus. Non enim aliud nomen sub coe1o datum est inter homines, in quo oporteat nos salvos fieri.’ 95 See Edition 1563, p. 528; also Edition 1559, p. 146. — ED 96 He died in 1554. [‘Si non inter martyres, at confessores,’ etc. See Edition 1559, p. 147. ED.] 97 See Edition 1563, p. 530; also Edition 1559, p. 149. — ED. 98 After a certain manner; i e. ‘Quodam modo.’ [See Edition 1559, p. 149. - ED.] 99 See Edition 1563, pp. 533, 534; also Edition 1559, p. 153.-ED. 100 Ex testimaonio cujusdam aujto>ptou A, G. 101 See Appendix. 102 ‘Proinde quod ad verbum attinet, creator est Christus; omnia enim per ipsum facta sunt. Quod vero ad hominem,’ etc. August. ad Dardanum. [Ep. 187. 8, col. 680.] 103 ‘Christufa Dominure nostrum unigenitum Dei Filium, aequalem Patti, eundemque hominis, Filium, quo major est Pater, ut ubique totura praesentem esse non dubites tanquam Deum, et in eodera templo Dei esee tauquam inhabitantem Deum, et in loco aliquo coeli, propter veri corporis modurn,’ etc. 104 ‘Donee saeculum finiatur, sursum est Dominus, sed etiam hic est veritas Domini, etc. August. in Johan. tract. 30. [§ I. This passage is rather differently punctuated in modern editions. The Psalm referred to a few lines lower by Lambert may be Psalm 4. 3, tom. 4:col. 518; or 44: 20, col. 392. — ED.] 105 ‘Aliud est sacramenturn, aliud virtus sacramenti.’ [Tract. 26: 11.] 106 ‘Si. quis manducaverit ex ipso, non moritur [“morietur,” Benedictine edit.]; sod qui [“quod,” Bened.] pertinet ad virtutem sacramenti, non qui [“quod.” Bened.] pertinet ad visibile sacramentum,’ etc. 107 ‘Qui mandacat intus, non foris; qui manducat in corde, non qui premit dente.’ [12.] 108 ‘Unus idemque homo localis ex homine, qui est Deus immensus ex Patre. Unus idemque secundum humanam substantiam, absens coelo cum esset in terra,’ etc. 109 ‘Antithesis,’ that is to say, contrary position or relation. 110 ‘Spatia locorum tolle corporibus, et nusquam erunt: et quia nusquam erunt, nec erunt. Aug. ad Dard. 111 ‘Ergo, non supra terram, nec in terra, nec secundum carnem to quaerere debemus, ai volumus to invenire,’ etc. Arab. in Luc. 112 ‘Quomodo non corpus quiesceret, in quo manebant insignia vulnerura, vestigia cicatricum, quae Dominus palpanda obtulit?’ etc. 113 ‘Quando non maneret apud cos, qui ascensurus coelos, promittit dicens:

    Ecce ego vobiscum sum omnibus diebus usque ad consummationera saeculi,’ etc. Gregorius in Horn. in Petit. 114 ‘Ipse Christus nee panem reprobavit.’ Tertull. contra Marcion. lib. if. 115 ‘Christus accepturn panem et’distributura discipulis, corpus suum illud fecit, etc. Tertull. contra Marcion. lib. iv. 116 ‘In historia Novi Testamenti, ipsa Domini nostri tanta et tam admiranda patientia erat, quod eum tamdiu pertuUt tanquam bonum,’ etc. 117 ‘Non enim dubitavit Dominus dicere, Hoc est corpus roeurn, cure daret signurn corparis sui.’ Aug. contra Adamantiurm. 118 ‘Sic enim sanguis est anima, quomodo petra erat Christus,’ etc. 119 ‘Solet res quae significat, norainc rei quam significat, nominari.’

    Lyranus. 120 Nisi quis manducaverit carnero rheare, non videbit vitam seternarn,’ etc.

    Aug. Psalm 1. 121 ‘Ille nutera instruxit cos. et air illis; Spiritus eat qui vivificat, cato nihil prodest,’ etc. 2 Corinthians 122 ‘At quid papas dentern et ventrein! Crede, et rnanducasti,’ etc 123 ‘Panem dixit, sed Epiousion, hoe est, supersubstantialem,’ etc. Aug. in Serm. de verbis Lucoe 138 . [See Appendix.] 124 ‘Sacramenturn aliquod vobis commendavi, quod spiritualiter intellecturn vivificabit vos,’ etc. 125 ‘Saepe ira loquhnur, ut, Pascha appropinquante, crastinam vel perendinam Domini passionem dicamus,’ etc. Augustin. ad Bonifacium. [Epist. 98, 9, col. 267.] 126 After a certain manner; ‘Quodam modo.’ 127 ‘Si Machabaeos cum ingenti admiratione prseferimns, quid escas quibus nunc Christiani licite utuntur attingere noherunt (quia tune pro tempore prophetleo non licebat), quanto magis nunc pro baptismo Christi, pro eucharistia Christi, pro signo Christi,’ etc. Aug. contra Fausturn. [lib. xix cap. 14. — ED.] 128 ‘Si bonus es, si ad corpus Christi pertines (quod signifieat Petrus), habes Christurn, et in praesenti et in futuro. In praesenti per fidere,’ etc.

    ROBERT PACKINGTON 1 See Edition 1563, p. 525-ED.

    THE BURNING AT COW BRIDGE AT OXFORD 1 See Edition 1563, p. 570. — ED. 2 See Edition 1563, p. 57l. — ED. 3 Ibid.

    PUTTEDEW AND LEITON 1 See Ed. 1563, p. 570,-ED, N. PEKE 1 Of this council of Mantua read before, p. 138. 2 Of this book read before, p. 138 143 . 3 This council of Mantua which the pope prorogued, he afterward transferred to Vincenza, This was the year 1537. 4 Read before, p. 68, note.-ED. 5 Spoken like a king. 6 Would God the king here had kept promise, when he made the six articles. 7 If the pope’s authority may be stopped by a duke, what authority then hath he over kings and emperors ! 8 Vieenza was a city under the dominion of the Venetians. 9 i.e. the article just given. — ED.

    MUTATIONS OF RELIGION IN KING HENRY’S DAY 1 This lady Anne of Cleve was married to the king [January 6th], A.D. 1540.

    THE ACT OF SIX ARTICLES 1 ‘Advisedly’, that is, made above the age of one and twenty years priests onlyexcepted. 2 By these benefits of private masses, is meant, the helping of souls in purgatory. 3 See Editions 1570 and 1576.-ED. 4 Aug. ad Benif., Epist. xxiii. 5 Innocent the Third was bishop of Home, A.D. 1215. 6 A.D. 408. 7 Gelastus, lib. contra Eutichem. 8 Me>nei garav oujsi>av kai< tou~ ei]douv Theodoretus, Secund. Dial. contra Eutichem. 9 ‘Quod simul panis et taro est.’ Hesychius, lib. 2:in Levit. e. 8. ;[See Albertinus do Eu-charistia, p. 851.] 10 ‘Quod in exteriori nihil additum est, et toturn in interiori mutatum est.’

    Emissenus [tu Decret. part in.] De Consecratione Dist. 2:[§ 35.] ‘Quia corpus.’ (A.D. 500.) 11 ‘Hic calix est novum testamentum; id est, hic caUx quem vobis trado, novurn testamenturn significat.’ 12 ‘Edent pauperes, etc. Pauperes, id est, mundi contemptores edent quidem tealiter, si ad sacramenta referatur, et saturabuntur aeternaliter, quia intelligent in pane et vino visibiliter stbi proposito aliud, invisibile scUicet corpus rerum et sanguinem rerum Dominl, quae verus cibus el verus potus sunt, quo non renter distenditur, sed mens saginatur,’ etc. 13 Charlemagne, born A.D. 742, died A.D. 814. — ED. 14 ‘Quia panis corpus confirmat, ideo ille corpus Christi congruenter nuncupatur: vinum autem quia sanguinem poeratur in carne, ideo ad sanguinem Christi refertur ‘Haymo, De Sermonurn Proprietate, lib. v.c. 14a Haymo, lib. vii. In Eccle. Cap. 8. 15 ‘Quia aliud est sacramenturn., aliud virtus sacramenti: sacramentuln enim ore percipitur: virtute sacramenti interior homo satiatur.’ Haymo, lib. 7:in Eccle. cap. 8. 16 ‘Ille panis, qui per Sacerdotis ministerium Christi corpus efficitur, aliud exterius humanis sensibus ostendit, et aliud interius fidelium mentibus clamat,’ etc. A.D. 810. Bertram. lib. De Corpore et Sang. Domini. 17 Rabanus, De Institut. Clericorum i, cap. 21. 18 Christian. Druthmarus, monahus ordin. Bened., In Matt, 18a See Vol. II p.30. — ED. 19 ‘Hoe fere tempore, quidam clerici, maligno errore sedueti, asseverare conabantur, panera et vinum quae in altari ponuntur, post consecrationera, in priori substantia manere et figuram tantummodo esse corpotis et sanguinis Christi,’ etc. Osbernus in Vita Odonis. 20 Ex Wil. Maim. vide supra, [Vol. II. page 49.-ED.] 21 ‘Sed vocat protinus fidelera servum, qui cominus erat, et miraculum secreturn demon-strat,’ etc. 22 For the origin of the blood of Hayles, see the note upon the Phantasy of Idolatry on a subsequent page. — ED. 23 Ex Archivis Ecclesiastes Wigornensis 24 Ex Archivis Ecclesiastes Exoniensis. 25 ‘Omnes patres nostri eandem escam spiritualem manducaverunt, et omnis curie!era potum spiritualem biberunt,’ etc. 26 That is, a mystery of the same thing that was in the old law. 27 ‘Non est tamen hoc sacrificium corpus ejus, in quo passus est pro nobis, neque sanguis ejus quem pro nobis effudit: sed spiritualiter corpus ejus effieitur et sanguis, sicut manna quod de coelo piuit, et aqua quae de petra fluxit. Sicut Paulus,’ etc. 28 This sermon, or homily, as it is more commonly called, was published separately by archbishop Parker, in the year 1566, and reprinted, afterwards, at Oxford, in 1675. See Strype’s Life of Parker, vol. 2:book 4, page 503, Edit. Oxford, 1821; where Strype observes that Foxe ‘hath left out several passages which contained some legendary miracles relating to the sacrament, and some particular passages which look favourably towards the doctrine of the church of Rome: which are not omitted in the archbishop’s edition of the book.’The full title is this:’ A Sermon of the Paschal Lamb, and of the sacramental body and blood of Christ, written in the old Saxon tongue before the Conquest, and appointed in the reign of the Saxons to be spoken unto the people at Easter, before they should receive the Communion: and now first translated into our common English speech.’ — ED. 29 See Appendix. 30 See Edition 1576, Page 1117. — Ed 31 The sign of the cross is beside the text. but here we must bear with the ignorance of that time. 32 This Hebrew letter ‘Thau’ was not marked for the sign of the cross, but for the word ‘Torath ;’ that is, the law of God, the first letter for the whole word. Ezekiel 9:That only cross is it wherewith we are marked, that St. Paul speaketh of Ephesians ii. 33 Note how Christ’s words were taken by signification before Berengarius’ time. 34 NO transubstantiation. 35 Foxe says A.D. 1062, but this date is not in Gratian, and should be A.D. 1059, as in p. 292. — ED. 36 Vid. Bulling. De Origine Erroris [libri duo; 8vo. Basil, 1529. Tiguri, 1579. — ED.] Chronici Bibliandri. — Acta concilii Romae habiti contra Berengarium. 37 Malinesbury, De Gestis Anglorum, lib. in. 38 Ibid. 39 Ex Actis Romani concilii. 40 Hen. Bulling. De Origine Erroris, cap. 10:[libri duo, 8no. Basil, 1529; Tiguri, 1579. ED.] 41 Malinesbury, De Gestis Anglorum, lib. in. ‘Sine retractlone, a quibusdam habeatur sanctus,’ etc. — E.D. 42 The councils of Florence and Tours were held A.D. 1055. — ED. 43 All the councils here mentioned are included in Labbe’s collection (Lutet.

    Paris. 1671), tom. ix., col 1055, 1079, etc. Also in Hardwine’s Royal Collection (Exodus Topogr. regia, Paris, 1714), tom. 6:col. 1013 to 1584. — ED. 44 [Decreft, Pars II.] De Consecrat. dist. 2. cap. [42.] ‘Ego Berengarius.’ 45 See Appendix. — ED. 46 The doctrines of Berengarius engaged the attention of as many as ten, and, according to some accounts, twelve different councils. In the ‘Acta Conciliorum,’ (fol. Paris, 1714) it is stated thathe abjured at Tours in 1055, and at Rome in 1059 and 1079. The same work represents him as recanting in 1059, for the third time. So that some doubt may exist, whether he did not recant earlier than 1055, and in consequence of the council of Vercelli (1050): though Malmesbury’s words, ‘sine retractatione,’ in reference to that period, go far to establish the contrary. Berengarius died in 1088. — ED. 47 Ex lib. Lanfranci Arcbiepis. contra Beteng. 48 In De la Bighe’s Bibliotheca Patrum, tom. 4:col. 232, 233. Edition 1576. — ED. 49 Ouimund, or Guitmund: his treatise is included in Bibliotheea Patrum; and in a collection of writers ‘De corpore et sanguine Christi,’ published at Louvain in 1561, to which Foxe refers soon afterwards. — ED. 50 Guirnund. lib. Sacrament. fol. 30. 51 Ex Osberno, lib. 2:De Vita Dunstan. 52 By this it appeareth that Elfric, the translator of the Saxon sermon, was archbishop of Canterbury. 53 ‘Speciosa, inquit, pax nebulonis, ut cui oris praeberet basium, ei dentium inferret exitlure. 54 This and the succeeding story, are in Malmesbury. — ED. 55 These verses are in Malinesbury, witIt a few trifling variations. Lib. in. — ED 56 ‘Algerus.’ The treatises of Algerus and Hugo are found in the Bibliotheca Patrum, Lugduni, 1677, tom. 18:— ED. 57 This number includes abbots and priors. See Collier’s Historical Dictionary.mEn. 58 The words of the council are these: - ‘Joachim omnia scripta sua nobis assignari manda-verit, apostolicae sedis judicio approbanda seu etiam corrigenda.’ See Acta Conciliorum, Paris, 1714, tom. 7:col. 19. — ED. 59 Ex Antonin. pars 3. tit. 19. cap. 1. 60 Extr. De summa Trinit 6. a. 1. ‘Firmiter credimus,’ et Fide Cathollca, chap. 1. [The passage appears in the Decretals of Gregory IX. lib. 1:tit. 1: 1, of the ‘Corpus Juris Canonici a Pithaeo.’ Paris, 1677.-ED.] 61 ‘In synaxi transubstantiationem sero definivit ecclesia. Diu satis erat credere sive sub pane consecrato, sive quocunque modo adesse verum corpus Christi,’ etc. Erasin lib. Annot. in I Cor. cap. 7:Ser. 6. 62 Cypria. lib. 1:Epist. 2. De Laicis Martyribus scribens. 63 Hieronymus, in Sophon. cap. 3. 64 Hist. Tripart. lib. ix, 65 Thus the forbidding of both kinds of the sacrament hath no ground of ancient custom. 66 Hist. Eccle. lib. 8. cap. 5. 67 ‘Unica oblatione consummavit eos, qui sanctificantur, in perpetuum.’

    Hebrews 10. 68 ‘Eodem anno ad festum Michaelis tenuit Anselmus archiepiscopus concilium apud Londomas: in quo prohibuit sacerdotibus Anglorum uxores antea non prohibitas. Quod quibusdam mundissimum visum est, quibusdam periculosum: ne dum munditias viribus majores appeterent, in immunditias horribiles ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus inciderent,’ etc. De Historia Anglorum, lib. 7. 69 ‘Itaque clerici multarum eccleslarum, data optione ut aut amictum mutarent aut 1ocis valedicerent, ‘cessere,’ etc. Malmesb. in Vita Dunstaniote. 70 See the Appendix respecting an error in this date. - ED. 71 Ex actis Syn. Mediolan. [See note 4, page 330 of this volume. - ED.] 72 See the Appendix. - ED. 73 Foxe gives A. D. 180; but Victor was not made pope till the year 193.

    See L’Art de verifier des Dates.’ Paris, 1783, vol. 1. p. 221. 74 ‘Si secundum carnem vixeritis, moriemini.’ Romans. 8:15. 75 ‘Non habemus potestatem sororem mulierem circumducendi?’ etc. 76 Strom. lib. 7. 77 ‘Unusquisque suam uxorem habeat,’ etc. 78 Dist. 28. [Gratian (Paris, 1612,) col. 153. - ED.] 79 ‘Dicunt gloriosi isti jactatores, se imitari Dominum, qui neque uxorem duxit, neque in mundo aliquid possedit, se magis quam alios evangelium intellexisse gloriantes.’ Clemens Alexandrinus. [Strom. lib. 3. cap. 6. f. 49. - E.D.] 80 ‘Eis autem dicit Scriptura, Deus superbis resistit, humilibus autem dat gratiam. Deinde nesciunt causam cur Dominus uxorem non duxerit.

    Primurn quidem, propriam sponsam habuit ecclesiam. Deinde vero nec homo erat communis, ut opus haberet etiam adjutore aliquo secundum carnem,’ etc. 81 According to some authorities, this Council was held A. D. 324 or 340, and Du Pin places it as late as A. D. 370. The Council of Nice, stated here to be 400 years after Christ, was held A. D. 325. - ED. 82 ‘Si quis discernit presbyterum conjugatum tanquam occasione nuptiarum, quod offerre non debeat, et ab ejus oblatione ideo se abstinet, anathema sit,’ etc. Distinct. 28. [Canon 4. The words as quoted by Foxe are according to Isidore Mercator’s translation: Labbe; Concilia General. tom. 2. col. 425. See also Gratian (Paris, 1612,) col. 153, and the Appendix. - ED.] 83 ‘Quoniam in Romani ordine canonis esse cognovimus traditum, eos, qui ordinati sunt diaconi vel presbyteri debere confiteri, quod jam suis non copulentur uxoribus, nos antiquum sequentes canonem apostolicae diligentiae, et constitutiones sacrorum virorum, legales nuptias amodo valere volumus, nullo modo cum uxoribus suis eorum connubia dissolventes, aut privantes eos familiaritate ad invicem in tempore opportuno,’ etc. Concil. Constantin. 6. [A. D. 680. - ED.] dist. 32, ca. ‘Quoniam.’ [See Appendix.] 84 ‘Si quis igitur praesumpserit contra apostolicos canones, aliquos presbyterorum et diaconorum privare contactu et communione legalis uxoris, deponatur,’ etc. [See the above quotations Cat. Test. Veritatis.

    Francorf. 1666, p. 73; or in Catalogi Test. Verit. Auctarium, Cattapoli, 1667, p. 10. Also Gratian (Paris, 1612), col. 165. - ED.] 85 Nilus was bishop of Thessalonica A. D. 1355. - ED. 86 Foxe ‘A. D. 1067:’ see p. 305, note 2 - ED. 86a ‘ Extorters 165 ,’ denouncers of. - ED. 87 P. 346, Edit. Francof. 1627. The best edition of this writer, Jo Aventini Annalium Boiorum libri 7, is that published in folio, Lipsiae, 1710. See Schelhorn’s Amaenitates Literariae, vol. 5. - ED. 88 ‘Sacerdotes illa tempestate publice uxores, sicut caeteri Christiani, habebant, filios procreabant, sicuti in instrumentis donationum, quae illi templis, mystis,’ etc. Aventinus in histor. Boiorum, lib. 5. [Cap. 6. - ED.] 89 Isidorus, De Vita Clericorum. Dis. 23, cap. ‘His igitur.’ [See also Gratian, col. 115. Isidore was archbishop of Seville for about forty years. He died in. 636. - ED.] 90 Calixtian priests, that is, of Calixtus’s sect, who chiefly forbade priests’ marriage. 91 Ex Ambros.: 2 Corinthians 11. 92 Ex Epist. Hilarii ad Abram filiam. 93 Ex Ruffino, lib. 2. cap. 9. 94 Ex Naziealzeno. Ex Novel. constit. 3. 95 ‘Plurimi sacerdotes habeant matrimonia.’ Ex Hieron. adv. Jovinian. lib. 1. [Section 13.] Dist. 56, [Section 2.] ‘Osius.’ 96 ‘Osius.’ No such bishop of Rome, but Foxe has had authority. See the note (Cog. Rom.) to cap. 2. dist. 56; p. 77 of the ‘Corpus Juris Canonici’ (fol. Par. 1687). See Appendix. - ED. 97 Ex Vicelio, De Sacrificio Missae. [See Chemnitz ‘Examen. Conc. Trid. pars 3. loc. 2. de Coelibatu, cap. 4. Section 11. - ED.] 98 ‘Credimus te uti non insulso consilio, si, cum nequeas continere, conjugium quaeris: quamvis id prius cogitandum fuerat, antequam initiareris sacris ordinibus. Sed non sumus dii omnes, qui futura prospicere valeamus. Quando huc ventum est, ut legi carnis resistere nequeas, melius est nubere quam uri.’ Ex Enea Sylvio. Epist. 307. [See p. 809, Opera Omnia, (Basil. 1571.) - ED.] 99 Eneas Sylvius, Opera Omnis, Basil. 1571, p. 1053. - ED. 100 See pp. 972 to 984. Edit. 1608. - ED. 101 See p. 172. Pars 2. Witeb. 1601. - ED. 102 Hulderic became bishop of Augsburg about A. D. 1323. See note 1, p. 311. As Foxe’s reasoning seems to prove that Nicholas II. was the pope addressed, Hulderic can hardly be the writer. - ED. 103 The Epistle in Latin of Volusianus 168, or, as some think, of Hulderic, Bishop of Augsburg, to Pope Nicholas, against the forbidding of Priests’ Marriage.

    Epistola Volusiani Carthaginensis Episcopi ad Nicolaum Romanorum Episcopum Haec est rescriptio Volusiani Carthaginensis Episcopi, in qua Papae Nicolao, De Continentia Clericorum, non juste, sed impie, nec canonice sed indiscrete tractanti, ita respondit.

    Nicolao Domino et Patri, pervigili sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Provisori, Volusianus, solo nomine Episcopus, amorem ut filius, timorem ut servus. Cum tua, O Pater et Domine, decreta super clericorum continentia nuper mihi transmissa a discretione invenirem aliena, timor me turbavit cum tristitia: timor quidem - propter hoc, quod dicitur pastoris sententiam sive justam sive injustam, timendam esse; timebam enim infirmis Scripturae auditoribus, qui vel justae vix obediunt sententias, ne, injustam conculcantes libere, oneroso imo importabili pastoris praecepto praevaricatione se obligarent: tristitia vero vel compassio - dum considerabam, qua ratione membra cavere possent, capite suo tam gravi morbo laborante. Quid enim gravius, quid totius ecclesiae compassione dignius, quam te, summae sedis pontificem, ad quem totius ecclesiae spectat examen, a sancta discretione vel minimum exorbitare? Non parum quippe ab hac deviasti cum clericos, quos ob continentiam conjugii monere debebas, ad hanc imperiosa quadam violentia cogi volebas. Nunquid enim merito communi omnium sapientum judicio haec est violentia cum contra evangelicam institutionem, ac Sancti Spiritus dictationem ad privata aliquis decreta cogitur exequenda?

    Cum ergo plurima Veteris ac Novi Testamenti suppetant exempla, sanctum (ut nosti) discretionem docentia, tuae rogo ne grave sit paternitati, vel pauca ex pluribus huic paginae interseri. Dominus quidem in veteri lege sacerdoti conjugium constituit, quod illi postmodum interdixisse non legitur. Sed idem in evangelio loquitur [Matthew 19.]: Sunt eunuchi, qui se castraverunt propter regnum coelorum, sed non omnes hoc verbum capiunt, qui potest capere capiat Quapropter apostolus quoque ait [1 Corinthians 7.]: De virginibus praeceptum Domini non habeo, consilium autem do. Qui etiam, juxta praedictum Domini, non omnes hoc consilium capere posse considerans, sed multos ejusdem consilii assentatores hominibus non Deo falsa specie continentiae placere volentes, graviora videns committere, patrum scilicet uxores subagitare, masculorum ac pecudum amplexus non abhorrere; ne morbi hujus aspersione ad usque pestilentiam convalescente nimium status labefactetur ecclesiae totius, Propter fornicationem, dixit, unusquisque suam uxorem habeat. Quod specialiter ad laicos pertinere iidem mentiuntur hypocritae: qui licet in quovis sanctissimo ordine constituti, alienis tamen uxoribus non dubitant abuti. Et quod flendo cernimus, omnes in supradictis saeviunt sceleribus. Hi nimirum non recte Scripturam intellexerunt. cujus mammillam quia durius pressere, sanguinem pro lacte biberunt.A Nam illud apostolicum, Unusquisque suam habeat uxorem, nullum excipit vere, nisi professorem continentiae, vel eum qui de continuanda in Domino virginitate prefixit.

    Quod nihilominus tuam, Pater venerande, condecet strenuitatem, ut omnem, qui tibi manu vel ore votum faciens continentiae postea voluerit apostatare, aut ad votum exequendum ex debito constringas, aut ab omni ordine canonica autoritate deponas; et ut hoc viriliter implere sufficias, me omnesque mei ordinis viros adjutores habebis non pigros. Verum ut hujus voti nescios omnino scias non esse cogendos, audi apostolum dicentem ad Timotheum: Oportet (inquit) episcopum irreprehensibilem esse, unius uxoris virum. Quam sententiam ne quis ad solam ecclesiam verteret, subjunxit, Qui autem domui suae praeesse nescit, quomodo ecclesiae Dei diligentiam habebit? Similiter, inquit, diaconi sint unius uxoris viri, qui filiis suis bene praesint, et suis domibus. Hanc autem uxorem a sacerdote benedicendam esse, Sancti Sylvestri papae decretis scio te sufficienter doctum esse. His et hujusmodi sanctae Scripturae sententiis Regulae clericorum scriptor non immerito concordans ait: Clericus sit pudicus aut certe unius matrimonii vinculo foederatus. Ex quibus omnibus veraciter colligit quod episcopus et diaconus reprehensibiles notantur, si in mulieribus multis dividuntur. Si vero unam sub obtentu religionis abjiciunt, utrumque, scilicet episcopum et diaconum sine graduum differentia hae canonica damnat sententia: Episcopus aut presbyter uxorem, propriam nequaquam sub obtentu religionis abjiciat, si vero rejecerit excommunicetur; et si perseveraverit, dejiciatur.B Sanctus quoque Augustinus, sanctae discretionis noninscius: Nullum (inquit) tam grave facinus est, quin admitendum sit, ut devitetur pejus.C Legimus praeterea in secundo Tripartitae Ecclesiasticae Historiae libro, quod cum synodus Nicaena haec eadem vellet sancire decreto, ut videlicet episcopi, presbyteri, diaconi, post consecrationem a propriis uxoribus vel omnino abstinerent, vel gradum deponerent; surgens in medio Paphnutius (ex illis martyribus quos Maximus imperator, oculis eorum dextris evulsis et sinistris suris incisis, damnavit) contradixit, honorabiles confessus nuptias, ac castitatem esse dicens connubium cum propria uxore; persuasitque concilio ne talem ponerent legem, gravem asserens esse causam, quae aut ipsis aut eorum conjugibus occasio fornicationis existeret. Et haec quidem Paphnutius, licet nuptiarum expers, exposuit; synodusque ejus sententiam laudavit, et nihil ex hac parte sancivit, sed hoc in uniuscujusque voluntate, non in necessitate dimisit.

    Sunt vero aliqui qui S. Gregorium suae sectae sumunt adjutorem; quorum quidem temeritatem rideo, ignorantiam doleo. Ignorant enim quod periculosum hujus haeresis decretum a S. Gregorio factum, condigno poenitentiae fructu postmodum ab eodem sit purgatum.

    Quippe cum die quadam in vivarium suum propter pisces misisset, et allata inde plus quam sex millia infantum capita videret, intima mox ductus poenitentia ingemuit, et factum a se de abstinentia decretum tantae caedis causam confessus, condigno illud, ut dixi poenitentiae fructu purgavit: suoque decreto prorsus damnato, apostolicum illud laudavit consilium; Melius est nubere quam uri [1 Corinthians 8.]: addens ex sua parte, Melius est nubere, quam mortis occasionem preabere. Hunc forsitan rei eventum si illi mecum legissent, non tam temere, credo, judicarent, Dominicum saltem timentes praeceptum:

    Nolite judicare, ut non judicemini [Matthew 7.]. Inde Paulus dicit, Tu quis es, qui judicas alienum servum? suo Domino stat, aut cadit. Stabit autem; potens est enim Dominus statuere illum. [Romans 14.] Cesset ergo sanctitas tua cogere, quos tantum deberet admonere; ne privato (quod absit) praecepto tam Veteri quam Novo contrarius inveniaris Testamento. Nam, ut ait S. Augustinus ad Donatum, Solum est quod in tua justitia pertimescimus, ne non pro lenitatis christianae consideratione, sed pro immanitate facinorum censeas coerendum.

    Quod te per ipsum Christum ne facias obsecramus, sic enim peccata compescenda sunt, ut supersint quos peccasse poeniteat. Illud etiam Augustini volumus te recordari, quod ait, Nihil nocendi fiat cupiditate, omnia consulendi charitate: et nihil fiat immaniter, nihil inhumaniter, Idem de eodem, In timore Christi, in nomine Christi exhortor, quicunque non habetis temporalia, habere non cupiatis: quicunque habetis, in eis non praesumatis. Dico autem, non, si ista habetis damnamini; sed, si in istis praesumatis damnamini; si propter talia magni vobis videamini; si generis humani conditionem communem propter excellentem unitatem obliviscamini. Quod nimirum poculum discretionis ex illo fonte apostolicae hauserat praedicationis: Solutus es ab uxore, noli quaerere uxorem; alligatus es uxori, noli quaerere solutionem? Ubi et subditur, Qui habent uxores, sint tanquam non habentes; et qui utuntur mundo, tanquam non utantur [1 Corinthians 7.] Idem dicit de vidua, Cui vult nubat, tantum in Domino. Nubere in Domino est, nihil in contrahendo connubio, quod Dominus prohibeat, attentare. Jeremias [Jeremiah 7.] quoque ait, Nolite confidere in verbis mendacii, dicentes, Templum Domini, Templum Domini, Templum Domini est. Quod Hieronymus exponens, Potest, inquit, et hoc illis virginibus convenire, quae jactant pudicitiam suam impudenti vultu: praeferunt castitatem, cum aliud habeat conscientia, et nesciunt illam apostoli definitionem de virgine, ut sit sancta corpore et spiritu. Quid enim prodest corporis pudicitia, animo constuprato, aut si caeteras virtutes, quas propheticus sermo describit, non habuerit? Quas quidem, quia te aliquatenus habere videmus, et quia discretionem, licet in hac re neglectam, in aliis tamen vitae tuae constitutionibus honeste conservatam non ignoramus: hujus intentionis pravitatem te cito correcturum non desperamus. Et ideo non quanta possumus gravitate istam, licet gravissimam, negligentiam corripimus vel judicamus.

    Quanquam enim secundum vocabula quae usus obtinuit, sit episcopatus presbyterio major; tamen Augustinus Hieronymo minor est, et a minori quolibet non est refugienda vel dedignanda correptio: praesertim cum is qui corripitur, et contra veritatem et pro hominibus niti invenitur. Neque enim (ut ait S. Augustinus ad Bonifacium), quorumlibet disputationes quamvis catholicorum et laudatorum virorum velut Scripturas canonicas habere debemus, ut non liceat nobis, salva honorificentia quae illis debetur, aliquid in eorum scriptis improbare atque respuere, si forte inverimus quod aliter senserint quam veritas habeat, divino adjutorio vel ab allis intellecta vel a nobis. Quid autem veritati magis contrarium potest inveniri, quam hoc, quod - cum Ipsa Veritas de continentia loquens, non unius hominis, sed omnium (plane excepto numero professorum continentiae) dicat, Qui potest capere, capiat [Matthew 19.]; - isti (nescitur unde instigati) dicant, Qui non potest capere, feriatur anathemate.

    Quid vero per homines fieri potest stolidius, quid divinae maledictioni obligatius, quam cum aliqui, vel episcopi videlicet vel archidiaconi, ita praecipites sint in libidinem, ut neque adulteria, neque incestus, neque masculorum (proh pudor!) turpissimos amplexus sciant abhorrere; casta clericorum conjugia sibi dicant foetere; et clericos ab eis non verae justitiae compassione, ut conservos rogent continere, sed false justitiae dedignatione, ut servos jubeant ac cogant abstinere? D. Ad cujus imperii, ne dicam consilii, tam fatuam tamque turpem suggestionem addnut, ut dicant, Honestius est pluribus occulte implicari, quam aperte in hominum vultu et conscientia cum una ligart. Quod profecto non dicerent, si ex illo, et in illo essent qui dicit, Vae vobis Pharisaeis, qui omnia facitis propter homines. Et per psalmistam [Psalm 53.]: Qui hominibus placent, confusi sunt, quoniam Dominus sprevit eos. Hi sunt, qui prius deberent nobis persuadere, ut in conspectu ejus, cui omnia nuda et aperta sunt, erubescamus peccatores esse, quam in conspectu hominum mundi esse. Licet ergo merito suae pravitatis, nullius consilium mereantur pietatis, nos tamen memores humanitatis, divinae eis consilium autoritatis, nunquam pietate vacantis, per viscera ministramus charitatis. Dicimus nempe, Ejice primum, hypocrita, trabem de oculo tuo, et tunc perspicies ut ejicias festucam de oculo fratris tui. [Matthew 7.] Illud quoque rogamus eos attendere, quod Dominns dicit de muliere; Qui sine peccato est vestrum, primus in eam lapidem mittat [John 8.] quasi diceret: Si lex jubet, si Moses jubet, jubeo et ego, sed competentes legis ministros exigo. Attendentes quid adducitis, attendite quaeso et quid estis: quia, si te ipsum, ut air Scriptura, perspexeris, nulli unquam detraxeris. Significatum est autem nobis de quibusdam eorum, quod tanta apud se intumescant elatione, ut gregem Domini, pro quo boni pastores animas non dubitant ponere, isti verberibus etiam absque ratione praesumant laniare. Quorum sententiam S. Gregorius nimium deplorans ait, Quid fiet de ovibus, quando pastores lupi fiunt? Sed quis vincitur, nisi qui saevit? Quis vero persecutorem judicabit, nisi qui dorsum suum ad flagella patienter ministravit? Operae pretium est autem, ut audiatur, quo fructu tantum ecclesia Dei scandalum, tantum clerus despectum, ab ipsis episcopis ut ab infidelibus patiatur. Nec enim eos infideles dicere dubitaverim, de quibus Paulus apostolus dicit ad Timotheum [1 Timothy 4.]: Quia in novissimis temporibus discedent quidam a fide, attendentes spiritibus erroris, et doctrinis daemoniorum, in hypocrisi loquentium mendacium, et cauteriatam habentium conscientiam, prohibentium nubere.

    Hic est autem, si diligenter inspiciatur, totus eorum manipulus zizaniae, totus eventus insaniae, ut dum clerici licita unius mulieris consortia, Pharisaico devicti (quod absit) furore, relinquere cogantur, fornicationis et adulterii et aliarum pravitatum turpissimi ministri ab ipsis efficiantur, qui hanc in ecclesia Dei haeresim sicut caeci duces caecorum machinantur: ut videlicet illud impleatur quod psalmista [Psalm 69.] eis, utpote doctoribus erroris, taliter imprecatur:

    Obscurentur oculi eorum ne videant, etc. Quia ergo nemo, qui te, o apostolice, novit, ignorat, quod, si tu per tui decreti sententiam tantam futuram esse pestilentiam solitae discretionis claritate perspexisses, nunquam quorumlibet tam pravis suggestionibus consensisses: debitae tibi subjectionis fidelitate consulimus, ut vel nunc ad tanti scandali ab Ecclesia Dei propulsionem evigiles; et qua nosti discretionis disciplina Pharisaicam ab ovili Dei extirpes doctrinam, ne scilicet unica Domini Sulamitis, F. adulterinis diutius usa maritis, gentem sanctam, regale sacerdotium, per irrecuperabile a sponso, Christo videlicet, avellat divortium: dum nemo sine castimonia, non tantum in virginali flore sed etiam in conjugali habita conjunctione, visurus sit Dominum nostrum; qui cum Deo patre et Spiritu Sancto vivit et regnat per omnia saecula saeculorum, Amen. Notes upon the same.

    A. Scripturae perperam intellectae. Durius premendo sanguis elicitur.

    B. Can. Apos. 5. C. If this rule of St. Austin be true, better it is for the papists to admit the marriage of priests, than that adultery and other like inconveniences should follow, as they do.

    D. Turpis papistforum vox.

    E. Christus legem non solvit, sed competentes legis ministros exigit.

    F. See Canticles 6. 9, 13. - ED. 104 It is inserted in the Chronicum Abbatis Urspergensis, p. 436, folio.

    Argentorati. 1537. - ED. 105 See Canticles 6:9, 13. - ED. 106 Illyrieus, in his preamble to this letter 170 , claims it for Hulderic, bishop of Augsburg in the year 859; he states this on the authority of Onuphrius Panvinius, an Augustine monk, in his Chron. Ecclesiastical.

    He states also, that an anonymous writer, in the year 1595, published a work entitled, ‘Vita Sanct. Udalrici, August. Episcop.,’ in which he ascribes this letter to him, while at the same time he confesses that the said Udalricus, or Ulric, was not born till A. D. 890, and was not made bishop till A. D. 923. Much diversity of opinion exists as to the author of these letters; “quae spud Joan. Foxurn, et ad calcem Calixti ‘de conjugio clericorum,’ p. 444. edit. Francof. 1653, qui diffuse illius meminit, pp. 358-59. Utraque autem epistola extat inter MSS. codices Univ. Cantab. num. 1144 in MSS. codicibus Coll. Caii et Gonvilli, codice 80 num. 7 et 8. Et prima etiam ibidem numero 1641 in MSS. codicibus Coll. D. Benedicti cod. 374, hum. 8. Ambae editae a I. Fox., quas sub Volusiani Carthag. Episc. falso nomine illic latitantes eruit.

    Utrumque autem opusculum pertinere dubio procul ad Udalricum Augustanum Antistitem, constat ex Bortoldo Constantiensi Presbytero, in Historia rerum sui temporis ab anno 1053, ad an. 1100!”

    See Oudin. Comment. de. script. Eccles. tom. 2. p. 249; or in Cave.

    Hist. Eccles. tom. 2. p. 52. - ED. 107 See vol. 2. p. 8, of this edition. - ED. 108 Another Epistle of the said Volusianus, concerning Marriage not to be restrained from Priests and Ministers of the Church.

    Cum sub liberi arbitrii potestate creati simus, et non sub lege sed sub gratis [Romans 6.], qualiter creati sumus vivamus. Vos qui continentiae legem nobis invitis imponitis, liberi arbitrii nos porestate privatis.

    Quod nolumus velle, et quod ,volumus nolle imperatis et imperando cogitis: et legis vinculo, a quo ipsa gratia liberati sumus, nos alligare, et spiritum servitutis iterum in timore accipere, ipsamque gratiam, sine qua nihil facere possumus, omnino evacuare satagitis; its ut (sicut ait apostolus, Romans 9. 11.) Ipsa gratia jam non sit gratia, et Dei donum non sit Dei donum; et non ex Deo, sed ex homine, nec ex vocante, sed ex operante; cum idem apostolus dicat, Quia non est volentis neque currentis, sed Dei miserentis.

    Nam cum sint tria principalia et quasi effectiva, per quae omnis anima humana capax et compos rationis, quicquid spiritualis boni apprehendere et percipere potest, apprehendit et percipit, et sine quibus nihil prorsus capere possit; liberum arbitrium videlicet, mandatum, et gratia (libero enim arbitrio bona a malis decernimus atque eligimus; mandato ad omnia facienda provocamur ac incitamur; gratia promovemur et adjuvamur) horum omnium tamen gratia domina et magistra et quasi praepotens imperatrix et regina est, ad cujus nutum caetcra pendent et ab ea vim et efficaciam expectant, et sine illa nihil praevalent, sed quasi stolida et mortua, sicut materia sine forma, jacent et subjacent, Loco enim materiae, secundem propositionem aliquam, liberum arbitrium possumus accipere non incongrue; gratiam vero, loco formae; mandatum autem, quod medium est quasi instrumentum, ad utramque respicere, quo summus artifex Dominus liberum arbitrium quasi stolidam materiam moveat et promoveat, et formam gratiae illi componat. Et sicut materia sine forma est horrida et deformis, ita liberum arbitrium est horridum et deforme sine gratia superveniente, se movente et promovente, mandato medio quasi instrumento (ut diximus) interveniente. Quod ergo forma in materia, hoc in libero arbitrio per quandam similitudinem est gratia: et quod materia sub forma, hoc idem est libera voluntas sub gratia. Et item quod est instrumentum ipsorum, hoc est mandatum ad utrunque istorum.

    Instrumentum namque sordidam materiam, et horridam atque asperam, obscuram, et quasi coecam, emaculat et expolit, et claram, planam, ac lucidam, forma superveniente, reddit. Sic et mandatum, liberum arbitrium sordidum et horridum, asperum et incultum, obscurum et coecum, nitidat, comit, lenit et excolit, lucidat et illuminat; sicut propheta dicit: Praeceptum Domini lucidum, illuminans oculos, splendore gratiae superveniente. [Psalm 19.] Et sicut materia et instrumentum sineforma nihil valent, ita libera voluntas et mandatum sine gratia nihil virtutis habent. Quid enim liberum arbitrium vel mandatum sine gratia praeveniente et subsequente potest? Gratia namque ad liberum arbitrium mandatum quasi nuntium ac famulum mittit: mandatum liberum arbitrium provocat atque quasi sopitum excitat, ut ad bona facienda evigilet et exurgat, viamque ei, quam peragere debeat, quasi coeco deducendo demonstrat. Quorum utrunque si a gratia deseritur, nihil omnino per se potest. Quod si conatur, deficit, non proficit, neque etiam efficit, vel perficit. Si praesumit, non assumit, sed potius totam operam et laborem frustra consumit. Cum enim mandatum seu per hominem sire per angelum mittitur, et etiam liberum arbitrium seu humano seu angelico mandati nuntio commovetur, provocatur, et instruitur; nisi divina gratia comitetur, praeveniat, et subsequatur, quid valebit? Quid nempe valuit homini in paradiso posito mandatum quod audivit: Ex omni ligno paradisi comede, de ligno vero scientiae boni et mali ne comedas [Genesis 2.]?

    Nihil prorsus ad salutem, sed potius ad condemnationem. Quare? Quia gratia salvatrix et auxiliatrix defuit, quam ille, injuste suis viribus fisus, contempsit. Aut quid valuit Israelitico populo in eremo constituto mandatum legis, quod per Mosem accepit, cui obedire neglexit? Aut quid profuit illi, qui Dominum sequi suo arbitrio et non illius vocatione praesumit, dicens: Domine, sequar te quocunque ieris. [Matthew 8.] Ex multis aliis divinae Scripturae locis Novi et Veteris Testamenti demonstrari potost, quod neque mandatum neque liberum arbitrium per se quicquam valet, nisi divina gratia praeveniendo et subsequendo adjuvet. Cum igitur continentiae bonum, imo omne bonum, sit solius divinae gratiae donum, nec per mandatum nec per liberum arbitrium comprehendatur, errant et frustra laborant qui se suis viribus illud apprehendere tentant. Illi etiam magis errant qui hoc invitis et nolentibus imperant, et non spontanee sed coacte in sacrarium Dei dona offerre sua-dent, nescientes aut obliti illius quod Dominus Mosi, et Moses a Domino, praecepit, dicens: Separate apud vos primitias Domino, quisque voluntarius; ut bono animo offerat eas Domino. [Leveticus 22:19, 29.] Quid est separare apud vos primitias Domino, nisi studiosa cogitatione et meditatione in cordibus nostris tractare, et cum discretione deponere et dividere, quid Domino de thesauro cordis nostri valeamus offerre? Si enim recte offeras et non recte dividas, peccasti. Et quid est prono animo offerre, nisi quod ait psalmista [Psalm 54.]: Voluntarie sacrificabo tibi? Et apostolus [2 Corinthians 9.], Non ex tristitia aut necessitate; hilarem datorem diligit Deus. Et Salomon [Ecclesiastes 35.]: Bono animo gloriam redde Domino, et in omni dato hilarem fac vultum tuum, et in exultatione sanctifica decimas tuas, et in bono oculo facito ad inventionem manuum tuarum. Et apostolus Jacobus: Non amat Dominus (inquit) coacta servitia. Et, Maledictus qui opus Domini facit negligenter [Jeremiah 48.]; (id est) non curiose, neque voluntarie. Sicut nos ergo Dominus invitos aliquid offerre non jubet, ita vos invitos aliquos offerre aliquid cogere prohibet per eundem Mosen ubi ait [Leviticus 19.]: Ne facias calumniam proximo tuo, nec vi opprimas eum. Calumniam proximo facere est, eum non compatiendo et miserando corrigere de peccato; sed dedignando et exprobrando et detrahendo arguere et accusare, et non in spiritu lenitatis instruere, sed in spiritu asperitatis et austeritatis destruere, cum apostolus dicat [Galatians 6.]: Si praeoccupatus fuerit homo in aliquo dilecto, vos qui spirituales estis instruite hujusmodi in spiritu lenitatis, considerans teipsum ne et tu tenteris. Vi opprimere proximum est, ultra vires suas aliquid exigere, et onus quod portare non potest imponere, imponentibus fortassis importabile, cum Dominus de pharisaeis ad discipulos loquens, hoc eis prohibeat dicens [Matthew 23.]: Super cathedram Mosis sedent scribae et pharisaei, etc. Et apostolus Petrus [1 Peter 5.]: Pascite (inquit) qui in vobis est, gregem Domini, providentes, non coacte sed spontanee, secundum Dominum; neque turpis lucri gratia, sed voluntarie; neque dominantes in clero, sed forma estote gregi ex animo. Hic pastor pastorum, princeps apostolorum, quid caeteri pastores vel apostoli debeant facere, quomodo gregem Domini sibi creditum tractare, aperte et pie demonstrat atque insinuat; et quantam solicitudinem et compassionem erga subditos habere oporteat, eis inculcat; et omnem potestatem tyrannicae dominationis vol ambitionem cupiditatis, quam quidam in subditos sibi exercent, ab eorum cordibus procul eliminat; et eos non dominos sed patres subditorum debere esse pronunciat; neque eis aliquid typo potentiae imperare, sed zelo pietatis admonere et obsecrare juxta vires uniuseujusque, secundum Dominum, non secundum suae voluntatis arbitrium vel potestatis imperium; et illos formam esse gregi debere, ut quid aliis imperant, ipsi priores faciant, et non minus exemplis, quam verbo proficiant. Ex animo (inquit) non ex imperio; ex voluntate, non coactione; ex charitate, non ex cupiditate.

    Sunt enim plerique qui zelo cupiditatis, non charitatis, accensi, aliis imperant quod implere non valent; et dum lucrum animarum quaerere se simulant, locrum potius terrenum captant. Quod bene Balaam propheta exprimit [Numbers 22.], qui prophetiae donum et benedicendi gratiam, quam divinitus acceperat, non ad utilatem aliorum, sed ad usum suae cupiditatis vertit; et sicut nonnulli qui dum alios corrigunt, hoc zelo Dei facere se ostentant, et dum meliores aliis se videri volunt, hoc praesumptione quadam et temeritate agunt, et ideo in ipso praesumptionis suae et temeritatis actu corruunt. De quibus dicit apostolus [Romans 10.]: Qui zelum Dei habent sed non secundum scientiam. Zelum Dei secundum scientiam habere est, provide et consulte in divinis rebus aliquid agere. Quorum profecto Oza similitudinem gerit, qui dum Arcam Domini, calcitrantibus bobus qui eam portabant, inclinatam parumper erigere voluit, mox dum ad eam manum tetendit, mortuus cecidit. Arcam Domini calcitrantibus bobus inclinari est, legem Domini quam ipsi sacerdotes portare et tenere debent, ab eis non observando contradici, et quasi a recto statu in diversam pattem flecti, quam Oza, qui adjutor Dei interpretatur, erigere tentat. Quia sunt quidam praelati, qui dum sacerdotalem ordinem, ipsam legem divinam maligno excessu vel leviter a sua rectitudinis via quasi inclinare et in aliam partem flectere vident, eam inclinationem castigare et corrigere magis virtutis suae ostentatione quam divina aemulatione praesumunt; et quia hoc inconsulte agunt dum adjutores Dei videri appetunt, plerumque mortaliter in deterius cadunt. Sunt et alii, qui nullam infirmitatis humanae considerationem, nec ullum misericordiae respectum et compassionis affectum habent, et cum apostolo dicere nescientes: Quis infirmatur et ego non infirmor [2 Corinthians 11.]? dum se subditis, non conditione qua pares, sed autoritate qua superiores sunt, conferunt, atque magistri videri, et plus praeesse quam prodesse cupiunt, illorum infirmitatem vi dominationis premunt, et eos sibi obedire compellunt. Quod nimirum illo facto figuratur, quod de Simone Cyrenaeo in evangelio legitur [Luke 23.], quem angariaverunt persecutores Domini ut tolleret crucem ejus. Cujus etiam nomen huic figurae convenienter aptatur. Simon namque interpretatur obediens. Simon vero, id est, obediens, crucem Domini portare angariatur, cum subjecti quique a suis magistris vi dominationis vel autoritatis vel anathematis pressi, et eis obedire compulsi, crucem continentiae patiuntur inviti: ipsam crucem quam portant, non amant, quia ipsam plus ad perniciem suam, quam ad salutem portant, nec ipsa cruce peccato moriuntur, sed potius ipsi peccato vivificantur: nam et alia peccata graviora exinde oriuntur. Inhibito enim naturali unius mulieris conjugio, surrepit non naturalis, sed contra naturam execrabilis Sodomitica fornicatio: surrepit illicita et damnabilis, non legitima sed contra legem alienae uxoris contaminatio, nec non etiam et meretricabilis nefanda pollutio: quinetiam abominabilis omnibus parentalis incestatio. et aliarum multarum immunditiarum vel libidinum a Diabolo inventarum id genus, in quibus humana infirmitas periclitatur. Unde Lot de Sodomitico incendio angelo Domini educente ereptus, et uxoris consortio viduatus, dum suae infirmitatis conscius ad montana non ausus est angelo monente ascendere, ipse in Segor, parva civitate quae juxta erat, elegit habitare, ipso angelo praecipiente et sic ad eum loquente, Salva animam tuam; noli respicere post tergum, sed in monte salvum te fac, ne et tu simul pereas. Cui dixit Lot: Quaeso Domine mi, quia invenit servus tuus gratiam coram te ut salvares me:

    Non possum in monte salvari, ne forte apprehendat me malum et moriar. Est civitas juxta hic ad quam possum fugere parva, et salvabor in ea. [Genesis 19.] Quid est quod Lot a Sodomis fugiens, praecipiente angelo ut in monte salvaretur, montem ascendere, quia ibi mori timebat, noluit, sed Segor parvam civitatem juxta montem positam, ut in ea salvaretur, ad habitandum elegit, nisi quicunque fidelium, Sodomiticae libidinis incendium et periculum evadere cupiens, dum celsitudinem virginalem non valet, et castitatis vidualis timer ascendere ne in ea periclitetur, ad conjugalem copulam, cum ad utramque continentiam parvula est et utrique proxima, confugit. Namque post continentias supradictas, haec castitas probatur laudabilis et non privatur praemio regni coelestis. Ad hanc castitatem, qui non potest continere, jubetur accedere et in ea salvari, ne forte si montem ascenderit, apprehendat eum malum et moriatur, et ne, si continentiam non sibi divinitus concessam suis viribus obtinere tentaverit, malum incontinentiae, vel fornicationis, vel aliquarum supradictarum pestium eum apprehendat, et in eis mortaliter pereat. Sunt enim multi qui dum infirmitatem suam non considerant, et dum majora se apprehendere conantur, ipsa sua praecipitatione retroacti, in deteriora labuntur; quia dum majora inconsultius ambiunt, minora, quae tenere videbantur, amittunt. Quod sane exemplo ipsius Lot aperte demonstratur; qui dum, relicta Segor quam ad habitandum elegerat et in qua salvari petierat, in montem ascendit ibique mansit, in incestum filiarum suarum, ipsarum surreptione corruit, sicut Scriptura dicit. Ita namque scriptum est:

    Ascendit Lot de Segor et mansit in monte, dederuntque filiae patri suo bibere vinum nocte illa, et ingressa est major, dormivitque cum patre.

    Quod nequaquam sibi contigisset, si in Sagor in qua salvari poterat, ad praeceptum angeli, sicut ille postulaverat, remaneret. Sed quia hoc quod sibi ab angelo concessum fuerat, dereliquit, et quod concessum non fuerat, id postea sua voluntate contra praeceptum angeli praesumpsit, salutis suae dispendium pertulit, et grave incestus peccatum incurtit.

    Sic plerisque contingit, qui dum quod sibi concessum est a Deo relinquunt, et id quod sibi concessum non est ambiunt, et illud quod sibi concessum est perdunt, et illud quod sibi concessum non est apprehendunt. Quia sunt nonnulli, qui, dum conjugalem vitam, quae sibi concessa est et in qua salvari possent, vel inviti vel volentes deserunt, et majoris profectus desiderio coelibem vitam actitare satagunt, salutem quam in illa habere poterant, perdunt, et periculum maximum in ista incurrunt, et ex quo proficere conabantur, magis deficiunt et (sicut supra diximus) in majoris ruinae voraginem vergunt.

    Quod bene doctor gentium Paulus considerans, et infirmis quibusque benigne prospiciens Corinthiis, super his scriptis suis se consulentibus, ita rescripsit, dicens [1 Corinthians 7.]: De quibus autem scripsistis mihi, bonum homini est mulierem non tangere; propter fornicationem autem vitandam, unusquisque uxorem suam habeat; et unaquaeque virum. Et uxori vir debitum reddat; similiter uxor viro. Et post pauca, Nolite, inquit, fraudare invicem, nisi forte ex consensu ad tempus, ut vacetis orationi: et iterum revertimini in idipsum, ne tentet vos Satanas propter incontineutiam vestram. Quoniam, sicut ait poeta, Non omnia possumus omnes: et sicut apostolus in superioribus dixit [Romans 9.]:

    Quia non est volentis neque currentis, sed Dei miserentis; et alibi [Ephesians 4.], Quia unicuique nostrum data est gratia secundum mensuram donationis Christi. Hanc mensuram unicuique tenendam nec transgrediendam esse docens, mox intulit [l Corinthians 7.]: Volo autem omnes homines esse sicut meipsum, sed unusquisque proprium habet donum ex Deo, alius quidem sic, alius autem sic. Qua videlicet mensura nos arcendos et debere esse contentos in sequentibus intimavit, dicens, Unumquem quesicut vocavit Deus, ita ambulet. Et unusquisque in qua vocatione vocatus est, in hac permaneat apud Deum. Et hoc idem repetit paulo inferius causa confirmationis: Unusquisque in quo vocatus est frater, in hoc permaneat apud Deum. Et quia infirmitatem humanam videbat non posse tolerare incentiva gemini caloris, nisi per gratiam Dei, neque vincere pugnam carnis adversus spiritum; et quia sic ipse dixit de se alibi, Videbam aliam legem in membris meis, repugnantem legi mentis meae, hoc se misericorditer et compatienter, et unanimiter, non regulariter neque imperative dixisse monstrat: sicut in alia epistola monstraverat, ubi ait [Romans 6.], Humanum dico propter infirmitatem carnis vestrae. Et in hac ipsa paulo superius, in eodem schemate, ubi ait [1 Corinthians 7.]: Hoc autem dico secundum indulgentiam, non secundum imperium, subdendo demonstrat: De virginibus autem praeceptum domini non habeo: consilium do tanquam misericordiam consecutus, ut sim fidelis, Id est, Ea misericordia qua mihi Dominus consuluit quando ad fidem me vocavit, et sibi fidelem fecit, et ego aliis consulo et eandem misericordiam illis impendo. Et quoniam bonum est utrumque, cum uxore esse et sine uxore esse, et cum viro esse et cum viro non esse, neque peccatum est vel cum uxore esse, vel cum viro esse, mox subinfert dicens; Estimo ergo bonum esse propter instantem necessitatem; quoniam bonum est homini esse sic, etc.

    Quid est propter instantem necessitatem? Quae est necessitas instans, nisi infirmitas praesens? Vel necessitas instans, est necessitas urgens et cogens prout necessitas extiterit vel cogerit. Vel instantem necessitatem dicit illlus temporis necessitatem et angustiam, quae tunc extabat et tum cogebat ut talia seriberet et eis sic indulgeret, causa scilicet vitandae fornicationis, quae tunc temporis acciderat, et aliarum multarum fornicationum supradictarum, quae accidere possent. Pro qua fornicatione hoc incoepit, et sibi scribentibus rescripsit, et Corinthiis in superioribus hujus epistolae vehementer invectus, in haec verba prorupit [1 Corinthians 4.]; Quid vultis? In virga veniam ad vos, an in charitate et spiritu mansuetudinis? Omnino auditur inter vos fornicatio, et talis fornicatio qualis nec inter gentes, ita ut uxorem patris sui quis habeat. Propter hanc ergo necessitatem vitandae fornicationis dico bonum esse homini sic esse, ut si continere non potest, nubat, vel uxorem accipiat. Quod exponendo subdit [1 Corinthians 7.]: Alligatus es uxori? Noli quaerere solutionem. Solutus es ab uxore? noli quaerere uxorem. Si autem acceperis uxorem, non peccasti: et si nupserit virgo, non peccavit. Et hoc iterum non imperando sed induigendo et compatiendo se dixisse ostendit.; Ego autem vobis parco, id est, infirmitati vestrae cedo. Hoc itaque in potestate voluntatis uniuscujusque posuit, utrum velit eligere; nec se dicit cuiquam violentiam inferre, nec laqueum quo eum astringat et teneat, injicere; consequenter subjungens porro: Hoc ad utilitatem vestram dico non ut laqueum vobis injiciam, sed ad id quod honestum est, et quod facultatem praebeat Dominum obsecrandi. Hoc dicit illis quos ad continentiam superius hortatus fuerat, et quos consortio uxorise conjunctionis irnpediri, vel solicitos esse nolebat. Allis vero ita dicit: Si quis autem turpem videri se existimat super virginem suam, quod sit superadulta, er ita oportet fieri; quod vult, faciat: non peccat si nubat.

    Et iterum, utrumque bonum esse, unum tamen melius esse concludendo confirmat: Igitur qui matrimonio cunjungit virginem suam, bene facit, et qui non jungit melius facit. Quod concordatur superiori sententiae utrique sexui datae, in qua ait [1 Corinthians 7.], Si acceperis uxorem non peccasti, et si nupserit virgo non peccavit. Si ergo virum accipere uxorem, et virginera nubere, juxta apostolum, peccatum non est, et beatitudinem non aufert, sed affert; et quia uterque bene facit, ideo ambo beati: nos qui uxores propter infirmitatem habemus, quid habendo peccamus? Aut si apostolus unicuique propter fornicationem uxorem suam habere indulget et permittit, cur nos qui ex eadem massa sumus, et carnem peccati ex carne Adae peccatrice traximus, et continere non possumus, propter eandem causam, et secundum eandem indulgentiam, uxores habere non permittimur, et habitas dimittere angariamur? Aut itaque uxores nobis habere imitantes apostolum permittite, aut nos ex eadem massa non esse docete, aut nobis eandem indulgentiam, et permissionem non esse concessam ab apostolo demonstrate. Quod opinor dicturi estis, quia haec indulgentia non fuit data ab apostolo clericis aut alicui nostri ordinis, sed solis laicis; hoc ex verbis apostoli, vel ex circurnstantia epistolae non potest defendi, cum nulla ibi certa distinctio vel denominatio habeatur personarum vel graduum sive professionum, nec ipse discernit seu nominibus, seu officiis, vel qui sibi scripserunt, vel de quibus, vel quibus ipse rescribebat, nisi tantum generaliter omni ecclesiae Corinthiorum, sicut ipse in principio hujus epistolae his verbis demonstrat [1 Corinthians 1.]: Paulus vocatus apostolus Christi Jesu per voluntatem Dei, et Sosthenes frater ecclesiae Dei quae est Corinthi, sanctificatis in Christo Jesu, vocatis sanctis, cum omnibus qui invocant nomen Domini. [Et post nonnulla alia quae compendii causa hic rescidimus, haud ita multum ad rem attinentia, subinfert mox ad hunc modum.] Infirmitatem nostram vos considerare ac misereri rogamus, et ne ei violentiam inferatis suppliciter irnploramus. Nam sicut jam satis superius inculcavimus vobis, nullus ad continentiam invitus debet compelli.

    Neque hoc genus virtutis ulli per legem Dei necessario imperatum est, sed voluntaria devotione Domino offerendum, dicente ipso de hoc evangelio - Non omnes capiunt verbum istud, sed quibus datum est. Ad quam tamen benigna mox exhortatione eos qui possunt invitat, dicens [Matthew 19.]: Qui potest capere capiat. Unde gratia distinctionis non Moses feminalibus vestire Aaron et filios ejus jubetur, ut in prioribus dicitur [Exodus 21.]. Vesties iis Aaron fratrem tuum et filios ejus cum eo: sed facies (inquit) feminalia linea ut operiant carnem turpitudinis suae. Ipsi (inquit) operiant carnem turpitudinis suae, tu feminalia Pontifici et filiis ejus facies; tu castitatis regulam docebis; tu abstinendum ab uxorio complexu eis qui sacerdotio functuri sunt, intimabis: nulli tamen violentum hujusrnodi continentiae jugum imponens; sed quicunque sacerdotes fieri ac ministerio altaris servire volunt, ipsi sua sponte uxori servi esse desistant. Quod ubi perfecerint, atque, suscepto semel continentiae proposito, ministros se sanctuarii atque altaris fore consenserint, aderit divina gratia, quae velut caeteris illis habitum sacerdotibus congruum imponens, quomodo vivere vel docere debeant, abundanter instituet. Qui sensus subsequentibus quoque Domini verbis affirmatur, quibus post pauca subjungit [Exodus 29.]: Cumque laveris patrem cum filiis aqua, indues Aaron vestimentis suis, id est, linea et tunica, et superhumerali, et rationali, quod stringes balteo, et pones tiaram, et oleum unctionis fundes super caput ejus, atque hoc ritu consecrabitur. Filios quoque illius applicabis et indues tunicis lineis, cingesque Aaron balteo, scilicet et liberos ejus; et impones eis mitras, eruntque sacerdotes mei in religione perpetua.

    Namque hoc de feminalibus a Mose accipiendis praecipitur. Unde liquido constat, quod se hoc genere vestimenti ipsi prius Aaron ac filii ejus induerant, et sic ad manum Mosi lavandi, induendi, unguendi, et consecrandi intrabant. Hic aperte ostenditur et docetur, nulli continentiae jugum invito irnponendum, sed a Deo prornpta et devota voluntate accipiendum. Quod et Dionysius Areopagita, theosophus, id est, Deum sapiens, Pauli apostoli discipulus, et ab eo Atheniensium archiepiscopus ordinatus, in epistola quadam ad Pinytum Gnossiorum episcopum missa, in qua plurima de nuptiis et castitate commemorat, sicut ecclesiastica refert historia, monet, et precatur illum ne gravia onera discipulorum cervicibus imponat, neve fratribus necessitatem compulsae castitatis inducat, in qua nonnullorum periclitatur infirmitas.

    Atque Pinytus Dionysio rescripsit sententiam se consilii melioris, quod ipse dabat, amplecti. Hoc itidem et Paphnutius, vir divinissirnus atque castissimus, cum in Niceno concilio (ut in Tripartita Historia invenimus) patres qui ibi aderant, hoc interdicere sacerdotibus voluissent, in medium eorum zelo commotus et humanae infirmitatis conscius exurgens, hoc ne facerent rogavit, quin potius in voluntate uniuscujusque ponerent exoravit, ne forte per hoc locum darent et occasionem adulterio et fornicationi. Hac namque cautela sancti viri in religione utebantur, ut cum de instructione et aedificatione subditorum aliquid agerent, et eos ad meliorem vitam de divinis preaceptis commoneri facerent, cum patientia et mansuetudine potius obedienda praeciperent, quam cum potentia et austeritate imperarent, nullumque invitum sibi obedire compellerent. Quorum vos exempla sequentes, qui eorum loca tenetis et nomen, ne nobis infirmis importabilem sarcinam quaesumus imponatis, ne imprecatione dominica cum pharisaeis et legisperitis suscipiamini, in qua ait [Luke 11.]: Vae vobis legisperitis, qui oneratis homines oneribus quae non possunt portari, et ipsi uno dlgito vestro ea non tangitis. Et ne clamor filiorum Israel ascendat ad Dominum propter duritiam eorum qui praesunt operibus [Exodus 3.] Neque vos voletis facere eunuchos qui de utero matris sic nati sunt, vel eos eunuchos qui violenter ab hominibus facti sunt, sed potius eos eunuchos, qui seipsos sua sponte eunuchizaverunt propter regnum coelorum [Matthew 19.]: neve sacris ordinibus et divino mysterio, propter nos, tantam calumniam faciatis vel inferatis, qui propter nostram vitam improbam illud hominibus contemptibile facitis, dum eis ne a nobis illud audiant et percipiant, prohibetis: ac per hoc vitam improbam infamatis et odorem nostrum coram Pharaone et servis ejus foetere facitis [Exodus 5.] Quod vos non recte, si dici liceat (ne moleste accipiatis) videtur nobis facere, et contra divinam autoritatem et canonicam regulam hoc quod facitis, esse: cum Dominus per legislatorem dicat: Turpitudinem matris tuae non reveles, et ignominiam ejus ne discooperias. Mater nostra ecclesia est: filii hujus matris quique fidelium sunt. Cujus tamen materna appellatio maxima in sacerdotibus est [Leviticus 18.]; nam ipsi generant fideles et verbo praedicationis et sacramento baptismatis. An non mater erat quae dicebat: Filioli mei quos iterum parturio [Galatians 4.]? Turpitudo ergo et ignominia matris nostrae reprehensibilis est actio sacerdotalis vitae. Quae turpitudo tune revelatar, et ignominia discooperitur, cum sacerdotalis vita publice infamatur. Quod vos nimirum facitis, qui fragilitatem nostram, quasi hactenus latentem et coopertam (quia eam nullus ita cognoverat) hominibus diffamatis, et propter eam divina mysteria vel ministeria aspernanda sancitis. Quasi ad ea pertineat pellutio aliena, et ea polluat et commaculet immunditia nostra, cum psalmographus [Psalm 18.] dicat, Lex Domini immaculata. Aut quasi illi nostra contagione contaminentur, qui ea ex nostro ore et ex nostro officio adipiscuntur.

    Quod si, ut dicitis, esset, nequaquam discipulis et turbis de pharisaeis Dominus praeciperet: Omnia quaecunque dixerint vobis, servate et facite [Matthew 23.] Et rursus, si ita esset, nequaquam Dominus Judam, quem furem esse sciebat et proditorem suum futurum, cum discipulis aliis ad praedicandum mitteret, neque potestatem signa faciendi et sanitates donandi, neque ad communionem sacrosanctae coenae eum admitteret. Et si immunditia nostra divina mysteria et ministeria et eorum capaces et auditores inficeret et deterioraret, nequaquam Dominus leprosum, quem mundaverat, tangeret, neque ei osculum daret; et nequaquam cum Simone alio leproso manducaret; et nequaquam a Maria peccatrice pedes suos osculari, et lacrymis lavari, et capillis tergi, et caput suum ungi permitteret. Hinc sacrorum canonum veneranda autoritas sanxit, nullum qui etiam ab haeretico sacramenta dominica recte perceperit, ullatenus ipsa haeretica pravitate corrumpi, nec ulla sacramenta illius contagione commaculari. Unde Romans ecclesia per Anastasium papam, in quadam epistola ad Anastaium imperatorem directa, decrevit et scripsit, quod nullum de his vel quos baptizavit Acatius, vel quos sacerdotes vel levitas secundum canones ordinavit, ulla ex nomine Acatii portio laesionis attingat, qua forsan per iniquum tradita sacramenti gratia minus firma videatur. Nam et baptismum (quod procul sit ab ecclesia) sive ab adultero, sive a fure datum fuerit, ad percipientem non minus pervenit illibatum. Quod vox illa quae sonuit per columbam omnem malitiam vel maculam humanae pollutionis excludit, qua declaratur ac dicitur; Hic est qui baptizat, etc. [Matthew 3.] Nam si visibilis solis istius radii cum per loca foedatissima transeunt, nulla contactus inquinatione maculantur; multo magis virtus illius qui istum visibilem solem fecit, nulla mysterii dignitate constringitur. Quicquid ergo ad hominum profectum quilibet in ecclesia minister pro officio suo videtur operari, hoc totum continetur implendo divinitatis effectu. Ita ille, per quem Christus loquitur, Paulus affirmat [1 Corinthians 3.], Ego plantavi, Apollo rigavit; sed Deus incrementum dedit, A Deo non quaeritur quis vel qualis praedicet, sed sic praedicet, ut invidos etiam bene de Christo praedicare confirmet. Tanta est namque divinae potentia gratiae, ut per malos acquirat bonos, et per reprobos et improbos acquirat et colligat probos. His itaque autoritatibus et aliis praedictis rationibus persuaderi debetis, neque nos a divini officii celebratione arcere, neque illos, quorum nihil interest, ab ejus communione suspendere. Quod si mali sumus, nobis ipsis sumus, et plus nobis quam allis nocemus; et quos fortasse malos conspicitis, quid boni interius habeant ignoratis. Sunt enim plerique quos de incontinentia judicaris, qui continentiores sunt quam illi quos de continentia glorificatis. Qui habemus uxores, juxta apostolum, tanquam non habemus [1 Corinthians 7.] Quam videlicet continentiam quia nobis non potestis dare, orate nobiscum et pro nobis ut Ille nobis donet, cujus hoc donum noscitur esse, et sine quo nemo poterit continens esse. Aliter enim illam habere non possumus, nisi ex totis praecordiis Illum oremus cujus hoc donum esse cognoscimus. Et hoc ipsum (inquit Salomon) [Sap. 8.] est sapientia, scire cujus hoc donum est, et quoniam super hoc nihil est. 109 What he meaneth here by free-will, he expoundeth plainly in another place. 110 Free-will, which after he calleth voluntary devotion. 111 Sap. 8:21 112 Dist. 32, ‘Praeter.’ [See Decret. Gratiani. Paris, 1612. cap. 6. col. 169. - ED. 113 Flac. Illyric, cent. 9. cap. 114 Johan. Baleus, de Scriptoribus Cent. 115 ‘Nullus missam audiat presbyteri, quem scit concubinam indubitanter habere, aut subintro ductam mulierem,’ etc. Dist. 32. [Gratian. cap. 5. col. 169. - ED.] 116 Lib. 117 Volateran. lib. 22. Dist. [32. Section 6.] ‘Praeter.’ 118 Dist. 32. ‘Nullus.’ [See Gratian. cap. 5. col. 169. - ED. 119 In Speculo Sacerdotii 120 Antonin. Part II. tit. 121 See Decret. Grat. col. 1185. - ED 122 Consulendum decernitis, utrum presbyterum habentem uxorem debeatis sustentare et honorare, an a vobis projicere? ad quod respondemus, quoniam licet ipsi valde sint reprehensibiles, vos tamen Deum convenit imitari, qui solem suum oriri facit super bonos et malos. Dejicere vero eum a vobis ideo non debetis,’ etc. Dist. 28. [See Decret. Gratian. col. 153. - ED.] 123 ‘Nicolaus papa Othoni Coloniensi archiepisc. etc. Quinque fuerunt hoc nomine pontifices: primum secundumve oportuit esse, qui haec rescripserit; ille Romanus an. 860; hic Burgundus, an. 1059. Reliquos Nicolaos antecessit Gratianus, qui scripsit haec, an. 1150. Posteriorem fuisse credo, qui in Pannomia, lib. 3. tit. De Lapsis, nominatur Nicolaus junior, cujus est et aliud decretum sequens,’ etc. Ex testimonio Joan.

    Quintii, De Clericorum Moribus. 124 The author of this book of Pannomia was Ivo de Chartres, in which book he compiled divers canons of popes and bishops. [See fol. 84.

    Edit. Basileae 1499: it bears this title, ‘Liber Decretorum, sive Pannomia Ivonis,’ etc. He was made bishop of Chartres by Urban II.

    A. D. 1092. -ED. 125 This synod was held under Nicholas II. A. D. 1059; see Note 4, p. 330. - ED 126 Read before. [Vol. II. p. 115. Correct date 1073. - ED. 126a See Decret. Grat. Col. 437. - ED 127 ‘This ordinance.’ Ex Romana Synodo 4. [See ‘Concilia Generalia, studio Labbei.’ (Lut. Paris, 1671.) Tom. 9. col. 1099. Also Gratian. (Paris, 1612.) dist. 32. c. 5. col. 169. - ED.] 128 ‘Quicunque sacerdotum, diaconorum, subdiaconorum, post constitutum beatae memoriae praedecessoris nostri sanctiss. papae Leonis [ac Nicolai], de castirate clericorum, concubinam palam duxerit, vel ductam non reliquerit, ex parte omnipotentis Dei, et auctoritate beati Petri et Pauli praecipimus, et omnino contradicimus, ut missam non cantet,’ etc. [See Gratian. col. 169. dist. 32. c. 6. - ED.] 129 Dist. 33. ‘Si quis post.’ [See Gratian. cap. 1. col. 177. - ED.] 130 This synod of Milan (suppressed, it is believed, in all the tables of Councils) was not held under pope Alexander II., but under pope Nicholas II., A. D. 1059. The evidence is conclusive, for cardinal Damian, who presided as legate, has left a full account of the proceedings, in his Opusculum V., entitled ‘Actus Mediolanensis:’ see his ‘Opera Omnia,’ (fol. Paris, 1743) tom. 3. pp. 39-41. Damian says of himself, that he gave great offense by placing Anselm, bishop of Lucca (afterwards Pope Alexander II.), on his right hand. He does not speak of Anselm, as being a cardinal at that time, and still less of his being a legate; and yet, by Puricelli, in his History of Milan, 260., the same Anselm is described as appearing in this synod in both these characters. Another writer, Tristanus Calchus, in the fourth book of his ‘Historia Mediolanensis,’ speaks of Hildebrand also, as having been sent to this synod as a legate along with Anselm and Damian. The ‘Opusculum’ of the latter, however, meets this point likewise; for Damian addresses his account to Hildebrand, as to an absent person.-- The oaths at length, and all the passages quoted by Foxe, appear in Damian’s narrative. The date 1059, is given by both the Italian chroniclers. - ED. 131 ‘Anathematizo quoque omnes haereses extollentes se adversus sanctam catholicam et apostolicam ecclesiam, specialiter vero et nominatim Simoniacam haeresim,’ etc: ‘deinde Nicolaitarum aeque abominalem haeresim, quae impudenter latrat sacri altaris ministros debere, vel posse licenter uti conjugibus, quomodo et laicos:’ etc. 132 A. D. 1059. See Note 4 on the last page. 133 ‘Adversus hoc decretum protinus vehementer infremuit tota factio clericorum, hominem plane haereticum, et vesani dogmatis esse clamitans, qui, oblitus sermonis Domini, quo ait: Non omnes capiunt hoc verbum: qui potest capere, capiat: et apostoli: Qui se non continet, nubat; melius est nubere, quam uri; violenta exactione homines vivere cogeret ritu angelorum,’ etc.: quod si pergeret sententiam confirmare, malle se sacerdotium quam conjugium deserere,’ etc. [Rerum Germanicarum Scriptores a S. Schardio collecti (Basil, 1574), tom. 1. p. 768. - ED.] 134 Ex Lamberto. [See vol. 2. p. 120.] 135 Gregorius papa septimus Hildebrandus, celebrata synodo, Simoniacos anathematizavit, uxoratos sacerdotes a divino removit officio, et laicis missam eorum audire interdixit novo exemplo; et (ut multis visum est) inconsiderato praejudicio contra sanctorum patrum sententiam,’ etc. Ex Radulpho de Diceto. [Hist. Anglicanae Scriptores X. cura Twysden (Lond. 1652), col. 486. - ED.] 136 Ex Actis Concilii Wintoniensis sub Lanfranco. [Anno 1076, in Wilkins’s Concilia, Lond. 1737, tom. 1. p. 367. - ED.] 137 Paulus monathus eadonenes, archleplscopi Lanfranci nepos, imo aliquorum relationibus, consanguinkate propinquor,’ tee. Ex mat. Paris. [The words here given are rather the sense than the actual words, in the Vitae S. Albani Abbatum, p. 49, Loud. 1640. - ED. 138 Conc. Later. can. 14. De Clericis matrimon, copulatis. [See Acta Concil. (Par. 1714), tom. 7. col. 31. - ED. 139 Sitio clericorum meorum integritatem; sed, praeterquam in paucis admodum, vel aspidis surditatem vel fabulosi cujusdam Protei mutabilitatem invenio. Variis linguarum aculeis, modo minas, modo convitia inpligunt. Sed hoc facilius in his qui remotiores sunt, tolero.

    Illud omnino grave genus mali est, quod hi qui quasi in sinu meo sunt, qui canonicorum nomine gaudent, canones aspernant, adversus concilii nostri statuta quasi sophistici disputatores argumentantur.

    Professiones vero mihi penitus abnegant canonici illi, qui sine professione ad sacros ordines inordinabiliter sunt provecti, et qui, in presbyteratu vel diaconatu constituti, uxores sive concubinas in publico hactenus habuerunt, atque ab altari nulls se reverentia continuerunt. Cum vero ad ordines aliquos invito, dura cervice nituntur, ne in ordinando castitatem profiteantur.’ 140 Hereby it appeareth that priests, in the old time here in England, never made vow of chastity at their orders, nor before this time. 141 See Vol. 2. page 167. - ED 142 This synodal constitution of Ariselm was made at an ecclesiastical council held at London Michaelmas A. D. 1102. Foxe indeed dates it A. D. 1103, and at p. 338 refers to it as having been issued by a council at Winchester A. D. 1104, and at p. 339 he gives the constitution itself so dated: but he herein confounds two distinct councils, the first held at London Michaelmas A. D. 1102, the other at London also, May 24th, 1108. The reader will find the history of these councils correctly given at vol. 2. pp. 167-169. Foxe has been misled apparently by Jornalensis or Brompton, (Decem Script. cols. 999, 1000.) But Henry of Huntingdon says (Script. post Bedam, p. 378): “Eodem anno ad festum S. Michaelis tenuit Anselmus archiepiscopus concilium apud Londoniam in quo prohibuit uxores sacerdotibus Anglorum ante non prohibitas. Quod quibusdam mundissimum visum est, quibusdam periculosum, ne, dum munditias viribus majores appeterent, in immunditias horribiles, ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus, inciderent.” Eadmer the friend and chaplain of Anselm (p. 67) says: “Anno Dominicae incarnationis millesimo centesimo secundo, quarto autem praesulatus Paschalis summi pontificis [who was elected pope August 13th, 1099], tertio regni Henrici gloriosi regis Anglorum [his reign dates from August 5th, 1100], ipso annuente celebratum est concilium in ecclesia beati Petri in occidentali parte juxta Lundoniam sita [i.e. at Westminster Abbey] etc.” Eadmer then gives all the ordinances which are translated at vol. 2. pp. 167, 168. After which he proceeds, “Et hic quidem Lundoniensis Concilii textus est, qui post non multos institutionis suae dies multos sui transgressores in omni genere hominum fecit. Sane quod ultimum de renovanda excommunicatione Dominicis diebus statutum fuit, ipsemet Anselmus rationabiti dispensatione usus postponi concessit.” Afterwards, at p. 95, Eadmer describes the other Council as held A. D. 1108; not however at Winchester, but “in solemnitate Pentecostes apud Lundoniam:” and he mentions as present, not Gerard, but “Thomas electus archiepiscopus Eboracensis (nam Gerardus tunc nuper ad eandem curiam tendens obierat) etc.”: then follows the decree, which is the same as that given by Foxe at p. 339. Simeon of Durham adopts the dates given above. (Decem Script. cols. 227, 228.) 143 Foxe reads “1103.” See the note preceding this. - ED. 144 ‘Sodomiticum flagitium facientes, et eos in hoc voluntarie juvantes, gravi anathemate damnamus, donec poenitentia et confeasione absolutionem mereantur,’ etc. [See note 3 in last page, where it appears that Eadmer knew of no suck additional council “at Paul’s,” but makes this and what presently follows a part of the proceedings of the council of London just mentioned: see vol. 2. p. 168. - ED. 145 [See Wilkins’s ‘Concilia,’ tom. 1. p. 383. The words cited are from the canons 29 and 30. Wilkins reads ‘non voverunt:’ Eadmer, ‘non n overunt,’ (Hist. Novor. lib. in. p. 64. Edit. Par. 1721.) See also Anselm’s Letter 62, p. 390, in the game edition. - ED.] ‘Qui vero in hoc crimine publicatus fuerit, statutum est, si quidem fuerit persona religiosi ordinis, ut ad nullum amplius gradum promoveatur, et si quem habeat, ab illo deponatur; si autem laicus, ut in toto regno Angliae legali suae conditionis dignitate privetur. Et ne hujus criminis absolutionem iis, qui se sub regula vivere voverunt, aliquis nisi episcopus deinceps facere praesumat. - Statutum quoque est, ut per totam Angliam in omnibus ecclesiis, et in omnibus diebus dominicis, excommunicatio praefata publicetur ac renovetur,’ etc. Ex Epist. Anselm, 278; et Rog.

    Hoveden. 146 Ex Johan. Trevisa. [See Higden’s Polychronicon, lib. 7. cap. 13. - ED.] 147 ‘Melius est nubere quam uri.’ 148 ‘Melius, id est, levius est legitimae uxori nubere, quam uri, id est quam alienarum mulierum concupiscentia consumi.’ 149 ‘Oportet esse episcopum irreprehensibilem, unius uxoris virum,’ etc. 150 ‘Praecipit apostolus, ne quis ad sacerdotium accedere praesumat, nisi is qui non nisi unicam uxorem laicus habuisset: accepto autem ordine, nunquam ei carnis commixtione se copularet, tantum vitae necessaria ei subministraret.’ 151 ‘Per hoc autem quod sacras vestes induunt, vel sacra vasa tangunt, Christo violenter manus injiciunt. Per hoc autem quod impudenter offerre praesumunt, Christum quodam modo visibiliter in altari crucifigunt. Legitur ministerium eorum Christi persecutio, imo crucifixio appellatur. 152 ‘Ne tentet vos Satanas propter incontinentiam vestram,’ etc. Corinthians 7:5. 153 No doubt, that of London, A. D. 1108 (see notes on pp. 333 and 339), though the exact words here quoted have not been met with. See however the canons as translated from Eadmer, Malmesbury, and Polychronicon, supra vol. 2. pp. 167-169. Gabriel Cossartius is of opinion that we have the statutes of one at least of these councils, namely, that held in 1102, only in an abbreviated form. See the Acta Conciliorum (Par. 1714), tom. 6. col. 1863. - ED. 154 ‘Tolle de ecclesia honorabile connubium et torurn immaculatum, nonne replebis eam concubinariis, incestuosis, seminifluis, mollibus, masculorum concubitoribus et omni denique genere immundorum?’

    Bern. Sup. Cant. Serm. 66. [Section 3.] 155 ‘Paulus monachus Cadomensis, Archiepis. Lanfranci nepos, imo aliquorum relationibus consanguinitate propinquior.’ Matth. Paris. 156 London (A. D. 1108), not Winchester. See the third note on page 333. - ED. 157 This act is given, with some variation, by Florentius Wigorniensis in his ‘Chronicon ex chronicis,’ p. 653. edit. Francof. 1601. For ‘extra hortum,’ upon which there is a marginal explanation in Foxe given in the tail note (b), Florentius reads ‘extra chorum.’ The same chronicler inserts A. D. 1108, as the date of this council, and confirms it by naming Thomas as the archbishop of York: Gerard having died in May that year. Florentius makes no reference to Winchester. See the third note on page 333. - ED. 158 The Act against Priests’ Marriage, concluded in the Council at Winchester, under Anselm, A. D. 1104. (a) Haec sunt statuta de archidiaconis, presbyteris, et canonicis in quocunque gradu constitutis, quae Wintoniae statuerunt Anselmus Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis, et cum eo, Girardus Archiepiscopus Eboracensis, et omnes alii Angliae episcopi, in praesentia gioriosi regis Henrici, assensu omnium baronum suorum. Statutum est, ut presbyteri et diaconi caste vivant, et foeminas in domibus suis non habeant, praeter proxima consanguinitate sibi junctas, secundum hoc quod sancta Nicena Synodus definivit. Illi vero presbyteri, diaconi, sive subdiaconi, qui post interdictum Londinensis concilii foeminas suas tenuerunt, vel alias duxerunt, si elegerint in sacris ordinibus remanere, jurent quod cum eis carnale commercium non habebunt amplius.

    Statutum est etiam ut praedictae foeminae in domo cum eis scienter non conveniant, neque hujusmodi foeminae in territorio ecclesiae habitent. Si autem propter aliquam honestam causam eos colloqui oporteat, cum duobus ad minus legitimis testibus extra domum colloquantur. Si vero duobus aut tribus legitimis testibus, vel publica parochianorum fama, aliquis eorum accusatus fuerit, quod hoc statutum transierit, purgabit se adjunctis secum ordinis sui idoneis testibus, sex si presbyter, quinque si diaconus, quatuor si subdiaconus fuerit. Cui autem haec purgatio defecerit, ut transgressor sacri statuti judicabitur.

    Illi vero presbyteri, qui divini altaris et sacrorum ordinum contemptores praeelegerint cum uxoribus suis habitare, a divino officio remoti, extra hortum (b) ponantur, infames pronunciati. Eadem sententia archidiaconos et canonicos omnes complectitur, et de abjurandis uxoribus, et de vitanda earum conversatione, et restrictione censurae si statuta transgressi fuerint. Jurabunt et archidiaconi omnes, quod pecuniam non accipient pro toleranda transgressione hujus statuti, neque ullo modo tolerabunt presbyteros uxoratos cantare, vel vicarios habere, et quod ipsi non dissimulabunt per archidiaconatus suos hoc inquirere, et fideliter episcopis suis renunciabunt, et attente, et fideliter de exequenda hujus rei vindicta episcopos suos adjuvabunt.

    Qui vero archidiaconus, vel diaconus hoc jurare noluerit, archidiacenatum vel diaconiam irreparabiliter perdet. Presbyteri vero, qui relictis uxoribus Deo et sacris ordinibus servire elegerunt, quadraginta dies ab officio cessantes, pro se vicarios habebunt, injuncta eis poenitentia secundum quod episcopis eorum visum fuerit Notes upon the Act. (a) Read, ‘Council of London, A. D. 1108,’ and for Girardus, ‘Thomas.’ See Note 5, on the last page (338), and also the third note on page 333. - ED. (b) Forte, ‘extra hortum’ paradisi intelligit 159 Ex Epist. Anselm. 77. 160 Of this cardinalof Crema read before, vol. 2. page 181. 161 Chronic. Saxon 162 An. 25. Henry I 163 Certain Instruments and Evidences of ancient Record, declaring the Marriage of Priests to have stood, in times past, both with ancient Custom, and public Laws of this Realm .

    Carta feoffamenti Wil. de Blund. Mil. facta Stephan. de Saxlingham, Clerico, et Matild. uxori suae, de terris in Neuton in Corn. Norf.

    Sciant praesentes et futuri quod ego Williel. de Blunwel, miles, concessi, dedi, et hac praesenti charta mea confirmavi Stephano de Saxlingham, clerico, et Matildae uxori suae pro homagiis et servitiis suis et pro sex marcis argenti quas mihi dederunt in gersumam, unam peciam terrae arabilis, quae jacet in campo de Neuton in cultura, inter messuagium Galfridi Sulyard, et coemeterium ecclesiae de Neuton, inter terram Radulphi Malherbe, et terram Joannis de Neuton, et abuttat super regiam stratam versus orientem, et super terram quae fuit Henrici Popiltele versus occidentem: habendam et tenendam de me et haeredibus meis, illis et haeredibus suis aut quibuscunque dare, legare, vendere vel assignare voluerint, in quocunque statu fuerint, libere et quiete, in feodo, perpetue et haereditarie: reddendo inde annuatim mihi et haeredibus meis duos denerios, scilicet ad festum Sancti Andreae unum denarium et ad nativitatem Sancti Joannis Baptistae unum denarium; et ad scutagium domini regis quando evenit unum obolum tantum et non amplius pro omnibus servitiis, consuetudinibus, sectis curiae et exactionibus secularibus. Et ego Willielmus de Blunwel et haeredes mei warrantizabimus, acquietabimus, et defendemus praedictam peciam terrae praenominatis Stephano et Matildae uxori suae et haeredibus suis aut cuicunque dare, legare, vendere, vel assignare voluerint, contra omnes gentes tam Judaeos quam Christianos in perpetuum per praefatum servitium. Et ut haec mea concessio et donatio rata sit et stabilis in perpetuum, hanc chartam sigillo meo roboravi; his testibus, Radulpho Malherbe, Willielmo de Reynestorp, Joanne de Neuton, Willielmo Canebot, Joanne filio Simonis, Milone le Moch, Radulpho de Kinegham, Willielmo de Champo, Thoma Croce, Andrea Waleys, Willielmo Valiant, et aliis.

    This said piece of evidence, called a Deed of Feoffment of Lands, remaineth in the keeping of Thomas Blundevil, of Neuton Flotman, in the county of Norfolk, esq. at this present, to wit, 22 die Novembris, anno reginae Elizabeth. reginae decimo, et A. D. 1567; who, I know, will not refuse to show the same to any man that shall desire the sight thereof. 1. Eleven other Deeds and Instruments of like Antiquity, declaring the same, received of Master John Forde.

    Carta Will. filli Walteri de Ridware facta Joan. de Edinghal clerico, et Matildae uxori suae, de terris in Edinghal in Com. Darb.

    Sciant omnes praesentes et futuri, quod ego Williel. filius Walteri, dominus de Ridware Hamstal, concessi et tradidi Joanni filio Galfridi de Edinghal, clerico, et uxori suae Matildae filiae Henrici Colbein, unam dimidiam virgatam terrae in Edinghal, cum omnibus pertinentiis in toftis et croftis, pratis et pasturis in villa et in territorio de Edinghal; illam scilicet quam Thomas Palmer aliquando de me tenuit: habend, et tenend. de me et haeredibus meis, sibi et uxori suae Matildae, ad totam vitam eorum libere, et quiete, bene et pacifice, etc. Et ego vero Willielmus et haeredes mei praedictam dimidiam virgatam terrae cum pertinentiis praedictis Joanni et uxori suae praedictis ad totam vitam eorum contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus, etc. In hujus concessionis et traditionis robur et testimonium uterque nostrum alterius scripto sigillum suum apposuit; his testibus, Roberto Salvein de Haselour, Andrea Salvein de eadem, Joanne filio Radulphi de Edinghal, Richardo de Ykebrom, Rob. de Fryeford, et aliis. 2. Another Evidence touching the same, of Lands in the County of Leicester.

    Carta feoffament. Radulphi Wilscarde de Sceyle facta Agneti de Willintona et pueris suis de Will. parsona de Lollinton procreatis.

    Sciant praesentes et futuri, quod ego Radulphus filius et haeres Joannis Wilscarde de Sceyle, dedi, et concessi, et hac mea praesenti charta confirmavi Agneti de Willintona unam acram terrae in territorio de majori Sceylae quae jacet super le Wovelondis, inter terram monachorum de Merival, extendentem se ad unum caput super foreram monachorum de Merival, et aliud caput versus villam de Sceyle:

    Habend. et tenend. de me et haeredibus meis vel assignatis et eorum haeredibus, praed. Agnet. De Willintona et pueris suis de Wil. parsona de Lollinton procreatis, videlicet Wil. filio suo primogenito si supervixerit matri suae, deinde Galfrido fratri ejus, postea Roberto fratri eorum juniori, deinde sororibus eorum si frater superstes non fuerit; ita quidem quod quilibet eorum alteri succedat in dictam terram, cum pertin, licentialiter sine omni recognitione mihi et omnibus meis praedit, facienda: et quod haered. vel assign. ultimi vel ultimae possidentis remaneat ulterius in perpetuum, libere et quiete, bene et in pace, jure perpetuo: Reddendo inde annuatim mihi et haered, meis vel assignatis meis et eorum haeredibus unum obolum argenti ad pascha, pro omnibus servitiis et exactionibus wardis, maritagiis, releviis legatis tallagiis, et omni modis sectis comitatus, hundredorum, et curiae meae, et haeredum meorum et aliorum, et servitiis forinsecis et exigentiis humanis. Ego vero Radulphus et haeredes mei vel assignati et eorum haeredes, totam praedict, terram cum pertinent. praed. Agneti et filiis suis et filiabus, post decessum praed. Agnetis, singulis eorum de dicto parsona genitis uni post alterum successive, et haered, vel assignatis ultimi vel ultimae possidentis (ut praedictum est) contra omnes mortales in perpetuum warrantizabimus, acquietabimus, et defendemus. Et ut haec omnia supradicta rata et inconcussa permaneant in posterum, praesentem chartam sigilli mei impressione corroboravi; his testibus, Willielmo tunc parsona de Stretton, Petro de Vorantisthorp, Richardo et Roberto filiis suis, Henrico filio Richardi clerici de Sceyle, Williel. filio suo, Joanne filio Radulphi Aky, Wil. clerico de eadem, et multis aliis. [Note, the wife and children of this parson of Lollington being known, might enjoy and inherit according to his deed.] 3. Another Evidence touching the same.

    Carta Radulphi Wilscarde de Sceyle facta Agneti de Willing. et pueris suis de Wil. parsona de Lollint. procreatis de terris in Sceyle, in Com.


    Sciant praesentes et futuri, quod ego Radulphus Wilscarde, filius et haeres Joannis Wilscarde de Sceyle, dedi et concessi, et hac mea praesenti charta confirmavi Agneti de Willington, quatuor acras et unam rodam terrae meae arabilis in campo de majori Sceyle; Quarum una acre jacet super Wodde-Hulles, etc. [et paulo infra:] Habendum et tenendum de me et heredibus meis vel assignatis et eorum haeredibus, praedictis Agneti de Willington et pueris suis de Williel. parsona de Lollinton procreatis videlicet Willielmo filio suo primogenito si supervixerit matri suae, deinde Galfrido fratri ejus, postea Roberto fratri eorum juniori, deinde sororibus eorum si frater superstes non fuerit; ita quidem quod quilibet eorum alteri succedat in dictam terram cum pertinentiis, licentialiter sine omni recognitione mihi et omnibus meis praedictis facienda, et quod haeredibus vel assignatis ultimi vel ultimae possidentis remaneat ulterius in perpetuum, libere et quiete, bene, et in pace jure perpetuo: Reddendo inde annuatim mihi et haeredibus vel assignatis et eorum haeredibus, unum obolum argenti ad pascha, aut unum paralbarum chirothecarum de pretio unius oboli apud Sceyle, ad voluntatem solventis, pro omnibus servitiis et exactionibus, wardis, maritagiis, releviis, legatis, tallagiis, et omnimodis sectis comitatus, hundredorum, et curiae meae et haeredum meorum et aliorum, et servitiis forincecis vel exigentiis humanis. Ego vero Radulphus et haeredes mei vel assignati et eorum haeredes, totam praedictam terram cum pertinentiis, praedictae Agneti et filiis ejus et filiabus, post discessum praedictae. Agnetis, singulis eorum de dicto parsona genitis, uni post alterum successive, et haeredibus vel assignatis ultimi vel ultimae possidentis (ut praedictum est) contra omnes mortales in perpetuum warrantizabimus, acquietabimus, et defendemus. Et ut haec omnia supradicta rata et inconcussa permaneant in posterum praesentem cartam sigilli mei impressione corroboravi; his testibus, Will. tunc parsona de Stretton, Petro de Vorantisthorp, Rich. et Rob. filiis suis. Henr. filio parsonae de Sceyle, Joanne filio Radulphi Aky, de eadem, Rob. Hasting, Wil. Grym, et aliis. 4. Another Evidence touching the same.

    Carta Henrici de Apleby facta Henrico de Aldolester clerico et Amiciae uxori suae, de terris in territorio de Apleby in Com. Leicest.

    Sciant praesentes et futuri, quod ego Henricus filius domini Willielmi de Apleby militis, dedi, concessi, et hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi Henrico de Aidelester clerico et Amiciae uxori suae, illud messuagium quod Mattheus Gilbert quondam de me tenuit in parvo Apleby, in longitudine, juxta altam viam: tenendum et habendum de me et haeredibus meis sibi et Amiciae uxori suae et eorum haeredibus, et cui vel quibus communibus horis guandocunque dare vel assignare voluerint libere, quiete, bene, et in pace, etc. Et ego praed. Henricus et haeredes mei praedictum messuagium cum omnibus aisiamentis et pertinentiis suis, praefatis Henrico, et Amiciae uxori suae, et eorum haeredibus et assignatis (ut supra scriptum est) contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus et defendemus in perpetuum, etc. Ut haec omnia subscripta robur obtineant in futuro, huic presenti scripto sigillum meum apposui his testibus, Joanne de Norton, Will. Huelin de Apleby, etc. 5. Another Evidence touching the same.

    Carta Rogeri Pescher de Apleby facta Hen. de Aldolester clerico et Amiciae uxori suae, de terris in territorio de Apleby in Com. Leicest.

    Sciant praesentes et futuri, quod ego Roger. Pescher de Apleby dedi, concessi, et hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi Henrico de Aldolester clerico et Amiciae uxori suae, viginti buttes terrae arabilis cum pertinentiis suis in territorio de Apleby, quarum tres buttes jacent super Brodelein, etc. et paulo post. Habendum et tenendum praedictis Henrico et Amiciae uxori suae et eorum haeredibus et assignatis, cui vel quibus in sanitate, vel in aegritudine, dare, legare, vendere, vel assignare voluerint, libere, quiete, bene, et haereditarie in perpetuum, etc. Et ego praedictus Rogerus Pescher et Haeredes mei totam praedictam terram cum pertinentiis suis ubicunque, memoratis Henrico et Amiciae uxori suae et eorum haeredibus et assignatis (ut supra scriptum est) contra omnes gentes in calumnias warrantizabimus, et in omnibus per omnia acquietabimus et defendemus in futurum, etc. Ut haec mea donatio, concessio, et cartae meae confirmatio robur obtineat in perpetuum, huic praesenti scripto sigillum meum pro me et haeredibus meis duxi apponendum, fide mediante; his testibus, Williel. de Meycam, Joanne filio Henr. de Norton, etc. 6. Another Evidence touching the same, of Lands in the County of Derby.

    Carta feoffamenti Will. filii & haered. Will. Mahenmey de Banquel clerici facta. Nic. de Crumford de omnibus terris et tenementis quae jure haereditario per Williel. patrem suum habuit.

    Sciant praesentes et futuri, quod ego Willielmus filius et haeres quondam Williel. Mahenmey de Banquel clerici, dedi, concessi, et omnino quietum clamavi de me et haeredibus meis in perpetuum Nich. de Crumford, pro quadam summa pecuniae quam idem Nicolaus mihi prae manibus donavit, omnes terras et tenementa cum gardinis, curtilagiis, burgagiis, et edificiis, et cum omnibus pertinentiis suis in omnibus rebus et locis, sine aliquo retinemento, quae et quas habui jure haereditario in feodo de Banquel, per Williel. de Banquel clericum quondam patrem meum: hubend. et tenend. ipso Nicolao et haeredibus suis vel assignatis in feodo et haereditate de capitali domino de Banquel, libere, bene, quiete, et in pace cum omnibus libertatibus et aisiamentis in omnibus locis et singulis ad praedictas terras et tenementa pertinentibus intra villam de Banquel et extra: Ita quidem quod nec ego Willel. nec haeredes mei, nec aliquis pro me nec nomine nostro, jus vel clameum in praedictis terris et tenementis, gardinis, curtilagiis, burgagiis et edificiis, et omnibus pertinentiis suis de caetero, habere, exigere, vindicare, vel reclamare potero vel poterimus in perpetuum: Faciendo pro praedictis terris, et tenementis capitali Domino 7. solidos, 3. denarios et obolum argenti annui redditus ad terminos statutos Paschatis et Sanct. Michaelis. In cujus rei testimonium huic scripto praesenti sigillum meum apposui et munimenta inde eidem Nicolao tradidi; His testibus, Domino Joanne de Osemondiston perpetuo vicario de Banquel, Matthaeo de Reynedon, Matthaeo Drabill, Elio de Banquel clerico, Richardo de Yollegrave, Roger. filio Yoke, et aliis. [Note, in this, a son of a priest did inherit his father’s lands, and sold them, as by this deed appeareth.] 7. Another Evidence touching the same.

    Alia charta dicti Wil. Mahenmey facta dicto Nic. de Crumford, de uno capitali messuag. et diversis terris in villa et territorio de Banquel in Com. Darb.

    Sciant praesentes et futuri, quod ego Williel, filius et haeres quondam Williel. de Mahenmey de Banquel clerici, dedi, concessi, et hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi de me et haeredib. meis in perpetuum, Nicolao de Crumford pro quadam summa pecuniae mihi prae manibus data, unum capitale messuagium aedificatum, et unam bovatam terrae, cum prato et omnibus pertinen, suis sine aliquo retinemento, illam videlicet bovatam terrae cum pertinentiis quam Willielmus Mahenmey quondam pater meus hubuit et tenuit in villa et territorio de Banquel; et octo acras terrae arabilis et unam particulam prati divisim jacentes in campis de Banquel, etc. Habend. et tenend, ipsi Nicolao et haeredibus suis vel suis assignatis in feodo et haereditate libere, quiete, bene, et in pace, cum omnibus libertatibus et aisiamentis, in omnibus rebus et locis intra villam de Banquel et extra, ad praedictas terras et tenementa cum pertinentiis pertinentibus, de capitali domino de Banquel, etc. Et ego Williel. et haeredes, mei omnes praedictas terras et tenementa cum omnibus pertinentiis suis (ut praedictum est) dicto Nicolao et haeredibus suis vel assign. suis contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus.

    In cujus rei testimonium praesenti scripto sigillum meum apposui; His testibus domino Joanne de Osemondiston perpetuo vicario de Banquel, Matth. de Reynedo, Matth. Drabil, Elio de Banquel, Richard. de Yollegrave, Rogero filio Yoke de Banquel, et aliis. 8. Another Evidence touching the same.

    Carta Thomae de Bylleston clerici, et Leticiae uxori ejus facta Gerardo et Caeciliae uxori suae de certis terris in feodo de Banquel in Com.


    Sciant praesentes et futuri, Quod nos Thom. de Billeston clericus, et Leticia uxor mea, dedimus, concessimns, et hac praesenti carta nostra confirmavimus, Gerardo filio Alexandri de Wiston et Caeciliae uxori suae, omnia illa burgagia, messuagia, gardina, curtilagia, terras, tenementa, prata et aedificia, seldas cum redditibus, servitiis, pascuis, communis, pasturis, et caeteris omnibus pertinentiis suis in feodo de Banquel, quae habuimus ex dono et feofamento dicti Gerdi: Habendum et tenendum dictis Gerardo et Caeciliae uxori suae ad totam vitam eorundem de nobis et haeredibus nostris libere, quiete, bene, et in pace, cum omnibus suis pertinentits; faciendo inde annuatim nobis et haeredibus nostris, praedict. Gerard. et Caecilia ad totam eorum vitam, unum denarium argenti ad festum Sanct. Michaelis, et faciendo etiam pro nobis et haeredibus nostris capital. Dominis feodi illius servitia inde annuatim debita et consueta. Et nos vero praedicti Thomas et Leticia et nostri haeredes omnia praedicta burgagia messuagia gardina, curtilagia, terras, tenementa, prata, et aedificia, seldas cum redditibus, servitiis, pascuis, communis, pasturis, et caeteris omnibus pertinentiis suis praedictis Gerardo et Caeciliae ad totam vitam eorundem contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus. In cujus rei testimonium huic praesenti cartae nostrae sigilla nostra apposuimus; His testibus, Thoma de Beley, Radulpho Cotterrell, Willielm. de Cromford, Williel. de Gratton, Nic. de Cromford in Banquel, Rad. Brecario in eadem, Rob. de Walley in eadem, et aliis. - [Note, in this evidence, to have and to hold of the priest, his wife, and their heirs during the lives of the feoffers, for a penny of yearly rent.] 9. Another Evidence touching the same.

    Universis ad quos praesens scriptum pervenerit Leticia, quae fuit uxor Thomas Bylleston, salutem in Domino. Noveritis me in pura viduitate mea concessisse et confirmasse, pro me et haeredibus meis, Gerardo filio Alexandri de Wyston, et Caeciliae uxori suae omnes terras et tenementa cum omnibus pertinentiis suis in Banquel, quae idem Gerardus et Caecilia uxor ejus habent ex concessione Thomae de Bylleston quondam viri mei: Habendum et tenendum eisdem Gerardo et Caeciliae ad totam vitam eorundem de me et haeredibus meis libere, quiete, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis; faciendo inde mihi et haeredibus meis unum denarium argenti ad festum Sanct. Michaelis, et faciendo inde pro me et haeredibus meis capitalibus Dominis servitia inde annuatim debita et consueta. Et ego praefata Leticia et haeredes mei praedicta tenementa cum pertinentiis praedictis Gerardo et Caeciliae ad totam vitam eorundem contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus. In cujus rei testimonium praesentibus sigillum meum apposui; His testibus, Robert le Walley, Robert le Taylor, et aliis.

    Datum apud Banquel, die Veneris proximo post festum Annunciationis beatae Mariae, An. regni regis Edwardi, filii regis, Edwardi, nono. 10. Another Evidence touching the same.

    Scriptum W. Basket factum Joanni de Bradb. clerico, Aliciae uxori suae et haeredibus de corporibus eorum exeuntibus.

    Sciant praesentes et futuri, Quod ego Williel. dictus Basket, dedi, concessi, et hac praesenti mea charta confirmavi Johanni de Bradburne clerico et Aliciae uxori suae, et haeredibus de corporibus eorum exeuntibus, unam particulam curtilagii met videlicet, centum pedes in longitudine et triginta in latitudine, cum omnibus pertinentiis et aisiamentis, eidem placeae pertinentibus: Habendum et tenendum eidem Joanni et Aliciae et eorum haeredibus legitime procreatis, libere, quiete, bene, et in pace in perpetuum: reddendo in deannuatim mihi et haeredibus meis unum florem Rossa ad festum Nativitat. S. Johannis Baptistae pro omnibus. Et ego praedictus Willielmus Basket et haeredes mei praedictam placeam cum aisiamentis contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus et contra omnes gentes defendemus. Et si contingat (quod absit) quod praedictus Joannes et Alicia sine haeredibus de corporibus eorum legitime procreatis obierint, praedicta placea sine alicujus contradictione revertat. Et ut haec mea donatio, concessio, et praesentis cartae meae confirmatio rata sit, et stabilis permaneat, huic praesenti cartae sigillum meum apposui; His testibus, Richardo de Longdun, Robert Brag, Roger. Gerard, Thoma le Plumer, Joanne Glankirion, et aliis. Datum apud Yelgrave in festo S. Joannis ante Portam Latinam. Anne Dom. 1314. [This was dated anno 1314, which was anno regni Edw. II. octavo.] 11. Another Evidence touching the same.

    Sciant praesentes et futuri, Quod ego Rogerus le Porter, haeres Aliciae filiae Williel. de Downedale de Parva Ridware, dedi, concessi, et hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi, magistro Richard. de Hampton clerico et Margaretae uxori ejus, et haeredibus vel assignatis praedicti Rich. omnes terras et tenementa mea quae habeo in diversis locis in feodo de Parva Ridware: Habend. et tenend. omnes praedictas terras et tenementa cum pertinentiis eorum, praedictis Rich. et Margaretae uxori ejus et haeredibus vel assignatis praedicti Rich. de capitali Domino feodi illius per servitia debita et de jure consueta, libere, quiete, bene, et in pace in perpetuum. Et ego vero praedictus Rogerus et haeredes mei omnes praedictas terras et tenementa cum omnibus pertinentiis eorum, praedictis Rich., et Margaretae uxori ejus, et haeredibus vel assignatis praedicti Rich., contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus et defendemus in perpetuum. In cujus rei testimonium huic praesenti cartae sigillum meum apposui; his testibus Thoma de Pipe, Rich. Julian, Roberto Ka.

    Edmund. le Walsheman, Williel. le Flecher, et aliis. Datum apud Parvam Ridware, die Lunae proximo post festum Sancti Gregor. papae, anno regni regis Edwardi, tertii post Conquestum, 28. - [This was dated anno regni Ed. III. 28, which was anno 1353.] The originals of these eleven pieces of evidences last recited, I received, in the writing of this story, of a right honest and worshipful gentleman, called Master John Forde, a student of the laws in the Inner Temple; in whose hands I trust \after the finishing of this story) they shall remain to be seen of them that shall desire the same. 1. The Copies of Seven other Evidences touching the same, received of Master John Hunt.

    Carta feoff. Phil. Poupu de Parva Bradley, fact. Henrico Denardiston clerico et Aliciae uxori ejus, de terris in Grenecroft. in villa de Parva Bradley in Com. Staff.

    Sciant praesentes et futuri, quod ego Philippus Poupu de Parva Bradley, dedi, concessi, et hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi, Henr co de Denardiston clerico et Aliciae uxori ejus, pro servitiis eorum et pro quadam summa pecuniae quam mihi dederunt prae manibus in gersumam, unam peciam terrae meae arabilis cum omnibus pertinentiis, sive habeatur plus sive minus, prout boundae testantur, in campo vocato Grenecroft, in villa de Parva Bradley, jacentem inter terram meam ex parte una, et terram praedicti Henrici ex parte altera, uno capite abuttante super coemeterium de Parva Bradley, et alio capite abuttante super terram praedict. Henrici: habend. et tenend. de capitalibus Dominis feodi praedict. Henrico et Aliciae uxori ejus, haered. et assignat, dict. Henrici, vel cuicunque vel quibuscunque dictam peciam terrae cum omnibus pertinentiis dare, vendere legare vel assignare voluerint, libere, quiete, jure, bene, in pace, in perpetuum et haereditarie: Reddendo inde annuatim capitalibus Dominis feodi servitium inde debitum et consuetum, videlicet unum obolum ad nativitatem beati Joannis Baptistae pro omnibus servitiis, consuetudinibus, auxiliis, curiarum sectis, et secularibus demandis Et ego praedict. Phil. haered. et assignati mei warrantizabimus praedictam peciam terrae cum omnibus pertinent, praedictis Henrico et Aliciae uxori ejus, haered. et assignat. dict. Henrici, contra omnes gentes in perpetuum. In cujus rei testimonium huic praesenti scripto sigillum meum apposui; His testibus, Petro de Walepol, Richard. de Hanvile, Williel. Wastell, Hugone Wastell, Tho. de Bures, Williel. Picot, Laurentio Picot, Williel. le Heyward, et aliis. [‘Gersuma,’ in the third line, of the above, signifieth money paid beforehand, which we call a fine.] 2. Another Evidence touching the same.

    Carta relaxationis Will. Bygod, tunc Domini de Parva Bradley, facta Henrico de Denardiston clerico et Aliciae uxori ejus, eorum haeredibus.

    Omnibus Christi fidelibus, ad quos praesens scriptum pervenerit, Williel. de Bygod salutem in Domino sempiternam. Noverit universitas vestra me dedisse, concessisse, remisisse, ac omnino, tam pro me quam pro haeredibus meis in perpetuum, quietum clamasse Henr. de Denardiston clerico, et Aliciae uxori ejus, haered. et assignat. eorum, totum jus et clameum quod habui vel habere potui, aut potero in omnibus redditibus, homagiis, wardis, releviis, eschaetis, libertatibus et omnibus pertin. suis, quae in aliquo modo seu tempore facere debuerunt vel consueverunt pro terris et tenementis quae quondam fuerunt Richard. Poupu in villa de Parva Bradley, et in aliis terris et tenementis quae vel quas praedict. Henr. et Alicia tenent. vel tenuerunt de me seu de feodo meo die confectionis praesentium in praedicta villa de Parva Bradley: Ita quod nec ego Williel. Praedict. nec haered. mei nec aliquis nomine nostro in modo praemissis aliquod juris vel clamei aliquo modo exigere vel vindicare poterimus in perpetuum. In cujus rei testimonium, huic praesenti scripto sigillum meum apposui. His testibus, Joh. Maveysin, Rich. Bercar, Henr. Maveysin, Joh. Bercar, Will. Wastell, Hug. Wastell, Will. Attegrene, Walt. Bercar, et aliis. 3. Another Evidence touching the same.

    Carta Reginaldi filii Jordani Wethresfield facta Henrico de Denardiston clerico et Aliciae uxori ejus, de terris in Parva Bradley in Com. Suff.

    Sciant praesentes et futuri, quod ego Reginaldus filius Jordani de Wethresfield dedi, concessi, et hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi, Henr. de Denardiston clerico et Aliciae uxori ejus, pro homagiis et servitiis eorum et pro quadam summa pecuniae quam mihi dederunt. prae manibus in gersumam, unam peciam terrae meae arabilis cum omnibus suis pertinentiis, sive habeatur plus sive minus, in villa de Parva Bradley, in campo vocato Heldhey, jacentem inter terram Will. de Mampford quondam, et terram Joannis le Rede quondam, ex parte una in longitudine, et terram Richard. de Hanuyle ex altera, et abuttat ad unum caput super terram Joannis le Lumbard, et aliud caput super campum vocatum Crondon, cum sepibus et foveis et omnibus aliis pertinentiis ad dictum terram spectantibus: Habend. et tenend, de me haeredibus et assignatis meis, praedictis Henrico et Aliciae uxori ejus, haeredibus et assignatis dict. Henrici, vel cuicunque vel quibuscunque dict. Henricus praedictam terram cum omnibus pertinentiis praedict., dare, vendere, vel aliquo modo assignare voluerit, libere, quiete, jure, bene, in pace, et haereditace: Reddendo inde annuatim mihi, haeredibus, et assignatis meis, unam rosam ad festum Nativitatis Sancti Joannis Baptistae pro omnibus servitiis, consuetudinibus, auxiliis, curiarum sectis et secularibus demandis. Et ego praedict. Reginaldus, haeredes, et assignati mei warrantizabimus, acquietabimus et defendemus praedictam terram cum sepibus et foveis et omnibus aliis pertinentiis praedictis Henrico et Aliciae uxori ejus, haeredibus, et assignat. dict.

    Henrici per praedict, servitium contra omnes mortales in perpetuum. In cujus rei testimonium, huic praesenti scripto sigillum meum apposui:

    His testibus, Joanne Maveysin, Petro de Walepol, Richardo de Hanuyle, Richardo Bercar, Henrico Maveysin, Joanne Bercar, Willielmo Wastell, Hugone Wastell, Tho. de Bures, Williel. filio Rogeri, et aliis. 4. Another Evidence of the like effect.

    Carta Rich. Hanuyle de Parva Bradley fact. Henrico de Denardiston clerico et Aliciae uxori ejus, et eorum haeredibus de terris in Parva Bradley in Com. Suff.

    Sciant praesentes et futuri, Quod ego Richardus de Hanuyle de Parva Bradley dedi, concessi, et hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi Henr. de Denardiston clerico et Aliciae uxori ejus unam peciam terrae meae arabilis, cum omnibus pertinent. in Parva Bradley in campo vocato Mortecroft, pro homagiis et servitiis eorum et pro quadam summa pecuniae quam mihi dederunt prae manibus in gersumam, jacentem inter terras Williel. de Mampford quondam ex utraque parte, et unum caput abuttat super campum vocat. Wodcroft.: Habendum et tenendum de me, haered, vel assignatis meis, ipsis, haered, et assignat. eorum, vel cuicunque vel quibuscunque dict. tenementum cum omnibus pertinentiis dare, vendere, legare, vel assignare voluerint, libere, quiete, jure, bene, in pace et haereditarie: Reddendo inde annuatim mihi et haeredibus meis duos denarios ad duos anni terminos, videlicet ad festum Sancti Michaelis unum denarium, et ad Pascha unum denarium pro omnibus servitiis, consuetudinibus, auxiliis, curiae sectis, et secularibus demandis. Et ego praedict. Richard. haered. et assignati mei warrantizabimus, acquietabimus et defendemus praedict. tenementum cum omnibus pertinentiis praedictis Henrico et Aliciae uxori ejus, haered, et assignat. eorum per praedictum servitium contra omnes mortales in perpetuum. In cujus rei testimonium huic praesenti scripto sigillum meum apposui; His testibus, Petro de Walepol, Williel.

    Wastell, Hugone Wastell, Rich. Bercar, Hen. Maleysin, Johanne Bercar, Rob. de Ponte, Williel. Picot, et aliis. 5. Another Evidence touching the same.

    Scriptum Mat. de Raclisde fact. Henrico de Denardiston clerico et Aliciae uxori ejus, de terris in Parva Bradley in Com. Suff. Dated an. reg. Edw. regis 2. 8. which was an. 1315.

    Sciant praesentes et futuri, Quod ego Mattheus de Raclisde dedi, concessi, et hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi, Henrico de Denardiston clerico et Aliciae uxori ejus, haered, et assignat, dict.

    Henrici, unam peciam terrae arabilis cum omnibus suis pertinent, sive habeatur plus sive minus, prout jacet in villa de Parva Bradley, in campo vocato Cronudonbrede inter terram Rich. de Hanuyle ex una parte, et terram dict. Henr. de Denardiston ex alia parte, et unum caput abuttat super viam vocatam Libreddich, et aliud caput super terram Richard. de Hanuyle ante dict.: Habend. et tenend. praedictam peciam terrae cum omnibus suis pertinent, de capitali Domino feodi, et cuicunque vel quibuseunque praedictus Henr. praedictam peciam terrae cum omnibus pertinent. dare, vendere, vel assignare voluerit, libere, quiete, jure, bene, in pace, haereditarie in perpetuum: faciendo capitali Domino feodi servitia inde de jure debita et consueto. Et ego praedict.

    Mattheus et haeredes mei praedictam peciam terrae cum omnibus suis pertinent. (ut praedictum est) praedictis Henr. et Aliciae haered, et assignat. dict. Henr., contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus in perpetuum. In cujus rei testimonium huic praesenti cartae sigillum meum apposui. His testibus, Richardum de Hanuyle, Joanne de Stonham Joanne Godfrey Wil. Wastel Clement de Bures, et aliis.

    Datum apud Parvam Bradley, die Lunae in quindena Sancti Michaelis, an. regni regis Edwardi filii regis Edwardi, octavo. 6. Another Evidence touching the same.

    Scriptum Rich. de Loverhal de Parva Bradley, factum Henrico de Denardiston clerieo et Aliciae uxori ejus, de terris in Parva Bradley praedicta.

    Sciant praesentes et futuri, quod ego Richardus de Loverhal de Parva Bradley dedi, concessi, et hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi Henr. de Denardiston clerico et Aliciae uxori ejus, et haered. dict. Henr. unam peciam terrae meae arabills, sive habeat plus sive minus, prout jacet in villa de Parva Bradley in campo vocato Peterfeld inter terram Henr.

    Cosin ex una parte, et terram Thom. Bercar ex alia parte uno capite abuttante super croftam Williel. Attegrene et alio capite super le Overhall mede: Habend. et tenend. dictam peciam terrae cum omnibus pertinent, de capitali Domino feodi praed. Henr. et Aliciae et haered dict. Henr. et cuicunque et quibuscunque dictam peciam terrae dare vendere vel assignare voluerint libere quiete jure bene, in pace, haereditarie, in feodo et in perpetuum: faciendo eidem capitali Domino feodi servitia inde de jure debita et consueta. Et ego praed. Richard. et haered. mei praedict, peciam terrae praed. Henr. et Aliciae et haeredib, dict. Henr. et suis assignat. contra omnes gentes warrantizabimus in perpetuum. In cujus rei testimonium huic praesenti cartae sigillam meum apposui. His testibus, Richard. de Hanuyle, Johan. de Stonham Wil. Attegrene Roberto Petipas, Wil. Aleyne, et aliis. Datum apud Parvam Bradley, die Dominica proxima post festum Pasch. An. regis Edw. filii regis Edw. 10. - [This deed seemeth by the date, to be made an. r. Edw. R. II 10. an. 1317, which was about 200 years after Anselm.] 7. Another Evidence touching the like matter.

    Scriptum Clementis de Clopton factum Joanni de Cowling clerico et Basiliae uxori ejus, de terris in Cowling in Suff. Dated regni Ed. regis 2. 13, which was an. 1320.

    Sciant praesentes et futuri, Quod ego Clemens de Cloptone concessi, dedi, et hac praesenti carta mea confirmavi, Joan. de Bosco de Coulynge clerico, et Basiliae uxori ejus et haeredibus praed. Joannis, tres acras terrae cum omnibus suis pertinent, in Coulynge, sive sit ibi majus sive minus, prout simul jaccnt inter terram domini Robert. de Aspal ex parte una, et terram quondam Joan. le Pogeys ex alia, uno capite abuttante super viam communeum, et alio super terram quandam praedict. Joan. Pogeys: Habend. et tenend, praedict, tres acras terrae cum omnibus suis pertinent. praedict. Joanni et Basiliae et haered, praed. Joannis de capitalibus dominis feodi illius per servitia inde debita et de jure consueta. Et ego praedict. Clemens et haeredesmei praedicto Joanni et Besiliae et haered, praed. Joannis totam praedictam terram cum omnibus suis pertinentiis contra omnes gentes in perpetuum warrantizabimus. In cujus rei testimonium, huic praesenti chartae sigillum meum apposui; His testibus, Thoma de Caldebek, Rich. Farewel, Joan. de Schelford, Roberto Godfrey, Rogero le Porter, et Williel, le Panmer. Datum apud Coulynge die Dominica proxima post festum sancti Lucae Evangelistae. Anno regni regis Edwardi, filii regis Edwardi, tertio decimo.

    All the originals of these seven several pieces of evidences, the true copies whereof are here before inserted, and last recited, at this present, to wit, this 23d of November, A. D. 1575, are in the custody, and do remain among the evidences and writings, of John Hunt of Esse, alias Ashen, in the county of Essex, esquire, and are pertaining and belonging to his manor of Overhall, alias Parva Bradley aforesaid, in the county of Suffolk. In whose hands they are easily at this present, and long time, I trust, after the writing of this history, shall remain to be seen of good record, if any man either be desirous of the sight thereof, or doubtful of the truth of the same. 164 Certain Notes how this word ‘Clericus’ is taken in the Law Books.

    Si clericus aliquis pro reatu vel crimine aliquo, quod ad coronam pertineat, arestatus fuerit, et postmodo per praeceptum Domini Regis in ballium traditus, vel replegiatus extiterit, ita quod hi quibus traditus fuerit in ballium eum habeant coram justiciariis, non amercienter de caetero illi quibus traditus fuerit in ballium, nec alii plegii sui, si corpus suum habeant coram justiciariis, licet coram eis propter privilegium clericale respondere noluerit, vel non potuerit propter ordinarios suos. - In Stat. de Marlbridge, an. 52 H. 3. c. 27. Another Note.

    Rex et antecessores sui, a tempore cujus, contrarii memoria non existit, usi sunt, quod clerici suis immorantes obsequiis, dum obsequiis illis intenderint, ad residentiam in suis beneficiis faciendam minime compellantur, nec debet dici tendere in praejudicium ecclesiasticae libertatis quod pro rege et republica necessarium invenitur. - Artic.

    Cleri. 9 E. 2. in fine. c. 8. Another Note.

    Clericus ad ecclesiam confugiens pro felonia, pro immunitate ecclesiastica obtinenda, si asserit se esse clericum, regnum non compellatur abjurare, sed legi regni se reddens gaudebit ecclesiastica libertate, juxta laudabilem consuetudinem regni hactenus usitatam. - In eisdem Articulis in fine, c. 15. Another Note.

    Appellanti in forma debita, tanquam clerieo per ordinarium petito libertatis ecclesiasticae beneficium non negabitur. - In cap. 16.

    In the statute entitled ‘Articuli Cleri,’ made only for the benefit of the clergy, anno regni Edwardi Reg. 2. nono, are divers notes to like effect. 165 In this form, in the said book, the words in the king’s grant be these: ‘Rex reverendissimo in Christo, etc. Ad ecclesiam parochialem de N. vestrae diocaesis modo per mortem ultimi incumbentis ibidem vacantem, et ad nostram donationem pleno jure spectantem, dilectum capellanum nostrum A. B. clericum, intuitu charitatis vobis praesentamus, et mandamus uti dictum A. capellanum nostrum ad praefatam ecclesiam admittere, eumque rectorem eiusdem instituere, cum suis juribus,’ etc.

    But if the presentation be from a knight, an esquire, or a gentleman, then these words, ‘capellanum nostrum,’ are always left out, as in the said book appeareth in this sort: ‘Reverendo in Christo Patti, etc. A. B. de N. ad ecclesiam de N. praedictam vestrae diocaesis modo per mortem T. D. ultimi incumbentis ibidem vacantem, et ad meam praesentationem pleno jure spectantem, dilectum mihi in Christo Jacobum P. clericum vestrae paternitati praesento, humiliter rogans quatenus praefatum J. ad dictam ecclesiam admittere, ipsumque, in rectorem ejusdem ecclesiae institui et induci facere velitis cum suis juribus et pertinentiis universis,’ etc. As in the said book is more at large to be seen or perused. 166 Not Winchester A. D. 1104, but London A. D. 1108. See notes on pp. 333, 338, 339. - ED. 167 See a correction of this passage by Foxe, page 358. - ED. 168 ‘Forbonizatum’ is a Saxon term, and signifieth as much as a man outlawed. 169 Anno Domini 1261. Ex antiq, libro Asaph. manuscripto. 170 Baptista Mantuanus, who flourished towards the end of the 15th century. His works were collected in 4 vols. Antverpiae, 1576, and the poetical portion of them has supplied numerous testimonies to the Protestant controversial writers, as to the avarice and corruption of the papal church. both in its head and members. He died, having been General of the Carmelite order, in 1516: ‘Poeta eximius, et theologus non incelebris.’ Cave: Script. Eccles. Hist. Literaria, tom. 2. p. 238. (Saec. Reform.) Freytag, Apparatus literarius (Lipsiae 1753) tom. 2. p. 955. - ED. 171 Page 434, in his edition of Tertullian’s works; folio, Basil. 1521. - ED. 172 Chrys. on Psalm 30, Hom. 1. [This extract, which is not quite accurately translated, is placed amongst the ‘ Spuria’ in Mountfaucon’s edition, tom. 5. p. 716, Paris, 1835. - ED.] 173 De Poen. dist. 1. ‘ Petrus,’ in Glossa. [Decret. Gratiani, Par. 1612. col. 1811. See also the Appendix. - ED.] 174 De Poen. dist. [5. Glossa], in principio. 175 Eras. in Schol. in Epitaphium Fabiolae. [Opera Omnia (fol. Ludg. 1703), tom. 6. p. 701. - ED.] 176 Gratian de Poenit, dist. 1. [cap. 89.] ‘Quamvis.’ [Decret. Gratiani, col. 1869. - ED.] 177 Lib. 4. Sent. Dist. 17, artic. 3. 178 Innocentius tertius in concilio generali praefato circa sacramenta confessionis et communionis sic statuit, etc.: ‘Omnis utriusque sexus fidelis, postquam ad annum discretionis pervenerit, omnia peccata sua solus saltem semel in anno confiteatur proprio sacerdoti, et injunctam sibi poenitentiam propriis pro viribus studeat adimplere, etc.: alioquin et vivens ab ingressu ecclesiae arceatur, et moriens Christiana careat sepultura. Unde hoc salutare statutum frequenter in ecclesiis publicetur, ne quisquam ignorantiae coecitate velamen excusationis assumat,’ etc. Antoninus, Part 3. Hist. tit. 19. [fol. Ludg, 1586, tom. 3. p. 95. - ED.] 179 He meaneth here the king’s liberal reward sent to him before in money, by Master J. Hales, which money he then distributed among the ministers and learned men of Wittenberg. 180 By application of masses is meant, when the passion and merits of Christ are applied to any by the virtue of the mass. 181 Cap. ‘Diaconi.’ Dist. 28. 182 He meaneth Shaxton, Latimer, Cromer, and others. 183 Ex Archivis Eccl. Cant. 184 Ex Termino Michael. anno 21, Hen. VII. fol. 39, p. 2. 185 Another Note, for Legitimation of Priests’ Children.

    Ad curiam generalem D. Philippi et D. Mariae Dei gratia, etc. 16 die Julii, anno reg. dict. regis et reginae, primo et tertio irrotulatur sic.

    Preasentatum est per totum homagium quod Simon Heyness (a) clericus diu ante istam curiam, vid. per duos annos jam elapsos, fuit seisitus secundum consuetudinem hujus manerii in Dominico suo ut de feodo, de et in 2. arabilis terrea parcellis de 35. acris et dimid, terrea, nuper in tenura Johannis Heynes. Ac de et in uno tenemonto vocato Bernardes, nuper in tenure Johannis Cotton. Ac de et in 57 acris et rodis terrea et pasturae, sive plus sive minus, prout jacent in campis de Myldenhal praedicta in diversis peciis, ut patet in curia hic tenta die Jovis proximo post festum Sancti Lucae Evangelistae, an. regni regis Henrici 8. 38. Nec non de et in 12 acris terrae nativae jacentibus in Townefield et Twamelfield in diversis peciis. Ac de et in quatuor acris et dimidio terrea jacent, in Myldenhal praed. Ac de et in quinque rodis terrae jacent, in Halywelfield. Quapropter praemissa idem Simon nuper habuit ex sursum redditione Willielmi Heynes, prout patet in curia hic tenta die Martis proximo post dominicam in Albis an. reg. regis Ed. primo. Et sic seisitus idem Simon de omnibus supradict. praemissis, inde obiit solus seisitus. Et quod Joseph Heynes est filius et heares ejus propinquior, et mode aetatis quinque annorum et amplius. (b) Qui quidem Joseph praesens hic in curia in propria persona sue petit se admitti ad omnia supradict, praemissa tanquam ad jus et haered, suam.

    Et D. rex. et de regina ex gratis sua speciali, per Clementem Heigham militem Seneschallum suum, concesserunt ei inde seisinam tenend. sibi, haered, et assignat, ejus, per virgam ad voluntatem dict. D. regis et D. reginae secundum consuetudinem hujus manerii, per servitia et redditus inde debita, etc. Salvo jure, etc. Et dat. Dom. regi et D. reginae 5. 51. de fine pro ingressu suo habendo, et fidelitas inde respectuatur quousque, etc. Et ulterius consideratum est per curiam quod dict. Joseph est infra aetatem ut praefertur. Ideo determinatum est et concessum est per consensum curiae quod Johanna Heynes nuper uxor praed. Simonis, ac mater praed. Joseph habebit custodiam ejusdem Joseph, quousque idem Joseph pervenerit ad suam legitimam aetatem. (a) Note that this Simon Heynes, a doctor and priest, is not called otherwise here in form of law than ‘clericus,’ as in the evidences before other priests are called. (b) Note that the opinion of Frowick hath always been taken to be law, as may appear by this president that passed before sir Clement Heigham being learned in the law, and chief baron of the exchequer in the time of the late queen Mary. 186 Stat. an. 32. Red. Hen. 8. cap. 10. 187 See Edition, 1563, p. 589, misprinted 598. - ED.

    LORD THOMAS CROMWELL 1 ‘ Shireman 182 .’ Edit. 1570. - ED. 2 Good stuff, I trow. 3 Ex literis papae Clementis VII. ad Guliel, Warramum. archiep. 4 For the copy of the bishops’ oath to the pope, see page 61 of this volume. - ED. 5 For the next paragraphs extending to page 373, and distinguished with asterisks, see Edition 1563, pages 589-593. - ED. 6 Horace, Epod. 4. 50. - ED. 7 See the close of the Second Book, vol. 1 and vol. 2 pp. 52-58, 64 - ED. 8 Ex Hist. Gervasii 9 Ex Hist. Ingulph. 10 Ex Chron. Peterb. [Also in the year 1116. - ED.] 11 Ex Chron. S. Edmund. 12 Ex Walter. Wikes. Hoveden. Gualter. Coventr. Fabian. Malmesb. 13 ‘Monachus non docentis, sed plangentis habet officium.’ [Causa] 16. quaest. [1. Section 4.] ‘Monchus.’ 14 ‘Alia causa est monachi, alia clerici;’ ‘Clerici oves pascunt;’ ‘Ego pascor,’ etc. [Causa] 16. quaest. [1. Section 6.] 15 ‘In Croylandiam primum installatus, A. D. 1076, inveni tune in isto monasterio monachos numero 62, quorum quatuor laici fratres erant, praeter aliorum mouasteriorum monachos nostri capituli conprofessos,’ etc. Ex Chron. Ingulphi. Abbat. Croylandensis. [Rerum Angliarum Scriptores post Bedam. Franc. 1601. p. 905. - ED. 16 ‘Nullus ad id tempus nisi monachali schemate indutus archiepiscopus fuisset,’ etc. Ex Guliel. Malmesb. in Vita Odonis. - Ex Nubrigens. lib. 4. cap. 33. 17 Foxe erroneously says ‘of Merton Abbey.’ See the Appendix. - ED. 18 ‘Cujus foetor usque ad nubes fumum teterrimum exhalabat.’ Matt. Par. 19 See Edition 1563, p. 593. - ED. 20 The whole of this account of what passed in the Convocationhouse, 200 is taken by Foxe verbatim, with the exception of the necessary change of pronouns, from a statement made by Alexander Alesius himself in a rare tract, an imperfect copy of which is in the library of St. Paul’s cathedral. The title of the work (which is wanting in the copy alluded to) runs thus: ‘Of the auctoritye of the Word of God agaynst the Bishop of London, wherein are conteyned certen disputacyons had in the Parlement Howse betwene the Bishops, abowt the nomber of the Sacraments, and other things, very necessary to be known: made by Alexander Alane, a Scot, and sent to the Duke of Saxon.’ 16mo. From the same work it appears that the author had been ‘specially called into Ingland (from Antwerp) by the right noble Lord Crumwel and the Archbisshop of Caterbery,’ by whom he had not only been ‘lovingly received,’ but also by the King himself. He was subsequently sent to Cambridge, ‘to reade a lecture of the scripture there,’ but was stopped by the opposite party, on an alleged infringement of the Statutes. On this, for a while, he abandoned theology for physic, studying under ‘Doctor Nicolas’ of London. The meeting of Alesius with Cromwell, on this occasion, appears to have been entirely accidental. For a further account of Alesius, whose name is sometimes translated Hales, or Ales, and sometimes Alan: see M’Kenzie’s Scots Writers, fol. vol. 2. p. 183; also Herbert’s Account of Painting, vol. in. pp. 1547 and 1533. - ED. 21 August. ad Januarium, Epis. 118. 22 Truth will come out at last. 23 The persecutors were Fisher’s wife of Hornsey; Dr. Cox; Bishop Stokesley; Holland his sumner; Master Garter, king of arms. 24 ‘Let no man judge you in meat and drink, or in respect of an holy day,’ etc. Colossians 2:16. 25 The name of this secretary was Master Ralph Morice, being yet alive. 26 See ‘Le Novelle de Bandello.’ Lucca, 1554. Part 2. p. 202. Bandello was bishop of Agen in France, and died A. D. 1561. - ED. 27 Note that this cloth-shearer was his father-in-law. [Vide supra, p. 362. - ED.] 28 An Italian ducat cometh to as much as our English crown. 29 See also page 404. - ED. 30 Ex testimonio secretarii Cantuar. 31 Journals, p. 143. - ED. 32 On the 29th of June the Bill of Attainder passed. See Journals, p. 146. - ED. 33 See Edition 1563, p. 598. - ED. 34 This ejaculatory portion of Cromwell’s address is from the Edition 1563, p. 598. - ED. 35 See Edition 1563, p. 598. - ED. 36 This paragraph, with ‘The Fantasie of Idolatrie,’ is from the First Edition, 1563, pp. 598-600. - ED. 37 ‘The image of our Lady at Walsingham was so famous in former times that even foreigners came on pilgrimage to visit it.. Erasmus has given us a description of the chapel or shrine in which it was contained, and which appears to nave been a distinct building from the priory church.

    Henry III. went thither in his twenty-sixth year. Edward I. in his ninth, and-twenty-fifth years. Edward II. in his ninth year. Edward III. in his thirty-fifth year. John de Mountford earl of Bretaigne came over to visit it in the thirty-fifth of Edward III. David Bruce king of Scotland in the thirty-eighth year of Edward III. Henry VI. went there in 1455.

    Henry VII. ordered an image of silver, gilt, to be set up before it, in his will; and Henry VIII. and his first queen made more than one visit to it.

    Sir Henry Spelman says, that when he was a youth, the tradition was that Henry. VIII. had walked barefoot from the town of Barsham to the chapel of our Lady, and presented her with a necklace of great value. This famous image, however, upon the change of belief, was taken from Walsingham to Chelsea, near London, and there burnt, the thirtieth year of Henry VIII.’ See Dugdale, vol. 6. p. 71. Lond. 1825. - ED. 38 ‘ The holy blood of Hayles . 212 ’ ‘Hayles Abbey in Gloucestershire, called also ‘Tray’ (see Annales Waverl. in anno 1246), was founded by Richard, earl of Comwall, second son to king John. The building was commenced in 1246, and was completed in 1251. Edmund, earl of Comwall, son and heir of Richard the founder, having, in his travels in Germany with his father, obtained a portion of a relic, considered to be the blood of our Savior, gave a third part of it, after his father’s death, to this monastery in 1272, occasioning a very increased resort to it.

    Another portion of this blood he gave to the house of the Bonhommes at Ashridge.’ See Dugdale, vol. 5. p. 686. - ED. 39 ‘Lowted,’ made a lout or fool of: Nares’s Glossary. - ED. 40 ‘Bote,’ a boot: see Appendix to vol. 4. note on p. 580. - ED. 41 ‘Chaftes,’ the chops or cheeks of the figure. - ED. 42 ‘Traitors bones,’ the bones of Thomas Becket. - ED. 43 ‘Boat,’ amends, or means of safety. - ED. 44 Thus ended this little treatise, made and compiled by Gray.

    THE BIBLE IN ENGLISH 1 See the Appendix. - ED. 2 The doers hereof were Richard Grafton and [Edward] Whitchurch. 3 For this and the succeeding documents see Edition 1563, pp. 620, 621.

    See Appendix. - ED. 4 The crucifix near the north door: pulled down in 1547. See Dugdale’s History of St. Paul’s (Lond. 1814), pp. 15 and 112. - ED. 5 See Edition 1563, p. 604. - ED.

    THOMAS GARRET 1 See the Appendix. - ED. 2 See Edition 1563, p. 604. - ED. 3 Anthony Dalaber was the reporter hereof. 4 See the Appendix. - ED. 5 Ibid. - ED. 6 The ‘Compline,’ was the last or evening prayer. - ED. 7 See Appendix. 8 ‘Little-ease was one of the cells in the Tower: the name however was sometimes applied to other prisons: see vol. 4. p. 581, vol. 7. p. 77, and vol. 8. p. 205. - ED. 9 See the Appendix. - ED249 . 10 These articles are introduced from the first edition of the Acts and Monuments, London, 1563, p. 477, so printed. See Appendix. - ED. 11 The name of this good man varies slightly in the spelling. In the Latin edition, Basle, 1559, p. 165, it is ‘Gerardus.’ In vol. 4. p. 586, in a very rare catalogue, from the first edition, of certain persons ‘who were forced to abjure in king Henry’s days,’ he appears as Thomas Gerarde, priest; while at page 421 of this volume he is designated as Garret or Garrerd. - ED. 12 By comparing the last article with Dalaber’s history as given above, and with vol. 4. p. 608, the ‘year and time’ appear to have been A. D. 1528. - ED. 13 ‘Carfax,’ the market place at Oxford. - ED.

    WILLIAM JEROME 1 Out of the preface of Stephen Gardiner against George Joye. [London, 1546. 8vo. - ED. 2 Stephen Gardiner cannot abide ‘only, only.’ 3 Stephen Gardiner, in his preface to George Joye. 4 Printed in 1543, 16mo. - ED. 5 Printed in 1546. l6mo. - ED. 6 ‘Dialogi Sex’ (Antw. 1566), pp. 993-995. Reginald is said to be ‘ordinis Brigitani.’ - ED. 7 Read before page 264, [and the Appendix.] 8 Ibid. 9 This recorder was sir Roger Cholmley. 10 Page 841. Edit. 1809. - ED. 11 And how could he take that learning of Dr. Barnes, when Dr. Barnes was never of that opinion.

    RICHARD SPENCER 1 Ex Regist. Lond.

    SIX ARTICLES 1 Ex Regist. Lond. 2 Ex Regist. Lond. 3 Ex Regist. Lond.

    THOMAS BERNARD JAMES MORTON 1 Ex testimonio Rad. Moric.

    IMAGINATION OF FIRE 1 See Edition 1563, page 621. Also the Latin edition, 1559, p. 139. - ED. 2 See Edition, 1563, p. 622. - ED. 3 Some yet are alive whose mothers’ arms were there broken. 4 Democritus was a philosopher who used to laugh at all things, as Heraclitus used to weep at all things. 5 Some say that the monk’s head was broken with the faggot. 6 See Edition 1563, p. 623. - ED. 7 ‘Pleno ridet Calphurnius ore.’ - Horace. 8 It has been found necessary to alter several of the dates connected with the story of Cromwell, and this among others. Foxe considered that Cromwell was apprehended in July 1541. Stow, in his ‘Annales,’ (fol.

    Lond. 1750), gives the 9th of July, 1540, as the date; but even this is too late, as the Bill of Attainder had finally passed the Lords on the 29th of June. The writers of the Biographia Britannica, (fol. Lond. 1750, vol. ill p. 1535). draw attention to both these errors, and insist that the 10th of June, 1540, is the true date. Cromwell’s name indeed is retained on the Roll of the House till the 18th of June, the day after the bill of attainder was first brought in: but the letter “p ,” denoting his presence, is not attached to his name after June 10th. - The bill for the divorce of Anne of Cleves was ‘concluded’ on the 16th of July, 1540.

    See the Journals of the Lords. - ED. 9 See page 439; they were not, however, all Charterhouse monks. - ED. 10 Foxe says “A. D. 1542.” The Journals of the Lords, using at that time the legal and ecclesiastical year, which ran on to the 25th of March, give these transactions under the year 1541. Foxe, however, says, ‘in the next year following:’ the fact is that the queen was accused to the king by Cranmer November 2d, and her paramours were executed December 10th. Katharine was not impeached till January 16th, and beheaded February 13th, 1542. - ED. 11 It is reported of some, that this lady Rochford forged a false letter against her husband and queen Anne, his sister, by which they were both cast away; which if it be so, the judgment of God then is here to be marked. Ex Hallo et aliis. 12 See the Appendix. - ED. 13 Foxe says, “the next year after this ensuing, which was 1543,” which is correct in one sense but false in another: for the ensuing proclamation was issued in the 34th regnal year of Henry VIII. which was the “next” regnal year to that in which the preceding document was issued, but the “next but one” historical year. - ED.

    WINDSOR MEN 1 See Hall’s Chronicle, (4to. Lond. 1809,) page 858. Also Fabyan’s Chronicle, (Lond. 1811,) page 705. Foxe erroneously gives the date 1544. - ED.

    PERSECUTION AT WINDSOR 1 Filmer is called Finmore in the first edition. - ED. 2 O blind popery! to seek the death of a living man, for the nose of a dead stock. 3 Master Magnus; magnus idololatra. 4 ‘Sir Philip Hobby;’ see Burnet’s Hist. of the Ref. (Oxford, 1816,) vol. 1. p.591. - ED. 5 What cost the papists can be at, to trouble their even-christened. 6 The name of this gentleman was Master Knight. 7 How Winchester hunteth for Dr. Haynes. 8 Mark here the wiles of Winchester. 9 Well sworn, and like a right papist. 10 Christ saith, ‘Scrutamini scripturas’; and Winchester saith, ‘The devil makes mento meddle with the Scriptures.’ 11 Master Richard Turner, of Magdalen college, in Oxford, and after of Windsor, a godly learned man and a good preacher; who in queen Mary’s time fled into Germany, and there died.

    PEERSON, TESTWOOD, AND FILMER 1 The bishops condemn men not only without all law, but also stop the law that it should not be known. 2 Thus Filmer was condemned by one witness, against the law; and how do the bishops then say, that they do nothing but by a law? 3 The story doth purge itself, if it had pleased these men to take one place with another. [See the Edition of 1563. Compare page 626, line 46, with page 1742, middle column. - ED.] 4 In the First Edition of the Acts and Monuments, page 626, the story is thus briefly related: ‘These five men were condemned to death by the statute of the Six Articles (whereof is spoken before), and adjudged to be burned, saving that Bennet and Finmore escaped by the king’s pardon: the other three, Peerson, Testwood, and Marbeck, constantly and stoutly suffered martyrdom ill the fire, the 28th day of July, 1543.’ See also the Latin edition, 1559, pp. 182, 183, of which the above is a repetition. Read more upon this subject in the following note. - ED. 5 ‘The book itself showeth the escape:’ this error of our author respecting Marbeckdeath is a favorite subject of his ‘caviling adversaries,’ the papists. It is true that the extract given on the last page, contains the words upon which their accusations are founded; with what fairness, however, the reader may best judge, when he reads the following words from page 1742 of the First Edition of the Acts and Monuments. ‘Faultes and oversightes escaped, and to be restored in the reading of this history,’ etc. ‘Page 626, lin. 46. a. Finmore, rede Marbeck; lin. 48.

    Marbecke rede Finmore; lin. 43, these five, rede four men; lin. 46. saving that Benet, rede, for Benet was not condemned.’ - So that, in fact, the passage really reads thus: ‘Upon these articles these four men were condemned to death by the statute of the six articles (whereof is spoken before), and adjudged to be burned; for Bennet was not condemned, and Marbecke escaped by the king’s pardon: the other three, Peerson, Testwood, and Finmore, constantly and stoutly suffered martyrdom in the fire,’ etc. The politic oversight of the papists is here remarkable, who could so acutely observe the error on page 626, but allow the contents of page 1742, entirely to escape their notice. - ED.

    GEORGE BUCKER 1 This French crown was dearly bought 286 , for by the same he was impeached of treason. 2 See Edition 1563, page 656. - ED. 3 See Edition 1563, p. 658. - ED. 4 Foxe says erroneously the 31st year: see App. - ED. 5 For the matter from hence to page 505, see Edition 1563, pp. 658-660. - ED. 6 See p. 262. Foxe is wrong, however, in dating this Act at both places “A.

    D. 1540,” as the session in which this act of the Six Articles was passed, terminated on the 28th of June 1539. See 31st Henry VIII., cap. 14. The Act is printed entire in the Statutes at Large (4to. Lond. 1769,) vol. 9. Appendix, pp. 127-132. - ED. 7 This Master Hall is named afterwards in the story of Anne Askew. 8 See Edition 1563, pp. 661, 662. - ED. 9 See Edition 1563, pp. 663, 664. - ED. 10 Ibid. p. 664. - ED. 11 Ibid. - ED. 12 ‘Aqua vitae,’ to digest the blood and bones of the sacrament. 13 See Edition 1563, p. 663. - ED. 14 ‘The first commission sent over to Calais.’ It does not appear (from the previous narrative at least) that this first commission was so sent: on the contrary, all its sittings seem to have been held in London. - ED.

    A NEW COMISSION 1 The names of eleven prisoners 297 only are here given, while the marginal note mentions thirteen. The text afterwards, in two places, speaks of the party as consisting of thirteen. In that number Brook is included; but Stevens is separately referred to, pp. 519, 523. The name, therefore, of the thirteenth prisoner is not intimated. - ED. 2 See the Appendix respecting an error here. - ED. 3 See Edition, 1563, p. 666. - ED. 4 See Edition 1563, pp. 666, 667. - ED. 5 See Edition 1563, p. 668. - ED. 6 Foxe says “A. D. 1541; “ the same error is made in ‘The Life of Cromwell,’ p. 402. - ED. 7 Ex Literis Johan. Marbecki. 8 See Edition 1563, p. 665. - ED. 9 See Edition 1563, p. 666. - ED. 10 Ex scripto testimonio Caletiensium. 11 This anthem the black friars were enjoined to sing every night to our Lady, in praise of her conception. 12 Hall’s Chronicle, Loud. 1809, pp. 858-9. - ED. 13 This principal was a chaplain of the said college. 14 Bigamus, that is, a man that hath had two wives. 15 Ex Ed. Hallo. 16 Foxe again says A. D. 1540.. See page 502, note 4. - ED. 17 Stat. an. 35 reg. Hen. VIII. [This act (34, 35 Henry VIII. cap. 1.) is printed at length in Gibson’s Codex Juris Ecclesiastici (Oxf. 1761), pp. 346-349. The session terminated on the 12th of May, 1543. - ED.] 18 Stat. an. 1544. Hen. VIII. [The statute here referred to is the 35th of Henry VIII. cap. 5. See Gibson’s Codex, pp. 349, 350. The session closed on the 29th of March, 1544. - ED.] 19 John Athy recanted. [See the Appendix.] 20 See the Appendix. 21 Wisehart was burnt in the year 1546. See infra p. 625, and Knox’s Hist. of the Reformation, (fol. Edinburgh, 1732), p. 50. - ED.

    ROGER CLARKE 1 ‘And so was dissolved:’ ‘Whereas he lived long in great and cruel torments most woeful to behold, and so ended his life.’ See Edition 1563, p. 655. - ED. 2 Stat. camo 37 reg. Hen. VIII. [cap. 4. - ED.] 3 Charity and concord, in commonwealths, be things most necessary: but, in matters of religion, charity and concord be not enough, without verity and true worship of God. If true religion had been maintained and error reformed, these terms of variance had not need now to be reproved. 4 And wherein else consisteth all this variance, but only because God’s word hath not its free course, but that those who set it forth, are condemned and therefore burned. 5 This can touch none but only the papists, who will needs be both accusers, and also judges in their own opinions and causes. 6 Bow are they permitted to hear God’s word, when no one is permitted to read it under the degree of a gentleman. 7 St. Jerome wisheth the Scriptures not only to be read of all men, but also to be sung of women at their rocks, of ploughmen at the ploughs, of weavers at their looms, etc. 8 Godly living, though it increase not with the gospel so much as we wish, yet the defect thereof is not to be imputed to the gospel: and if we well compare time with time, we shall find, by viewing the books of the old wardmote quests of whores and bawds and wicked livers, ten presented to one now, besides priests and the common stews. 9 Not the year following, but the same year in which Dr. Crome recanted, 1546. - ED.

    SIR WILLIAM ASKEW 1 Edition 1563, p. 669. See Appendix. - ED. 2 These words are supplied from ‘The First Examinasyon of Anne Askew, with the Elucydacyon of Johan Bale.’ (16mo. Marpurg. 1546), p. 32. - ED. 3 See the Appendix. - ED. 4 Ex Regist. Lond. 5 Concerning that which they here demanded, as touching Master Kyme, read in the century of John Bale writing upon this place. [See the Lattre Examination of Anne Askew, with the Elucydacyon of Johan Bale, (16mo. Marpurg. 1547), p. 15. - ED.] 6 This lord chancellor was Wrisley or Wriothesley. 7 The following passage is omitted by Foxe, but is given by John Bale: - “Then came Master Paget to me with many glorious words, and desired me to speak my mind unto him: I might, he said, deny it again if need were. I said that I would not deny the truth. He asked me, how I could avoid the very words of Christ, ‘Take, eat, this is my body which shall he broken for you?’ I answered that Christ’s meaning was there as in these other places of the Scripture. ‘I am the door;’ ‘Behold the Lamb of God;’ ‘The rock-stone was Christ; ‘ as well as others. Ye may not here, said I, take Christ for the material thing that he is signified by; for these ye will make him a very door, a vine, a lamb, a stone; clean contrary to the Holy Ghost’s meaning. All these do signify Christ, like as the bread doth signify his body in that place.

    And though he did say there. ‘Take, eat this in remembrance of me; yet did he not bid them hang up that bread in a box and make it a god, or bow to it.” The song which Anne Askew sang at her death, is given by Bale, amid will be found in the appendix. - ED. 8 See the Appendix. - ED. 9 This counselor was sir John Baker.

    JOHN LACELS, JOHN ADAMS, NICHOLAS BELENIAN 1 Stowe says July 16th. See his Annals (fol. Lond. 1631,) p. 592. - ED. 2 Maozim signifieth in Hebrew, as much as the god of divers temples. 3 The god Maozim in Daniel alludeth much near to Mazon, which signifieth bread. 4 See the Latin Edition. Basle, 1559, p. 200. - ED.

    QUEEN KATHERINE PARR 1 How Winchester and his fellows devise against the gospellers! 2 This purpose being altered, that the ladies should be first taken, it was then appointed that they, with the queen, should altogether be apprehended, in manner as is here declared.

    STEPHEN GARDNIER 1 This ambassador was admiral of France, whose name was Monsieur de Annebalt: he camo to Hampton Court, the 20th day of August, A. D. 1546. 2 The name of this registrar was Master Morice, secretary some time to archbishop Cranmer. 3 Mark the mischievous fetches of this old fox, Winchester.

    SIR GEORGE BLAGE 1 Nay rather for the ignorance and lack of God’s Scripture, many have taken occasion of error and heresies intolerable. 2 See the Appendix. - ED. 3 This catalogue is only found in the First Edition, 1563, pp. 573, 574: see Appendix. - ED. 4 See p. 565. - ED. 5 ‘The whole Bible,’ by Miles Coverdale. 6 Regensburg, i.e. Ratisbon. - ED. 7 Translated into English by George Joye. 8 By Theodore Basil, alias Thomas Beacon. 9 Made by the said Theodore Basil, otherwise called Thomas Beacon. 10 By William Tyndale. 11 See the Appendix. - ED.

    HERESIES AND ERRORS IN THE BOOK OF TYNDALE 1 These folios refer to an edition of the works of Tyndale, Frith, and Barnes, printed by John Daye, London, 1573; and to which Foxe wrote a preface. There has been occasion to correct a few of them. The passages within brackets have been inserted from that edition, and collated with an edition printed at ‘Malborowe, in the land of Hesse,’ in 1528. - ED. 1a Herein is nothing contained but what is rightly consonant unto the Scripture. 1b 2 Corinthians 3. What heresy is in these words? 1c This place speaketh of the operation and effect of faith, containing nothing but what is maintainable by the Scripture. 1d He meaneth in his divinity, but in his humanity he deserved heaven by his works, not only for himself, but for us all. 2 The believing man, standing upon the certainty of God’s promise, may assure himself of his salvation, as truly as Christ himself is saved; and he can no more than Christ himself be damned: and, although the Scripture doth not use this phrase of speaking, yet it importeth no less in effect, by reason of the verity of God’s promise, which impossible it is to fail. 3 This article is falsely wrested out of these words; which do not say that we should not do the commandments, but that we cannot do them. 4 The place biddeth us put our trust in Christ only, and not in poor men’s prayers; and so doth the Scripture likewise, and yet no heresy therein. 5 This place answereth for itself sufficiently. 6 This place tendeth to no such meaning as is in the article, but only showeth our good deeds to be imperfect. 7 This place giveth to none any propriety of another man’s goods but only by way of Christian communion. 8 Lo! reader, how peevishly this place is wrested. First, here is no mention made of any Turk. Secondly, this place speaking of an infidel, meaneth of such Christians as forsake their own households. Thirdly, by his right in thy goods, he meaneth no propriety that he hath to claim, but only to put thee in remembrance of thy Christian duty what to give. 9 ‘Souter.’ a cobbler. 10 The words of Tyndale sufficiently discharge the article of all heresy, if they be well-weighed. The meaning whereof is this, that all our acceptation with God, standeth only upon our faith in Christ, and upon no work nor office. Cornelius the soldier, believing in Christ, is as well justified before God, as the apostle or preacher; so that there is no rejoicing now either in work or office, but only in our faith in Christ, which only justifieth us before God. Romans 8. 11 ‘Satisfaction’ is treated of at fo. 132 in the edition of 1573, and also at fo. 149; but this passage does not occur in either page. - ED. 12 God sometimes hardeneth the heart of good princes, for the wickedness of the people. 13 ‘And made us kings and priests to God his Father,’ etc. Apace. 1. 14 This heresy is only to the pope; but none at all to God. 15 Translated by John Frith, A. D. 1529. (8vo. Marlborow in Hesse). This work, and ‘The Sum of the Scriptures,’ are extremely scarce. - ED. 16 By this king, he meaneth the king of faces which Daniel speaketh of in the eighth chapter. [Daniel 8:23. ‘A king of fierce countenance, and understanding dark sentences.’ See also Note 1, page 589. - ED.] 17 This book of the ‘Revelation of Antichrist,’ treating upon the eighth chapter of Daniel, who there speaketh of the king of faces and riddles, alludeth here to the same. 18 This place noteth only the preposterous judgment of those who set more by the precepts of men, than by the commandments of God; and yet herein he useth no railing, nor maketh terror. 19 The place may seem to speak somewhat vehemently peradventure, but yet I see no heresy in it. 20 The Lestrigones were a people or giants about the borders of Italy, who, as Homer saith, used to eat men’s flesh. [Odys. 10:120. - ED.] 21 Translated by Simon Fish, about the year 1530. - ED. 22 Whosoever gathereth heresy of this article must needs show himself to be a heretic. 23 What mean these men, trow you, to make this doctrine a heresy? 24 Ex Regist. Cant et Lond. See the Appendix. - ED. 25 Staphilus’s Theologiae Lutheranae trimembris Epitome, p. 18 to 26. 8vo. Antwerp, 1562. - ED. 26 Surius’s Commentarius rerum in orbe gestarum. ab anno 1500 ad 1574, page 74. Cologne, 1574. - ED. 27 The work alluded to is ‘Genebrardi Theol. Paris. chronographiae libri quatuor, Lugduni, 1599, pp. 725-729. The First Edition appeared sufficiently early for Foxe to consult it. A list of Genebrarde’s writings appears in ‘Possuevini apparatus sacer.’ Col. Agrip. 1608, p. 640. - ED. 28 The Second Edition (where the words in asterisks occur, line 6), was published in 1570. - ED. 29 Ex testim, uxoris Meriali, W. Tomson, Gregorii Newman, W. Wit, etc. 30 See vol. 4. p. 474. - ED. 31 This bull is given at a subsequent page with a translation. - ED. 32 This was the bull of pope Martin III., alias V., against Wickliff, Huss, Jerome, and their adherents (see vol. in. p. 557); concerning whom it was commanded ‘Ecclesliastica careant sepultura, nec oblationes fiant, aut recipiantur pro iisdem.’ See ‘Magnum Bullarium Romanum,’ etc. vol. 1. p. 288. Edit. Luxemburgi. 1727. - ED. 33 ‘Confutat. prolegom. Brentii duct Stanislao Hosio Card. See his Opera 1. pp. 424-426. Coloniae, 1584. 34 Wilhelmus Lindanus ‘Tabulae grassantium passim haereseon anasceuasticae Lutheranae,’ etc. 8vo. Antwerp, 1562. - ED. 35 Genebrarde’s ‘Chronographia.’ Fol. Paris, 1567. - ED. 36 Basil. fol. 1549, very rare. Another Edition of this work is in the British Museum; fol. ‘Apud St. Victorem prope Moguntiam, ex officina Francisci Behem. Typog. 1549.’ See also by the same author, ‘Libri sex de Haereticis in genere, etc. fol. ap. S. Vict. prope Mogunt. 1549; and De Gratia Sacramentorum liber unus, adversus assertionem Martini Lutheri. Argent. 1522.’ - ED. 37 Suetonius in Nerone, [cap. 38; edit. 1596. Lugduni Batavorum, p. 226: also Tacit. Annall. 15:44 - ED] 38 ‘The Threnes of Jeremy;’ the Lamentations, from Qrhnoi, the Greek word for lamentations. - ED.

    THE HISTORY OF PERSECUTION IN SCOTLAND 1 Henry VIII. died on Friday the 28th of January. - ED. 2 See Hall’s Chronicle. London, 1809, pp. 844-846. - ED 3 ‘Candicatia,’ rather Candida Casa, the Latin name of Quhit-tern or Whitehorn, a bishop’s see of Galloway. Fergus lord of Galloway, who flourished in the reign of king David I., founded here a priory. Morice, prior of this convent, swore fealty to Edward Longshanks, king of England A. D. 1296. This church was famous for the great resort of pilgrims, who flocked thither from all parts to St. Ninian’s sepulcher.

    There were two famous priors of this place, the one Gavin Dunbar A.

    D. 1540, afterwards archbishop of Glasgow; the other James Beaton a son of the family of Belfour in Fife, first archbishop of Glasgow, and then of St. Andrew’s, and chancellor of Scotland. - ED. 4 ‘John of Paslet’ or Paisley, in the shire of Renfrew, formerly a priory, and afterwards changed into an abbey of Black Monks, brought from Wenlock in England. - ED. 5 ‘Londrose,’ Lundores, in the shire of Fife, was a rich abbey, founded by David earl of Huntingdon (brother to king William), upon his return from the Holy Land, about the year 1178. This abbey was erected into a temporal lordship by James VI. the 25th December, 1600, in favor of Patric Lesly, son to Andrew earl of Roshes. - ED. 6 ‘Rillos.’ This word has been originally ‘Killos,’ in the Latin edition, page 166; as such it occurs in the following passage: ‘Kinloss, or rather Keanloch, in Moray, was a famous abbey.’ ‘Dempster, following the old and popular tradition, calls it Killoss, and gives us the following account of it, and the reason of its foundation,’ etc. See Keith’s Historical Catalogue of Scottish Bishops, etc. 8vo. Edinb. 1824, p.418. - ED. 7 A similar suggestion is offered respecting this word. It has probably been written Kulrose. ‘Culross or Kyllenross situated upon the Frith of Forth,’ etc. ‘an abbey founded in the year 1217.’ See Keith, page 422. - ED. 8 ‘Quiterne’ or Quhit-hern; Whitehorn or Candida Casa. - ED. 9 ‘Petinuaim,’ Pittenween, in the shire of Fife. - ED 10 Hall says ‘Kylmane:’ probably Kilmany, as spelt by Macpherson. - ED 11 Hall says, ‘The gray friars of St. Andrew’s.’ - ED. 12 ‘Huntelo,’ Huntly, a castle of the Gordons in Berwiekshire. - ED. 13 ‘Finwart,’ Finnart, or Finlater, a castle of the Sinclairs and Ogilvys, to whom it has given the title of earl. - ED. 14 There has been some difference in the statements of this preamble as given by Hall and by Foxe; by the aid of the former several of the proper names have been corrected, while others are explained in the notes, on the authority of Keith and others. Neither Knox in his ‘History of the Reformation,’ nor Spotswood in his ‘History of the Church of Scotland,’ nor Hail in his ‘Chronicle,’ have preserved those interesting answers which Foxe has given us. - ED. 15 Augustine, Tractatus in Johannem, 1; fol. 12. - ED. 16 For the opinions of Tatian, who was a disciple of Justin Martyr, see Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromat. lib. 2. p. 460, also Origen, de Oratione, cap. 13. - ED. 17 Levitical priests in the time of their ministration, abstained from their wives: ergo, Christian priests must have no wives. I do deny the argument. 18 The Levitical law is no necessary rule now binding. But he meaneth here of excessive land-possessions, of abbeys, and religious houses addicted to them; but the princes may diminish or convert them otherwise, upon considerations.

    THOMAS FORRET 1 Insh-Colme or Insh-Mahomo. - ED. 2 Ferret preacheth, and will take no mortuary nor chrism of his parishioners: ergo, he is a heretic against the pope’s catholic church. 3 It is too much in the pope’s church, to preach every Sunday. The bishop of Dunkeld was not ordained to preach. 4 The last day of February, 1538-9, according to Keith, upon whose authority, in his history of the Church of Scotland, several of the proper names in this and the following narration have been corrected. - ED.

    THE PERSECUTIONS IN PERTH 1 In Burnet’s History of the Reformation, London, 1820, vol. 2. part 2, page 371, is the ball of pope Paul, constituting cardinal Beaton, archbishop of St. Andrews, legate ‘a latere’ in the kingdom of Scotland. - ED. 2 Ex Regist, et instrumentis a Scotia missis. [The whole of this account, and the preceding one of sir John Borthwike, are extant in the Latin Edition of Foxe’s book published at Basle in 1559, pp. 170 to 179. - ED.] GEORGE WISEHART 1 Wishart, Wisehard, or Guiscard. - ED. 2 Here commences Foxe’s reprint of the pamphlet referred to in the note on p. 636. - ED. 3 ‘Jack,’ a horseman’s defensive upper garment, quilted and covered with strong leather. (Nares.) - ED. 4 ‘Mirepoix in the province of Languedoc, to which he was consecrated on the 5th of December, 1537; and so I find him styled at home here, ‘Administratoris Episcopatus Mirapicen, in Gallia.’ See Keith’s Scottish Bishops, p. 23. - ED. 5 ‘Aberbroshok,’ now Arbroath. - ED. 6 ‘Ex ore infantium.’ 7 ‘Ex Historia impressa.’ [This alludes to a small pamphlet published about the time of cardinal Beaton’s death, the general title of which is ‘The tragical death of David Beato Bishoppe of Saint Andrews in Scotland: wherunto is joyned the martyrdom of Maister Wyseharte, etc.; imprinted at London, by John Day, and William Seres.’ The book is in eights, and the tragedy of Beaton is printed in small, and Wishart’s trial in large black letter. The date of printing is not mentioned, but it is probable that it was printed soon after Beaton’s death. Foxe has embodied the whole in his Acts and Monuments. It is remarkable that this pamphlet had become so scarce in Scotland, even in the time of John Knox, a contemporary of Foxe, that the former, in his history of the Reformation, speaks of it, as accessible to the public in Foxe’s work alone; and prefaces his own reprint of the trial with these words: ‘The manner of his (Wishart’s) accusation, proofs, and answers following, as we have received the same from The Book of Martyrs, which, word by word, we have here inserted; and that, because the said book, for the price thereof, is rare to be had.’

    Maitland, also, in his ‘Antiquities of Scotland,’ (fol. Edinb. 1757), quotes largely from ‘The Book of Martyrs,’ for his account of this trial. See vol. 2:p. 824. - Also M’Crie’s Life of Knox (notes), vol. 1. p. 368. Edit. 1813. - ED.] ADAM WALLACE 1 Convenerunt scribae et pharisaei adversus Dominum, et adversus Christum ejus. 2 ‘Kyle,’ one of the subdivisions of Airshire. - ED. 3 Ex testimoniis et literis e Scotia petitis, A. D. 1550. [Knox gives a different public examination, and concludes by saying that ‘Wallace patiently sustained the fire, the same day at afternoon.’ - ED.] THE SCHISM IN SCOTLAND 1 Master D. Gaw and Master Thomas Harvey were two procurators. 2 Pater-noster to be said to God ‘formaliter,’ and to saints ‘materialiter.’ ‘Ultimate,’ to God, ‘non ultimate,’ to saints. ‘Principaliter,’ to God, ‘minus principaliter,’ to saints. ‘Primarie,’ to God, ‘secundarie,’ to saints. ‘Stricte,’ to God, ‘large,’ to saints. 3 That is, to the numbering of voices. 4 This Winram is now become a godly minister in the church of God, and a married man. 5 Ex testim. e Scotia allato.

    WALTER MILLE 1 ‘Athens.’ The pope had conferred on Alexander Gordon the empty title of archbishop of Athens, accompanied by a promise of the next vacant see, in consequence of Gordon’s nomination to the see of Glasgow having been over-ruled by the court of Home, about the year 1547.

    Gordon was made bishop of the Isles in 1553, and translated from thence to Galloway about the year 1558; but ‘he always retained the title of archbishop of Athens.’ - See Keith’s Scottish Bishops (4to Edin. 1755), p. 175; also p. 166. - ED. 2 ‘Balindrinot.’ Balmerino. 3 ‘Cowpers.’ Coupar or Cupar. - ED. 4 Ex fideli testimonio e Scotia misso. [By this and the foregoing references of the same character, it may be inferred that these documents were sent from Scotland to John Foxe when at Basil, compiling his Ecclesiastical History. Spotswood avails himself of this account of Mille, but without acknowledgment - correcting the proper names, and making a few other slight alterations. The venerable martyr himself stated, that he was eighty-two years old. See Petrie’s History of the Catholic Church (fol. Hague, 1662, pp. 189-191). Petrie quotes a manuscript written by Lindsay, and preserved in the library of the college of Edinburgh. - ED.] A TABLE OF MARTYRS 1 Natural son, as distinguished from son-in-law. - ED. 2 Ex Regist. W. Warh. 3 Their meaning was this, that priests can claim no more virtue or high estate by their order than can a layman. 4 For a sacrament, they meant. 5 Ex verbis Registri. 6 Ex verbis Registri. 7 Ex Regist. W. Warham, fol. 177. 8 Ex Regist. Cantuariensis Arch. 9 Ex Regist. W. Warh, fol. 179. [See vol. 4:p. 181.] 10 The Tenor of the Sentence. - In nomine Dei, Amen: Willielmus permissione divina Cantuariensis archiepiscopus, totius Angliae primas et apostolicae sedis legatus, in quodam negotio haereticae pravitatis contra te Willielmum Carder de Tenderden nostr. Cantuar. dioceseos laicum ac nostro imperio notorie subditum et subjectum, coram nobis in judicio personaliter comparentem, nobis super haeretica pravitate hujusmodi detectum et delatum, ac per nostram diocesim Cantuariae antedictae notorie et publice in ea parte apud bonos et graves diffamatum, ex officio mero rite et canonice procedentes, auditis et intellectis, visis et cognitis, rimatisque ac matura deliberatione discussis et ponderatis dicti negotii meritis, servatisque in omnibus et per omnis in eodem negotio de jure servandis ac quomodolibet requisitis, pro tribunali sedentes, Christi nomine invocato, et solum Deum prae oculis habentes: quia per acta, actitata, deducta, probata, et exhibits coram nobis in eodem negotio invenimus te per probationes legitimas coram nobis in hac parte judicialiter factas nonnullos et varios errores, haereses, et damnatas opiniones, juri divino, et ecclesiastico obviantes, contrarios, et repugnantes, contra fidem orthodoxam, determinatam, et observatam, tenuisse, credidisse, affirmasse, praedicasse, et dogmatizasse, et praesertim contra sacraments altaris, seu eucharistiae, poenitentiae, ordinis, et alia sacramenta et sanctae matris ecclesiae dogmata: et quamvis nos Christi vestigiis inhaerendo, qui non vult mortem peccatoris, sed magis ut convertatur et vivat, saepenumero conati fuimus te corrigere, ac viis et modis licitis, et canonicis, quibus potuimus aut scivimus, ad fidem orthodoxam per universalem catholicam et apostolicam ecclesiam determinatam et observatam, ac ad unitatem ejusdem sanctae matris ecclesiae reducere, tamen invenimus te adeo durae cervicis, quod tuos errores et haereses hujusmodi nolueris sponte et incontinenti confiteri, nec ad fidem catholicam et unitatem sanctae matris ecclesiae antedictas debite reverti et redire, sed tanquam iniquitatis et tenebrarum filius in tantum indurasti cor tuum, ut non velis intelligere vocem tui pastoris tibi paterno compatientis affectu, nec velis piis et paternis monitionibus allici, nec salubribus reduci blanditiis: nos vero nolentes quod tu qui iniquus es fias nequior, et gregem dominicum in futurum tuae haereticae pravitatis labe (de quo plurimum timemus) inficias, idcirco de consilio jurisperitorum nobis in hac parte assistentium cum quibus communicavimus, to Willielmum Carder praedictum, demeritis atque culpis per tuam damnabilem pertinaciam aggravatis, de et super hujusmodi detestabili haereticae pravitatis reatu convictum, et ad ecclesiae unitatem poenitentialiter redire nolentem, haereticum haereticisque credentem, ac eorum fautorem et receptatorem, praetextu praemissorum fuisse et esse cum dolore et amaritudine cordis judicamus et declaramus finaliter et diffinitive in his scriptis, relinquentes te ex nunc tanquam haereticum judicio sive curiae seculari, teque Willielmum Carder praedictum (ut praefertur) haereticum nihilominus in majoris excommunicationis sententiam occasione praemissorum incidisse et incurrisse, necnon excommunicatum fuisse et esse pronuntiamus, decernimus, et declaramus etiam in his scriptis. 11 Ex verbis Regist. W. Warham, fol. 176. A. D. 1511. 12 Ex hist. Cochlaei, contra Hussitas. [Mogunt. 1549, fol.: a scarce and valuable work, in twelve books. - ED.] 13 ‘To go woolward.’ See the Appendix. - ED. 14 Fol. 159.

    MARTYR BURNED IN SMITHFIELD WITH THE APOCALYPSE 1 Ex testimon. D. Rob. Outredi. 2 These letters are in the Harleian MSS. in the British Museum. Numbers 419, art. 25, etc. They are also given, with other interesting papers relating to the divorce, in Strype (Edit Oxford. 1822), vol. 1. part 29, pp. 66 - 130. Also Burnet (Edit. Lond. 1820), vol. 1. part 2, p. 12, etc. - ED. 3 This book, called the King’s Book 365 , was a certain treatise concerning the reasons and arguments of divers learned men for the lawful dissolution of the king’s marriage, with answer also to the contrary objections of Abel and others. And this book the king sent to the pope. 4 Ex Archetypo Rom. Pontificis ad Catherinam misso. 5 The pope sitteth in the throne of justice, with the like humility and same fashion, as Lucifer did sit in the seat of the Highest, and Antichrist sitteth in the temple of God. 6 And said never a word. 7 Id est, having no bribe of money in his hands, nor any fear of the emperor in his heart. 8 Is not this a glorious father, that will have no beggars to his sons and daughters, but emperors, kings, and queens? 9 And why then did you send Campeius to England to dissolve the same matrimony before, as appeareth above? 10 By his own canon law, he meaneth, and not by the law of God. 11 Here thou mayest see, good reader, how the pope may and doth err like a false prophet. For where he thought to put the king to silence, the same silence lighted upon himself, whereby the pope is driven himself to stand mute in England; and God grant he may so stand for ever.

    Amen. 12 The Latin copy of the bull here given, is from the Second Edition of the Acts and Monuments, London, 1570, pp. 1459 to 1461. See also a contemporary edition of the bull, printed at Antwerp, and ‘Bullarinm Romanum,’ Lugduni. 1655, p. 614. Also ‘Magnum Bullarium Romanum,’ vol. 1:p. 610. Edit. Luxemb. 1727. Foxe’s copy has been collated and corrected. - ED. 13 LEO PAPA X.

    Leo Episcopus servus servorum Dei ad perpetuam rei membriam.

    Exurge Domine et judica causam tuam. Memor esto improperiorum eorum quae ab insipientibus fiunt tota die. Inclina aurem tuam ad preces nostras, quoniam surrexerunt vulpes quaerentes demoliri vineam, cujus tu torcular calcasti solus, et ascensurus ad Patrem ejus curam regimen et administrationem Petro, tanquam capiti et tuo vicario, ejusque successoribus instar triumphantis ecclesiae commisisti.

    Exterminare eam nititur aper de sylva, et singularis ferus depascitur eam. Exurge Petre, et pro pastorali cura praefata, tibi (ut praefertur) divinitus demandata, intende in causam sanctae Romanae ecclesiae matris omniurn ecclesiarum ac fidei magistrae, quam tu (jubente Deo) tuo sanguine consecrasti;(A) contra quam (sicut tu praemonere dignatus es) insurgunt magistri mendaces introducentes sectas perditionis, sibi celerem interitum superducentes, quorum lingua ignis est, inquietum malum, plena veneno mortifero, qui, zelum amarum habentes et contentiones in cordibus suis, gloriantur et mendaces sunt adversus veritatem.

    Exurge tu quoque quaesnmus Paule, qui eam tua doctrina ac pari martyrio illuminasti atque illustrasti. Jam enim surgit novus Porphyrius, qui sicut ille olim sanctos apostolos injuste momordit, ita hic sanctos pontifices, praedecessores nostros, (contra tuam doctrinam eos non obsecrando(B) sed increpando) mordere, lacerare, ac, ubi causae suae diffidit, ad convitia accedere non veretur; more hereticorum, quorum (ut inquit Hieronymus) ultimum praesidium est, ut cum conspiciant causas suas damnatum iri incipiant virus serpentis lingua diffundere, et cum se victos conspiciant ad contumelias prosilire.

    Nam licet haereses esse ad exercitationem fidelium tu dixeris oportere, eas tamen, ne incrementum accipiant neve vulpeculae coalescant, in ipso ortu (te intercedente et adjuvante) extingui necesse est.

    Exurgat denique omnis sanctorum ac reliqua universalis ecclesia, cujus vera sacrarum literarum interpretatione post-habita quidam, quorum mentem pater mendacii excaecavit, ex veteri haereticorum instituto apud semetipsos sapientes, Scripturas easdem aliter quam Spiritus Sanctus flagitat, proprio duntaxat sensu, ambitionis auraeque popularis causa, teste Apostolo, interpretantur - imo vero torquent et adulterant: ita ut, juxta Hieronymum, jam non sit Evangelium Christi sed hominis, aut (quod pejus est) diaboli. (In Epist. ad Galatas cap. 1.)

    Exurgat, inquam, praefata ecclesia sancta Dei, et una cum beatissimis apostolis praefatis apud Deum omnipotentem intercedat, ut purgatis omnium schismaticorum erroribus, eliminatisque a fidelium finibus haeresibus universis, ecclesiae suae sanctae pacem et unitatem conservare dignetur.

    Dudum siquidem (quod prae animi angustia et maerore exprimere vix possumus) fide dignorum relatu, ac fama publica referente, ad nostrum pervenit auditum, imo vero (proh dolor)oculis nostris vidimus ac legimus, multos et varios errores (quosdam videlicet jam per concilia ac praedecessorum nostrorum constitutiones damnatos, haeresim etiam Graecorum et Bohemicam expresse continentes, alios vero respective vel haereticos, vel falsos, vel scandalosos, vel piarum aurium offensivos, vel simplicium mentium seductivos) a falsis fidei cultoribus - qui per superbam curiositatem mundi gloriam cupientes contra Apostoli doctrinam plus sapere volunt quam oporteat, quorum garrulitas (ut inquit Hieronymus) sine Scripturarum auctoritate non haberet fidem, nisi viderentur perversam doctrinam etiam divinis testimoniis, male tamen interpretatis, roborare (a quorum oculis Dei timor recessit) - humani generis hoste suggerente noviter suscitatos, et nuper apud quosdam leviores in inclyta natione Germanica seminatos.

    Quod eo magis dolemus ibi evenisse, quod eandem nationem et nos et praedecessores nostri in visceribus semper gesserimus charitatis. Nam post translatum ex Graecis a Romana ecclesia in eosdem Germanos imperium, iidem praedecessores nostri et nos ejusdem ecclesiae advocates defensoresque ex eis semper accepimus. Quos quidem Germanos, catholicae veritatis vere Germanos, constat haeresium acerrimos oppugnatores semper fuisse. Cujus rei testes sunt laudabiles illae constitutiones Germanorum imperatorum pro libertate ecclesiae proque expellendis exterminandisque ex omni Germania haereticis, sub gravissimis poenis, etiam amissionis terrarum et dominiorum, contra receptatores vel non expellentes olim editae et a nostris praedecessoribus confirmatae: quae si hodie servarentur, et nos et ipsi utique hac molestia careremus.

    Testis est in concilio Constantiensi Hussitarum ac Wicklevistarum nec non Hieronymi Pragensis damnata ac punita perfidia. Testis est totiens contra Bohemos Germanorum sanguis effusus. Testis denique est praedictorum errorum, seu multorum ex eis, per Coloniensem et Lovaniensem universitates, utpote agri Dominici piissimas religiosissimasque cultrices, non minus docta quam vera ac sancta confutatio reprobatio et damnatio. Multa quoque alia allegare possemus, quae ne historiam texere videamur, praetermittenda censuimus.

    Pro pastoralis igitur officii, divina gratia nobis injuncti, cura quam gerimus, praedictorum errorum virus pestiferum ulterius tolerare seu dissimulare, sine Christianae religionis nota atque ortbodoxae fidei injuria, nullo mode possumus. Eorum autem errorum aliquos praesentibus duximus inferendos, quorum tenor sequitur et est talis. Articuli Lutheri quos Papa tanquam haereticos damnavit.

    Heretica sententia est sed usitata, sacramenta novae legis justificantem gratiam illis dare, qui non ponunt obicem.

    In puero post baptismum negare remanens peccatum, est Paulum et Christum simul conculcare.

    Fomes peccati, etiamsi nullum adsit actuale peccatum, moratur exeuntem a corpore artimam ab ingressu coeli.

    Imperfecta charitas morituri fert secum necessario magnum timorem, qui ex se solo satis est facere poenam Purgatorii et impedit introitum regni.

    Tres esse partes poenitentiae, contritionem confessionem et satisfactionem, non est fundatum in sacra Scriptura, nec in antiquis sanctis Christianis doctoribus.

    Contritio quae paratur per discussionem collectionem et detestationem peccatorum, qua quis recogitat annos sues in amaritudine animae suae, ponderando peccatorum gravitatem, multitudinem, foeditatem, amissionem eternae beatitudinis, ac eternae damnationis acquisitionem - haec contritio facit hypocritam imo magis peccatorem.

    Verissimum est proverbium et omnium doctrina de contritionibus huc usque data praestantius, De caetero non facere. Summa poenitentia, optima poenitentia - nova vita.

    Nullo mode praesumas confiteri peccata venialia, sed nec omnia mortalia, quia impossibile est ut omnia mortalia cognoscas: unde in primitiva ecclesia solum manifesta mortalia confitebantur.

    Dum volumus omnia pure confiteri, nihil aliud facimus quam quod misericordiae Dei nihil volumus relinquere ignoscendum.

    Peccata non sunt ulli remissa nisi, remittente sacerdote, credat sibi remitti: imo peccatum maneret nisi remissum crederet. Non enim sufficit remissio peccati et gratiae donatio, sed oportet etiam credere esse remissum.

    Nullo modo confidas absolvi propter tuam contritionem, sed propter verbum Christi: Quodcunque solveris, etc. Huic inquam confide, si sacerdotis obtinueris absolutionem, et crede fortiter te absolutum, et absolutus vere eris, quicquid sit de contritione.

    Si (per impossibile) confessus non esset contritus, aut confessor non serio sed joco absolveret, si tamen credat se absolutum, verissime est absolutus.

    In sacramento poenitentiae ac remissione culpae non plus facit Papa Episcopus, quam infimus sacerdos: imo ubi non est sacerdos, aeque tantum facit quilibet Christianus, etiam si mulier aut puer esset.

    Nullus debet sacerdoti respondere se esse contritum, nec sacerdos requirere.

    Magnus est error eorum qui ad sacramentam eucharistiae accedunt huic innisi, quod sint confessi, quod non sunt sibi conscii alicujus peccati mortalis, quod praemiserint orationes suas et praeparatoria: omnes illi ad judicium sibi manducant et bibunt: sed si credant et confidant se gratiam ibi consecuturos, haec sola fides facit eos puros et dignos.

    Consultum videtur, quod ecclesia in communi concilio statueret laicos sub utraque specie communicandos; nec Bohemi communicantes sub utraque specie sunt haeretici seu schismatici.

    Thesauri ecclesiae unde papa dat indulgentias, non sunt merita Christi et sanctorum.

    Indulgentiae sunt piae fraudes fidelium, et remissiones bonorum operum, et sunt de numero eorum quae licent, et non de numero eorum quae expediunt.

    Indulgentiae his, qui veraciter eas consequuntur, non valent ad remissionem poenae pro peccatis actualibus debitae apud divinam justitiam.

    Seducuntur credentes indulgentias esse salutares et ad fructum Spiritus utiles.

    Indulgentiae necessariae sunt solum publicis criminibus, et proprie conceduntur duris solummodo et impatientibus.

    Sex generibus hominum indulgentiae nec sunt necessariae nec utiles, videlicet mortuis seu morituris, infirmis, legitime impeditis, his qui non commiserunt crimina, his qui crimina commiserunt sed non publica, his qui meliora operantur.

    Excommunicationes sunt tantum externae poenae, nec privant hominem communibus spiritualibus ecclesiae orationibus.

    Docendi sunt Christiani plus diligere excommunicationem quam timere.

    Romanus Pontifex, Petri successor, non est Christi Vicarius super omnes totius mundi ecclesias ab ipso Christo in beato Petro institutus.

    Verbum Christi ad Petrum: Quodcunque solveris, etc. extenditur duntaxat ad ligata ab ipso Petro.

    Certum est, in manu ecclesiae aut papae prorsus non esse, statuere articulos fidei, imo nec leges morum seu bonorum operum.

    Si papa cum magna parte ecclesiae sic vel sic sentiret, nec etiam erraret, adhuc non est peccatum aut haeresis contrarium sentire, praesertim in re non necessaria ad salutem, donec fuerit per concilium universale - alterum reprobatum, alterum approbatum.

    Via nobis facta est enervandi autoritatem conciliorum, et libere contradicendi eorum gestis, et judicandi eorum decreta, et confidenter confitendi quicquid verum videtur, sive probatum fuerit sive reprobatum a quocunque concilio.

    Aliqui articuli Johannis Hussi, condemnati in concilio Constantiensi, sunt christianissimi verissimi et evangelici, quos nec universalis ecclesia posset damnare.

    In omni opere bono justus peccat.

    Opus bonum optime factum, est veniale peccatum.

    Haereticos comburi est contra voluntatem Spiritus.(D) Praeliari adversus Turcas, est repugnare Deo visitanti iniquitates nostras per illos.

    Nemo est certus se non semper peccare mortaliter propter occultissimum superbiae vitium.

    Liberum arbitrium, post peccatum, est res de solo titulo: et dum facit quod in se est, peccat mortaliter.

    Purgatorium non potest probari ex Sacra Scriptura quae sit in canone.

    Animae in purgatorio non sunt securae de earum salute, saltem omnes; nec probatum est ullis aut rationibus aut scripturis ipsas esse extra statum merendi aut augendae charitatis.

    Animae in purgatorio peccant sine intermissione, quamdiu quaerunt requiem, et horrent poenas.

    Animae ex purgatorio liberatae suffragiis viventium minus beantur quam si per se satisfecissent.

    Praelati ecclesiastici et principes seculares non malefacerent, si omnes saccos mendicitatis delerent.

    Qui quidem errores respective quam sint pestiferi, quam perniciosi, quam scandalosi, quam piarum et simplicium mentium seductivi, quam denique sint contra omnem charitatem ac sanctae Romanae ecclesiae, matris omnium fidelium et magistrae fidei, reverentiam, atque nervum ecclesiasticae disciplinae, obedientiam scilicet, quae fons est et origo omnium virtutum, sine qua facile unusquisque infidelis esse convincitur, nemo sanae mentis ignorat. Nos igitur in praemissis, utpote gravissimis, propensius (ut decet) procedere, necnon hujusmodi pesti morboque canceroso, ne in agro dominico tanquam vepris nociva ulterius serpat, viam praecludere cupientes, habita super praedictis erroribus et eorum singulis diligenti trutinatione, discussione, ac districto examine, maturaque deliberatione, omnibusque rite pensatis ac saepius ventilatis, cum venerabilibus fratribus nostris S. R. E.

    Cardinalibus ac regularium ordinum prioribus seu ministris generalibus, pluribusque aliis sacrae theologiae necnon utriusque juris professoribus sive magistris, et quidem peritissimis, reperimus eosdem errores respective (ut praefertur) aut articulos non esse catholicos, nec tanquam tales esse dogmatizandos, sed contra catholicae ecclesiae doctrinam sive traditionem, atque ab ea veram divinaram Scripturarum receptam interpretationem, cujus auctoritati ita acquiescendum censuit Augustinus, ut dixerit se evangelio non fuisse crediturum, nisi ecclesiae catholicae intervenisset auctoritas. Nam ex eisdem erroribus vel eorum aliquo vel aliquibus palam sequitur, eandem ecclesiam, quae Spiritu Sancto regitur, errare et semper errasse. Quod est utique contra illud, quod Christus discipulis suis in ascensione sua (ut in sancto evangelio Matthaei legitur) promisit, dicens: Ego vobiscum sum usque ad consummationem seculi. Necnon contra sanctorum patrum determinationes, conciliorum quoque et summorum Pontiffcum expressas ordinationes seu canones; quibus non obtemperasse, omnium haeresium et schismatum (teste Cypriano)fomes et causa semper fuit.

    De eorundem itaque venerabilium fratrum nostrorum consilio et assensu, ac omnium et singulorum praedictorum matura deliberatione praedicta, autoritate omnipotentis Dei et beatorum apostolorum Petri et Pauli et nostra, praefatos omnes et singulos articulos seu errores tanquam (ut praemittitur) respective hereticos, aut scandalosos, aut falsos, aut piarum aurium offensivos, vel simplicium mentium seductivos, et veritati catholicae obviantes, damnamus reprobamus atque omnino rejicimus, ac pro damnatis reprobatis et rejectis ab omnibus utriusque sexus Christifidelibus haberi debere harum serie decernimus et declaramus: Inhibentes - in virtute sanctae obedientiae, ac sub majoris excommunicationis poena latae sententiae, necnon quoad ecclesiasticas et regulares personas episcopalium omnium, etiam patriarchalium, metropolitanarum et aliarum cathedralium ecclesiarum, monasteriorum quoque, et prioratuum etiam conventualium et quarumcunque dignitatum, aut beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum, secularium, aut quorum vis ordinum regularium, privationis, et inhabilitatis ad illa et alia in posterum obtinenda: Quo vero ad conventus capitula seu domos aut pia loca secularium vel regularium etiam mendicantium, necnon universitates etiam studiorum generalium, quorumcunque privilegiorum indultorum a sede apostolica vel ejus legatis, aut alias quomodolibet habitorum vel obtentorum cujuscunque tenoris existant, necnon nominis et potestatis studium generale tenendi legendi ac interpretandi quasvis scientias et facultates, et inhabilitatis ad illa et alia in posterum obtinenda; predicationis quoque officii ac amissionis studii generalis et omnium privilegiorum ejusdem: Quo vero ad seculares, ejusdem excommunicationis, necnon amissionis cujuscunque emphyteusis seu quorumcunque feudorum tam a R. E. quam alias quomodolibet obtentorum; ac etiam inhabilitatis ad illa et alia in posterum obtinenda: necnon quoad omnes et singulos superius nominatos, inhibitionis ecclesiasticae sepulturae, inhabilitatisque ad eos et singulos actus legitimos, infamiae, ac diffidationis, et criminis laesae majestatis, et haereticorum et fautorum eorundem, in jure expressis poenis eo ipso et absque ulteriori declaratione per omnes et singulos supradictos, si (quod absit) contrafecerint, incurrendis: A quibus vigore cujuscunque facultatis, ac clausularum etiam in confessionalibus quibusvis personis sub quibusvis verborum formis contentarum, nisi a Romano pontifice vel alio ab eo ad id in specie facultatem habente, praeterquam in mortis articulo constituti, absolvi nequeant - omnibus et singulis utriusque sexus Christi fidelibus tam laicis quam ecclesiasticis, secularibus et quorumvis ordinum regularibus, et allis quibuscumque personis cujuscumque status, gradus, vel conditionis existant, et quacunque ecclesiastica vel mundana praefulgeant dignitate; etiam sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae cardinalibus, patriarchis, primatibus, archiepiscopis, episcopis; patriarchalium, metropolitanarum, et aliarum cathedralium, collegiatarum, ac inferiorum ecclesiarum praelatis, clericis, aliisque personis ecclesiasticis, secularibus, et quorumvis ordinum (etiam mendicantium) regularibus, abbatibus, prioribus, vel ministris generalibus vel particularibus, fratribus seu religiosis, exemptis et non exemptis; studiorum quoque universitatibus, secularibus, et quorumvis ordinum (etiam mendicantium) regularibus; necnon regibus, imperatoris electoribus, princibus, ducibus, marchionibus, comitibus, baronibus, capitaneis, conductoribus, domicellis, omnibusque officialibus, judicibus, notariis ecclesiasticis et secularibus, communitatibus, universitatibus, potentatibus, civitatibus, castris, terris et locis, seu eorum vel earum civibus habitatoribus et incolis, ac quibusvis allis personis ecclesiasticis vel regularibus (ut praefertur) per universum orbem ubicunque, et praesertim in Alemania existentibus vel pro tempore futuris - ne praefatos errores aut eorum aliquos perversamque doctrinam hujusmodi asserere, affirmare, defendere, praedicare, aut illi quomodolibet publice vel occulte, quovis quaesito ingenio vel colore, tacite vel expresse, favere praesumant.

    Insuper quia errores praefati et plures alii continentur in libellis seu scriptis cujusdam Martini Luther, dictos libellos et omnia dicti Martini scripta seu praedicationes, quae in Latino vel quocunque idiomate reperiantur, in quibus dicti errores seu eorum aliquis continentur, similiter damnamus, reprobamus, atque omnino rejicimus, et pro omnino damnatis, reprobatis, ac rejectis (ut praefertur) haberi volumus: mandantes - in virtute sanctae obedientiae et sub poenis praedictis eo ipso incurrendis - omnibus et singulis utriusque sexus Christifidelibus superius nominatis - ne hujusmodi scripta, libellos, praedicationes, seu schedulas, vel in eis contenta capitula, errores aut articulos supradictos continentia, legere asserere praedicare laudare imprimere publicare sive defendere, per se vel alium seu alios, directe vel indirecte, tacite vel expresse, publice vel occulte, aut in domibus suis sive allis publicis vel privatis locis, tenere quomodolibet praesumant: quinimo illa statim post harum publicationem per ordinarios et alios supradictos diligenter quaesita publice et solemniter in praesentia cleri et populi - sub omnibus et singulis supradictis poenis - comburant.

    Quod vero ad ipsum Martinum attinet, bone Deus, quid praetermisimus?(F) quid non fecimus? quid paternae charitatis omisimus ut eum ab hujusmodi erroribus revocaremus? Postquam enim ipsum citavimus, mitius cum eo procedere volentes, illum invitavimus, atque tam per diversos tractatus cum legato nostro habitos, quam per literas nostras hortati fuimus, ut a praedictis erroribus discederet, aut ad nos (oblato etiam salvo conductu et pecunia ad iter necessaria) sine metu seu timore aliquo (quem perfecta charitas foras mittere debuit) veniret, ac Salvatoris nostri apostolique Pauli exemplo, non in occulto, sed palam et in facie, loqueretur.

    Quod si fecisset, pro certo (ut arbitramur) ad cor reversus errores suos cognovisset, nec in Romana curia, quam tantopere (vanis malevolorum rumoribus plusquam oportuit tribuendo) vituperat, tot reperisset errata: docuissemusque eum luce clarius, sanctos Romanos pontifices praedecessores nostros (quos praeter omnem modestiam injuriose lacerat) in suis canonibus seu constitutionibus (quas mordere nititur) nunquam errasse;(G) quia, juxta prophetam, nec in Galaad resina, nec medicus deest. Sed obaudivit semper, et, praedicta citatione omnibusque et singulis supradictis spretis, venire contempsit, ac usque in praesentem diem contumax atque animo indurato censuras ultra annum sustinuit, et (quod deterius est) addens mala malis, de citatione hujusmodi notitiam habens in vocem temerariae appellationis prorupit ad futurum concilium, contra constitutionem Pii 2di et Julii 2di preedecessorum nostrorum, qua cavetur taliter appellantes haereticorum poena plectendos. Frustra etiam concilii auxilium imploravit, qui illi se non credere profitetur; ita ut contra ipsum tanquam de fide notorie suspectum, imo vere haereticum, absque ulteriori citatione vel mora, ad condemnationem et damnationem ejus tanquam haeretici, ac ad omnium et singularum suprascriptarum poenarum et censurarum severitatem, procedere possemus.

    Nihilominus, de eorundem fratrum nostrorum consilio, omnipotentis Dei imitantes clementiam, qui non vult mortem peccatoris, sed magis ut convertatur et vivat, omnium injuriarum hactenus nobis et sedi apostolicae illatarum obliti, omni qua possumus pietate uti decrevimus; et quantum in nobis est agere ut (proposita mansuetudinis via) ad cor revertatur, et a praedictis recedat erroribus, ut ipsum tanquam filium illum prodigum ad gremium ecclesiae revertentem benigne recipiamus.

    Ipsum igitur Martinum et quoscunque ei adherentes, ejusque receptatores et fautores, per viscera misericordiae Dei nostri, et per aspersionem sanguinis Domini Jesu Christi (quo et per quem humani generis redemptio et sanctae matris ecclesiae aedificatio facta est), ex toto corde hortamur(H) atque obsecramus, ut ipsius ecclesiae pacem unitatem et veritatem (pro qua ipse Salvator tam instanter oravit ad Patrem) turbare desistant, et a praedictis tam perniciosis erroribus prorsus abstineant, inventuri apud nos, si effectualiter paruerint et paruisse per legitima documenta nos certificaverint, paternae charitatis affectum et apertum mansuetudinis et clementiae fontem.

    Inhibentes nihilominus eidem Martino ex nunc, ut interim ab omni praedicatione seu praedicationis officio omnino desistat. Alioquin - ut ipsum Martinum (si forte justitiae et virtutis amor a peccato non retrahat indulgentiaeque spes ad poenitentiam non reducat) poenarum terror coerceat et disciplinae - eundem Martinum ejusque adhaerentes, complices, fautores et receptatores tenore praesentium requirimus et monemus in virtute sanctae obedientiae, et, sub praedictis omnibus et singulis poenis eo ipso incurrendis, districte praecipiendo mandamus, quatenus infra 60 dies (quorum 20 pro primo, viginti pro secundo, et reliquos 20 dies pro tertio et peremptorio termino assignamus, ab affixione praesentium in locis infra scriptis immediate sequente numerandos) ipse Martinus, complices, fautores, adhaerentes, et receptatores praedicti, a praefatis erroribus eorumque praedicatione et publicatione et assertione, defensione quoque, et librorum seu scripturarum editione super iisdem sive eorum aliquo, omnino desistant; librosque et scripturas, omnes et singulos praefatos errores seu eorum aliquos quomodolibet continentes, comburant vel comburi faciant.

    Ipse etiam Martinus errores et assertiones hujusmodi omnino revocet, ac de revocatione hujusmodi per publica documenta in forma juris valida, manibus duorum praelatorum consignata, ad nos infra alios similes 60 dies transmittenda; vel per ipsummet - si ad nos venire voluerit (quod magis placeret) cum praefato plenissimo salvo conductu, quem ex nunc concedimus - deferenda, nos certiores efficiat; ut de ejus vera obedientia nullus dubitationis scrupulus valeat remanere.

    Alias, si (quod absit) Martinus praefatus, complices, fautores, adhaerentes et receptatores praedicti secus egerint, seu praemissa omnia et singula infra terminum praedictum cum effectu non adimpleverint, (apostoli imitantes doctrinam, qui haereticum hominem post primam et secundam correctionem vitandum docuit)(A) ex nunc prout ex tunc et e converso, eundem Martinum, complices, adhaerentes, etc. - tanquam aridos palmites in Christo non manerites, sed doctrinam contrariam, catholicae fidei inimicam, sive scandalosam, seu damnatam (in non modicam oftensam divinae majestatis ac universalis ecclesiae et fidei catholicae detrimentum et scandalum) dogmatizantes et praedicantes, claves quoque ecclesiae vilipendentes, - notorios et pertinaces haereticos eadem auctoritate fuisse et esse declarantes, eosdem ut tales harum serie condemnamus, et eos pro talibus haberi ab omnibus utriusque sexus Christifidelibus volumus et mandamus. Eosque onmes et singulos omnibus supradictis et allis contra tales a jure inflictis poenis praesentium tenore subjicimus, et eisdem irretitos fuisse et esse decernimus et declaramus.

    Inhibemus praeterea, sub omnibus et singulis praemissis poenis eo ipso incurrendis, omnibus et singulis Christifidelibus superius nominatis, ne scripta, etiam praefatos errores non continentia, ab eodem Martino quomodolibet vel condita vel condenda, seu eorum aliqua, (tanquam ab homine orthodoxae fidei inimico atque ideo vehementer suspecto, et ut ejus memoria omnino deleatur de Christifidelium consortio) legere, asserere, praedicare, laudare, imprimere, publicare, sive defendere, per se vel alium seu alios, directe vel indirecte, tacite vel expresse, publice vel occulte, quoquo modo praesumant: quinimo illa comburant ut praefertur.

    Monemus insuper omnes et singulos Christifideles supradictos, sub eadem excommunicationis latae sententiae poena, ut haereticos praedictos declaratos et condemnatos, mandatis nostris non obtemperantes, post lapsum termini supradicti evitent, et (quantum in eis est) evitari faciant, nec cum eisdem, vel eorum aliquo, commercium aut aliquam conversationem, seu communionem habeant, nec eis necessaria ministrent. Ad majorem praeterea dicti Martini, suorumque complicum, fautorum, ac adhaerentium ac receptatorum praedictorum (sic post lapsum termini praedicti declaratorum haereticorum et condemnatorum) confusionem, universis et singulis utriusque sexus Christifidelibus, patriarchis, archiepiscopis, episcopis; patriarchalium, metropolitanarum, etc. praelatis, capitulis, etc.; necnon singulis principibus quacunque ecclesiastica vel mundana fulgentibus dignitate, regibus, imperatoris electoribus, ducibus, etc., praesertim in Alemania constitutis, mandamus, quatenus sub praedictis poenis, ipsi vol eorum quilibet praefatum Martinum, complices, adhaerentes, receptantes, et fautores personaliter capiant; et captos ad nostram instantiam retineant et ad nos mittant, reportaturi pro tam bono opere a nobis et sede apostolica remunerationem praemiumque condignum; vel saltem ut eos et eorum quemlibet de metropolitanis, cathedral. collegiat. et aliis ecclesiis, domibus, monasteriis, conventibus, civitatibus, etc., omnino expellant. Civitates vero, dominia, terras, castra, villas, comitatus, fortilicia, oppida et loca quaecunque ubilibet consistentia, eorum et earum respective, metropolitanas, cathedrales, collegiatas et alias ecclesias, monasteria, prioratus, domus, conventus, et loca religiosa vel pia, cujuscunque ordinis (ut praefertur), ad quae praefatum Martinum vel aliquem ex praedictis, declinare contigerit, quam diu ibi permanserit, et triduo post recessum, ecclesiastico subjicimus interdicto.

    Et ut praemissa omnibus innotescant, mandamus insuper universis patriarchis, archiepiscopis, episcopis, etc. ubilibet per universum orbem, praesertim in Alemania constitutis, quatenus ipsi vel eorum quilibet (sub similibus censuris et poenis eo ipso incurrendis) Martinum omnesque et singulos supradictos (qui elapso termino mandatis nostris non paruerint)in eorum ecclesiis dominicis et aliis festivis diebus, dum inibi major populi multitudo ad divina convenerit, declaratos haereticos et condemnatos publice nuncient, faciantque et mandent ab aliis nunciari, et ab omnibus arctius evitari: Necnon omnibus Christifidelibus, ut eos evitent pari modo sub praedictis censuris et poenis. Et praesentes literas, vel earum transumptum, in eorum ecclesiis, domibus, conventibus, et aliis locis legi, publicari, atque affigi faciant.

    Excommunicamus quoque et anathematizamus omnes et singulos, cujuscunque status, gradus, conditionis, praeeminentiae, dignitatis aut excellentiae fuerint, qui quo minus praesentes literae aut earum transumpta copiae seu exemplaria in suis terris et dominiis legi affigi et publicari possint, fecerint vel quoquo modo procuraverint per se vel alium seu alios, publice vel occulte, directe vel indirecte, tacite vel expresse, etc.

    Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostrae damnationis, reprobationis, rejectionis, decreti, declarationis, inhibitionis, voluntatis, mandati, hortationis, obsecrationis, requisitionis, monitionis, assignationis, concessionis, condemnationis, subjectionis, excommunicationis, et anathematizationis, infringere, vol ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei, ac beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum ejus, se noverit incursurum. Datum Romanae apud S.

    Pet. an. 1520, 17 Calend. Julii, Pontificatis nostri 8. Concordat cum Originali. (A) Num Paulus aut Petrus crucifixus est pro vobis? [1 Corinthians 1.] Christus factus est sapientia a Deo, justitia, sanctificatio, et redemptio, ut qui gloriatur in Domino glorietur. [Ibid.] Quae igitur haec blasphema est vox pontificis, qui contra scripturas gloriatur in sanguine Petri? (B) Obsecravit Lutherus in initio pontificem, et audiri non potuit.

    Nunc increpat Lutherus pontificem et ferri non potest. Et quid hic Lutherus fecit nisi juxta doctrinam apostolicam quae ait, Argue, insta, increpa, etc. [2 Timothy 4.] (C) Si Esaias propheta omnes justitias nostras pro sordibus habeat et panno menstruato, quid peccavit in hoc articulo Lutherus, qui cuncta bona opera, quatenus per se extra fidem considerantur, injustitiae coarguet et peccati? (D) Praeceps hic pontificis furor in exurendis haereticis merito damnatur, nec ullum habet scripturae evangelicae fundamentum. (E) Articulus de bello Turcis non inferendo ex locis Lutheri male decerptis aut non recte collectia ad calumniam trahitur. (F) Primum Lutherus amice et modeste de indulgentiis disputavit.

    Postulavit hoc tuum, Papa Leo, officium ut pari modestia canones illius, vel si sanae fuissent admitterentur, vel si falsae ex Scripturis revincerentur. Hoc factum non est. Postea supplex se tibi submisit, quantum incolumi licuit: quem tu indigne rejeceras. Deinde submisit se universitatum judicio: ne sic quidem receptus est. Doceri postulavit aut commonstrari saltem errores: at nihil est institutum, priusque doctrina illius damnata quam audita est. Provocavit post haec ad concilium: ne id quidem admissum est. Tot igitur quum praetermissa sint abs te officia, nunc rogas tamen quid praetermissum, etc. (G) Quod Rom. pontifices praedecessores vestri in suis canonibus et constitutionibus nunquam erraverint, id, vos Romani, docebitur ad Graecas, quod aiunt calendas. (H) Imo ipse totidem verbis to rogat (Leo Papa) et hortatur, ut manifestae veritati obniti et contra evangelii stimulum calcitrare desistas.*** 14 Impossible, because it cannot be that the faith of the true confessor can be without contrition. 15 He meaneth this, because that, as no man knoweth all his sins; so no man can be contrite for them sufficiently. 16 This he correcteth in his assertions of these articles, and saith, that Indulgences be neither lawful nor expedient. And likewise he correcteth and. revoketh the articles following, of Indulgences, and taketh all Indulgences and pardons clean away. 17 This article is true, if the work should be brought to be tried by God’s judgment. And here also he correcteth himself in this word ‘ venial,’ because all sins are damnable. 18 He meaneth that we should specially reform our lives, which deserve the Turks to plague us. 19 These articles also of purgatory he correcteth, and taketh purgatory clean away. 20 Behold how kings come after bags and wallets, and begging friars. 21 Here may be a doubt, whether the man in the moon be exempted, with his bush of thorns on his neck, out of this bull or not. 22 Let us see here what ye have not done: first Luther gently submitted himself; but you rejected him. He then referred him to the judgment of four universities in Germany: it would not be taken. He then appealed from the cardinal to the pope: the pope refused him. Then he appealed from the pope to the council: neither did the pope admit that. He required, to be convinced by the Scriptures: the pope neither would, nor could, so do. And yet the pope saith, he left nothing undone. 23 Here note, good reader, that Luther appealed from the pope to the council two years before this bull, which was A. D. 1518. 24 And he shall have power and commandment upon every company, and people, and tongue, and nation, etc. Apoc. 13. 25 The pope here dreameth of a dry summer, thinking all the world to be subject unto him. 26 Cujus contrarium verum est. 27 Martinus Lutherus Christiano Lectori gratiam Christi in salutem aeternam optat. Fama pervenit ad me, christiane lector, exisse Bullam quandam adversum me pene in omnem terram, priusquam ad me, in quem unice fieret et cui maxime esset inferenda, veniret. Forte quod noctis et tenebrarum scilicet filia timuit lucem vultus mei. Hanc tamen ipsam noctuam, vix tandem multum adjuvantibus amicis, in imagine sua datum est videre. Quae causa est, ut adhuc incertus esse cogar, ludantne in me papistae mei, libello quodam famoso et anonymo, an serio et vere sic Romae insaniant. Neque enim hic stylus (ut dicitur) neque processus Romanae curiae servatus est; tum (quod maxime urget) articulos et imponit et damnat plane ac manifeste christianissimos; ut mihi omnium verisimillimum sit hanc prolem esse monstri illius Johannis Eccii, hominis ex mendaciis, simulationibus, erroribus, haeresibusque confusi et consuti.

    Auget suspicionem, quod idem Eccius talis Bullae apostolus fuisse dicitur a Romanis. Neque enim tali apostolatu dignior ullus apostelus.

    Atque superioribus diebus audieram, parturiri in Urbe contra me Bullam quandam diram et saevam eodem coartifice Eccio (id quod stylus et saliva indicant), sed quae illic bonis et eruditis quibusque viris summe displiceret, eoque differretur, imo opprimeretur.

    Verum quicquid sit, mihi incredibile non est, ubi apostolus Eccius auditur et valet, ibi Antichristi regnum esse, et nihil non insaniarum homines audere. Interim tamen agam, ne credam Leonem Decimum Romanum episcopum, cum suis eruditis cardinalibus, esse harum insaniarum autores: quod non tam facio ut Romani nominis honorem custodiam, quam ne superbia nimis infler et dignus mihi videar talia, tam pulchra, tam gloriosa. pati pro veritate Dei. Si enim vere Romanus episcopus in me sic insaniret, quis Luthero coram Deo felicior esset, qui ob tam manifestam veritatem a tanto vertice damnaretur? Quid enim hic optandum mihi foret, quam ut nunquam absolverer, reconciliarer, communicarer Antichristo isti indoctissimo, impiissimo, furiosissimo? Felix illa dies, felix illa mors, cum gaudio et summa gratitudine Deo referenda, si quando fiat, ut in ista causa me apprehendat et perdat. Sed aliis des hujus nominis honorem, et dignum quaerat ista causa martyrem: ego peccatis meis alia meritus sum.

    Existimationem igitur suam quisque habeat de Romanis: ego, quisquis fuerit hujus Bullae autor, eum pro Antichristo habeo, et contra Antichristum haec scribo, redempturus veritatem Christi (quod in me fuerit) quam ille extinguere conatur. Atque primum (ut nihil in me obtineat ex omnibus quae voluit) protestor coram Deo et Domino nostro Jesu Christo, et sanctis angelis ejus, et toto mundo, me dissentire toto corde damnationi hujus Bullae, quam et maledico et execror, velut hostem sacrilegam et blasphemiam Christi filii Dei, et Domini nostri, Amen. Deinde assero et amplector fiducia tota spiritus mei articulos per eam damnatos, asserendosque pronuncio omnibus Christianis sub poena aeternae maledictionis, et Antichristos habendos quicunque Bullae consenserint, quos et his Scriptis (conjuncto mihi omnium spiritu qui pure Christum cognoscunt et colunt) pro Ethnicis habeo et devito, secundum praeceptum ejusdem Domini nostri Jesu Christi, Amen. Hac mea revocatio esto, O Bulla, vere Bullarum filia.

    Hac mea confessione seu protestatione facta (cujus testes esse volo omnes qui haec legerint), antequam ad defendendos declarandosque articulos procedam, aliquot argumentis in ipsam Bullam confutandam praeludere libuit: quorum primum ab inscitia Antichristi hujas sumam.

    Apostolus enim Petrus mandat, ut de ea quae in nobis est fide et spe rationem reddere parati simus. [1 Peter 3] Et Paulus episcopum jubet esse potentem exhortari in doctrina sana et contradicentes redarguere. [Titus 1] Atque haec ipsa sunt quae jam in tertium annum efflagitavi et expectavi e Roma, aut iis qui Romam sapiunt. Quae et observata legimus in antiquis patribus diligentissime, quoties haereses damnarent.

    Sed nec apostoli quidquam in suis conciliis statuerunt, nisi allegata primum Scriptura sancta. Ita et ego cum expectarem ut facerent uvas, Scripturae testimoniis me erudituri, ecce! fecerunt labruscas [Esai. 5]; suis verbis nudis me condemnantes, cum ego tot Scripturis mea munierim.

    Rogo to, Antichriste indoctissime, adeone conjunxisti cum summa inscitia summam temeritatem, ut praesumeres omnes homines esse in stuporem versos et te nudis tuis verbis contra armatissimam Scripturam triumphare credituros? An didicisti hunt morem damnandi a magistralitatibus Coloniensibus et Lovaniensibus?

    Si hoc est ecclesiastice damnare errores, tantum dicere, ‘Non placet,’ ‘Nego,’ ‘Non volo,’ quis morio, quis asinus, quae talpa, quis stipes, non queat damnare? Non pudescit frons tua meretricia, ut sic in publica ecclesia audeas inanibus inermibusque verborum tuorum fumis contradicere coelestium verborum fulminibus? Plane dedecorosam et dignam Antichristo condemnationem! quae tot Scripturis sibi repugnantibus ne iota quidem habet quod opponat, sed unico verbo occurrit, dicens - ‘Ego damno.’ Cur Turcae non credimus, cur Judeos non admittimus, cur haereticos non honoramus (qui et ipsi nostra damnant), si sufficit damnare? nisi ideo non eis cedimus, quia non sine Scripturis et rationibus nos damnant; ipsi vero more novo sine Scripturis et rationibus damnamus. Quid ego in causa fuisse arbitrer, ut haec damnatoria Bulla sic inanis et inermis et vere Bulla incederet, nisi insignem inscitiam, qua (cum mea vera esse vidissent et tamen pati nollent nec confutare possent) tentaverunt vano terriculamento perditae papyri me terrere? Sed Lutherus bellis assuetus Bullis non terretur; et inter inanem papyrum ac omnipotens verbum Dei distinguere didicit.

    Ejusdem inscitiae et illud est, quod, vexante conscientia, non sunt ausi articulos nominatim digerere, quosque in ordines suos. Timuerunt enim ne haereticum assererent, quem nec erroneum forte nec scandalosum possent ostendere. Proinde invenerunt adverbium ‘respective,’ et post enumeratos articulos dicunt, ‘alios respective haereticos, alios erroneos, alios scandalosos.’ Quod est dicere - ‘Nos putamus aliquos esse haereticos, alios erroneos, alios scandalosos:’ sed nescimus qui, quales, quanti.’ O meticulosa ignorantia, quam lubrica et fugitiva es! quam odis lucem! ut verteris ac reverteris in omnia, ne capiaris, sicut Proteus quidam! nec sic tamen evades: immo in astutia tua magis comprehenderis et subverteris. Prodi itaque, indoctissime Antichriste: doce nos sapientiam tuam: distribue tua ipsius verba. Dic si nosti tu ipse quod dixeris: ostende quis sit haereticus, quis vere erroneus, quis scandalosus, et quis sit qualiscunque. Decet enim tam magnificum damnatorem nosse quid damnat: turpissimum autem est damnare articulum haereticum, et eundem non posse nominare. Nolo tantum ‘respective,’ sed absolute et certe doceri. Sum enim Occamicae factionis, qui respectus contemnunt, omnia autem absoluta habent, ut sic jocer in istam moriam. Vide ergo, mi lector, insignem inscitiam Antichristianam, quam infelici dolo se occultare praesumpsit sub adverbio ‘respective.’ Non solum enim non docet veritatem et causam damnationis, sed nec errorem monstrare audet, nec hoc ipsum indicare quod damnat, et tamen damnat. Nonne lautissima damnatio, damnare et nescire quid damnes? Nonne disertissima oratio, loqui et nescire quid loquaris? Quin anticyras integras his Bullatis morionibus optamus? Sic sapere et facere debent omnes veritatis adversarii!

    Sed scio quisdolor lenonem istum premat. Nempe Eccius meus - memor quam Lipsiae pudefactus sit, dum me ob articulos Hussi (spumantibus labiis, sat plausibiliter, theatro suo) haereticum tercenties clamaret furiosa voce, et idipsum postea probare non posset, cum Constantiensis damnatio, a me adducta praeter spem Eccii, nullum certum articulum signasset haereticum, sed et ipsa similis huic nostrae prae sua quoque inscitia alios haereticos, alios erroneos, alios offensivos dixisset; et Eccius his auditis, turpissima temeritate in semet confusus, falso et mendaciter me haereticum a se clamatum sentiret, - voluit Romae huic vulneri suo mederi, et mendacium temeritatis suae stabilire. Sed non proficiet, spero (jubente Christo), mendax sophista: expostulo enim adhuc, ut absolute non respective, distincte non confuse, certe non simulanter, clare non obscure, singulariter non in genere, dicant quis sit et quis non sit haereticus. Sed quando haec facient? Quando Christus et Belial convenient, aut lux et tenebrae sociabuntur.

    Quid ergo faciam ego interim? Primum, meticulosissimos et indoctissimos papistas, Antichristique apostolos contemnam, illudamque eis cum Helia et dicam: Si Baal deus est, respondeat. Forte ebrius est aut in itinere. Clamate voce majori; deus enim est: forte audit. [1 Reg. 18.] Quid enim aliud Bullati isti asini mereantur, qui damnant id, quod nesciunt et nescire se fatentur? Deinde securus ero, nec haereticus, nec erroneus, nec scandalosus habendus, donec, si non convictum, tamen simpliciter et nudis verbis monstratum fuerit in quo articulo talis sim. Neque enim jam onero papistas meos (stipites istos) ut probent, sed ut monstrent saltem errorem, hoc est, ut ostendant an sciant, quid lallent ipsimet, suamve salivam sentiant. Dum enim nullum articulum designant haereticum, mihi liberum est quemvis oblatum negare haereticum, et asserere catholicum.

    Sed et hanc ruditatem, ferme asinina rudiorem, quis non rideat in Antichristo impiissimo et rudissimo, quod optimi homines discernunt haereticos ab erroneis, et hos ab offensivis, hos a scandalosis? Qua acutissima acutissimorum hominum distinctione colligimus, erroneum non esse haereticum. Quod autem haereticum non est, quid ad damnatores ecclesiasticos? - qui solum haeretica damnare debent. Nam quod haereticum non est, catholicum est, Christo dicente: Qui non est contra nos, pro nobis est. Immo vellem dari mihi ab istis viris magnificis articulum erroneum in ecclesia, qui non sit haereticus: si enim erroneus est, nihil differt ab haeretico, nisi pertinacia asserentis.

    Omnia enim equaliter aut vera aut falsa sunt, licet affectus in uno aliquo vero aut falso major et minor esse possit. Vides ergo iterum Bullatos meos non posse articulum mihi monstrare qui erroneus sit et non haereticus, et iterum lallare sicut furiosos, qui nesciunt quid dicant, damnantes inventum erroneum non haereticum, quod non possit esse in rebus neque verbis: ut quales sunt articuli, talis sit et damnatio.

    Par sapientia est, scandalosum esse qui nec sit haereticus, nec erroneus.

    Detur obsecro ille, non modo in meis sed in omniom hominum verbis et scriptis ab initio mundi usque in finem. Quid ergo haec portenta cogitare coegit papistas meos, nisi inscitia furiosa? Nisi forte scandalosos appellant, quo modo veri et catholici sunt scandalosi. Nihil enim est scandalosius veritate, immo sola veritas est scandalosa superbis et insensatis. Sicut de Christo [1 Corinthians 1.] dicitur: Nos praedicamus Christum crucifixum, Judaeis scandalum, Gentibus stultitiam. Et [Lucae 2], Positus est hic in ruinam et resurrectionem multorum in Israel. Quare, cum papistae mei scandalosos secernant ab haereticis et erroneis, quod autem haereticum et erroneum non est, id catholicum et verum esse certum sit: sequitur articulos scandalosos ab eis intelligi et damnari catholicos et veros. O digna damnatio papistis!

    Vide, mi lector, quorsum sese rotat impietas caeca! quam seipsam irridet et illudit! quam facile capitur in suis verbis! quam imprudens et stulta sit in omnibus suis studiis! non solum non probat errorem et scandalum, sed (pro eo ut monstret solum) impossibilia et sibi turpissime pugnantia loquitur. Ubi nunc tuum infelix ‘respective,’ infelicissima Bulla? quo respexisti? in barathrum impietatis scilicet et ruditatis tuae.

    Idem dicendum erit de offensivis; nam hos neque scandalosos, neque erroneos, neque haereticos esse oportet, cum a tantis papistis discernantur. Quis ergo non miretur tanta ingenia papistarum, qui invenire potuerunt offensivum esse in ecclesia, quod tamen nec falsum, nec haereticum, nec scandalosum, sed verum, catholicum, aedificatorium sit. et tamen hoc ipsum damnant? Quis vero non ambiat etiam ab iis insanis damnari, qui sua propria damnatione ostendunt se damnata probare et probata damnare; hoc est, truncis et cautibus sese insensatiores esse palam, cum summa sua ignominia, commonstrant?

    Ite ergo, vos impii et insensati papistae, et sobrii scribite si quid scribere vultis: nam hanc Bullam apparet, vel inter putanas nocturno convivio esse egestam, aut in canicularibus furiis confusam: neque enim ulli moriones sic insanirent.

    Retorqueamus autem imprudentiam istam Antichristi in os ejus, et ex sermonibus ipsiusmet judicemus et condemnemus eum, ut deineeps discat astutius et meliori memoria mentiri. Oportet enim mendacem esse memorem, juxta proverbium. Si alii sunt articuli offensivi et alii haeretici, et tu eum damnas, qui non est haereticus, ac per hoc est verus et catholicus (etiamsi sit sexcenties offensivus): nonne impudens os tuum damnat seipsum, non modo haereseos, sed extremae impietatis et blasphemiae laesaeque majestatis in veritatem divinam, cstenditque vere te eum esse hominem qui adversatur, et extollitur super omne quod dicitur aut quod colitur Deus? Nonne tu es homo ille peccati et filius perditionis, qui negat Deum emptorem suum, et charitatem veritatis tollit, ut operationem erroris sui statuat, quo credamus iniquitati, ut Paulus praedixit. Si enim articulus haereticus non est, non potest esse offensivus aut scandalosus nisi haereticis Antichristis et Satanis pietatis. Vide ergo quam pulchre bulla ista omnium impudentissima imprudentissimaque, dum in me aliud haereticum, aliud offensivum damnat, auctores suos veros haereticos et adversarios Dei palam declarat: adeo non est scientia, non est consilium contra Dominum, adeo impietas caeca capitur verbis oris sui: adeo verum est, qui jacit lapidem in altum, recidet super caput ejus.

    Et (quod omnium pulcherrimum est,) hac impia contradictione sua revelantur cogitationes cordium eorum, et nequitiam suam, quam volunt maxime celatam, maxime produnt incredibili imprudentia, esse scilicet eos paratos semel universam veritatem damnare. Cum enim haereticos asserunt quos haereticos ostendere aut nominare non possunt, nec sciunt, nec audent, quid hinc intelligimus, nisi esse eos toto corde adversarios Christi, et paratos damnare omnem veritatem? et tamen infelici hypocrisi fingunt se damnare haereses. En vobis O Bullares asini, discite tandem quid sit - Christum esse signum contradictionis et petram scandali. Quam subito et facili negotio denudata est omnis interior impietas et ignominia vestra eis ipsis verborum operculis, quibus eam contegere frustra studuistis! Habemus itaque hoc primo et evidente argumento, bullam hanc non esse nisi Antichristi, summi adversarii Dei et pietatis. Agnoscat nunc eam, si audet, sive Eccius sive papa, et sciet quo nomine et qua opinione sit nobis observandus. In unum enim cumulum hic omnia pessima nomina convenerunt, impietae, blasphemia, inscitia, imprudentia, hypocrisis, mendacium, breviter Satanas ipse cum suo Antichristo.

    Nec minus revelat impietas ista seipsam et eo quod nunc dicam:

    Decernit enim bulla ista eximia apertis impudentissimisque verbis, esse exurendos etiam eos libellos meos, in quibus errores non sunt, ut memoria mei penitus tollatur. Potes nunc, christiane lector, dubitare infernalem draconem sonare per bullam istam? Vulgo dicitur asinum ideo male cantare, quia altius orditur: et ista quoque bulla felicius cecinisset, si non blasphemum os suum in coelum posuisset, impudenti et plusquam diabolica impietate veritatem etiam confessam et probatam damnatura. Hactenus enim Satanas veritatem sub specie veritatis oppressit, quoties oppressit. At hic homo peccati, adversarius et elevatus supra Deum, posita specie apertaque fronte, idque in ecclesia Dei, absque timore, veritatem Christianam, et cognitam et probatam a seipso et omnibus, damnat et exuri mandat. Quid si haec in Turcia fierent? Quo loco haec vox, rogo, digna, nisi imo Tartaro? Et non timetis, Bullati vos Antichristi, ne saxa et ligna sanguinem sudent, prae horrendissimo hoc spectro impietatis vestrae et blasphemiae?

    Ubi es nunc, optime Carole Imperator? Ubi estis reges et principes Christiani? Christo dedistis nomen in baptismo, et has Tartareas voces Antichristi potestis ferre? Ubi episcopi? ubi doctores? ubi quicunque Christum confitemini? ad haec horribilia papistarum portenta tacere potestis? Miseram ecclesiam Dei, factam Satanae tantum ludibrium!

    Miseros omnes qui his temporibus vivunt! Venit, venit, ira Dei in finem super papistas, inimicos crucis Christi et veritatis Dei, ut resistant et ipsi omnibus hominibus, prohibentes praedicari et doceri veritatem, sicut de Judaeis dicit Paulus.

    Finge quaeso, me esse talem qualem illa maledica et maledicta Bulla videri cupit, haereticum, erroneum, schismaticum, offensivum, scandalosum, in aliquot libellis. Quid meruere libelli catholici, Christiani, veri, aedificatorii, pacifici? Ubi didicistis hanc religionem, papistae perditi, ut propter hominem malum damnetis et exuratis sanctam castamque Dei veritatem? Non potestis homines perdere, nisi et veritatem perdatis? Vos triticum evelletis cum zizania? Vos grana dispergetis cum palea? Cur Origenem suscipitis in libellis catholicis, et non in totum aboletis? Immo, cur impiissimum Aristotelem, in quo non nisi errores docentur, non saltem in parte damnatis? Cur impias, barbaras indoctas, haereticasque Decretales Papae non exuritis? Cur inquam haec non facitis, nisi quod non estis alia causa positi in locum istum sanctum, quam ut sitis abominatio a Daniele praedicta, quae damnet veritatem, statuat vero mendacium et operationem erroris: non enim alia decent sedem Antichristi.

    Te igitur Leo X., vos domini cardinales Romae, et quicunque Romae aliquid estis, compello et in faciem vobis libere dico, - si vestro nomine vestraque scientia haec Bulla exivit, eamque vestram agnoscitis, utar et ego potestate mea, qua in baptismo per Dei misericordiam factus sum filius Dei et cohaeres Christi, fundatus supra firmam petram, quae nec portas inferi, nec coelum, nec terram formidat: et dico, moneo, hortor vos in Domino, ut ad cor redeatis et istis diabolicis blasphemiis et plus valde nimio audacibus impietatibus modum ponatis, atque id cito.

    Quod nisi feceritis, scitote me, cum omnibus qui Christum colant, vestram sedem, a Satana ipso possessam et oppressam, pro sede damnata Antichristi habere, cui non modo non obediamus, aut subditi et concorporati esse velimus, sed detestamur et execramur, sicut principem et summum hostem Christi: parati pro hac sententia nostra stultas vestras censuras non modo cum gaudio ferre, sed etiam rogare ne unquam nos absolvatis, aut inter vestros numeretis, quin, ut cruentam vestram tyrannidem expleatis, ad mortem nos ultro offerimus. Quod (si quid Spiritus Christi et impetus fidei nostrae valet) his scriptis, si perseveraveritis in furore isto, vos damnamus, et, una cum Bulla ista omnibasque Decretalibus, Satanae tradimus in interitum carnis, ut spiritus vester in die Domini nobiscum liberetur, in nomine (quem vos persequimini) Jesu Christi Domini nostri. Amen.

    Vivit enim adhuc et regnat adhuc (in quo non dubito) Dominus noster Jesus Christus; quem et speramus propediem adventurum et interfecturum spiritu oris sui et destructurum illustratione adventus sui, hunc hominem peccati et filium perditionis: quandoquidem negare non possumus, si Papa istorum portentorum auctor est, ipsum esse verum illum finalem, pessimum, famosumque Antichristum, subvertentem orbem totum operationibus erroris sui: id quod impletum ubique videmus.

    Sed quo me rapit ardor fidei? nondum totus persuasus sum, Papae esse hanc Bullam, sed apostoli illius impietatis Eccii, qui cum suis fratribus furente hiatu me absorbere festinat, cantans: Deglutiamus eum sicut infernus viventem et integrum, quasi descendentem in lacum. Huic enim furioso homini parvam (immo lucrum) videtur, si veritatem Dei extinguat; modo vota impietatis et fratricidii impleat. O sortem ecclesiae hodiernam, sanguineis lachrymis dignam! Sed quis gemitus nostros audit? quis plorantes solatur? Inexorabilis est furor Domini super nos.

    Addunt iidem homines (ut sunt admodum faceti et suaves) quoddam ridiculum, quo pro sua prudentia temperant seria ludo, scribentes, mihi (super omnia quae in me contulerunt immensa studia) etiam sumptum et pecuniam ad iter Romanum obtulisse. Scilicet nova charitas Romae, quae orbem exhausit pecuniis et vastavit tyrannide sua intolerabili, mihi uni pecuniam offert. Verum, hoc inclytum mendacium scio cujus fabri sit. Cajetanus cardinalis ad mendacta componenda natus et formatus, functus legatione sua felicissima, nunc Romae securus, fingit mihi per se promissam esse pecuniam, cum Augustae tam sordida infamique ageret penuria, ut crederetur familiam suam fame occisurus. Sed Bullam decet esse Bullam, et veritate et sapientia inanem. Et damnatoribus istis jus est nobis mandare, ut esse veraces eos credamus dum mentiuntur, et catholicos dum haeretica docent, et Christianos dum Antichristum statuunt per illud distributivum universale: ‘Et quodcunque ligaveris.’

    Ubi cum nihil exceptum sit, omnia per omnia eis licent: si non potius ex diabolo conceperint, qui non solum mentiuntur manifeste, sed (quod omnem impudentiam superat) mendacio eodem sese ad plausum popularem in mei invidiam ornant, et charitatem sese mihi exhibuisse altero mendacio jam fingunt: cum, si quid veritatis, pietatis, gravitatis, Romanis istis tyrannis exisset reliquum, omni studio cavere debuerint, omnia ita in luce clara ab eis dici et geri, ut nec adversarius suspicionem haurire mali cujusquam possit: at nunc si nihil esset aliorum quae Bullam istam elevarent, hoc crassum et ineptum mendacium eam levem vanam et falsam arguit. Roma quaeso mihi pecunias exhiberet? Et unde illud, quod compertum habeo - pesse videlicet per trapezitas istos (quod bancum vocant) definitos in Germania aliquot centenarios aureorum sicariis, qui Lutherum conficerent? His enim rationibus et scripturis hodie pugnat, regnat, triumphat sancta illa apostolica sedes, magistra fidei et mater ecclesiarum, jamdudum Antichristiana et bis septies haeretica convicta, si gladio Spiritus quod est verbum Dei pugnasset: - id quod non ignorat. Ideo (ne quando ad id cogatur periculi) sic furit in orbe Christiano, bellis, caedibus, cruoribus, mortibus, vastationibus, omnia involvens et perdens: adhuc tamen sunt sanctissimi in Domino patres, et ovium Christi vicarii pastores.

    Sed age (ut et ipse colludam) adhuc mittant pecuniam; fidem enim seu conductum salvum, (ne nimium eos gravem) libens resigno, cum non sit opus eo, mode propitia sit pecunia. Tantam autem expecto quanta satis fuerit ut quinquaginta millibus peditum, et decem millibus equitum instructus, Romam tutus ire queam, qua arte mihi satis fidei parabo: et hoc propter Romam quae devorat habitatores suos, nulla nec servata nec servante fide, ubi sanctissimi patres occidunt dilectos filios suos in charitate Dei, fratresque perdunt fratres in obsequium Christi, sicut est moris Romani atque styli. Interim liber ero ab istius venerabilissimae Bullae citatione. O vos infelices nebulones, qui veritate et conscientia sic estis confusi, ut nec mentiri prudenter possitis, nec verum dicere audeatis, et tamen, summa ignominia vestra, quiescere non valetis!

    Affert quoque Bulla novam Latinitatem. Cum enim Augustinus dixisset se Evangelio non crediturum fuisse nisi autoritate Ecclesiae fuisset commotus, mox Bulla ista inclyta hanc ecclesiam catholicam facit quosdam fratres reverendissimos cardinales, priores ordinum regularium, magistros theologiae, et doctores juris, quorum consilio se natam gloriarut, scilicet novam prolem universalis ecclesiae. Felix certe partus novae illius et hactenus inauditae ecclesiae catholicae, et quam Augustinus acerrimus sectarum insectator si videret, non dubitaret synagogam Satanae appellare. Vide ergo insaniam papistarum: Ecclesia universalis est quidam pauci cardinales, priores, et doctores, forte vix viginti homines, cum possibile sit nullum eorum esse membrum unius capellae vel altaris. Atque cum ecclesia sit communio sanctorum, (ut in symbolo oramus,) sanctorum communione, id est, ecclesia universali exclusos esse oportet, quicunque non fuerint in numero istorum viginti hominum. Unde quicquid ii senserint sancti viri, id mox universalis ecclesia sentit, etiam si mendaces, haeretici, et Antichristi sint, non nisi abominabilia sentientes.

    Adeone Romae insanire ullus credere potuisset? Estne cerebri aut cordis els reliquum quicquam? Augustinus de ecclesia per orbem diffusa loquitur, Evangelium concorditer confitente. Neque enim ullum alium librum Deus voluit tanta concordia orbis approbari, quanta sacram Scripturam (ut idem in Confessionibus suis dicit), ne schismatibus occasio fieret, allis subinde receptis: id quod impia sedes Romana suis decretis quaesivit multis jam seculis; et heu magna ex parte confecit! Sed universalis ecclesia nondum ei consensit. Sunt enim in oriente aquilone et austro Christiani Evangelio contenti, nihil curantes quod Roma ex seipsa particulari universalem ecclesiam facere conatur, et caeteras schismaticas criminatur, cum ipsa sit prima quae se a tota separavit et ad se totam rapere frustra molita est, princeps et fons omnium schismatum hac tyrannide facta.

    Nemo ergo speret unquam fore, ut ecclesia catholica sapiat quae Bulla ista impia blaterat; cum nec ea quae vere est Romana sic sapiat, nec continuo catholicum habeat quicquid Romanum esse constiterit: nullus (ut dixi) liber catholicus ultra futurus est, sicut neque fuit, praeter Scripturam sanctam. Romanae ecclesiae abunde satis est gloria, partem esse parvam universalis ecclesiae, suis statutis se ipsam vexantem.

    Curiae potius Romanae ista Bulla est: hanc enim Satanae sedem decet talis sapientia et religlo. Ipsa est quae nititur universalis ecclesia haberi, et suas stultas et impias bullas pro catholicis dogmatibus toti orbi arrogantissime sed vanissime obtrudit. Cujus superbia et temeritas eo crevit, ut de sola potestate praesumat, citra omnem doctrinam et sanctimonaim vitea de omnibus statuere hominibus eorumque dictis et factis; quasi ob solam potestatem aut sublimitatem spiritus habitaculum et ecclesia Christi sit, cum hac ratione et Satanas (cum sit princeps mundi), aut Turca, ecclesia Christi dici possit. Sed neque gentium imperia potentes citra sapientiam et bonitatem ferunt. Tum in ecclesia, solum spiritualis omnia judicat et a nemine judicatur [ut 1 Cor. 2 dicitur], non utique solus Papa, aut curia Romana, nisi spirituales sint.

    Verum universae eorum temeritati oppono constanter invictum Paulum: [l Cor. 14] ‘Si alteri sedenti aliquid revelatum fuerit, prior taceat.’ Hic clare habes, Papam et quemvis alium majorem debere tacere, si alteri inferiori in ecclesia revelatum aliquid fuerit. Hac ego auctoritate nixus, contempta Bullae temeritate, cum fiducia articulos defendendos suscipio, nullius nudam damnationem tanti facturus (etiamsi Papa sit cum tota sua ecclesia), nisi Scripturis me erudierit: quorum est Articulus primus.

    Haeretica est sententia sed usitata, sacramenta novae legis gratiam dare illis qui non ponunt obicem.’

    Agnosco articulum meum, et quaero ex vobis, egregii domini respectivistae, qui alios respective haereticos, alios erroneos, alios scandalosos decrevistis, quo respicit hic articulus? Ad haeresim? ad errorem? ad scandalum? Aut quo vos respexistis eum damnantes? Ad Scripturam sanctum? ad sanctos patres? ad fidem? ad ecclesiam? Quin dicitis? Nec dum enim vos probandi negotio molesto, sed indicandi solum debitum expostulo, ut sciam quid desit mihi. Vultis, infantes, pueri, ut ego dicam? Dico ergo. Hic articulus respectus duos habet.

    Altero respicit ad papistas damnatores sues, inter quos videt alios respective mulos, alios equos, quibus non est intellectus, ut qui prorsus nihil intelligunt et tamen omnia damnant. Altero respicit ad sacram Scripturam, quae docet Romans 14: Omne quod non est ex fide peccatum esse. Ex quo sequitur sacramenta novae legis non dare gratiam incredulis, (cum incredulitatis sit maximum peccatum, et obex crassissimus,) sed solum credentibus. Sola enim fides non ponit obicem; caetera omnia sunt obex, etiamsi obicem illum non penant, quem sophistae somniant de actuali tantum proposito externi peccati.

    Confiteor ergo articulum non esse meum solum, sad veritatis catholicae at Christianae. Bullam vero damnatricem ejus, essa bis haereticam, impiam et blasphemam, cum omnibus qui eam sequuntur; qui, neglecto peccato ineredulitatis, insaniunt obicem tolli si homo peccare desinat etiamsi nihil incredulus boni cogitet. Verum haec latius et in libellis meis probavi, et probabo si Romani isti lallatores sua ausint aliquando probare, me confutaturi. Articulus Secundus. ‘In puero post baptismum nagare remanens essa peccatum, est Paulum et Christum simul conculcare.’

    Et hunc exigerem ut probarent recta damnari, si domini mei prae respectibus suis non essant excaecati ut nec hoc perspicerent, quo nomine eum velint damnatum haberi. Nescio enim haereticusne sit an erroneus. Et quid mirum, cum nec id damnatores ejus sciant? Assero ergo et hunc articulum, per apostolum, Romans 7: ‘Ego ipse mente servio legi Dei, et carne legi peccati.’ Hic aperte apostolus ipsemet de se confitetur se peccare in carne, seu peccato servire. Et 1 Corinthians 1. ‘Christus factus est nobis a Deo justitia, sapientia, sanctificatio, et redemptio.’ Quomodo autem sanctificat sanctificatos, nisi quod [juxta Apocalyp.] Qui sanctus est, sanctificetur adhuc? At sanctificari est a peccatis mundari. Verum quid respectivistis Bullatis cum Paulo apostolo? Ipsi sunt tota ecclesia universalis, quorum autoritate Paulus aut stat aut cadit, cum sit membrum et pars ecclesiae. Increpet Dominus in te, Satan, et in satanicos istos tuos papistas. Articulus Tertius. ‘Fomes peccati, etiamsi nullum adsit actuale peccatum, moratur exeuntem a corpore animam ab ingressu coeli.’

    De hae quidem re nihil hactenus definivi, sed copiose satis et probabiliter disputavi, nec hodie certus sum quid cum tali anima agatur.

    At talpae nostrae papales, cum necdum videant quo nomine hic articulus eis sit dignus damnatu visus, audent etiam asserere, quod tota ecclesia universalis ignorat. (Sap. 7.) Ego tamen adhuc, ista futili et stulta damnatione contempta; teneo articulum probabiliter essa verum.

    Cum enim fomes sit peccatum vere, (ut ex Romans 7 et Galatians probavi), et peccatum non sinat intrare coelum (sicut scriptum est:

    Nihil iniquinatum intrabit), arbitror fomitem peccati remorari ingressum coeli. Neque enim hic pili facio somnia eorum qui peccatum fomitis extenuantes, poenam peccati et defectum vocant, contra Scripturas apertas quae peccatum appellant, et per gratiam (quae peccati veri non ficti medicina est) sanari docent. Articulus Quartus. ‘Imperfecta charitas morituri fert secum necessario magnum timorem, qui in se solo satis est facere poenam purgatorii, et impedit introitum regni.’

    Iste ex praecedenti sequitur, quem aeque non asserui, licet probabiliter verum adhuc asseram, prius petita dispensatione arbitrio meo proprio, etiam invita Bulla, quae aliam non afferre probationem potest, nisi hanc: Nos sumus sublimiores in ecclesia tyranni, immo ipsa ecclesia; ergo, sumus doctissimi et sanctissimi, pleni Spiritu Sancto, non potentes errare, etiamsi omni spurcitia omnium criminum, omni inscitia, per orbem foeteamus ceu Lerna quaedam. Sed istis rationibus apud me nihil promovetur: promovetur autem coram illis qui metunt, ne, si mea sententia obtineat, purgatorium e manu Papae dilabatur, ac tum defunctorum vexandorum (redimendorum volui dicere) officia quaestuosissima (tanto damno accepto) sacerdotes et religiosos ad famem adigant. Oportuit ergo avaritiam hic vigilare, nec sinere suas frivolas opiniones sed turpilucrosissimas, veritate superante, occidi. Articulus Quintus. ‘Tres esse partes poenitentiae, contritionem, confessionem, satisfactionem, non est fundatum in Scriptura Sacra, nec in antiquis sanctis christianis doctoribus.’

    Hic articulus quo respectu damnetur, satis intelligo, respectivus enim est ad avaritiam. Quare et probationem eorum respectivam scio, quae est talis: Si articulus esset verus, tunc homines nihil darent pro satisfactione et indulgentiis; nec haberemus eos amplius vexare confessionibus, casibus reservatis, restrictis, ampliatis, pro nostro lucro; et sic pauperes fieremus, et cultus Dei minueretur in vigiliis et massis. Sed cultum Dei minui est impium: quare Lutherus est haereticus. - Valet consequentia a respectu Bullae ad papistas, et e contra.

    Te per dominum Jesum oro, si quis gravis et eruditus lector haec legeris, mihi indulgeas levitatem et (ut sic dixerim) puerillitatem istam.

    Vides enim, cum iis hominibus mihi rem esse, qui bis pueri sunt, et tamen omnium virorum heroas sese jactant. Dispeream si non compertissimum habeo, maximos et antesignanos duces populorum hac (quam recitavi) plusquam septies stulta et ridicula ratiuncula motos ad meorum libellorum damnationem. Ego, nisi iram Dei super nos saevientem flens intelligerem, quae effeminatis pueris et faeci illi hominum ultimae ex onmi terra nos subjecit, prae indignitate rei dirumperer.

    Mea sententia fuit et est haec: satisfactionem eam quam claves queant tollere, non esse juris divini: Sin esset, non posse eam tolli per claves.

    Si quid aliud mihi hoc articulo isti Bullatores imponunt, suo more faciunt. Quid enim refert si Antichristus mentiatur? Articulus Sextus. ‘Contritio quae paratur per discussionem, collectionem, et detestationem peccatorum, qua quis reeogitat annos suos in amaritudine animae suae, ponderando peccatorum gravitatem, multitudinem, foeditatem, amissionem aeternae beatitudinis, ac aeternae damnationis acquisitionem; haec contritio facit hypocritam, immo magis peccatorem.’

    Proh incredibilem caecitatem et inscitiam Bullarum istarum! Meus certe est articulus et Christianissimus, quem mihi innumerabilibus papis et papistis non patiar extorqueri. Hoc enim ea doctrina egi, poenitentiam nullius esse momenti nisi in fide et charitate fierat: quod ipsimet docent quoque, nisi quod, nec quid fides nec quid charitas sit, aut sciunt aut docent. Ideo dum mea damnant, sua ipsorum imprudenti contradictione damnant. Dico ergo, qui poenitentiam sic docet ut promissae misericordiae Dei, et fidei in eandem, non majorem habeat curam quam carnificinae istius, hic poenitentiam Judae Iscariotis docet, pestilens est diabolus animarum, et carnifex conscientiarum. Lege autem libros illorum sophistarum de poenitentia, et videbis eos non promissionis nec fidei ullam mentionem facere. Has enim partes poenitentiae vivas omittunt, et solis mortuis contritionibus homines exagitant. Sed latius alias.

    Sed quid denuo articulos omnes probem, cum extent libelli ubi omnium rationem reddidi abunde, plura daturus si adversarii sua quoque in lucem dedissent? Quae est enim stultitia, ut hoc uno mihi responsum velint, quod dicunt sibi damnata videri omnia mea, cum ego in hoc ipsum scripserim, ut suos errores ipsi agnoscerent quibus populum Dei hactenus dementaverunt? Non hoc expectavi ut damnarer, qui sciens et prudens damnata jam olim ab eis, adductis scripturis et rationibus, justificavi. Nec volui ut dicerent, quod ipsi saperent (sciebam enim omnia); sed an recte saperent, id quaesitum est a me. Hic volui erudiri, et ecce nemo audet prodire! Quare video asinos istos, non modo mea et sua non intelligere, sed prae insigni hebetudine nec hoc percepisse, quid meis libellis quaesierim. Arbitrantur enim se tales in opinione mea esse, apud quos sit veritas; cum nihil minus de eis suspicatus sim. Cum enim olim ab eis omnia ista scirem damnata esse, non damnandus sed velut jam damnatus ab eis prodii, damnationem eorum traducturus Impiam, haereticam, et blasphemam, eosque (nisi ratione reddita recte sese sapere docuissent) erroris et haereseos crimine publice reos acturus: ipsi (velut ridiculus citharaedus chorda semper eadem oberrans) petito principio aliud non reddunt, nisi ‘damnamus quae damnavimus,’ nova dialectica probantes idem per seipsum, damnationem per damnationem.

    O ineptissimos et insulsissimos damnatores! Ubi manet illud Petri: ‘Semper parati ad reddendam rationem de ea quae in vobis est fide et spe?’

    Quod cum Papistae et Bullistae isti ignorantissimi ante veritatis manifestae faciem sic sunt confusi metuque perculsi ut pro se suaque sententia ne hiscere quidem audeant, et meticulosissimam hanc Bullam aegre emutirint: ego, inimicorum fuga erectus, hanc meticulosam damnationem vice approbationis robustissimae accipio, et suam in eos ipsos retorqueo damnationem. Qua enim ratione seipsos possent magis damnare, quam, dum metuunt erroris et haereseos rei inveniri si rationem reddere cogerentur, ad hoc extremum et frustraneum miserorum effugium labuntur, ut clausis et oculis et auribus, dicaut:

    Nolo, Damno, Non audio, Non admitto? Si ego sic insaniissem, obsecro, quanta gloria in me triumpharent! “Degeneres animos timor arguit.”

    Ego itaque, ne prolixo lectorem gravem sermone si singulos articulos prosequar his scriptis testor me omnia damnata per Bullam istam execrabilem confiteri pro catholicis dogmatibus, de quibus rationem reddidi editis libellis. Deinde adhuc volo libellos meos in orbe vagantes vice publicae accusationis haberi adversus impios istos sophistas populi Dei seductores; ita ut, nisi ratione reddita me convicerint et sua statuerint, reos erroris, haereseos, sacrilegii (quantum in me fuerit) merito eos censeam; monens, rogans, hortansque in Domino omnes qui Christum vere confitentur, ab eorum perversis et impiis doctrinis sibi caveant, et verum illum Antichristum per eos in orbe regnare non dubitent. Quod si quis fraternum hoc monitorium meum contempserit, sciat me esse mundum a sanguine suo, et in extremo judicio Christi excusatum. Nihil enim omisi quod charitati Christianae debui. Porro, si alia via non queo damnatoribus verbosis et inanibus resistere, ultimum quod habeo exponam, nempe hanc animam et hunc sanguinem. Melius est enim me millies occidi, quam unam syllabam damnatorum articulorum revocare, Et sicut ipsi me excommunicant pro sacrilega haeresi sua, ita eos rursus ego excommunico pro sancta veritate Dei.

    Christus judex viderit utra excommunicatio apud eum valeat. Amen. (K) See Edition 1570, p. 1465; also ‘Lutheri Omnia Opera.’ Edit.

    Jenae. 1558. ff. 301-307. - ED 28 ‘Bulla,’ in Latin, signifieth as much in English, as a bubble in the water. [See Persius, Sat. v. 19.] 29 ‘Proteus,’ is a certain monster among the poets, which turneth himself into an shapes. 30 See the Appendix. - ED. 31 ‘Dizard,’ a fool. - ED. 32 The obstacle letting sacraments to give grace, is the actual purpose of sinning, say the papists. The only obstacle letting sacraments to give grace, is unbelief, saith Luther, speaking after this time. But the truth is that sacraments neither with obstacle, nor without obstacle, do give grace to the believers or unbelievers, but only do signify grace given by Christ. 33 Sap. 34 See the Appendix. - ED. 35 Note here good reader that amongst these articles certain there be, which, because they seemed somewhat to bear with the pope and his pardons, Luther, coming after to a more knowledge that the pope was Antichrist, confesseth himself in his assertions, that he utterly calleth back the same; not revoking them as the pope would have had him, but rather aggravating them against the pope. 36 The copy, as it was drawn by the public notary, and exhibited, commenceth in this form here following. In nomine Domini, Amen.

    Anno a nativitate ejusdem 1518, indictione sexta, die vero solis, vigesimo octavo mensis Novembris, pontificatus sanctissmi in Christo Patris et Domini nostr. Domini Leonis, divina providentia Papae, Decimi anno sexto, in mea Notarii publici testiumque infra-scriptorum, ad hoc specialiter vocatorum et rogatorum, praesentia constitutus, etc.

    THE DEATH OF HENRY THE EIGHTH 1 Some persons had already suffered as traitors for foretelling the king’s death. See Lanquet’s Epitome of Chronicles in the year 1541 - ED. 2 Fuller, in his Church History (book 5 pp. 243-252), gives the will of king Henry at length. - ED. 3 ‘Corsey,’ or ‘Corsive,’ a corruption of ‘corrosive,’ vexation or injury. (Nares.) - ED. 4 Ex Joan Sleid. [Edit. Francof. 1610] lib. 9. [p. 221. Sleidan goes on to remark, that pretended apparitions of departed spirits were very frequent before the Reformation, being designed to promote the belief of purgatory and enrich the mass-priests: but that Luther’s doctrine put an end to the hoax. - ED.] 5 In the four editions of the Acts and Monuments from 1570 to 1596 (as also in some of the later editions) this paragraph thus continues: “in remembering the story of a good and constant martyr of the Lord before overpast, which suffered in Kent for the word of God before Luther’s time about the second year of this king’s reign, as here in story followeth.” Then follows ‘The Story of John Browne, a blessed martyr of Christ Jesus, burned at Ashford,’ etc., as given in a note in the Appendix to vol. 4 on p. 181, to which note the reader is referred for a full account of the various forms under which this story appears in Foxe. - ED. 6 See page 463 of this volume. - ED. 7 ‘Edmundus permissione divina Lond. Epist. dilecto nobis in Christo Richardo Cloney literato, apparitori nostro generali, salut. grat. et benedictionem. Cum nos decimo tertio die mensis instantis Octob. circa noctem, literas serenissimi,’ etc. [See Edition 1563, p.684. - ED.] This Cloney could neither understand the Latin, nor yet scarce read in English; and yet here he is called literatus! 8 See Edition 1563, pages marked 682, 674. - ED. 9 The history of this extraordinary man may well be concluded by the following observation: “Morte sic regnum finiit Henricus Rex, propter prima administrationis tempora illustre, propter victorias crebras et res in bello feliciter gestas gloriosum, propter magnas sub eo mutationes factu memorabile, propter ecclesiae sub eo coeptam reformationem laudabile: attamen vero (veritatem non occultare) propter uxoriam rem infelicissimum; denique, propter crebra tributa reipublicae nonnihil damnosum, civibusque grave ac onerosum.” See Herwologia Anglica, Lond. 1620, page 4. The writings of Henry VIII. were as follows: Ad Leonem pontificem ejus nominis X.: Assertio Sacramentorum, lib. 1:

    Ad Epistolam Lutheri, lib. 1: De Christiani Hominis Institutione, lib. 1:

    De Instituenda Pube, lib. 1. Sententia de Mantuano Concilio, lib. 1: De justo in Scotos bello, lib. 1: Ad duces Saxoniae, Erasmum Roterodamum, et alios magni nominis viros, epistolae disertissimae. - ED.

    BOOK CONTAINING THE ACTS AND THINGS DONE IN THE REIGN OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. 1 See the Latin Edition, Basle, 1559, p. 200. Ed. 1563, p. 675. Ed. 1570, p. 1483. Ed. 1576, p. 1257. Ed. 1583, p. 1294. Ed. 1597, p. 1178. Edition 1684. Vol. II. book 9:p. 1. - ED. 2 See Edition 1563, p. (printed) 675; also the Latin Edition, Basle, 1569, p. 200. - ED. 3 She was burnt on the 2d of May, ‘for the horrible heresy that Christ took no flesh of the Virgin Mary: and at her death did preach John Scorie, a preacher of Canterbury, showing to the people her abominable opinions, and warning all men to beware of them and such like.’

    Fabyan’s Chronicles. Lond. 1811. p. 710. Burner, vol. 1. part 2. pp. 180-186. See also her sentence, vol 2. part 2. p. 229, and Wilkins; Concilia. Lend. 1737. vol. 4 p. 43. - ED. 4 No such thing! See Appendix. - ED377 . 5 King Edward’s diary written by himself, is given in Burnet. Vol. 2. part 2. pp. 3-96. - ED. 6 The words of Cardan, in Latin, be these: Hieronymus Cardanus de Genituris. ‘Aderant enim illi gratiae. Linguas enim multas adhuc puer callebat, Latinam, Anglicam (patriam) Gallicam, non expers (ut audio) Graecae, Italicae, et Hispanicae, et forsan aliarum. [Propriam, Gallicam et Latinam exacte tenebat, et ad omnia docilis erat.] Non illi dialectica deerat, non naturalis philosophiae principia, non musica. Humanitas mortalitatis nostrae imago, gravitas regiae majestatis, indoles tanto principe digna. In universum, magno miraculo humanarum rerum, tanti ingenii, et tantae expectationis puer educabatur! Non haec rhetorice exornata veritatem excedunt, sed sunt minora.’ De Qualitatibus Animi.

    Cum illo congressus. decimum quintum adhuc agebat annum, interrogavit (Latine non minus quam ego polite et prompte loquebatur) quid continent libri tui ‘De rerum varietate rara?’ hos enim nomini majestatis suae dedicaveram. Tum ego: Cometarum primum causam diu frustra quaesitam in primo capite ostendo. Quaenam? inquit ille.

    Concursus, ego aio, luminis erraticoturn siderum. At Rex: Quomodo, cum diversis motibus astra moveantur, non statim dissipatur aut movetur eorum motu? At ego: Moverut equidem, sed longe celerius illis ob diversitatem aspectus, velut in chrystallo et sole cum iris in pariete relucet. Parva enim mutatio magnam facit loci differentiam. At Rex: Et quonam pacto absque subjecto illud fieri potest, iridi enim paries subjectum est? Tum ego: Velut in lactea via, et luminum reflectione, cum plures candelae prope accensae medium quoddam lucidum et candidum efficiunt. Itaque ex ungue leonem, ut dici solet. Fuit hic in maxima omnium aut bonorum aut eruditorum expectatione, ob ingenuitatem atque suavitatem morum. Prius coeperat favere artibus quam nosceret, et noscere antequam uti posset. Conatus quidam humanae conditionis, quem non solum Anglia, sed orbis ereptum immature deflere debet. Plurimum educationi debueramus, plus ereptum est hominum dolo fraudeve. O quam bene dixerat ille, ‘Immodicis brevis est aetas, et rara senectus.’

    Specimen virtutis exhibere potuit, non exemplum. Ubi gravitas regia requirebatur, senem vidisses; ut blandus erat, et comis, aetatem referebat. Cheli pulsabat, publicis negotiis admovebatur, liberalis animo, atque in his patrem aemulabatur, etc. - See Hieronymi Cardani Opera Omnia. (Lugduni. 1663.) tom. 5. p. 503. Genitura. 1. The passages distinguished by asterisks are inserted from the original work: and that in a square parenthesis is an interpolation. Cardan was born at Pavia in 1501, and died about 1576. - ED. 7 ‘Lactea via,’ is a white and bright part of the firmament, like a long white causeway, or way, appearing in the night among the thick stars. 8 See his Works as above, page 506. - ED. 9 Peter Martyr was born at Florence in 1500. He studied at Padua and Bononia, and was a monk of the Augustine order in the monastery of Fiezoli. He preached the doctrines of Zuinglius and Bucer, privately, at Rome; being impeached there, he fled to Naples, and thence to Lucca.

    Having been sent for by king Edward, he was made professor of divinity at Oxford, in 1549, but retired to Strasburgh on the accession of queen Mary, and died in 1562. - ED. 10 Martin Bucer was one of the first reformers at Strasburgh; he was born in Alcace in 1491. At seven years old he took the habit of St. Dominic.

    He read Luther’s works, and conferred with him in person at Heidelburg, in 1521: but though he agreed with him in many of his opinions, yet in the following year he gave the preference to those of Zuinglius. He was at the interim at Augsburg in 1548, from whence the news of his piety, and sentiments upon matters of faith reached England; and, at Cranmer’s solicitation, he came to England in 1549 and taught divinity at Cambridge, where he died in 1551. - ED. 11 Paulus Phagius died at Cambridge, and his bones were burnt, with those of Martin Bucer, in 1557, an account of which will be found under that date. - ED. 12 For these injunctions, see edition 1563, pp. 685-689 378 . Also ‘Iniuncsions given by the most excellent prince Edward the Sixte,’ etc. 8ro. Lond. 1557. To the Injunctions is appended ‘The Fourme of biddyng the Common Prayers.’ In which, three subjects are recommended for prayer; namely, first, the church and the king’s majesty; secondly, the lord protector, the council, and clergy; and thirdly, what is somewhat remarkable, ‘you shall pray for all them that are departed out of this world, in the faith of Christ, that they, with us, and we with them, at the day of judgment, may rest, both body and soul, with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of heaven. See the Appendix. - ED. 13 ‘Certain Sermons or Homilies, appointed by the King’s Majesty,’ etc.

    Lond. July 31, 1547. Imprinted by Richard Grafton. These Homilies are twelve in number, set forth, as the preface states, in consequence of the manifold enormities which heretofore have crept into his grace’s realm, through the false usurped power of the bishop of Rome, and the ungodly doctrine of his adherents, not only unto the great decay of Christian religion, but also (if God’s mercy were not) unto the utter destruction of innumerable souls, which, through hypocrisy and pernicious doctrine, were seduced and brought from honoring the alone, true, living, and eternal God, unto the worshipping of creatures, yea of stocks and stones; from doing the commandment of God, unto voluntary works and fantasies invented of men; from true religion unto popish superstition.’ - ED. 14 And yet, now, colleges in universities be suffered to have Latin service. 15 See Edition 1563, p. 689. - ED. 16 For this and the succeeding document, see Edition 1565, p. 689. Also Wilkins’s ‘Concilia,’ vol. 4. p. 9. See Appendix. - ED. 17 Stat. an. 1. reg. Edw. VI. cap. 12. The statute made an. 1. reg. Rich. II.; an. 2. reg. Hen. V.; an. 25. reg. Hen. VIII.; item, an. 31. Hen. VIII.; an. 34. Hen. VIII.; an. 35, Hen. VIII repealed. Item, note for the statute, an. 2. reg. Hen. IV. cap. 15, because that statute was repealed by a statute made an. 25. Hen. VIII., therefore the same is here omitted. [It is mentioned however in the second clause of this act. See ‘An Act for the Repeal of certain Statutes concerning Treason and Felonies,’ an. 1.

    Edw. VI. cap. 12. in the Statutes at large. Lond. 1763. vol. 2. pp. 391- 396. Also ‘A Book of Statutes, made in the time of Edw. VI.’ fol.

    Lond. 1553. fol. 19. - ED.] 18 ‘Mark here how Bonner, with his own letters, giveth his consent and admonition in abolishing these things.’ See Edition 1563, p. 689. - ED. 19 See Wilkins’s Concilia. Lond. 1737, fol. vol. 4:p. 22. Wilkins gives this document as copied from Cranmer’s Registers, fol. 32, dating it Feb. 21, 1547 (that being the ecclesiastical year). He also gives the archbishop’s own letter, dated Feb. 24, ‘Anno Domini, juxta computationem Ecclesiae Anglicanae, 1547, et nostrae consecrationis anno 15.’ The historical year is 1518, agreeing with Bonner’s dates before and after. - ED. 20 The Letter of Edmund Bonner, sent with the Archbishop’s Mandate, to the Bishop of Westminster, for the Abolishing of Images.

    Edmundus, permissione divina London. episcopus, per illustrissimum in Christo principem et dominum nostrum, dominum Edwardum sextum, Dei gratia Angliae Franciae et Hiberniae regem, fidei defensorem, et in terra ecclesiae Anglicanae et Hibernicae supremum caput, sufficienter et legitime auctorizatus, reverendo in Christo confratri nostro domino Thomae, eadem permissione Westmonasteriensi Episcopo, salutem et fraternam in Domino charitatem. Literas reverendissimi in Christo patris et domini, domini Thomae, permissione divina Cantuariensis archiepiscopi, totius Angliae primatis et metropolitani - tenorem literatum missivarum clarissimorum et prudentissimorum dominorum (de privatis consiliis dicti illustr. dom. nostri regis) in se continentes - nuper cum ea qua decuit reverentia humiliter recepimus exequendas: in haec verba.

    Thomas, permissione divina Cantuar. archiepiscopus totius Angliae primas et metropolitanus, per illustrissimum in Christo principem et dominum nostrum, dominum Edwardum sextum, Dei gratia Angliae Franciae et Hiberniae regem, fidei defensorem, et in terra ecclesiae Anglicanae et Hibernicae supremum caput, sufficienter et legitime auctorizatus, venerabili confratri nostro domino Edmundo eadem permissione London. episcopo, vestrove vicario in spiritualibus generali et officiali principali, salutem et fraternam in Domino charitatem. Literas missivas clarissimorum et prudentissimorum dominorum (de privato consilio reglae majestatis) manibus subscriptas, nobisque inscriptas et directas, nuper recepimus, tenorem subsequentem complectentes: [Then making a full recital of the council’s letters above specified, page 717, he proceeds with the archbishop’s precept:] Quibus quidem literis (pro nostro erga suam regiam majestatem officio), uti decet, obtemperare summopere cupientes, vestrae fraternitati tenore praesentium committimus ac regiae majestatis vice et nomine, quibus in hac parte fungimur, mandamus, quatenus attente et diligenter, literarum hujusmodi tenore, omnibus et singulis confratribus coepiscopis nostris et ecclesiae nostrae Christi Cant. suffraganeis, cum ea qua poteris celeritate accommoda, praecipiatis, ut ipsorum singuli (in suis cathedralibus necnon civitatum et diocesum suarum paroch, ecclesiis exposito publice literarum hujusmodi tenore) omnia et singula in literis praeinsertis comprehensa deducta et descripta (quatenus eos concernunt) in omnibus et per omnia exequi et perimpleri sedulo et accurate curent et fieri non postponant: sicque a vobis (frater clarissime) in civitate et dioces, vestra London. per omnia fieri et perimpleri volumus et mandamus. Datum in manerio nostro de Lambehithe 24 die mens. Februarii, anno Domini, juxta computationem ecclesiae Anglicanae, 1547, et nostrae consecrationis anno decimo quinto. [Then Bonner proceeds, to the bishop of Westminster, in these words:] Quocirca nos Edmundus episcopus antedictus, literis praedictis pro nostro officio obtemperare, uti decet, summopere cupientes, vestrae fraternitati (tam ex parte dicti excellentissimi domini nostri regis ac praefatorum clarissimorum dominorum de privatis suis consiliis, quam praedicti reverendmi. patris domini Cantuar. archiepiscopi) tenore praesentium committimus et mandamus, quatenus attentis et per vos diligenter consideraris literarum hujusmodi tenoribus eas in omnibus et per omnia, juxta vim, formam, et effectum earundem, cum omni qua poteritis celeritate accommoda, in et per totam dioces, vestram West. debite et effectualiter exequi faciatis et procuretis.

    Datum in sedibus nostris London. vicesimo quinto die Februarii A. D. 1547, et regni dicti illustrissimi domini nostri regis anno secundo. [1548.] [The portion of this note distinguished with asterisks, is from Edition 1563, pp. 689, 690, where, upon the close of Bonner’s letter to the bishop of Westminster Foxe observes, ‘Bonnerus hic mandat quam accurate fieri ab aliis, quae nunc ipse obstinate recusat facere. Quando sibi ipsi constabit hic Proteus?’ Bonner’s Letter is in his Register, folio 110 verso and 268: Cranmer’s is also in Wilkins, from his Register.

    Foxe’s text has been collated, and slightly corrected. 21 Stat. An. 2, 3 Reg. Edw. cap. 1. [For these Acts, see ‘Actes made in the session of this present parliament, holden the 4th Nov. in the second year of Edward VI. cap. 1. fo1. 2. Lond. fol. 1553. - ED.] 22 See Heylin’s History of the Reformation, p. 74. - ED. 23 ‘Bonner, with his own hand, consenteth to the abrogation of the mass! If he did it of fear, where was then his conscience? If he did it of conscience, why is he now afraid?’ See Edition 1563, p. 691. - ED. 24 If you were so ‘well willing then and desiring’ as you say, where is this well willing and desiring mind now? If ye did it then against your conscience, how were ye then so well willing? If ye did it with your conscience, why then burnt ye men in queen Mary’s time for that which, in king Edward’s time, ye did yourself? [See Edition 1563, p. 692. - ED.] 25 Edition 1563, pp. 692, 693. See Appendix. - ED. 26 In a work entitled ‘All such Proclamations, as have been sette furthe by the Kynges Maiestie,’ etc., [Lond. 1550. 8vo. Printed by Richard Grafton,] is the Proclamation for the punishment of these rebels. - ED. 27 See ‘All Suche Proclamacions,’ etc. Lond. 1550, fol. 61. - ED. 28 Ex actis judicii publici registro receptis et notatis. 29 The best evidence that can be adduced for the authenticity of Foxe’s account of Bishop Bonner, is that it is quoted, very generally, as well by papists as by protestants. - ED. 30 See Burner, vol 2. part 2, quoting ‘Ex libro Concilii,’ fol. 110. - ED. 31 Note the corrupt life of these unmarried priests and popish votaries. 32 Burnet gives two documents of Bonner’s respecting the question of the Injunctions: the one, addressed to sir John Godsalve, (copied from MS. col. CC. Cantab.); the other, part of a letter to the protector (Cotton Libr. Vesp. D. 18). See Burnet, Hist. Ref. Lond. 1820. vol. 2. part 2, pp. 157-161. - ED. 33 See the Records of the Tower, Patent 3, Edward VI. p. 11. m. 3. dor. - ED. 34 See Appendix. 35 The tenor and form of the Protestation of Edmund Bonner Bishop of London; exhibited to the King’s Commissioners at his first appearing. Edmundus Lond. Episcopus primo et ante omnis protester, quod per hanc meam comparitionem seu per aliqua per me hic dicta seu dicenda, allegata seu alleganda, proposita seu proponenda, exhibita seu exhibenda, gesta seu gerenda, objecta seu objictenda, exercita seu exercenda, facta seu fienda, petita seu petenda, non intendo in vos dominos judices praesentes tanquam in judices mihi in hac parte competentes et idoneos aliquo modo consentire, aut vestram jurisdictionem praesentem in hac parte aliquatenus prorogare, nisi prout ac quatenus de jure ad hoc tenear et astringar rationique consonum videatur: et sub protestatione praedicta et ea semper mihi salva (a qua recedere non intendo, sed eandem in omnibus et singulis deinceps in hoc negotio praetenso per me agendis pro repetita haberi volo) dico et allege quod literae commissionales praetensae (vobis ut dicitur in hac parte directae), seu earum vera et legitima copia, nunquam antehac mihi ostensae aut monstr. fuerunt, nec a me aliquo modo visae, lectae aut cognitae, vel mihi traditae. Itaque contra formam et tenorem earundem, vel contra personas aliquorum vestrum, ea quae de jure ac naturali ratione mihi competunt in hac parte cum reverentia (qua decet) objicere, ac in debita juris forma proponere, non possum in praesenti, ut deberem. Quare ut defensio congrua, quae nulli hominum deneganda est, mihi reservetur, liquidoque sciam cujusmodi exceptiones mihi in hac parte competere possint ac debeant, utque eas suis loco et tempore juxta juris exigentiam pro necessaria defensione mea proponam, contra vel praetensas literas commissionales hujusmodi vel contra personas aliquorum vestrum, quatenus liceat et expediat sub protestatione praedicta, facultatem dictas praetensas literas commissionales in forma originali inspiciendi, ac earum veram, integram, et fidelem copiam debite exinde mihi fieri, humiliter peto et postulo prout juris est in hac parte, tenore praesentium; nihilominus testatum manifeste relinquens, quod observantiam et reverentiam, ac obedientiam et honorem, ac caetera quaecunque, serenissimae Regiae Majestati (Domino meo supremo, has literas praetensas vobis, ut dicitur, committenti) qualitercunque decet in omnibus et per omnia perpetuo humillime recogniturus sum, habiturus, et praestiturus, et his exceptionibus et defensionibus legitimis mihi de jure et natura competentibus ad defensionem meam necessariam et legitimam, ac non aliter, in hac parte usurus. 36 See Edition 1563, page 699. - ED. 37 See Edition 1563, page 700, - ED. 38 How fain would this man find a fault, if he could tell how. 39 See note 1, p. 764. - ED. 40 But what and where were your proofs? 41 As though he could not both confute your error then, and also say the truth now. without all malice or affection. 42 ‘Ever,’ that is since pope Innocentius the Third’s time, four hundred years ago. 43 Though the bill of articles bears no seal or signet, yet you be but a caviller, knowing that you were sent for, and in the presence of the lord protector, in the council-chamber received the copy of the injunctions, with the articles promised to be sent to you in writing, as they were indeed; neither are ye able to deny the same, though ye list to shift out the matter with vain terms of uncertainty and obscurity, when the purpose of the thing maketh clean against you, according as it appeareth in the articles hereafter ministered against you the second time. 45 But where was any mention made of the king’s power in his minority, as it was enjoined you to treat of? 46 If ye did believe it, why did ye not fully approve and declare the same to the people! 47 Ergo, by your own confession it appeareth that these injunctions were given you by my lord protector’s own mouth, though not with his own hands: which article you will not grant. 48 As justly they might; the same being heretical and blasphemous against the humanity of Christ. 49 Well cracked, Master Bonner. 50 Edition 1563, pp. 703, 704. - ED422 . 51 Foxe’s text reads “eleventh:” see Appendix. - ED. 52 This term ‘mathematical’ is referred of Master Hooper not to the substance of Christ’s body upon the cross, but to the papistical accidents, without substance upon the altar. 53 A good prelate, that had lost his memory for lack of preaching. 54 Bonner knew not the rebels’ opinion, if you will believe him. 55 He meaneth the bishop of Canterbury. 56 After his long period well blown up with much waste wind of words, at length he beginneth to answer to the articles before objected. 57 See Edition 1563, page 707. - ED. 58 See Appendix 433 . 59 See Edition 1563, p. 709. See Appendix. - ED. 60 In this session Bonner exhibiteth more matter in writing, why he ought not to be declared ‘pro confesso.’ 61 This appeal of bishop Bonner, taken out of the First Edition, p. 709, is substituted for a brief abstract of the same document in later editions. - ED. 62 A brief summary of this information being all that is inserted in recent editions, the above is extracted from the First Edition, p. 712. - ED. 63 For these interrogatories see Edition 1563, pp. 712, 713. - ED. 64 Here Bonner most proudly shameth not to belie the king’s secretary and one of his majesty’s council, charging him with altering and adding unto the council’s injunctions. 65 I pray God ye go not for yourself. 66 Bonner appealeth to the king, because he could not to the pope. 67 ‘Apostles’ is a term of canon law, and signifieth as much as letters reverential or dimissories. [See the Appendix on this passage. - ED.] 68 See Edition 1563, pp. 722, 723. - ED. 69 See the Appendix 473 . 70 Ibid 71 Doctor May. 72 Sententia Deprivationis lata contra Edmundum Londinensem Episcopum. In Dei nomine, Amen. Nos Thomas, miseratione divina Cantuariensis archiepiscopus, totius Angliae primas et metropolitanus; Nicholaus, eadem miseratione Roffensis episcopus; Thomas Smith miles, illustrissimi in Christo principis et domini nostri domini Edwardi Sexti, Dei gratia Angliae Franciae et Hiberniae regis, fidei defensoris, et in terris ecclesiae Anglicanae supremi capitis, secretariorum principalium alter; et Wilhelmus May, juris civilis doctor, ecclesiae cathedralis divi Pauli decanus; dicti illustrissimi principis et domini nostri regis ad infra-scripta, una cum eximio viro domino Wilhelmo Petro milite, ‘ejusdem serenissimae Regiae Majestatis etiam secretatiorum principalium altero, commissarii sive judices delegati; cum ista clausa videlicet,’ Deputamus vos quinque, quatuor vel tres vestrum, etc., recte et legitime deputati contra te Edmundum, permissione divina Londini episcopum - in causa et causis, in literis commissionalibus dictae serenissimae Regiae Majestatis expressis et specificatis, rite et legitime procedentes et judicialiter inquirentes, auditisque per nos et intellectis ac primum examine debito mature discussis meritis et circumstantiis causae et causarum inquisitionis ejusmodi, servatisquo ulterius per nos de jure in hac parte servandis; in praesentia tui episcopi antedicti, judicialiter coram nobis constituti ac protestantis de coactione et de caeteris (prout in ultima protestatione hodie per te facta continetur); - ad definitionem causae et causarum hujusmodi prolationemque sententiae nostrae, sive nostri finalis decreti, super eisdem ferendae sic duximus procedendum, et procedimus in hunc qui sequitur modum.

    Quia (tam per acta, actitata, deducta, proposita, exhibita, allegata, probata, pariter et confessata, in causa et causis hujusmodi facta, habita, et gesta, quam per confessionem tuam propriam, factique notorietatem, et alia legitima documenta) evidenter invenimus et compertum habemus te praefatum episcopum Londini inter caetera (pro meliori officii tui pastoralis administratione) in mandatis habuisse, ut de his, qui duas aut tres uxores ut maritas in unum haberent aut qui externos et non probatos ecclesiae ritus in hoc regno sequerentur (quibus rebus tua diocesis Londinensis praecipue erat infamata), inquireres, teque ea facere omnino neglexisse: Item expresse tibi per Regiam Majestatem praescriptum fuisse, ut ipse episcopus adesses concionibus ad crucem Pauli habitis, tam ut eas honestares tua praesentia quam ut possis eos accusare, si qui male ibidem concionarentur; te tamen contra non solum abiisse, sed etiam scriptis literis majorem Londini et aldermannos ut inde recederent admonuisse et exhortatum fuisse: Item, inter alia quoque per Regiam Majestatem tibi injuncta in mandatis tibi datum fuisse, quod articulum quendam - statum reipublicae (tunc perniciosissima rebellione proditorum contra illum articulum sentientium gravissime perturbatae) praecipue concernentem, et propterea supremum, necessarium, et specialiter tibi injunctum, (videlicet: ‘Ye shall also set forth in your sermon, that our authority of our royal power is (as of truth it is) of no less authority and force in this our younger age, than is and was of any of our predecessors, though the same were much elder, as may appear by example of Josias and other young kings in Scripture. And therefore all our subjects to be no less bound to the obedience of our precepts, laws, and statutes, than if we were thirty or forty years of age.’) - apud Crucem sive suggestum divi Pauli Londini, certo die tibi in ea parte praefixo et limitato, in publica tua concione tunc et ibidem populo recitares et explicares; teque modo et forma praemissa eundem articulum juxta mandatum et officii tui debitum recitare et explicare minime curasse, sed contumaciter et inobedienter omisisse, in maximum Regiae Majestatis contemptum, ac in ejus regni praejudicium non modicum, necnon in subditorum suorum malum et perniciosum exemplum; contumaciamque et in obedientiam multiplicem, tam in hac nostra inquisitione quam alias, perpetrasse commisisse et contraxisse:

    Idcirco nos Thomas, Cantuariensis archiepiscopus primas et metropolitanus judexque delegatus, antedictus, Christi nomine primitus invocato, ac ipsum solum Deum oculis nostris praeponentes, de et cum expresso consensu pariter et assensu collegarum nostrorum praedictorum una nobiscum assidentium, deque et cum consilio jurisperitorum cum quibus communicavimus in hac parte, te Edmundum Londini episcopum antedictum a tuo episcopatu Londinensi, una cum suis juribus et pertinentibus commoditatibus et caeteris emolumentis quibuscumque, deprivandum et prorsus amovendum fore de jure debere pronunciamus decernimus et declaramus, prout per praesentes sic deprivamus et amovemus per hanc nostram sententiam definitivam, sive hoc nostrum finale decretum, quam sive quod ferimus et promulgamus in his scriptis. 73 The editor subjoins the decision 484 of these parties who determined upon the execution of the sentence of Edmund Bonner, bishop of London: they are quoted from the first edition of the Acts and Monuments, pp. 724-726.

    An Instrument made and drawn of the Judgment and Sentence of certain noble Personages, with the ought not in any effect or force to stand.

    In Dei nomine, Amen. Praesentis publici instrumenti serie cunctis evidenter appareat, quod anno Domini juxta supputationem ecclesiae Anglicanae millesimo quingentesimo quadragesimo nono, Regnique illustrissimi et serenissimi in Christo principis et domini nostri Edwardi ejus nominis Sexti, Dei gratia Angliae Franciae et Hiberniae regis, fidei defensoris, ac in terra ecclesiae Anglicanae et Hibernicae supremi capitis, anno quarto, mensis vero Februarii die tertio: - In mei, notarii publici Regimque Majestatis ad causas ecclesiasticas Registoris infra-scripti, testiumque inferius nominatorum, praesentia; honorandi et illustres viri domini - Richardus Ryche miles, dominus Ryche, summus cancellarius Angliae; Wilhelmus dominus Sanctus Johannes, praeclari ordinis Gartheri miles, comes Wiltess, magnus thesaurarius Angliae; Henricus Marchio Dorset, ejusdem praeclari ordinis Gartheri miles; ac reverend. pater Thomas Eliensis episcopus; Thomas dominus Wentworth; Antonius Wingfield, praeclari ordinis Gartheri miles, hospitii ejusdem domini nostri regis contrarotulator; Wilhelmus Harbard, ejusdem praeclari ordinis Gartheri miles, praefati domini nostri regis equitum magister; Nicholaus Wotton legum doctor, alter primariorum ejusdem domini nostri regis secretariorum; Edwardus Montague miles, primarius justiciarius dicti domini regis ad communia placita; Johannes Baker miles, cancellarius curiae primitiarum et decimarum ejusdem domini nostri regis - hii quidem omnes ab intimis consiliis dictae Regiae Majestatis existentes, accersitis ad se venerabilibus viris, domino Jacobo Hales milite, ejusdem domini nostri regis ad communia placita justiciario, una cum Johanne Gosnold armigero, municipalium hujus regni peritis; necnon Johanne Olyver et Griffino Leyson, legum doctoribus: habentes (uti dicebatur) a Regia Majestate in mandatis, uti negotium appellationis - per dominum Edmundum nuper London. episcopum interpositae a quadam sententia sive finali decreto, privationis episcopatus sui Londini (in eum per reverend. in Christo patrem dominum Thomam miseratione divina Cantuariensem archiepiscopum totius Angliae primatem et metropolitanum, de et cum consensu reverendi patris domini Nicholai permissione divina Roffensis episcopi, domini Thomae Smith militis, et Wilhelmi May legum doctoris, ecclesiae cathedralis divi Pauli London. decani, vigore literatum commissionalium dicti domini nostri regis eis in hac parte directarum, in quodam negotio denuntiationis et inquisitionis, versus praefatum dominum Edmundum lata et promulgata) - excuterent ventilarent et considerarent, et tandem quod juris et equitatis in ea parte fore comperirent finaliter decernerent: Me notarium publicum et registorem infra-scriptum omnia et singula acta, exhibita, deducta, proposita, et allegata, ceteraque munimenta et instrumenta in dicto negotio per praefatos commissarios et coram eis qualitercunque habita, gesta, et facta, ex registro regio (penes me praefatum notarium et registorem remanente) proferre, et seriatim atque ex ordine declarare atque perlegere jusserunt. Quibus omnibus et singulis mature atque distincte lectis et recensitis et eorum contentibus huc inde ventilatis tractatis atque ponderatis, praefati nobiles et honorandi domini, a consiliis dictae Regiae Majestatis, unanimi consensu et assensu in proximum diem sequentem super praemissis ulterius deliberandum esse censuerunt, atque interim se (tum episcopum tum jurisconsultos antedictos) an appellationi per dictum dominum Edmundum (sic ut praefatur) interpositae esset deferendum, et an sententia, per praefatos delegatos regios contra dictum dominum Edmundum, nuper London. episcopum, (ut praefatur) lata, sit efficax et de jure valida, consulturos esse declararunt; praesentibus me notsrio et registore infra-scripto, necnon domino Thoma Challenor milite, et Ermedillo Wade armigero, necnon Wilhelmo Say notario publico, testibus in ea parte exhibitis. Quibus ad hunc qui superius memoratur modum peractis, quarto die ejusdem mensis Februarii, anno praedicto, dicti honorandi et illustres domini, Richardus Riche cancellarius, Wilhelmus St. Johannes comes et thesaurarius, necnon Wilhelmus Marchio Northampton, Henricus Marchio Dorset, etiam Johannes comes Warwici magnus magister hospitii domini nostri regis, Thomas Eliensis episcopus, Thomas dominus Wentworth, Antonius Wingfield contrarotulator, Wilhelmus Harbard magister equitum, Nicholaus Wootton secretarius, Edwardus Montague justiciarius, Johannes Baker cancellarius primitiarum et decimarum, Regiae Majestatis antedictae a consiliis intimis - assistentibus una cum eisdom Jacobo Hales justiciario, Johanne Olyver et Griffino Leyson legum doctoribus, ac Johanne Gosnold armigero, superius memoratis - simul convenientes: auditis per eos, et intellectis, et diligenter et mature discussis et ventilatis, meritis et circumstantiis dicti negotii appellationis; ac toto et integro processu (in ea parte habito) seriatim excusso atque rimato de et ex consilio jurisperitorum praefatorum cum quibus in ea parte communicarant; attentis per eos et diligenter pensatis tam verbis tenoreque et effectu dietdrum literarum commissionallure (praefatae Regise Majestatis commissariis sive delegatis in negotio memorato directarum), quam circumstantiis hujusmodi negotii; naturaque dictae causae et forma appellationis in hac parte interpositse diligenter consideratis et inspectis: dictae pretensae appellationi nullo modo deferendum esse; maleque et sine aliqua rationabili sive legitima causa ex parte dicti domini Edmundi in dicto nogotio appellatum, ac bene per memoratos commissarios sive delegatos pronunciatum fuisse et esso; appellationemque hujusmodi ad memotatum dominum nostrum regem et ejus curiam cancellariae sive parliamentum ex nimis veris justis seu legitimis causis in hac parte interpositum fuisse et esse, pronunciarunt et declararunt: necnon sententiam sive decretum finale per dictos delegatos Regios (a quibus in hac parte fuit utcunque appellatum) firmum et rectum esse censuerunt et declararunt; silentiumque perpetuum dicto domino Edmundo quoad praemissa imponendum esse censuerunt et finaliter adjudicarunt. Quam quidem censuram, sive judicium, sic per eos ex unanimi assensu et consensu (ut praefertur) latam et communiter interpositam et pronunciatam, honoraudi et illustres domini mihi praefato notario et registori postmodum intimarunt et notificarunt, ac inde publicum instrumentum conficere mandarunt atque instanter requisierunt, ac sua nomina ipsimet praesentibus subscripserunt in fidem et testimonium praemissorum.

    Sic subscribitur : 485 Richard. Riche cancel.; Wilhelm. Writess; W.

    Northampton; Henricus Dorset.; J. Warwyk; Thom. Eliensis; Thom.

    Wentworth; Anthon. Wingfield; Wilhelm. Herbert; Nichol. Wotton; Edward. Montague; Johan. Baker; Johan Olyver; Griffinus Leyson; Johan Gosnold. Breve regium de certiorari directum regiis commissariis, ad transmittendum in curiam cancellariae sententiam deprivationis a literis contra dictum episcopum London. latam.

    Edwardus Sextus, Dei gratia Angliae Franciae et Hiberniae rex, fidei defensor, et in terra ecclesiae Anglicanae et Hibernicae supremum caput, reverendissimo in Christo patri Thomae Cant. epis. totius Angliae primati et metropolitano, ac reverendo in Christo patri Nicholao Roffen. episcopo, predilectoque et fideli consiliario suo Wilhelmo Petro militi, uni duorum principalium secretariorum, necnon dilectis sibi, Wilhelmo May legum doctori decano ecclesiae cathedralis divi Pauli London. et Thomae Smith militi, nuper uni secretariorum suorum, et eorum cuilibet, salutem! Volerites certis de causis certiorari de quadam sententia sen finali judicio vel decreto, per vos vel aliqnem vestrum versus Edmundum London. Episcopum, lato, et promulgato, vobis mandamus quod sententiam judicium seu decetum praedictum nobis in cancellariam nostram sub sigillis vestris, vel trium vestrorum, cum celeritate certificetis una cum praesentibus. Teste meipso apud Westmonast., quinto die Feb., anno regni nostri quarto.

    Certificatorium dictorum Reqiorum commissariorum, super dicto Brevi Regio factum ad Curiam Cancellariae, una cum tenore sententiae deprivationis predictae. [To the King’s most excellent Majesty in his High Court of Chancery.] Excellentissimo et invictissimo in Christo principi et domino nostro, domino Edwardo Sexto, Dei gratia Angliae Franciae et Hiberniae regi, fidei defensori, et in terra ecclesiae Anglicanae et Hibernicae supremo capiti, vestri humillimi oratores Thomas, permissione divina Cantuariensis archiepiscopus, totius Angliae primas et metropolitanus.

    Nicholaus Roffensis Episcopus, et Gulielmus May legum doctor, ecclesiae cathedralis divi Pauli London. decanus, omnimod, obedientiam et reverentiam tanto excellentissimo principi et domino nostro supremo debitam, cum humillimae subjectionis honore! Quum itaque a serenissima Majestate vestra literas mandatorias praesentibus annexas receperimus, quibus Celsitudinem vestram de sententia sive finali judicio vel decreto, versus Edmundum Episcopum Londini (virtute literarum vestrarum commissionalium nobis et allis in ea parte directarum) per nos lato sive promulgato, certiorem reddere in mandatis habuimus: Nos hujusmodi mandato vestro regio juxta officii nostri debitum quam humillime obtemperantes, scrutinium in registro vestro regio (penes ejusdem causae registotem et actuarium remanente) pro promissis fieri curavimus; ex quo inter alia ejusdem causae acta, exhibita, et munimenta liquido apparet, quod, primo die mensis Octobris, anno Dominicae incarnationis 1549, regnique vestri florentissimi anno tertio, coram nobis commissariis sive delegatis antedictis - in aula manerii archiepiscopalis Cant. apud Lambehithe in comitatu Surrey, in praedicta causa (vigore delegationis nobis a Majestate vestra factae, in praesentia notarii publici subscripti, nostri in eadem causa actuarii, testiumque inferius nominatorum), judicialiter et pro tribunali sedentibus et legitime cognoscentibus - comparuit personaliter praefatus Edmundus Londini Episcopus: in cujus praesentia nos archiepiscopus antedictus, de et cum expresso consensu pariter et assensu dicti reverendi patris Roffensis episcopi, Thomae Smith militis, ac praefati Gulielmi May legum doctoris, collegarum nostrorum una nobiscum judicialiter et pro tribunali sedentium, sententiam nostram definitivam, sive nostram finale decretum sive judicium, tulimus legimus et promulgavimus in scriptis, sub eo, qui sequitur, verborum tenore: ‘In Dei nomine, Amen, etc. Praesentibus tunc ibidem Gulielmo Say notario publico ejusdem causae actuario, necnon magistris Gulielmo Cooke, Johanne Cooke, et Richardo Lyell viris doctoribus, Hugone Latymero theologiae professore, Johanne Josepho sacrae theologiae baccalaureo, et multis aliis testibus ad hoc speciatim accersitis et ad praemissa audienda et attestanda rogatis. Quae omnia et singula nos archiepis. episcop. et decanus, vestrae Majestatis delegati sive commissarii antedicti, vestrae Celsitudini in altam vestram cancellariae curiam certificamus et significamus per praesentes. In quorum omnium et singulorum fidem et testimonium nos archiepiscop. episcop. et decanus antedicti sigilla nostra praesentibus apponi curavimus. Datum quoad sigillationem predictam octavo die Februarii, anno Domini juxta supputationem ecclesiae Anglicanae 1549 et regni vestri florentissimi quarto.’ [The historical date is 1550. - ED.] 74 The first trouble of the lord protector was about the month of October, 1549. 75 Stat. an. 3 Ed. 4. [3 and 4 Edw. VI. c. 11. - ED.] ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS FOOTNOTES 1 So reads the MS.: probably the statute ‘Ex officio,’ 2 Hen. IV. is intended. - ED. 2 Getheode, Cott. 3 Mete, Cott. 4 These words are supplied from the Cottonian MS. 5 Swaecce, Cott. 6 Brosniendum, Cott. 7 These words are omitted in the Cottonian MS. 8 The Cottonian MS. Here adds, “lichamlice, ac is eal gastlic to understandenne.” The same words occur in Elstob’s transcript, p. 106. 9 Foxe here omits an example deduced from the work entitled “Vitas Patrum,” and another related of Gregory, both of which seem to establish the doctrine of Transubstantiation. The origin of this last story may be seen in the life of Gregory the Great, in the Acta Sanctorum, Mart. Tom 2. P. 134. 10 Forthi fremath seo halige masse mycelum ge tham libbendum, ge tham forthfarenum, swa swa hit for oft gestwutelod is, i.e. “Therefore the holy mass greatly profitethas well the living as the departed, as it is formerly often made manifest.” This insertion is found both in the Cottonian MS and in Elstob’s transcript. 11 This word, omitted by Foxe is supplied from the Cottonian MS. 12 These words are omitted in the Cottonian MS. But occur in Elstob’s transcript. 13 This word is omitted in the Cottonian MS. 14 Godes, Cott. MS. 15 Supplied from the Cottonian MS. 16 This helps to determine the year: for the feast of St. Mathias, usually kept February 24th. was in leap year kept February 25th: but was a leap year, and in that year the vigil of St. Mathias, or February 24th, fell on a Monday. See Nicolas’s Tables. - ED. 17 ‘Algorisme,’ arithmetic. - ED. 18 i.e. Tuesday, December 24th, 1527. - ED. 19 For explanation of the crosses figures and words in square brackets, in the following list, see the Editor’s observations on the next Letter. 20 The 9th of March fell on a Monday in 1528, by Nicolas’s Tables. - ED. 21 See Appendix to vol. 4. p. 632, line 18. 22 Mentioned vol. 4. p. 586. At the Rolls House, Chapter House Papers, 1st Series, No. 1731, there is a Petition from John Goodale to Cromwell as Lord Privy Seal, referring to his services against Popery, and to the King’s Proclamation, dated Nov. 16 (see p. 258 of this Volume), and imploring deliverance out of the Fleet. 23 John Goughe is mentioned at pp. 448, 568, of this Volume. 24 See note in Appendix on p. 531 of this Volume. - ED. 25 Midlent Sunday, March 22d. - ED. 26 Easter day fell on April 12th in 1528. - ED. 27 This positively fixes the year of all these documents. - ED. 28 For the mode of filling up this “etc.,” see the Recantation of Geffrey Lome at the beginning of this Supplement. 29 This date fixes the year of this transaction. 30 The foregoing is printed (but less accurately) by Burner, Hist. book 3.

    Records No. 22. 31 The 7th of March was Midlent Sunday in 1540, by Nicolas’s Tables. 32 The parts within brackets are taken from the second sheet. 33 This paper has been somewhat injured by the damp: the parts in brackets are supplied by conjecture. 34 See before, note (2). 35 Only eighteen names appear in the Register: but the reader will perceive that in the Commission next following this, the words “Rogero Cholmeley militi servienti ad legem, Johanni Gresham militi” are inserted after Sir Richard Gresham’s name; which complete the twenty. In this very Commission, reissued next year, these two names are inserted: John Morgan, moreover, is there called “Richard,” and for “viginti” it reads “decem.” (Reg. fol. 31.) 36 Thus far is printed by Burnet, Hist. book in. Records No. 26. 37 See a letter on the seizure of this book at Newcastle, from Tonstal, bishop of Durham, to Cromwell in Strype, vol. 1. No. 78 Records. 38 This date fixes the year of the foregoing Recantations, A. D. 1543. 39 Thus far is printed by Burnet, Hist. book in, Records No. 25. 40 The above Articles are translated in Collier’s Eccl. History. - ED. 41 See the letter of Bishop Nixe, dated June 30th, A. D. 1531, vol. 4. p. 680. 42 The following Articles are printed by Burner, Hist. book in. Records No, 29. 43 This is preceded in the Register by the King’s Proclamation (see p. of this Volume), and followed by the List of Books (see No. 10. of these Documents).


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