1559-1561 From the defeat of the Protestants on 6th November 1559, to the return of Lord James Stewart from France in May 1561. THE THIRD BOOK of the Progress of True Religion within the Realm of Scotland.

Part of a Letter from John Knox to Queen Elizabeth, dated in 1561. The spelling here is modernized. ‘Grace from God the Father, through our Lord Jesus Christ, with perpetual increase of His Holy Spirit. ‘May it please Your Majesty that it is here certainly spoken that the Queen of Scotland [Queen Mary] travailleth earnestly to have a treatise entitled “The First Blast of the Trumpet” confuted by the censure of the learned in diverse realms, and farther that she laboureth to inflame the hearts of Princes against the writer. And because that it may appear that Your Majesty hath interest, that she mindeth to travail with Your Grace, Your Grace’s [Privy] Council, and learned men, for judgment against such a common enemy to women and to their regiment (rule ). It were but foolishness to me to prescribe unto Your Majesty what is to be done in anything, but especially in such things as men suppose do touch myself. But of one thing I think myself assured; and therefore I dare not conceal it.

To wit, that neither doth Our Sovereign so greatly fear her own estate by reason of that book, neither yet doth she so unfeignedly favor the tranquillity of Your Majesty’s reign and realm, that she would take so great and earnest pains, unless that her crafty counsel in so doing shot at a farther mark. Two years ago I wrote unto Your Majesty my full declaration touching that work. Experience since hath shown that I am not desirous of innovations, so that Christ Jesus be not in His Members openly trodden under the feet of the ungodly. With further purgation I will not trouble Your Majesty for the present,’ etc.

CHAPTER - FROM THE DEFAT OF THE PROTESTANTS AT RESTALRIG ON 6TH NOVEMBER 1559, TO THE STRANGE EPISODE OF THE FRENCH CAPTAIN AND THE WIDOW’S BEEF-TUB, IN JANUARY 1560.

PICTURE: Duke of Guise PICTURE: Earl of Morays Heraldic Brass in St. Giles AFTER our painful departing from Edinburgh 1 [on 6th November 1559], the fury and the rage of the French increased; and neither man nor woman that professed Christ Jesus within that town durst be seen. The houses of the most honest men were given by the Queen to Frenchmen for a part of their reward. The Earl Bothwell, by sound of trumpet, proclaimed the Earl of Arran [eldest son of the Duke of Chatelherault] traitor, with other spiteful words: all which was done for the pleasure and by the suggestion of the Queen Regent, who then thought the battle was won without further resistance. Great practicing made the Queen Regent for obtaining the Castle of Edinburgh. The French made their faggots, with other preparations, to assault the Castle by force, or by treason. But God wrought so potently with the Captain, the Lord Erskine, that neither the Queen by flattery, nor the French by treason, prevailed. Advertisement with all diligence passed to the Duke of Guise, who then, as concerning power to command, was King of France, requiring him to make expedition, a French if he desired the full conquest of Scotland.

Invasion. He delayed no time, but with a new army sent away his brother, Marquis D’Elboeuf, and in his company the Count de Martigues, promising that he himself should follow. But the Righteous God, who in mercy looketh upon the affliction of those that unfeignedly sob unto Him, fought for us by His own outstretched arm. Upon one night on the coast of Holland, were drowned of them eighteen ensigns so that only rested the ship in which were the two principals aforesaid, with their Ladies; who, violently driven back again to Dieppe, were compelled to confess that God fought for the defense of Scotland. From England returned Robert Melville, son of Sir John Melville of Raith, who passed in company to London with the Secretary, William Maitland of Lethington, a little before Christmas, and brought unto us certain Articles to be answered. Whereupon the Nobility convened at Stirling, and returned answer with diligence. Whereof the French advertised, they marched to Linlithgow, spoiled the house of the Duke, and wasted his lands of Kinneill, and thereafter came to Stirling, where they remained certain days. The French took purpose first to assault Fife: for at it was their great indignation. Their purpose was to have taken and fortified the Town and Abbey, with the Castle, of St. Andrews. So they came to Culross, after to Dunfermline, and then to Burntisland, where they began to fortify, but desisted therefrom, and marched to Kinghorn, upon the occasion as followeth.

When certain knowledge came to the Earl of Arran, and to Lord James [Stewart], that the French were departed from Stirling, they departed also from St. Andrews, and [on 8th January 1560] began to assemble their forces at Cupar, and send their men of war to Kinghorn, unto whom there resorted diverse of the coast side, of mind to resist rather at the beginning than when the French had destroyed a part of their towns. But the Lords had given express commandment that they should hazard nothing until they themselves were present. For that purpose was sent unto them the Lord Ruthyen, a man of great experience, and inferior to few in stoutness.

In his company was the Earl of Sutherland, sent from the Earl of Hunfly, as he alleged, to comfort the Lords in their affliction; but others whispered that his principal commission was unto the Queen Regent. Howsoever it was, he was hurt in the arm by the shot of a hagbut. At Kinghorn our men of war, and the rascal multitude, perceiving certain boats of Frenchmen landing, which came from Leith, purposed to stop their landing. Unadvisedly they rushed down to the Pettycur, and at the sea-coast began the skirmishing. But they never took heed to the enemy that approached by land, till the horsemen charged them upon their backs, and the whole bands came directly in their faces. Thus were they compelled to give back, with the loss of six or seven of their men, and with the taking of some. Amongst these were two that professed Christ Jesus, one named Paul Lambert, a Dutchman, and a French boy, fervent in religion and clean of life, whom, in despite, they hanged over the steeple.

Thou shalt revenge, O Lord, in Thine appointed time!

The cause that, in so great a danger, there was so small a loss, next unto the Merciful Providence of God, was the sudden coming of the Lord Ruthyen. Even as our men had given back, he and his company came to the head of the brae, and did not only stay the French footmen, but also some of ours broke upon their’ horsemen, and so repulsed them that they did no further hurt to our footmen. In that rencontre was the Earl of Sutherland shot in the arm, and was carried back to Cupar. The French took Kinghorn and wasted the country about, as well Papists as Protestants; yea, even those that were confederate with them, such as Seafield, Wemyss, Balmuto, and Balweary, enemies to God and traitors to their country.

The Queen Regent, proud of this victory, burst forth in her blasphemous railing, and said, ‘Where is now John Knox his God? My God is now stronger than his—yea, even in Fife!’ She posted news to her friends in France that thousands of the heretics were slain, and the rest were fled; and therefore required that some nobleman of her friends would come and take the glory of that victory. Upon that information was Count de Martigues with two ships, and some Captains and horse, directed to come to Scotland; but little to their own advantage, as we shall after hear.

The Lords of the Congregation, offended at the foolishness of the rascal multitude, called to themselves the men of war and remained certain days at Cupar. Unto them repaired John Knox, and in our greatest desperation, he preached unto us a most comfortable sermon. His text was: ‘The danger in which the disciples of Christ Jesus stood, when they were in the midst of the sea and Jesus was upon the mountain.’ His exhortation was, that we should not faint, but that we should still row against the contrarious blasts, till Jesus Christ should come:—’ I am as assuredly persuaded that God shall deliver us from this extreme trouble, as I am assured that this is the Evangel of Jesus Christ that I preach unto you this day. The fourth watch is not yet come. Abide a little! The boat shall be saved; and Peter, who hath left the boat, shall not drown. God grant that ye may acknowledge His hand, after your eyes have seen His deliverance.’

In that sermon he comforted many; yet he offended the Earl of Arran. In his discourse upon the manifold assaults that the Church of God had sustained, he brought for example the multitude of strangers that pursued Jehoshaphat after he had reformed religion. He entreated of the fear of the people, yea, and of the King himself at the first; but, after, he affirmed that Jehoshaphat was stout, and to declare his courage in God, he confronted his people and his soldiers; he came forth in the midst of them; he spake lovingly unto them. He kept not himself enclosed in his chamber, lint frequented the multitude, and rejoiced them with his presence and godly comfort. These, and the like sentences, took the said Earl to be spoken in reproach of him, because he kept himself more close and solitary than many men would have wished.

After these things, determination was taken that the Earl of Arran and Lord James Stewart, with the men of war and some company of horsemen, should go to Dysart, and there wait upon the French, so that they destroyed not the sea-coast, as they intended utterly to have done.

Albeit their company was very small, the Earl and Lord James did so valiantly, that it almost passed credit. Twenty and one days they lay in their clothes; their boots never came off. They had skirmishing almost every day; yea, some days from morn to even. The French were four thousand soldiers, besides their favorers and faction of the country. The Lords were never together five hundred horsemen, with a hundred soldiers.

Yet they held the French so busy that, for every horse that was slain to the Congregation,6 the French lost four soldiers.

William Kirkcaldy of Grange, the day after his house was easten down, sent in his defiance to Monsieur d’Oysel, and unto the rest, declaring,’ that unto that hour had he used the French favourably. He had saved their lives, when he might have suffered their throats to have been cut; but seeing they had used him with that rigor, let them not look for the like favors in times to come.’ Unto Monsieur d’Oysel, he said: ‘He knew that he would not get him in the skirmishing, because he knew he was but a coward; but it might be that he should quit him a commoun (encounter him) either in Scotland or else in France.’ The said William Kirkealdy, and the Master of Lyndsay, escaped many dangers. The Master had his horse slain under him; the said William was almost betrayed in his house at Hallyards.

Yet they never ceased, but night and day they waited upon the French.

They laid themselves in a secret place, with some Gentlemen, before the day, to await upon the French, who used commonly to ish (issue) in companies to seek their prey. So came forth one Captain Le Battu with his hundred, and began to spoil. The said Master—now Lord of Lyndsay— and the said William, suffered them, without declaration of themselves or of their company, till they had them more than a mile from Kinghorn, and then began the horsemen to break. This perceived, the French altogether drew to a place called Glennis House, and made for debate; some took the house, and others defended the close and yard. The hazard appeared very unlikely, for our men had nothing but spears, and were compelled to fight upon their feet. The other were within dykes, and every man had a culverin. The shot was fearful to many, and diverse were hurt, amongst whom were Robert Hamilton, and David Kirkcaldy, brother to the said Laird, who both were supposed to have been slain. The said Laird perceiving men to faint, and begin to recoil, Said, ‘Fie, let us never live after this day, that we shall recoil for French schybahlis’ (mean fellows).

And so the Master of Lyndsay and he burst in at the gate, and others followed. The Master struck with his spear at Le Battu, and glancing upon his harness, for fierceness, stammered (staggered) almost upon his knees; but recovering suddenly, he fessned (fixed) his spear, and bore the Captain backward, who, because he would not be taken, was slain, and fifty of his company with him. They that were in the house, with some others, were saved, and sent to Dundee to be kept.

This mischance to the Frenchmen made them to be more circumspect in straying abroad into the country, and so the poor creatures got some relief.

To furnish the French with victuals, was appointed Captain Cullen, with two ships, who traveled betwixt the south shore and Kinghorn for that purpose. For his wages he spoiled Kinghorn, Kirkcaldy, and so much of Dysart as he might. For remedy whereof, were appointed two ships from Dundee: Andrew Sands, a stout man, and fervent in the cause of religion, was the principal. This same time arrived the Count de Martigues, who, without delay, landed himself, his coffers, and the principal Gentlemen that were with him, at Leith, leaving the rest in the ships till better opportunity. But the said Andrew and his companion, striking sail, and making as they would cast anchor hard beside them, boarded them both, and carried them to Dundee. In them were gotten some horse and much harness, with some other trifles, but of money we heard not.

Hereat the French offended, avowed the destruction of St. Andrews and Dundee, and upon a Monday in the morning, the 22 nd day of January [1560], they marched from Dysart, and passed the Water of Leven, ever keeping the sea-coast, by reason of their ships and victuals. About twelve hours they espied ships, which were seen that morning by us that were upon the land, but were not known. Monsieur d’Oysel 7 affirmed them to be French ships, and so the soldiers triumphed, shot their volley for salutation, and marched forward to Kincraig, fearing no resistance.

But, short after, the said ships met with Captain Cullen, and seized him and his ships, which made them a little to muse. Suddenly came Master Alexander Wood, who had been upon the Admiral, and assured Monsieur D’Oysel that they were Englishmen, and that they were the fore-riders of a greater number that followed, who were sent for the support of the Congregation. Then might have been seen the riving of beards, and might have been heard such despite, as cruel men use to spew forth, when God bridleth their fury. Weariness and the night constrained them to lodge there. They supped scarcely, because their ships were taken, in which were their victuals and ordnance, which they intended to have placed in St.

Andrews. They themselves durst not stray abroad to seek; and the Laird of Wemyss’ carriage, which likewise was coming with furnishing unto there, was stayed. And therefore, betimes in the morning, they retired towards Kinghorn, and made more expedition in one day in returning, than they did in two in marching forward! The storm which had continued near the space of a month, broke in the very time of their retiring, whereby many thought they should have been stayed, till reasonable company might have been assembled to have fought them; and for that purpose did William Kirkcaldy cut the Brig of Tullibody. But the French, expert enough in such facts, took down the roof of the Parish Kirk of Tullibody, and made a bridge over the same water called Dovane (the Black Devon); and so they escaped and came to Stirling, and syne to Leith. Yet in their returning lost diverse; among whom was one whose miserable end we must rehearse:— As the French spoiled the country, a captain or soldier—we cannot tell which, but he had a red cloak and a gilt morion (helmet)—entered a poor woman’s house that dwelt in the Whytside, and began to spoil. The poor woman offered unto him such bread as she had ready prepared. But he, in no wise therewith content, would have the meal and a little salt beef which the poor woman had to sustain her own life, and the lives of her poor children. Neither could tears nor pitiful words mitigate the merciless man, but he would have whatsoever he might carry. The poor woman, perceiving him so bent, and that he stooped down into her tub to take forth such stuff as was within it, first cowped up his heels, so that his head went down! Thereafter—either by herself, or if any other company came to help her—but there he ended his unhappy life, God so punishing his cruel heart, which could not spare a miserable woman in that extremity.

Let all such soldiers receive such reward, 0 Lord, seeing that Thou art the revenger of the oppressed!

CHAPTER - DIGRESSION TO EXPLAIN TO POSTERITY HOW QUEEN ELIZABETH AND THE PRIVY COUNCIL OF ENGLAND AFFORDED COMFORTABLE SUPPORT TO THE SCOTTISH PROTESTANTS.

PICTURE: Queen Elizabeth PICTURE: Facsimile of a letter from John Knox to Queen Elizabeth PICTURE: Sir William Cecil AND NOW, from this time forward, frequent mention will be made of the comfortable support that we, in our greatest extremity, received, by God’s Providence, from our neighbours in England. Therefore we think it expedient simply to declare by what instruments that matter was first moved, and by what means it came to pass that the Queen and Council of England showed themselves so favorable unto us.

John Knox had forewarned us, by his letters from Geneva, of all dangers that he foresaw to ensue on our enterprise. So, when he came to Dieppe, mindful of the same, and revolving with himself what remedy God would please to offer, he took the boldness to write to Sir William Cecil, Chief Secretary of State of England, with whom the said John had been before familiarly acquainted, intending thereby to renew acquaintance, and so to open further of his mind. Shortly thereafter the said John Knox made forward to Scotland by sea, where he landed the third day of May [ 1559], and had such success as in our Second Book is declared. The said John being in St. Andrews after Cupar Muir, entered in deep discourse with the Laird of Grange: the dangers were evident, but the support was not easy to be seen. After many words, John Knox burst forth as followeth: ‘If England would foresee their own commodity; yea, if they did consider the danger wherein they themselves stand, they would not suffer us to perish in this quarrel; for France hath decreed no less the conquest of England than of Scotland.’

After long reasoning, it was concluded betwixt them two that support should be craved of England. 2 For that purpose the Laird of Grange first wrote to Sir Harry Percy, and after rode from Edinburgh and spoke with him [at Berwiek]. To him he made so plain demonstration of the danger appearing to England, that he took upon him to write to the Secretary Cecil; who, with expedition, returned answer back again, giving him to understand, that our enterprise altogether misliked not the English Council, albeit that they desired farther resolution of the principal Lords. Which thing understood, it was concluded by some to write unto him plainly our whole purpose.

With this letter from the Lords of the Congregation John Knox wrote two, one to the said Secretary, and one to the Queen’s Majesty of England herself.

These letters were directed by Alexander Whitelaw 3 a man that oft hath hazarded himself and all that he had for the cause of God, and for his friends in danger for the same cause.

Within a day or two after the departing of the said Alexander, there came a letter from Sir Harry Percy to John Knox, requiring him to meet him at Alnwick the third of August, for such affairs as he would not write, nor yet communicate with any but with the said John himself. While he was preparing himself for the journey—for Secretary Cecil had appointed to have met him at Stamford in Lincolnshire—the Frenchmen furiously came forth of Dunbar, of purpose to have surprised the Lords being in Edinburgh, as in the Second Book before is declared. This stayed the journey of the said John, till God had delivered the innocents from that great danger. Then was he, having in his company Master Robert Hamilton, minister of the Evangel of Jesus Christ, directed from the Lords, with full commission and instructions to expone their whole cause and estate wherein they stood.

Their passage was from Pittenweem by sea. They arrived at Holy Island: and, being advertised that Sir Harry Percy was absent from the North, they addressed themselves to Sir James Crofts, then Captain of Berwick, and Warden of the East Marches of England, and they show unto him their credit and commission. He received them gently, and comforted them with his faithful counsel, which was: ‘Ye should travel no further, neither yet should ye be seen in public, and that for diverse considerations. First, the Queen Regent has her espials in England. Secondarily, the Queen of England and the Council that favor your action would that all things should be secret so long as they might. And, last, I think it not expedient, that in such rarity of preachers, ye two be any long time absent from the Lords of the Congregation. Therefore ye shall do best to commit to writing your whole mind and credit, and I shall promise you, upon my honor, to have answer at you, and at the Lords again, before ye yourselves can be at London. Where your letters cannot express all things so fully as your presence could, I shall supply the same, not only by my pen, but also by my own presence, to such as will inform the Council sufficiently of all things.’

The said John Knox and Master Robert Hamilton followed his counsel, for it was faithful, and proceeded of love at that time. They tarried with him very secretly, within the Castle of Berwick, two days, in which time returned Alexander Whitelaw foresaid, with Cecil’s answer to the Lords, and to John Knox; the tenor of whose letter was this:— ‘MAISTER KNOX,—Non est masculus neque foemina; omnes enim, ut ait Paulus, unum sumus in Christo Jesu. Benedictus vir qui confidit in Domino; et erit Dominus fiducia ejus. ‘I have resavit your Letteris, at the same Tyme that I have thocht to have sein your self about Stampfourd. Quhat is now hitherto the Caus of your lett, I knaw nott. I forbeir to descend to the Bottome of thingis, untill I may conferr with such one as ye ar; and, thairfoire, gif your Chance shalbe heirefter to cum hither, I wishe you furnissed with good Credite, and power to mak good Resolutioun. Althocht my answer to the Lordis of Congregatioun be some quhat obscure, yitt, upoun further Understanding, ye sall find the Mater plaine. I neid wishe to you no more Prudence then Goddis Grace, quhairof God send you plentie. And so I end. From Oxford, the 28th Julij 1559. ‘Youris as ane Member of the same Body in Christ, ‘W. CECILL.’ Albeit the said John received this letter at Berwiek, yet would he answer nothing till he had spoken the Lords, whom he found in Stirling, and unto whom he delivered the answer sent from the Council of England for Alexander Whitelaw took sickness betwixt Berwick and Edinburgh, and was troubled by the Lord Seton, as in the former Book [page 185] is declared. The answer sent by Master Cecil was so general, that many among us were despaired of any comfort to come from that country; and therefore were determined that they would request no farther. John Knox labored in the contrary; 6 but he could prevail no farther, but that he should have license and liberty to write as he thought best. And so took he upon him to answer for all, in form as follows:— ‘Double impediment I had, Right Worshipful, that I did not visit you according to your expectation. Former, no signification of your mind and pleasure was made unto me, for only did Sir Harry Percy will me to come and speak him, which conveniently at that time I could not do, by reason the Frenchmen—which was the second and chief cause of my stay—did then most furiously pursue us, while our company, the Lords and their quiet households excepted, was dispersed; and then dared I not be absent for diverse inconvenients. Neither did I think my presence with you greatly necessary, considering that the matter which long I had thirsted was opened and proponed by those after whom it becometh me not to speak. To whom would God ye had sent a more plain and especial answer. For albeit Master Whitelaw, by his credit (report), Master Kirkealdy, by his letter, and I, both by letters, and by that which I had learned from Sir James Crofts, did declare and affirm your good minds towards them and their support; yet could not some of the Council—those, I mean, of greatest experience—be otherwise persuaded, but that this alteration in France had altered your former purpose. ‘It is not unknown to your countrymen what goodwill we three do bear to England. Therefore we heartily desire of you that your favors and good minds may rather appear to the Council by your own writings than by any credit committed to any of us. The ease of those gentlemen standeth thus:— Unless money be furnished without delay to pay their soldiers with, who in number are now by five hundred, for their service bypassed, and to retain another thousand footmen, with three hundred horsemen for a time, they will be compelled every man to seek the next way for his own safety. I am assured, as flesh may be of flesh, that some of them will take a very hard life before they compone either with the Queen Regent, either yet with France. But this I dare not promise of all, unless in you they see a greater forwardness to their support. To support us may appear excessive, and to break promise with France may appear dangerous. But, Sir, I hope ye consider that our destruction were your greatest loss; and that when France shall be our full masters—which God avert! —they will be but slender friends to you. I heard Bouttencourt 7 brag in his credit, after he had delivered his menacing letters to the Prior [of St. Andrews, Lord James Stewart], that the King and his Council would spend the Crown of France, unless they had our full obedience. But most assuredly I know that unless by us they thought to make an entrance to you, they would not buy our poverty at that price.

They labor to corrupt some of our great men by money, and some of our number are poor, as before I wrote, and cannot serve without support; some they threaten; and against others they have raised up a party in their own country. In this meantime, if ye lie by as neutrals, what will be the end, ye may easily conjecture! Some of the Council, immediately after the sight of your letters, departed, not well appeased. The Earl of Argyle is gone to his country for putting order to the same, and minded shortly to return with his force, if assurance be had of your support. ‘Therefore, Sir, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, I require you to make plain answer, what the Gentlemen here may lippen (trust) to, and at what time their support shall be in readiness. How dangerous is the drift of time in such matters, ye are not ignorant.

Most humbly desiring you faithfully to travail that Christ Jesus by His Word may assuredly conjoin the hearts of those whom Satan long hath dissevered, I unfeignedly commit you to the protection of the Omnipotent. From St. Andrews, the 15 of August 1559. ‘Yours to command in godliness, JOHN KNOX.’8 Answer with great expedition was returned to this letter, desiring some men of credit to be sent from the Lords to Berwick, for the receiving of money for the first support, with promise, that if the Lords of the Congregation meant not otherwise than they had written, and if they would enter into league with honest conditions, they should neither lack men nor money to their just cause. Upon this answer, was directed from the Lords to Berwick, Master Henry Balnaves, a man of good credit in both the Realms, who suddenly returned with such a sum of money as served all the public affairs till November next. 9 But John Cockburn of Ormiston, who had been sent for the second support, and who had received the same, unhappily fell into the hands of the Earl Bothwell, was wounded, taken, and spoiled of a great sum. Upon this mischance followed all the rest of our troubles before rehearsed.

In the Second Book preceding, we have declared how Secretary Lethington was directed to England: but one thing we have passed by. In our greatest dejection, order was taken that the Duke’s Grace, the Earl of Glencairn, Lord Boyd, Lord Ochiltree, and their friends, should remain together at Glasgow, for comfort of the country, and for giving of answers, as occasion should require; and that the Earl of Arran, the Lord James, the Earl of Rothes, the Master of Lyndsay, and their adherents, should continue together within Fife for the same causes, that advertisements might go from the one to the other, as need required. In the negotiation of the Secretary Lethington with the Queen and Council of England, in which he travailed with no less wisdom and faithfulness than happy success, many things occurred that required the resolution of the whole Lords.

Thus far we have digressed from the style of our History, to let the posterity that shall follow understand by what instruments God wrought the familiarity and friendship that after we found in England. 10 Now we return to our former History.

CHAPTER - FROM THE EXPULSION OF THE FRENCH FROM FIFE, TO THE DEATH OF THE QUEEN REGENT ON 10TH JUNE 1560.

PICTURE: Queen Elizabeth Hat and Stockings PICTURE: The Queen Regents Shoe THE parts of Fife being set at freedom from the bondage of these bloody worms [the French soldiery], solemn thanks were given in St. Andrews unto God for His mighty deliverance. Short after, the Earl of Arran and Lord James Stewart apprehended the Lairds of Wemyss, Seafield, Balgonie, Durie, and others that assisted the French; but they were set shortly at freedom, upon such conditions as they minded never to keep: for such men have neither faith nor honesty. The English ships daily multiplied, till they were able to keep the whole Firth: whereat the French and Queen Regent, enraged, began to execute their tyranny upon the parts of Lothian that lay nigh to Edinburgh.

In the midst of February 1560 were directed to England, from the Duke’s Grace and the Congregation, the Lord James, Lord Ruthyen, the Master of Maxwell, the Master of Lyndsay, Master Henry Balnaves, and the Laird of Pittarrow. They with their honest companies and commission, departed by sea, all, except the Master of Maxwell, to Berwick, Where there met them the Duke of Norfolk, Lieutenant to the Queen’s Majesty of England, and with him a great company of Gentlemen of the North, with some also of the South, having full power to contract with the Nobility of Scotland, as they did, upon such conditions as in the same Contract are specified.

Short after this Contract, were our pledges (hostages) delivered to Master Winter, Admiral of the Navy that came to Scotland—a man of great honesty so far as ever we could espy of him—who were safely conveyed to Newcastle. The English army by land began to assemble towards the Border; whereof the French and queen Regent being assured, they began to destroy what they could in the towns and country about. The whole victuals they carried to Leith; the mills they broke; the sheep, oxen, and kine, yea, the horses of poor laborers, they made all to serve their tyranny.

And finally, they left nothing which the very enemies could have devised, except that they demolished not Gentlemen’s houses, and burned not the Town of Edinburgh: in which point God bridled their fury, to let His afflicted understand that He took care for them.

Before the coming of the [English] land army, the French passed to Glasgow, and destroyed the country there about. What tyranny Count de Martigues [the French commander] used upon a poor Scottish soldier, it is fearful to hear, and yet his fact may not be omitted. Silver would they give none to the poor men; and so were they slow to depart out of the town; for, albeit the drum struck, the ensign could not be gotten. There was a poor craftsman, who had bought for his victuals a grey loaf, and was eating a morsel of it, and was putting the rest of it in his bosom. The tyrant came to him, and with the poor caitiffs own whinger first struck him in the breast, and after east it at him, and so the poor man, staggering and falling, the merciless tyrant ran him through with his rapier, and thereafter commanded him to be hanged over the stair. Lord, Thou wilt yet look, and recompense such tyranny; how contemptible so ever the person was!

The second of April, the year of God 1560, the English army entered Scotland by land. The conducting thereof was committed to the Lord Grey, who had in his company the Lord Scrope, Sir James Crofts, Sir Harry Percy, Sir Francis Lake, with many other Captains and Gentlemen having charge, some of footmen, some of horsemen. The army by land was estimated at ten thousand men. The Queen Regent passed to the Castle of Edinburgh, and some others of her faction. At Preston, near Edinburgh, met them the Duke’s Grace, the Earl of Argyle, Lord James, the Earls of Glencairn and Menteith, Lords Ruthyen, Boyd, Ochiltree, with all the Protestant Gentlemen of the West of Fife, Angus, and Mearns, so that for few days the army was great.

After the deliberation of two days had at Inveresk, the whole English and Scottish Camp marched forward with ordnance, and all preparation necessary for the Siege of Leith, and came to Restalrig upon the Palm Sunday Even. The French had put themselves in battle array upon the links without Leith, and had sent forth their skirmishers. These, beginning before ten hours, continued skirmishing till after four hours at afternoon, when there was given upon them a charge by some horsemen of Scotland, and some of England. But because the principal Captain of the horsemen of England was not present, the whole troops durst not charge; and so was not the overthrow and slaughter of the French so great as it once appeared to have been. When the French perceived that the great force of the horsemen stood still, and charged not, they returned and gave some help to their fellows that fled; and so there fell in that defeat only about three hundred Frenchmen. God would not give the victory so suddenly, lest that man should glory in his own strength. This small victory put both the English and Scots in over great security, as the issue declared. The French being enclosed within the town, the English army began to plant their palyeanis (pavilions, or tents) betwixt Leith and Restalrig. The ordnance of the Town of Leith, and especially that which lay upon Saint Anthony’s Steeple, did them great annoyance. Against that place were bent eight cannons, which shot so continually, and so just, that within few days that Steeple was condemned, and all the ordnance that was on it dismounted. This made the Englishmen somewhat more negligent than it became good men of war to have been; for, perceiving that the French made no pursuit without their walls, they took an opinion that they would never issue more, and that made some of the Captains, for pastime, go up to the town of Edinburgh. The soldiers, for their ease, did lay their armor beside them, and, as men without danger, fell to the dice and cards.

Upon Pasch Monday, at the very hour of noon, the French issued both on horse and foot, and with great violence, entered within the English trenches, and slew and put to flight all that were found therein. The watch was negligently kept, and so was the succor slow and long in coming; so that the French, before any resistance was made, approached hard to the great ordnance. But then the horsemen trooped together, and the footmen got themselves in array, and repulsed the French back again to the town.

The slaughter was great—some say it double exceeded that which the French received the first day. This was the fruit of their security and ours, which after was remedied; for the Englishmen, most wisely considering themselves not able to besiege the town round about, devised to make mounds at diverse quarters of it, in which they and their ordnance lay in as good strength as they did within the town. The common soldiers kept the trenches, and had these mounds for their safeguard and refuge, in case of any greater pursuit than they were able to sustain. The patience and stout courage of the Englishmen, but principally of the horsemen, is worthy of all praise: for, where was it ever heard that eight thousand should besiege four thousand of the most desperate throat-cutters that were to be found in Europe, and lie so nigh them in daily skirmishing, the space of three months and more? The horsemen night and day kept watch, and did so valiantly behave themselves, that the French got no advantage from that day to the clay of the assault, whereof we shall shortly hear.

In this meantime was another Bond to defend the liberty of the Evangel of Christ, made of all the Nobility, Barons, and Gentlemen professing Christ Jesus in Scotland, and of diverse others that joined with us, for expelling the French army; among whom the Earl of Huntly 2 was principal.

This Contract and Bond came not only to the ears, but also to the sight, of the Queen Dowager; whereat she stormed not a little and said: ‘The malediction of God I give unto them that counseled me to persecute the Preachers, and to refuse the petitions of the best part of the true subjects of this realm! It was said to me that the English army could not lie in Scotland ten days; but now they have lain near a month, and are more like to remain than they were the first day they came.’

They that gave such information to the Queen, spake as worldly-wise men, and as things appeared to have been; for the country being almost in all the parts thereof wasted—the victuals next adjacent to Leith having been either brought in to their provision, or else destroyed, and the mills and other places being cast down—it appeared that the Camp could not have been furnished, except it had been by their own ships, and as that could not have been of any long continuance, so should it have been nothing comfortable. But God confounded all worldly wisdom, and made His own benediction as evidently to appear as if in a manner He had fed the army from above. All kind of victuals there was more abundant, and at more easy prices, in the Camp all the time that it lay, after eight days were past, then either there had been in Edinburgh any of the two years before, or yet have been in that town to this day, the 20th of May 1566 The people of Scotland so much abhorred the tyranny of the French, 3 that they would have given the substance that they had to be rid of that chargeable burden, which our sins had provoked God to lay upon us, in giving us into the hands of a woman, whom our Nobility in their foolishness sold unto strangers, and with her the liberty of the Realm. God for His great mercy’s sake, preserve us from yet farther bondage, in which we are like to fall, if He provide not remedy; for our Nobility will remain blind still, and will follow her affections, come after what so may! But to return to our History.

Our camp at Restalrig abounding in all necessary provision, order was taken for confirmation of (proceeding with) the Siege [of Leith, in May 1560]; and the trenches were drawn as near the town as they might. The great Camp was removed from Restalrig to the West side of the Water of Leith; and the cannons were planted for the battery, and did shoot at the South-West Wall. But, by reason all the wall was earth, the breach was not made so great during the day but that it was sufficiently repaired in the night.

Thereof the Englishmen beginning to weary, determined to give the brush and assault; as they did upon the seventh day of May, beginning before the daylight, and continuing till it was near seven hours. Albeit the English and Scots, with great slaughter of the soldiers of both, were repulsed, yet was there never a sharper assault given by so few hands. They exceeded not one thousand men that assaulted the whole two quarters of the town, and yet they damned the whole Block-houses. Yea, they once put the French clean off their walls, and were upon both the West and East Blockhouses.

But they wanted backing; for their ladders wanted six quarters of the just height; and while some were compelled to fight upon the top of the wall, their fellows could not win (get) to support them, and so were they by multitude clung (thrown) back again when it was once thought the town was won.

The Queen Regent sat all the time of the assault, which was both terrible and long, upon the fore wall of the Castle of Edinburgh; and when she perceived our overthrow, and that the ensigns of the French were again displayed upon the walls, she gave a guffaw of laughter, and said, ‘Now will I go to the Mass and praise God for that which my eyes have seen! ’ After that clay the greatest damage that either English or Scotch received was the slaughter of two Gentlemen, the one Master of the Household to my Lord James Stewart, Robert Colville of Cleish, a man stout, modest, and wise; who was shot in the thigh with a falcon (cannon) or hagbut of crock (a short musket), and departed the misery of this life within two hours after. The other was Alexander Lockhart, brother to the Laird of Bar, who, rashly discovering himself in the trenches, was shot in the head, and immediately departed this life.

While the siege thus continued, a sudden fire chanced in Leith, which devoured many houses and much victual; and so began God to fight for us, as the Lord Erskine in plain words said to the Queen Regent: ‘Madam, seeing that men may not expel unjust possessors furth of this land, God Himself will do it; for yon fire is not kindled by man.’ Which words offended the Queen not a little.

The Queen Regent’s sickness daily increased, and she travailled earnestly that she might speak with the Earls Argyle, Glencairn and Marisehall, and with the Lord James. After deliberation it was thought expedient that they should speak with her, but not all together, lest some part of the Guisian practice lurked under the color of such friendship. Her regret was unto them all: ‘That she had behaved herself so foolishly, that she had compelled them to seek the support of others tllan their own Sovereign.

She sore repented ever it came to that extremity. But she was not the wyte (blame), but the wicked counsel of her friends on the one part, and the Earl of Huntly upon the other, for if it had not been for him she would have agreed with them at their communing at Preston.’ The Earls and the Lord James gave her the counsel and the comfort they could in that extremity, and willed her to send for some godly learned man, of whom she, night receive instruction; for these ignorant Papists that were about her, understood nothing of the Mystery of our Redemption. John Willock was sent for, with whom she talked a reasonable space, and who did plainly show unto her, as well the virtue and strength of the Death of Jesus Christ, as the vanity and abomination of that idol the Mass. She did openly confess ‘That there was no salvation, but in and by the Death of Jesus Christ.’ Of the Mass we heard not her confession. Some said she was anointed in the Papistical manner, which was a sign of small knowledge of the truth, and of less repentance of her former superstition.

Yet, howsoever it was, Christ Jesus got no small victory over such an enemy. For albeit before she had avowed, that in despite of all Scotland, the Preachers of Jesus Christ should either die or be banished the Realm, yet was she compelled not only to hear that Christ Jesus was preached, and all idolatry openly rebuked, and in many places suppressed, but also she was constrained to hear one of the principal Ministers within the Realm, and to approve of the chief head of our religion, wherein we dissent from all Papists. Short thereafter she finished her unhappy life; unhappy, we say, to Scotland, from the first clay she entered into it, unto the day she departed this life, which was the tenth of June, the year of God 1560.

God, for His great Mercy’s sake, rid us from the rest of the Guisian blood.

Amen! Amen! Of the tyranny of the Guisian blood in her [Mary, Queen of Scots], that, for our unthankfulness, now reigneth above us, we have had sufficient experience. But of ally virtue that ever was espied in King James the Fifth, whose daughter she is called, to this hour we have never seen any sparkle to appear.

CHAPTER - FROM THE CONCLUSION OF PEACE IN JULY 1560, TO THE ADOPTION OF THE CONFESION OF FAITH BY THE SCOTS PARLIAMENT IN AUGUST 1560.

UPON the sixteenth day of June 1560, after the death of the Queen Regent, came into Scotland Charles de la Rochefoucaud, Seigneur de Randan, and with him Monseigneur Jean de Monluc, Bishop of Valence, in commission from France, to entreat of peace. From England there came Sir William Cecil, Chief Secretary, and Doctor Wotton. 1 Their negotiation was longsome; for both England and we, fearing deceit, sought by all means that the Contract should be sure. They, upon the other part, meaning to gratify such as had sent them—who meant nothing but mere falsehood— protracted time to the uttermost; yea, while they of Leith were very scarce of victuals, and they of the Inch had perished, had it not been that by policy they got a ship with victuals and some munition, which was upon Midsummer Even, whereof they made no small triumph; which also for a season stayed the Appointment. Yet in the end peace was concluded.

When peace was proclaimed, sudden provision was made for transporting the French to France, of whom the most part were put into the English ships, which also carried with them the whole spoils of Leith. That was the second benefit which they of Leith received of their late promised liberty, the end whereof is not yet come!

The English army departed by land the sixteenth day of July, the year of God 1560. The most part of our Protestant Nobility honorably convoyed them, as in very deed they had well deserved. The Lord James would not leave the Lord Grey, with the other Noblemen of England, till they entered into Berwick. After whose returning, the Council began to look, as well upon the affairs of the Commonwealth, as upon the matters that might concern the stability of Religion.

A day was statute, when the whole Nobility, and the greatest part of the Congregation assembled in St. Giles Kirk in Edinburgh, where, after sermon, public Thanksgiving thanks were given unto God for His merciful in St. Giles. deliverance, in form as followeth 2 :— ‘O Eternal and Everlasting God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath not only commanded us to pray, and promised to hear us, but also willest us to magnify Thy mercies, and to glorify Thy name when Thou showest Thyself pitiful and favorable unto us, especially when Thou deliverest us from desperate dangers,—We ought not, nor can we forget, O Lord, in how miserable estate stood this poor country, and we the just inhabitants of the same, not many days past. Out of these miseries, O Lord, could neither our wit, policy, nor strength deliver us; yea, Thou didst show unto us how vain was the help of man, where Thy blessing giveth not victory. ‘In this our anguish, O Lord, we sobbed unto Thee; we cried for Thy help, as Thy troubled flock, persecuted for Thy truth’s sake.

Mercifully hast Thou heard us. Thou hast looked upon us as pitifully as if we had given unto Thee most perfect obedience; for Thou hast disappointed the counsels of the crafty; Thou hast bridled the rage of the cruel; and Thou hast of Thy mercy set this our perishing Realm at a reasonable liberty. Oh, give us hearts with reverence and fear, to meditate Thy wondrous works late wrought in our eyes. We beseech thee, O Father of Mercies, that as of Thine undeserved grace Thou hast partly removed our darkness, suppressed idolatry, and taken from above our heads the devouring sword of merciless strangers, so it would please Thee to proceed with us in this Thy grace begun. And albeit that in us there is nothing that may move Thy Majesty to show us Thy favor,—yet for Christ Jesus, Thy only well-beloved Son’s sake, whose name we bear, and whose doctrine we profess, we beseech Thee never to suffer us to forsake or deny this Thy verity which now we profess. ‘And seeing that nothing is more odious in Thy presence, O Lord, than is ingratitude and violation of a covenant made in Thy name; and seeing that Thou hast made our confederates of England the instruments by whom we are now set at liberty, to whom we in Thy name have promised mutual faith again; let us never fall to that unkindness, O Lord, that either we declare ourselves unthankful to them or profaners of Thy holy name. Confound Thou the counsels of them that go about to break that godly league contracted in Thy name, and retain Thou us so firmly together by the power of Thy Holy Spirit, that Satan have never power to set us again at variance. ‘Give us Thy grace to live in that Christian charity which Thy Son, Our Lord Jesus, has so earnestly commanded to all the members of His body; so that other nations, provoked by our example, may set aside all ungodly war, contention, and strife, and study to live in tranquillity and peace, as becometh the sheep of Thy pasture, and the people that daily look for our final deliverance, by the coming again of Our Lord Jesus. To whom, with Thee, and the Holy Spirit, be all Honor, Glory, and Praise, now and ever. Amen.’ Hereafter were the Commissioners of Burghs, with some of the Nobility and Barons, appointed to see the equal distribution of Ministers. [In July 1560] John Knox was appointed to Edinburgh; 4 Christopher Goodman 5 to St. Andrews; Adam Heriot to Aberdeen; Master John Row 6 to St.

Johnestoun; Paul Methven to Jedburgh; William Christison to Dundee; David Ferguson to Dunfermline; and Master David Lyndsay to Leith.

There were nominated for Superintendents,— Master John Spottiswood for Lothian; Master John Winram for Fife; Master John Willock for Glasgow; the Laird of Dun for Angus and Mearns; Master John Carswell for Argyle and the Isles. 8 These were to be elected at the days appointed, unless the countries whereto they were to be appointed could in the meantime find out men more able and sufficient, or else show such causes as might inhabill (unfit) them from that dignity. The Parliament [of August 1560] approaching, due advertisement was made by the Council, to all such as by law and ancient custom had or might claim to have vote therein. The assembly was great, notwithstanding that some, as well of them that be called Spiritual as Temporal Lords, contemptuously did absent themselves. Yet the chief pillars of the Papistical Kirk gave their presence, such as John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews, William Chisholm, Bishop of Dunblane, and Robert Crichton, Bishop of Dunkeld, with others of the inferior sort, besides them that had renounced Papistry, and openly professed Jesus Christ with us; such as Alexander Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, the Abbots of Lindores, Culross, Inch Colin, Newbattle, and Holyroodhouse, the Priors of St. Andrews, Coldingham, and St. Mary’s Isle, the Sub-Prior of St.

Andrews, and diverse others whom we observed not.

At the same time of Parliament, John Knox taught publicly the prophet Haggai. The doctrine was proper for the time; and in application thereof he was so special and so vehement, that some—having greater respect to the world than to God’s glory—feeling themselves pricked, said in mockage, ‘We must now forget ourselves, and bear the barrow, to build the houses of God l’ God be merciful to the speaker! We fear he [William Maitland of Lethington] shall have experience that the building of his own house—the house of God being despised—shall not be so prosperous, and of such firmity, as we desire it were. And albeit some mocked, yet others were godly moved, who did assemble themselves together to consult what things were to be proponed to that Parliament. The Confession of Faith was read in face of Parliament and ratified by the three Estates of this realm at Edinburgh, the 17th day of August, the year of God 1560 years; it was publicly read, first in audience of the Lords of the Articles, and after in audience of the whole Parliament. There were present not only such as professed Christ Jesus, but also a great number of the adversaries of our religion, such as the fore-named Bishops of St.

Andrews, Dunblane, and Dunkeld, and some others of the Temporal Estate, who were commanded in God’s name to object, if they could say anything against that doctrine. Some of our ministers were present, standing upon their feet, ready to have answered, in ease any would have defended the Papistry, and impugned our affirmatives: but when no objection was made, there was a day appointed for voting on that and other heads. Our Confession was read, every article by itself, over again, as they were written in order, and the votes of every man were required accordingly.

Of the Temporal Estate, only voted in the contrary, the Earl of Athole, the Lords Somerville and Borthwick; and yet for their dissenting they produced no better reason, but, ‘We will believe as our fathers believed.’

The Bishops—Papistical we mean—spake nothing. 11 The rest of the whole three Estates, by their public votes, affirmed the doctrine; and many the rather because the Bishops would nor durst say nothing in the contrary; for this was the vote of the Earl Marisehall: — It is long since I have had some favor unto the Truth, and since I have had a suspicion of the Papistieal Religion; but, I praise my God, this day has fully resolved me in the one and in the other. For, seeing that my Lords Bishops—who for their learning can. and for the zeal that they should bear to the Verity, would, as I suppose, gainsay anything that directly repugns to the Verity of God— speak nothing in the contrary of the doctrine proponed, I cannot but hold it to be the very Truth Of God, and the contrary to be deceivable doctrine. Therefore, so far as in me lieth, I approve the one and damn the other: and I do farther ask of God, that not only I, but also all my posterity, may enjoy the comfort of the doctrine that this day our ears have heard. Yet more, I must vote, as it were by way of protestation, that if any persons ecclesiastical shall after this oppose themselves to this our Confession, they shall have no place nor credit, considering that they, having long advisement, and full knowledge of this our Confession, none is now found in lawful, free, and quiet Parliament to oppose themselves to that which we profess. Therefore, if any of this generation pretend to do it after this, I protest that he be reputed rather one that loveth his own commodity and the glory of the world than the Truth of God, and the salvation of men’s souls.’ After the voting and ratification of this our Confession, by the whole body of the Parliament, there were also pronounced two Acts, the one against the Mass and the abuse of the Sacraments, 13 and the other against the Supremacy of the Pope.

CHAPTER - FROM THE PREPARATION OF THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE IN 1560 TO THE RETURN OF LORD JAMES SEWART (THE EARL OF MORAY) FROM FRANCE IN MAY 1561.

PICTURE: Catherine deMedici PICTURE: Facsimile of Letter from John Knox to John Foxe THE Parliament dissolved, consultation was had, how the Kirk might be established in a good and godly policy, which by the Papists was altogether defaced. Commission was given to Master John Winram, Sub- Prior of St. Andrews, Master John Spottiswood, John Willock, Master John Douglas, Rector of St. Andrews, Master John Row, and John Knox, to draw up in a volume the Policy and Discipline of the Kirk, as well as they had done the Doctrine in the Confession of Faith. This they did and presented to the Nobility, who did peruse it many days. Some approved it, and wished the same to have been set forth by a law. Others, perceiving their carnal liberty and worldly commodity somewhat to be impaired thereby, grudged, insomuch that the name of the Book of Discipline became odious to them. All things that were repugnant to their corrupt affections, were termed in their mockage, ‘devout imaginations.’ The causes we have before declared,—some were licentious; some had greedily gripped to the possessions of the Kirk; and others thought that they would not lack their part of Christ’s coat. The chief great man that had professed Christ Jesus, and refused to subscribe the Book of Discipline, was the Lord Erskine [afterwards Earl of Mar, and Regent of Scotland].

No wonder, —he has a very Jezebel to his wife, and besides, if the Poor, the Schools, and the Ministry of the Kirk had their own, his kitchen would lack two parts and more of that which he now unjustly possesses! There were none within the Realm more unmerciful to the poor ministers than were they which had greatest rents of the Churches. But in that we have perceived the old proverb to be true: —‘Nothing can suffice a wreche’ (covetous person); and again, ‘The belly has no ears’!

Yet the Book of Discipline was subscribed by a great part of the Nobility: to wit, the Duke’s Grace, the Earl of Arran, the Earls Argyle, Glencairn, Marischall, Menteith, Morton, Rothes, Lord James, now Earl of Moray; Lords Yester, Boyd, Ochiltree; the Master of Maxwell, Lord Lyndsay, elder, and the Master, now Lord; Barons Drumlanrig, Lochinvar, Garlies, Bargany; Master Alexander Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, Alexander Campbell, Dean of Moray, with a great number more who subscribed and approved the Book of Discipline, in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, the twenty-seventh day of January, the year of God 1560. They signified their approbation in these words:— ‘We quhilk have subscryvit thir Presentis, havand advisit with the Artiekles heirin specifeit, and as is above mentionat, from the begyning of this Book, thinkis the samyn goode, and eonforme to Goddis Word in all poyntis, conforme to the Notes and Additiounis thairto eikked. We promittis to sett the same fordwarte at the uttermost of oure Poweris, providing that the Bischoppis, Abbottis, Priouris, and utheris Prelattis and benefited men, quhilkis ellis have adjoyned thameselfis to us, bruik the Revenewis of thair Benefices during thair Lyfe-tymes, thei susteanyng and upholding the Ministerie and Ministeris, as is heirin specifeit, for preaching of the Worde, and ministrating of the Sacramentis.’

How this promise was eluded from time to time, we will after hear.

Shortly after the said Parliament, there were sent from the Council, as Ambassadors to England, the Earls of Morton and Glencairn, with William Maitland of Lethington, younger. The chief point of their commission was earnestly to crave the constant assistance of the Queen’s Majesty of England, against all foreign invasion and common enemies, and to propose the Earl of Arran, who then was in no small estimation with us, to the Queen of England in marriage.

These cruel and conjured enemies of God, and of all godliness, the Duke of Guise, the Cardinal of Lorraine 1 and their faction, who then at their own appetite played the tyrants in France, had determined the destruction of all that professed the true knowledge of Jesus Christ within that Realm.

What tyranny late before they had used at Amboise, the History of France doth witness. Now, in Orleans, in the month of November, convened the King, unhappy Francis [ II, husband of Mary, Queen of Scots], the Queen, our Sovereign, and the Queen Mother [Catharine de’ Medici], the Duke of Guise, with all his faction, the King of Navarre, and the Prince de Conde his brother. Great was the confluence of the Nobility; but greater was the assembly of the murderers; for there was not a hangman in all France who was not there. The prisons were full of the true servants of God: and the King of Navarre and the Prince his brother were constituted prisoners. The Sheriff of Orleans, a man fearing God, was taken, and so were many others of the town. Briefly, there were none that professed God or godliness within that town, that looked not for the extremity; for the walls and gates were night and day kept with the garrison of the Guisians. Miserable men were daily brought in to suffer judgment, but none were suffered to depart forth but at the devotion of the tyrants. So they proceeded till the tenth or twelfth of December [1560], when they thought time to put their bloody counsel in execution, and for that purpose conclusion was taken that the King should depart of the town, and lie at a certain place. This was done to the intent, that no suit should be made to the King for the safety of any man’s life, whom they thought worthy of death. So was the King’s House in Orleans broken up, his beds, coffers and tapestry sent away. When all things were in this readiness to shed the blood of innocents, the Eternal, our God, who ever watches for the preservation of His own, began to work, and suddenly did put His own work in execution. As the King sat at Mass, his boots put on, ready immediately thereafter to have departed, he was suddenly stricken with an aposthume (abscess) in that deaf ear that never would hear the Truth of God. He was carried to a void house, laid upon a palliasse unto such time as a canopy was set up unto him; where he lay till the fifteenth day of December, in the year of God One thousand five hundred threescore years, when his glory perished and the pride of his stubborn heart vanished in smoke. 3 So was the snare broken; the tyrants disappointed of their cruelty; those that were appointed to death raised, as it were out of their graves; and we, who by our foolishness had made ourselves slaves to strangers, were restored again to freedom and to the liberty of a free realm.

O that we had hearts deeply to consider what are Thy wondrous works, O Lord, that we might praise Thee in the midst of this most obstinate and wicked generation, and leave the memorial of the same to our posterity, which, alas, we fear shall forget these Thy inestimable benefits!

The death of Francis it. made great alteration in France, England and Scotland. France was erected in some hopes, that the tyranny of the Guisians should no longer reign above them, because God at unawares had broken the stall’ whereupon they leaned. But, alas, they were deceived; for the simplicity of some was so abused, that against the laws of the Realm, to the Queen Mother [Catharine de’ Medici] was committed the regiment; which lifted up as well the Duke of Guise, as the cruel Cardinal of Lorraine for a season.

The Queen of England and the Privy Council remitted our Ambassadors with answer, ‘That she would not marry hastily, and, therefore, willed the Council of Scotland, and the Earl of Arran, not to depend upon any hope thereof.’ What motives she had, we omit. The pride of the Papists of Scotland began to be abated, and some that ever had shown themselves enemies unto us began to think, and plainly to speak—among whom Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudoun, the old Sheriff of Ayr, was one—that they perceived God to fight for us. The Earl of Arran himself did more patiently abide the repulse of the Queen of England, because he was not altogether without hope that the Queen of Scotland bore him some favor,5 He wrote unto her, and sent for credit a ring, which the Queen our Sovereign knew well enough. The letter and ring were both presented to the Queen, and of her received. Answer was returned to the Earl, after which he made no farther pursuit in that matter. Yet, not the less, he bare it heavily in heart, more heavily than many would have wished.

The certainty of the death [of Francis Second of France, husband of Mary, Queen of Scots] was signified unto us both by sea and land. By sea John Knox, who then had great intelligence both with the Churches abroad, and with some of the Court of France, received letters, that the King was mortally sick, and could not well escape death. Which letters received that same day at afternoon, he passed to the Duke’s Grace, to his own lodging at the Kirk of Field in Edinburgh, with whom he found the Lord James in conference—the Earl of Arran was in Jedburgh—to whom he opened such news as he had received, and willed them to be of good comfort. ‘The advertiser,’ said he, ‘hath never yet abused me. It is the same gentleman that first gave us knowledge of the slaughter of Harry, King of France.’ He showed unto them the letter, but would not express the man’s name. The Duke, the Lord James and John Knox, were familiarly communing together in diverse purposes. John Knox upon the one part was comforting them, and the Duke and the Lord James upon the other part comforting him; for he was in no small heaviness by reason of the late death of his dear bed-fellow, Marjorie Bowes. 7 While they three were reasoning, there came a messenger to John Knox from the Lord Grey Furth of Berwick, with letters, assuring him of the death of the King of France.

Which divulged and noised abroad, a general Convention of the whole Nobility was appointed to be holden at Edinburgh the fifteenth day of January following, in which the Book of Discipline was perused newly over again; because some pretended ignorance, by reason they had not heard it.

In that assembly was Master Alexander Anderson, Principal of Aberdeen, a man more subtle and crafty than either learned or godly, called, who refused to dispute of his faith, abusing a place of Tertullian to cloak his ignorance. It was answered unto him, that Tertullian should not prejudge the authority of the Holy Ghost, who by the mouth of Peter commands us to give reason for our faith to every one that requires the same of us. It was farther answered, that we neither required him nor yet any man to dispute in any point concerning our faith, which was grounded upon God’s Word, and fully expressed within His Holy Scriptures. But we required of him, as of the rest of papists, that they would suffer their doctrine, constitutions, and ceremonies to come to trial; and principally, that the Mass, and the opinion thereof, by them taught unto the people, might be laid to the square-rule of God’s Word, and unto the right institution of Jesus Christ, that they might understand whether their preachers offended or not, in that they affirmed ‘The action of the Mass to be expressly repugning unto the Last Supper of the Lord Jesus; the sayer of it to commit horrible blasphemy, in usurping upon him the office of Christ; the hearers to commit damnable idolatry, and the opinion of it conceived to be derogation, and as it were disannulling, of Christ’s death.’

While the said Master Alexander denied that the priest took upon him Christ’s office, to offer for sin, as it was alleged, a Mass Book was produced, and in the beginning of the Canon were these words read, ‘Suscipe, Saneta Trinitas, hanc oblationem, quam ego indignus peccator offero tibi vivo Deo et veto, pro peccatis meis, pro pecvatis Ecclesiae vivorum et mortuorum.’ 8 ‘Now,’ said the reasoner, ‘if to offer for the sins of the whole Kirk, was not the office of Christ Jesus, yea that office that to him only might, and may appertain, let the Scripture judge. And if a vile knave, whom ye call the priest, proudly takes the same upon him, let your own book witness.’ The said Master Alexander answered, ‘Christ offered the propitiatory, and that none could do but He; but we offer the remembrance.’ Whereunto it was answered,’ We praise God that ye have denied a sacrifice propitiatory to be in the Mass; and yet we offer to prove, that in more than one hundred places of your papistical Doctors, this proposition is affirmed, “The Mass is a sacrifice propitiatory.” But, to the second part, where ye allege that ye offer Christ in remembrance; we ask, first, Unto whom ye do offer Him? Next, By what authority are ye assured of well-doing? In God the Father there falls no oblivion: and if ye will yet shift and say, that ye offer it not as if God were forgetful, but as willing to apply Christ’s merits unto His Kirk; we demand of you, What power and commandment have ye so to do? We know that our Master, Christ Jesus, commanded His apostles to do that which He did “in remembrance of Him”; but plain it is, that Christ took bread, gave thanks, brake bread, and gave it to His disciples, saying, “Take ye, eat ye; this is My body which is broken for you. Do this in remembrance of Me.”

Here we find a commandment, to take, to eat, to take and to drink; but to offer Christ’s body either for remembrance or application, we find not.

Therefore, we say, to take upon you an office which is not given unto you is unjust usurpation, and no lawful power.’ The said Master Alexander being more than astonished, would have shifted; but then the Lords willed him to answer directly. Whereto he answered,’ That he was better seen in Philosophy, than in Theology.’ Then was commanded Master John Leslie, who then was Parson of Une, and now Lord Abbot of Lindores, and after was made Bishop of Ross— 9 to answer to the former argument; and he with great gravity began to answer, ‘If our Master have nothing to say to it, I have nothing. I know nothing but the Canon Law: and the greatest reason that ever I could find there, is nolumus et volumus.’ Yet we understand that now he is the only patron of the Mass!

The Nobility hearing that neither the one nor the other would answer directly, said, ‘We have been miserably deceived heretofore. If the Mass may not obtain remission of sins to the quick and the dead, wherefore were all the abbeys so richly doted (endowed) with our temporal lands?’

Thus much we thought good to insert here, because some Papists are not ashamed now to affirm, that they with their reasons could never be heard, but that all that we did, we did it by mere force; when the who]e realm knows, that we ever required them to speak their judgments freely, not only promising unto them protection and defense, but also that we should subscribe with them, if they by God’s Scriptures could confute us, and by the same word establish their assertions. But who can correct the leasings (lies) of such as in all things show themselves the sons of the father of all lies! Preserve us, O Lord, from that perverse and malicious generation! Amen.

In that Assembly was the Lord James appointed [on 15th January 1561] to go to France to the Queen our Sovereign; and a Parliament was appointed to begin the 20th of May next following; for at that time was the return of the said Lord James looked for. That Convention was dissolved without any other thing of importance concluded. Lord James prepared him for his journey; for albeit he passed in the public affairs, he sustained the charge of his own expenses; and yet there never passed from this Realm in the company of one man so many, and so honest, through England to France. Before he departed, he was forewarned as well of the danger in France, as of our Queen’s craft, —not that we then suspected her nature, but that we understood the malice of her friends. He was plainly premonished, that if ever he condescended that she should have Mass publicly or privately within the Realm of Scotland, then betrayed he the cause of God, and exponed The Religion to the uttermost danger that he could do. That she should have Mass publicly, he affirmed that he should never consent— but to have it secretly in her chamber, who could stop her? The danger was shown; and so he departed.

The Papists and Bishops, disappointed of their principal purpose and enterprise, did yet make broillie (disturbance) for trouble. The rascal multitude in Edinburgh were stirred up to make the games of Robin Hood, which enormity was condemned by an Act of Parliament [in 1555]. They would not be forbidden, but would disobey and trouble the Town, especially in the night. Whereat the Bailies, offended, took from them some swords and an ensign. That same night they made a mutiny, kept the ports of the town, and intended to have pursued some men within their own houses. But, upon the restitution of their swords and ensign, that was stayed. Yet they ceased not to molest, as well the inhabitants of Edinburgh as diverse countrymen, taking from them money, and threatening some with farther injuries. The Magistrates of the town, highly offended, apprehended one of the principal of that misorder, named James Gillon, a cordiner (shoemaker), whom they put to an assize. He could not be absolved; for he was the chief man that spoiled John Mowbray of ten crowns of the Sun. Being convicted, they thought to have execute judgment upon him, and so erected a jebbate beneath the Cross.

But, whether by paction with the Provost, Archibald Douglas of Kilspindie, or by instigation of the Craftsmen, who have ever been bent too much to maintain such vanity and riotousness, we fully know not, but suddenly there did rise a tumult. The Tolbooth was broken up, and not only the said Gillon was violently taken forth, but also all other malefactors were set at freedom. The gibbet was pulled down, and spitefully broken; and thereafter, as the Provost and some of the Council assembled to Alexander Guthrie the Town Clerk’s Chamber for consultation, the whole rascal multitude banded together, with some known dishonest Craftsmen, and intended invasion of the Chamber. Which perceived, the Provost, and such as were in his company, passed to the Tolbooth, not suspecting that they would have been so enraged as to make new pursuit, after they had obtained their intent. They were suddenly deceived. From the Castlehill they came with violence, and with stones, guns, and other weapons, began to assault the Tolbooth. They ran at the door of it, but they were repulsed from the door by stones east from above, and partly by a pistol shot by Robert Norwell, which hurt one Tweedie. Yet ceased they not to east and shout [shoot?] in at the windows, threatening death to all that were within. In very deed the malice of the Craftsmen, who were suspected to be the occasion of that tumult, bare no good will to diverse of them that were with the Provost.

The arguments that the Craftsmen were the cause of that uproar, are two.

The first is that Archibald Dewar and Patrick Schange, with other five deacons of the Crafts, came to John Knox, and willed him to solicit the Provost and the town to delay the execution. 10 He did answer, ‘He had so oft solicited in their favor, that his own conscience accused him, that they used his labors for no other end, but to be a patron to their impiety.’ For he had before made intercession for William Harlaw, James Frissell (Fraser) and others, that were convict of a former tumult. They proudly said, ‘If it is not stayed, both you and the Bailies shall repent it.’ Whereto he answered, ‘He would not hurt his conscience for any fear of man.’ So they departed; and the tumult immediately thereafter did arise.

The second argument is, that the tumult continued from two at afternoon till after eight at night. The Craftsmen were required to assemble themselves together for deliverance of their Provost and Bailies, but they passed to their Four Hours’ Penny or Afternoon’s Pint (meal between dinner and supper), and in their jesting said, ‘They will be Magistrates alone. Let them rule the multitude alone!’ So, contrary to the oath that they had made, they denied their assistance, counsel, and comfort to their Provost and Bailies; which are arguments very probable, that the said tumult rose by their procurement. The end was, that the Provost and Bailies were compelled to give their handwrits, that they should never pursue any of them that were of that tumult, for any crime that was done in that behalf. This was proclaimed at the Cross after nine hours at night; and that trouble quieted. The whole multitude were holden excommunicate, and were admitted to no participation of the Sacraments, unto such time as they satisfied the Magistrates, and made humble suit unto the Kirk.

In the meantime, the Lord James returned from France [in the end of May 1561]. 11 Beside his great expenses, and the loss of a box wherein was a secret poise (sum of money), he escaped a desperate danger in Paris. When his return from our Sovereign, who was then with the Cardinal of Lorraine at Rheims, was understood by the Papists at Paris, they conspired either to beset his house by night, or else to assault him and his company as they walked upon the streets. Whereof the Lord James was advertised by the Rheingrave, Count Palatine of the Rhine, by reason of old familiarity which was betwixt them in Scotland. 12 So he took purpose suddenly and in good order to depart from Paris, which he did, the second day after he arrived there.

Yet could he not depart so secretly, but that the Papists had their privy ambushes. Upon the Change-brig 13 [Pont au Change, across the Seine] they had prepared a procession, which met the said Lord and his company even in the teeth. Knowing the Scots would not do the accustomed reverence to their idols, they thought thereupon to have picked a quarrel; and so, as one part passed by, without moving of hat, they had suborned some to cry ‘Huguenots,’ and to east stones. But God disappointed their enterprise; for the Count Rheingrave, with other gentlemen, being with the Lord James, rebuked the foolish multitude, and over-rode some of the foremost. The rest were dispersed; and Lord James and his company safely escaped, and came with expedition to Edinburgh, while the Lords and Assembly were yet together, to the great comfort of many godly hearts, and to the no little astonishment of the wicked.

CHAPTER - THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE PICTURE: Facsimile of double page from ‘John Knox’s Liturgy’ THE Preachers vehemently exhorted us to establish the Book of Discipline,1 by an Act and Public Law; affirming that if we suffered things to hang in suspense, when God had given unto us sufficient power in our hands, we should after sob for it, but should not get it.

Diverse times we have made mention of that Book of Discipline, so we have thought expedient to insert it in this part of our History, to the end that the Posterity to come may judge what the worldlings refused, and what policy the godly ministers required; so that they may either establish a more perfect, or else imitate that which avariciousness would not suffer this corrupt generation to approve.

HEAD V.— CONCERNING THE PROVISION FOR THE MINISTERS, AND FOR THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE RENTS AND POSSESSIONS JUSTLY APPERTAINING TO THE KIRK. Provision for Ministers.

Seeing that of Our Master Christ Jesus and His Apostle Paul, we have ‘That the workman is worthy of his reward,’ and that, ‘The mouth of the laboring ox ought not to be muzzled,’ of necessity it is, that honest provision be made for the Ministers, which we require to be such, that they have neither occasion of solicitude, neither yet of insolence and wantonness. This provision must be made not only for their own sustentation, during their lives, but also for their wives and children after them. We judge it a thing most contrarions to reason, godliness, and equity, that the widow and children of him, who in his life did faithfully serve the Kirk of God, and for that cause did not carefully make provision for his family, should, after his death, be left comfortless of all provision.

Sorry would we be that poverty should discourage men from study, and from following the way of virtue, by the which they might edify the Kirk and Flock of Christ Jesus. 2 Ministers’ Sons and Daughters.

The children of the Ministers must have the liberties of the cities next adjacent, where their fathers labored, freely granted. They must have the privileges in Schools, and bursaries in Colleges. They shall be sustained at learning if they be found apt thereto; and failing thereof, that they be put to some handicraft, or exercised in some virtuous industry, whereby they may be profitable members in a commonwealth.

And the same we require for their daughters; to wit, that they be virtuously brought up, and honestly doted (dowered) when they come to maturity of years, at the discretion of the Kirk. The Care of the Poor.

Every several Kirk must provide for the Poor within itself. Fearful and horrible it is, that the Poor—whom not only God the Father in His law, but Christ Jesus in His Evangel, and the Holy Spirit speaking by St. Paul, hath so earnestly commended to our care—are universally despised. We are not patrons for stubborn and idle beggars, who, running from place to place, make a craft of their begging, whom the Civil Magistrate ought to punish. But for the widow and fatherless, the aged, impotent, or lamed, who neither can nor may travail for their sustentation, we say, that God commandeth His people to be careful. Therefore, for such, as also for persons of honesty fallen into decay and penurity, ought such provision be made, that of our abundance should their indigence be relieved. The necessity of Schools, Colleges, and Universities.

Seeing that God hath determined that His Church here on earth shall be taught, not by angels, but by men; and seeing that men are born ignorant of all godliness; and seeing, also, God now teaseth to illuminate men miraculously, suddenly changing them, as He did His Apostles and others in the Primitive Church:—of necessity it is that Your Honors be most careful for the virtuous education, and godly upbringing of the Youth of this Realm, if either ye now thirst unfeignedly for the advancement of Christ’s glory, or desire the continuance of His benefits to the generation following. As the Youth must succeed to us, so ought we to be careful that they, have the knowledge and erudition, to profit and comfort that which ought to be most dear to us, to wit, the Church and Spouse of the Lord Jesus.

Of necessity therefore we judge it, that every Church have a Schoolmaster appointed, such an one as is able, at least, to teach Grammar and the Latin Tongue, if the Town be of any reputation. 3 If it be upaland (in the country), where the people convene to doctrine but once in the week, then must either the Reader or the Minister take care over the Youth of the Parish, to instruct them in their first rudiments, and especially in the Catechism of John Calvin, as we have it now translated in the Book of our Common Order, [used first in the English Church at Geneva, and so] called the Order of Geneva. Farther, we think it expedient, that in every notable town, there be erected a College, in which the Arts, at least Logic and Rhetoric, together with the Tongues, be read by sufficient Masters, for whom honest stipends must be appointed; as also that there be provision for those that be poor, and not able by themselves, or by their friends, to be sustained at letters, especially such as come from landward.

Last, The great Schools called Universities 4 shall be replenished with those that be apt to learning.THIS MUST BE CAREFULLY PROVIDED, THAT NO FATHER, OF WHAT ESTATE OR CONDITION THAT EVER HE BE, USE HIS CHILDREN AT HIS OWN FANTASY, ESPECIALLY IN THEIR YOUTH- HEAD; BUT ALL MUST BE COMPELLED TO BRING UP THEIR CHILDREN IN LEARNING AND VIRTUE. HEAD VI.— THE RENTS AND PATRIMONY OF THE KIRK.

The Ministers of the Word, and the Poor, together with the Schools, must be sustained upon the charges of the Church… We require Deacons and Treasurers rather to receive the rents than the Ministers themselves, because that out of the Teinds must not only the Ministers be sustained, but also the Poor and Schools. Therefore we think it most expedient that Common Treasurers, to wit the Deacons, be appointed from year to year to receive the whole rents appertaining to the Church. Reading the Scriptures and Family Worship.

Farther, we think it a thing most expedient and necessary, that every Church have a Bible in English, and that the people be commanded to convene to hear the plain reading or interpretation of the Scriptures, as the Church shall appoint; that by frequent reading this gross ignorance, which in the cursed Papistry hath overflown all, may partly be removed. 6 We think it most expedient that the Scriptures be read in order, that is, that some one book of the Old and the New Testament be begun and orderly read to the end. And the same we judge of preaching, where the Minister for the most part remaineth in one place. Skipping and divagation from place to place of the Scripture, be it in reading, or be it in preaching, we judge not so profitable to edify the Church, as the continual following of one text...

In private houses we think it expedient, that the most grave and discreet person use the Common Prayers at morn and at night, for the comfort and instruction of others. Seeing that we behold the hand of God presently striking us with diverse plagues, we think it a contempt of His judgments, if we be not moved to repentance of our former unthankfulness, and to earnest invocation of His name, whose only power may, and great mercy will, if we unfeignedly convert unto Him, remove from us these terrible plagues which now for our iniquities hang over our heads. Convert us, O Lord, and we shall be converted! Services at Funerals optional, but not recommended.

For avoiding all inconveniences, we judge it best, that neither singing nor reading be at the Burial; for, albeit things sung and read may admonish some of the living to prepare themselves for death, yet shall some superstitious and ignorant persons ever think, that the works—singing or reading of the living—do and may profit the Dead. And therefore, we think most expedient that the Dead be convoyed to the Place of Burial with some honest company of the Church, without either singing or reading; yea, without all kind of ceremony heretofore used, other than that the Dead be committed to the grave, with such gravity and sobriety, as those that be present may seem to fear the judgments of God, and to hate sin, which is the cause of Death.

And yet, notwithstanding, we are not so precise, but that we are content that particular Kirks use them in that behalf, with the consent of the Ministry of the same, as they will answer to God, and the Assembly of the Universal Kirk gathered within the Realm.

In respect of diverse inconveniences, we think it neither seemly that the Church appointed to Preaching and Ministration of the Sacraments shall be made a place of Burial; but that some other secret and convenient place, lying in the most free air, be appointed for that use; the which place ought to be well walled and fenced about, and kept for that; use only. For Reparation of Churches.

Lest that the Word of God, and Ministration of the Sacraments, by unseemliness of the place, come into contempt, of necessity it is, that the Churches and places where the people ought publicly to convene, be with expedition repaired in doors, windows, thatch, and with such preparations within, as appertaineth, as well to the majesty of the Word of God, as unto the ease and commodity of the people. And because we know the slothfulness of men in this behalf, and in all other which may not redound to their private commodity, straight charge and commandment must be given, that within a certain day the Reparations must be begun, and within another day, to be affixed by Your Honors, that they be finished, penalties and sums of money must be enjoined, and without pardon taken from the contemners.

The Reparation would be according to the possibility and number of the Church. Every Church must have doors, close windows of glass, thatch or slate able to withhold rain, a bell to convocate the people together, a pulpit, a basin for baptism, and tables for the Ministration of the Lord’s Supper. In greater Churches, and where the congregation is great in number, must Reparation be made within the Church for the quiet and commodious receiving of the people. The expenses to be lifted partly of the People, and partly of the Teinds, at the consideration of the Ministry. Act of Secret Council, 27th January, Anno LX. We, who have subscribed these presents, having advised with the Articles herein specified, as is above mentioned from the beginning of this Book, think the same good, and conform to God’s Word in all points; conform to the Notes and Additions thereto eked; and promise to set the same forward, at the uttermost of our powers; Providing that the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other Prelates and Beneficed Men, who have adjoined them to us, bruik (enjoy) the revenues of their benefices during their lifetimes, they sustaining and upholding the Ministry and Ministers, as is herein specified, for preaching of the Word, and ministering of the Sacraments of God. JAMES [Duke of Chatelherault, Regent of Scotland, 1542 to 1554]. JAMES HAMMYLTON [third Earl of Arran, son of the foregoing]. AR ERGYLL [fifth Earl of Argyle]. JAMES STEWART [afterwards Earl of Moray and Regent of Scotland]. ROTHESS [fourth Earl of Rothes]. R. BOYD [fourth Lord Boyd]. ALEX CAMPBELL ,DEAN OF MURRAY [third son of third Earl of Argyle]. MAISTER ALEX GORDON [previously Roman Catholic Bishop of Galloway, son of a natural daughter of James IV. GLENCARN [Alexander, Earl of Glencairn]. UCHILTRIE [second Lord Ochiltree, afterwards John Knox’s father-in-law]. SANQUHAR [Lord Crichton of Sanqullar]. SANCTJOHNS [Lord St. John]. WILLIAM, LORD HAY [fifth Lord Hay of Yester]. Etc. etc.