History Of The Albigenses, And Of The Persecutions With Which They Were Harassed By The Antichristian Powers, From The Year 1213, Until Their Total Destruction.

CHAPTER - 1

Renewal of the war against the Earl of Foix. — The Arragonians made incursions into Earl Simon’s territories. — He is defeated by the Earl of Foix. — Bonaventure the Legate persuaded the Earls of Foix and Toulouse to go to Rome. — They do no good there. — Earl Remond’s son went thither from England, to no purpose.

PRINCE LOUIS, the king of France’s son, after the expiration of his forty days, returned home, not without much displeasure and discontent, to see so much tyranny and oppression transacted in the war, carried on against the Albigenses. Earl Simon endeavored to procure a pardon for those crusaders last come from France against the earl of Foix. He laid siege to the castle of Foix, to his great loss: for a great number of his valiant men were slain before that place. At the end of ten days he raised the siege, finding to his cost, that the place was invincible. Earl Simon’s brother had his quarters at Varilles. The earl of Foix dislodged him, and slew him with a spear, and put his party to flight. This was a counterpoise to Montfort’s prosperity, which had rendered him insolent and imperious. 1 As one misfortune seldom comes alone, he likewise received advice by a messenger, that a great number of Arragonians and Catalans had made an incursion into the country of Beziers, and the places round about Carcassone, putting all they met to fire and sword, saying, that they would revenge the death of their king Alphonsus. He was therefore informed, that if he did not make what speed he could to their assistance, that whole country would be lost. He departed from Foix with great diligence. The earl of Foix, who was better acquainted than he, with the by-ways and narrow straights of his country, blocked up his passage, and lay in ambush, in a place so proper and advantageous to defeat him, that he had slain the greatest part of his forces, before any alarm was given, or he had any notice of it. He made his escape with but a few of his men.

When he came to Carcassone, he found nobody to oppose him. The Arragonians had made their retreat; but had they waited his coming, they might easily have routed him, considering the few troops which remained with him. At the same time came to him other letters, which required his presence in Dauphiny, where Ademar de Poitiers and Ponte de Monlaur obstructed the passage of the crusaders, who came down the Rhone, and were led by the archbishops of Lyons and Vienna. The cities also of Monteil, Aimar, and Crest-Arnaud, sided with the Albigenses, which very much annoyed the pilgrims. Simon came to a treaty with Monlaur and Ademar de Poitiers, not being able to cope with so many enemies at once.

He was a second time informed, that the Arragonians were returned about Carcassone, and went thither to repel them; but was well beaten, so that he was forced to keep himself shut up in Carcassone, not having wherewith to keep the field, until he received a fresh army of crusaders.

He seeing then that he could do no good with the earl of Foix by arms, had recourse to his usual subtlety and deceit, to effect his destruction under the color of friendship. He got Bonaventure the legate to write to him, telling him, that he was touched with pity and compassion towards him, to see him persist so obstinately in a great and tedious war, to his vast charges, and the expense of his subjects’ lives; which he might, if he pleased, conclude within a very short time, by taking his journey to Rome, and declaring his innocency before the pope. That he would assist him to the utmost of his power, in procuring the restitution of all his countries; but that it was also necessary, he should give the church some pledge or security of his fidelity — that he should put the castle of Foix into his hands, the only means to remove all umbrage and suspicion, which immediately upon his return should be restored to him with the rest of his castles.

He suffered himself to be gulled and imposed upon by those promises, delivered the castle of Foix into his hands, and took his journey to Rome.

But as he went, so he returned, like a fool: for the legate had written to the conclave and pope at Rome, that the earl of Foix was one of the most dangerous heretics that was amongst the Albigenses; that he was courageous, valiant, and the most formidable; and that if he were subdued, it would very much weaken the earl of Toulouse; that he had deprived him of the means of doing any mischief, by wheedling him out of those places, which the church could never have gotten by arms — the castle of Foix; that they were to take care not to make any restitution of his lands, otherwise it was impossible for the church ever to accomplish the destruction of the Albigenses. The pope was ready and willing enough to have joined in his ruin, but because he came to him with submission, he feared that it would prove a means to hinder any from ever trusting the pope hereafter.

He was prodigal of his crosses, bulls, and fair speeches; but he commanded his legate not to restore his places unto him, till such times as he had sufficiently cleared and justified himself, and given good proofs of his loyalty and obedience. Upon his return, he addressed himself to the legate, to claim and enjoy the effects of his fair promises. The legate told him, that his hands were bound up by the pope, because there were some clauses in his bulls, which obliged him to proceed afresh, and examine in good earnest into his innocency: but that he might assure himself of his friendship and affection, and that he should not lay the blame upon him, if he were not fully satisfied according to his expectation, and that he would do his best endeavors towards the disposing of earl Simon to a reconciliation and friendship with him. The earl of Foix withdrew by little and little, for fear of being stopped and arrested by them, and betook himself to the fields and houses of his subjects, for as for his own, they were all in the hands of earl Simon. There he cursed his credulity in suffering himself to be overreached and imposed upon by a priest, bit his thumbs with madness to see himself so sottishly and so grossly abused, after so many tricks and stratagems played against him.

The earl of Toulouse and the king of Arragon resolved to make a levy of their subjects, and erect a fort at Mongranier, a place fortified by nature.

They made it within a few days a place of defense, by the help of their poor subjects, who condoling their own, and the calamities of their lords, very willingly labored both night and day to finish the work. This place being built, he furnished it with a garrison, and left his son Roger therein for its defense. It was besieged by earl Simon, and at length taken by famine. The terms of the capitulation were, that Roger should not bear arms against the church for one year: an article which did very much trouble this young and valiant lord; for he confined himself to a house during the said year, where with impatience he counted the months and days, that at the end of the term appointed, he might either fall valiantly in battle, or else vanquish and subdue his enemies. And to that end, he often consulted with the son of the late king of Arragon, to stir him up to use his best endeavors to revenge the death of his father.

Bonaventure the legate, made use of the same artifice to ensnare the earl of Toulouse; persuading him to go to Rome, where he might better and more advantageously conclude his business, than with earl Simon, especially seeing he was charged with the death of earl Baudoin, his own brother, taken in the castle of Olme, in the country of Cahors, because he had taken up arms against him. An action which rendered him odious both to God and men, and which his enemies did aggravate and enhance, in order to move and excite the pilgrims to be revenged on him for it; saying, that they denied him a confessor, even at the point of death; and that Baudoin prayed to God, to raise up some good Christians to revenge the injury, which his brother, like a second Cain, had done unto him. Remond, the earl of Toulouse’s son, understanding that his father was to take his journey to Rome, also went thither with letters from his highness the king of England to the pope, beseeching him to do his brother-in-law justice. This young lord had been till then brought up in England, where he could no longer Stay, seeing his father harassed and oppressed with the fatigues of a continual war, but resolved with himself to do what he could to work his deliverance, either by treaty or by arms.

The cause of earl Remond was tried and debated before the pope. There was a certain cardinal who affirmed and maintained that those lords were very much injured and abused, who had often bestowed the best of their lands and revenues to the church in token of their obedience. The abbot of St. Uberi did also stoutly stand up in their defense. Earl Remond likewise defended his own cause, and charged the bishop of Thoulouse with several crimes and exorbitancies: and that though he had been forced to defend himself by arms, the blame ought to be laid upon those who had driven him to that necessity. That had he not made resistance, he had been long since ruined and overthrown. That the bishop of Thoulouse had several times robbed him of the best of his revenues; and that never being satisfied, he still continued to trouble and molest him, dividing the spoil of his goods with Simon, earl of Montfort. That their avarice alone had occasioned the death of one hundred thousand men at Thoulouse, and the pillage of that great and glorious city, a loss which nothing can ever repair.

The charterie of Lyons did likewise remonstrate to the pope, that the bishop of Thoulouse had always been the kindler of the fire, and then warmed himself by the flames. Arnaud Villamur also presented himself before the pope, demanding justice of the legate and earl Simon, who had invaded his country, he knew not why nor wherefore, since he had never behaved himself otherwise than as one most loyal and obedient to the church of Rome. He related at large the mischiefs, murders, plunders, burnings and robberies which the legate and earl had committed under color of the service of the pope and church; that it was therefore highly necessary, that that mask should be plucked off, which would turn to the dishonor of both; and some good and proper remedy be applied thereto, in order to procure and establish the peace and welfare of the church.

Remond de Requeseuil, of the country of Querci, did likewise lay before his holiness, several villanies which the earl of Montfort had committed, beginning with his proceedings against the earl of Beziers, whom he had caused miserably to die in prison, siezed upon his lands, and ruined his subjects; and so proceeded to what he had transacted against all the other lords, whom he had forced to defend themselves against his violence and tyranny. The pope being touched with a sense of these outrages, would have done some justice; but it was intimated to him that if he should make the earl of Montfort restore that which he had taken for the church, he would find no one would fight either for the pope or church in future. Besides, if he should command restitution to be made, yet earl Simon might justly refuse to make it, till such times as full satisfaction and recompense were made to him for his trouble, labor and expense.

The pope left the management of this affair to the legate, commanding him in general terms to restore their lands to all such as should show themselves faithful and obedient to the church. As to earl Remond’s son, it was his will and pleasure, that all, or at least part of that land which did belong to earl Remond in Provence, the county of Venescin, should be reserved for the maintenance of his son, provided he did give evident and manifest tokens and proofs of his loyalty and good conversation, showing himself worthy of divine mercy. Upon their return, they demanded of the legate, the execution of their bulls, requiring the restitution of their countries. The legate answered, that there were some restrictions therein, which would require some time to decide; that they should therefore bring forth fruits worthy of their repentance, and then they should receive what was granted to them by the pope, otherwise not.

Therefore when the earls saw that it was only a cheat, and a trick which had been put upon them, they were resolved to come to blows.

CHAPTER - 2

Earl Remond’s son taketh Bancaire. The bishop of Toulouse betrays the citizens of Toulouse. The inhabitants of Toulouse receive very ill treatment from Earl Simon. They defend themselves to his confusion. A new expedition. Remond retakes Thoulouse. Simon of Montfort, went thither, and after several battles was slain by a stone thrown by a woman.

His army was put to flight.

THE first exploit of earl Remond’s son in this war was the taking of Baucaire, where he made himself master of the city, and afterwards reduced the castle by famine. Earl Simon not being able to relieve them, made a capitulation for those that were within, which was, that they should come forth only with their baggage. Earl Simon did there lose one hundred gentlemen, whom he had laid in ambush near the city, which the people perceiving, they sallied out upon them, and cut them in pieces.

The young earl Remond did very much signalize himself in this siege, and gave earl Simon to understand, that this young lord would prove a thorn in the foot of his son Aimeri, which would give him as much trouble and disturbance as he in his time had done his father.

The earl of Moutfort went thence to Toulouse, to ravage and plunder it.

The bishop had gone thither before him, and having told the consuls and principal men of Toulouse that they must appear before earl Simon; they accordingly went to him, but it was to their great detriment. For no sooner did they make their appearance, but he caused them to be bound; which being observed by some who could make their escape to the city, so hot and sudden an alarm was given therein, that all the people were up in arms before his arrival; but entering in by the castle Narbonne, they took several towers which yet stood out, and put themselves into some places, and having began to pillage and plunder near the castle, the people fortified themselves, and pursued with such violence the robbers and incendiaries, who had already set fire to some houses, that they drove them even to the castle Narbonne. Earl Guy came just in the midst of the engagement to the assistance of earl Simon his brother; but after a short skirmish he was constrained to fly after his brother. Earl Simon’s men were forced to retire, part of them to Stephens, part to the tower of Mascaro, and others to the bishop’s palace, where a great number of them were slain. The bishop who knew that he had been the occasion of this misfortune, he having persuaded the citizens to make their appearance before earl Simon, and earl Simon on the other hand to seize upon them, still continuing and proceeding in his treachery, went forth from the castle Narbonne, and entering the streets, would persuade the people to be quiet and easy; for that the earl designed to make up and conclude these differences with amity and mildness, and that they should not reject those overtures of peace. He represented so many things to them, that they at length gave ear to the reconciliation, seeing themselves naked of defense, and overawed by a tower and strong garrison; knowing well, that upon the arrival of the first supply of crusaders, their city would be exposed to be plundered. When the conditions of peace came to be proposed, the first article was that earl Simon would agree to nothing till all the inhabitants had first carried their arms to the town-house. He had much ado to get them to comply with this point, but they did at length yield. Which being done, earl Simon caused his men to advance, and so seizing upon the town-house, against a people naked and disarmed, and having ordered their arms to be conveyed to the castle Narbonne, he committed the principal men of the city to prison, sending them out of Toulouse wheresoever he pleased, and causing them to be treated with that cruelty and barbarity that a great many of them died by the way. Thus was Toulouse dispeopled of its chief inhabitants, and the rest put to their ransom. A little after, returning from the country of Bigorre, when he could not make himself master of the castle of Lourde, he discharged his choler upon that city, suffering it to be plundered and ravaged by his pilgrims, and then demolished the rest of the towers, which were yet standing round about the city.

The earl of Toulouse was in the mean time at Montauban, who hearing of the usage of his miserable and distressed subjects, could do nothing for some months but lament and condole their misfortunes.

About that time, the year 1214, the legate held a council at Montpelier, to recruit and renew the army of the church, and to establish the authority of earl Simon. The monk of Sernay tells us, that he was there declared prince of all the conquered countries which did belong to the Albigenses; and that with the joint consent of the whole council, they despatched the archbishop to Arabrun to the pope, to entreat his holiness, in the names of all the prelates, who had given their assistance at the said council, that he would pronounce and declare the earl of Moatfort, lord and monarch of all the countries conquered and taken from the Albigenses, which he did. The council sent to him to come and receive the dignity and title of prince and monarch. He made his entrance into the city, and being in the church of des Tables, where the prelates of the council were met to pronounce their sentence in favor of the said earl of Montfort, they heard a noise and uproar in the city, and sending to inquire the meaning and occasion of it, it was told them, that the people understanding earl Simon was come into the city, had taken up arms with a design to kill him, as being their capital enemy. He was advised to steal along by the walls of the city, and make his escape, for fear the council should suffer on his account. He therefore went on foot, without any attendance, that he might not be known at the gate, and so he escaped that great and imminent danger. Thus he saw himself in one and the same hour honored and adored almost like a god, chosen and saluted as prince and monarch, and forced to fly away in a disguise, and hide himself like a scoundrel for fear of the mob.

In pursuance of the resolution of that council, the pope in all his writings gave him the title of monarch, styling him the active and dexterous soldier of Jesus Christ, the invincible champion of the catholic faith; and in the year 1215, he sent him a bull dated the 14th day of the Nones of April, whereby he authorized him to retain all the conquered countries under his authority, granting to him the revenues, profits, and power of executing justice thereto, seeing, said the pope, that you neither can nor ought to make war at your own expenses. That bounty and liberality of the pope in giving away that with which he had nothing to do, obliged him to make a journey to France, to be invested in the dutchy of Narbonne, and earldom of Toulouse, and all the other countries, which the army of the cross had conquered and usurped from those they called heretics, or the favourers and abetters of them, which he obtained of the king. The monk tells us, it is impossible to describe the honors which were done him in his way to France, there being no city through which he passed, where the clergy and people did not come out to meet him, crying blasphemously. “Blessed is he who cometh in the name of the Lord.” For such, and so great, says he, was the devotion of the people towards him, that there was none but thought himself happy if he could but touch the hem of his garments. In the year 1216, Montfort returned from France with one hundred bishops, who had caused the croisade to be preached in their dioceses, resolving with that great army, to conquer and make himself prince and monarch of all those countries which had been given him by the pope: and to make it apparent, that he had not a treaty with Girard Adememar, Guitaud Lord of Monteil-Aimar, nor Aimar de Poitiers, otherwise than till such times as he should be in a capacity to destroy them, he passed the Rhone at Viniers, and laid siege to Monteil-Aimar. Guitaud or Girard made a stout and obstinate defense: but when the inhabitants saw the great army of crusaders, they entreated their lord to come to a composition, for fear the city should be pillaged; which he did though it cost him his own castle.

Thence he went to besiege the tower of Crest Arnaud, which the governor surrendered out of cowardice, otherwise it was impossible for the pilgrims to have taken it by force. After this earl Simon gave one of his daughters in marriage to the son of Aimar of Poitiers; and so was a peace concluded between Aimar of Poitiers, and the bishop of Valence, between whom there had formerly been carried on a long and tedious war. Earl Simon had a little before married one of his sons to the daughter of Dauphin de Viennois, and another to the countess of Bigorre. All which alliances strengthened him very much against his enemies. Every one stood in awe of him, and trembled at his presence, and with that great army of crusaders who followed him, he took Pesquieres near Nismes, and stormed Bezonce, putting all who were therein, even the very women, to the sword. He was marching to Toulouse to plunder and rase it, and to make search after the earl of Toulouse, though he were hid in the very bowels and center of the earth, when he received letters from his wife, begging him to make what haste he could to deliver her out of the hands of the earl of Toulouse, who had besieged her in the castle Narbonnes, signifying that he was strong and powerful, and had moreover all the people at his service, who received him with great acclamations and applauses, crying with a loud voice, “long live the earl of Toulouse.” That he was accompanied by his nephew the earl of Comminge, Gaspard de la Barre, Bertrand de Gorda, Enguerrand de Gordo of Caraman, Arnaud de Montagu, and Stephen de la Valette, all brave men, well furnished with soldiers.

About the year 1217, earl Remond entered into Toulouse with trumpets sounding, drums beating, and colors displayed. The people pressed to come at him, casting themselves at his feet, embracing his legs, kissing the hem of his garments, and slaying all those whom they found in the city, that sided with earl Simon. Whereas, if earl Simon had come directly to Montauban, at his return from France, earl Remond would not have known what course to have taken. But he made a stop at Monteil-Aimar, Bezonce, and Pasquieres, and delayed so long about the marriages, that he gave earl Remond opportunity to get together his forces, and prepare himself for a great assault; and to add to his mortification, when he received advice that his enemy was at Toulouse, the greatest part of his crusaders returned to France. However, he was obliged to go to Toulouse with those forces he had left; for his wife was in a fair way to be taken.

And he that had put so many women and children to death, was doubtful what might become of his own, if she should fall into the hands of his enemies.

Earl Remond created an officer, called a Provost, whom they all promised to obey upon pain of death. This was the first Provost who was established at Toulouse. His business was, to provide for the defense of the city, to keep the ditches clean, repair the breaches, and to appoint to every man his post, especially in time of war. There carne as succor from all parts to earl Remond, those who desired to have satisfaction for the violence and injuries of earl Simon.

Earl Guy was one of the first in the engagement in behalf of earl Simon his brother; but he was worsted and put to flight. The archbishop of Aix and Armagnac, and their crusaders, returned without fighting. Earl Simon at his arrival, made show as if he would besiege Toulouse. But the frequent sallies and irruptions of those who were within, gave him to understand how ineffectual his attempt would be. He therefore called a council of the prelates and lords, to advise with them what he had best to do. The legate perceiving earl Simon to be abashed and disheartened, said unto him; “Fear nothing: for we shall within a little time recover the city, and put to death and destroy all its inhabitants: and if any of the crusaders are slain in the encounter, they shall go directly to paradise as martyrs, and that this they ought firmly to believe.” Then said one of the chief commanders to him; “You talk with great assurance, Monsieur Cardinal. If the earl believes you, the war will not prove much for his advantage, for you and all the rest of the prelates and clergy are the authors of all this misery and destruction, and would be stirring up more, if they would believe you.”

It was not seasonable for the cardinal to take notice of, or resent that bold reply, and he was forced therefore to swallow that reflection. It was then concluded, that no farther assault should be given to the city, but that it should be blocked up on that side, which lies towards Gascogne.

Whereupon the earl of Montfort caused part of his army to pass the river towards Soubra. But those of the city made so strong a sally, and with such success, that they put their enemies to flight. During this engagement came the earl of Foix with fresh troops of his own subjects, with several of Navarre, and some Catalans, who furiously fell upon earl Simon, pursuing him and his men even to the brink of the Garonne, where with fear and precipitation, they flung themselves by heaps into their boats, and a great many of them were drowned in the river. The earl Simon likewise fell in, and had much difficulty to escape drowning.

Earl Remond caused a general assembly to be made at St. Saornin, wherein be exhorted the people to give God thanks for that beginning of victory, which they had obtained over their enemies, as a signal instance of the divine love and favor, and that they should therefore more firmly hope in him for greater mercies. He exhorted every one, to lend their helping hand to make and prepare the engines, in order to play against the Gastie Narbonnes, telling them, that if that place was lost by the enemy, it would complete their utter ruin and destruction; and if recovered by them, they should then be rendered safe and secure. They made ready, within a very little time, their wooden engines, to cast their stones, their slings, their mangonnels to shoot their arrows, their fowling-pieces, crossbows, other instruments, which were then in use: and the whole was planted against the castle Narbonnes; which did very much terrify and dismay those that were within.

The earl of Montfort being at Montolieu, took counsel how to behave himself in this tedious siege, and against enemies so animated and enraged.

The bishop of Toulouse, to comfort and encourage him, told him, that he must have a good heart for monsieur the cardinal had sent letters and messengers, throughout all the world, to procure him supplies, and that he would shortly be furnished with so great a number of men, as might enable him to do whatsoever he pleased. To whom the above mentioned Robert de Pequigny replied, that he spoke at his pleasure, and that if the earl of Montfort had not given credit to him, and such as he was, he would not have been involved in that trouble and perplexity, wherein he was now fallen, but might have continued in peace within; and that he was the cause and occasion of all the mischiefs, which they felt, and of the death of so many men, who were continually butchered, by means of his wicked and pernicious counsel. After several engagements, winter drew on, which stopped the course of the besiegers, retiring into quarters round about Toulouse, with much earnestness and impatience expecting fresh recruits of crusaders. Earl Remond, on the other hand, surrounded the city with a rampart, and fortified himself against the castle Narbonnes, and prepared himself for the reception of the crusaders, whensoever they should appear. He sent his son in the mean time to seek and raise recruits. At length, in the spring of the year 1218, there came to earl Simon one hundred thousand soldiers of the cross, and to earl Remond great supplies from Gascogne, led by Narcis de Moutesquiou, and the young earl of Tolllouse, and Arnaud de Viilemur did likewise bring him several fine troops. When this great number of crusaders had arrived, the legate and earl Simon being resolved to make them earn their pardons, commanded them instantly to scale the city, which was deferred till the next day: by which time they found other work to do; for the first night after their arrival, trusting and confiding in their vast multitude, so as to keep no good guard; the earl of Toulouse sallied out upon them with such success, that the field was covered with dead bodies. The Toulousians being weary of killing returned to give God thanks for his assistance.

Earl Simon entered the castle Narbonnes to discover, if there were any way thence to attack the city, but he found none; at which being much troubled and concerned, two of the lords of the cross advised him to come to some honorable composition. The cardinal Bertrand replied, there needed no task of that nature, and that the church was able to save him in spite of their teeth, if they spoke in favor of the Albigenses. One amongst them made answer; “Why, Mr. Cardinal, should you without any cause or reason, rob earl Remond and his son of that which was their own? If I had known as much, said he, of that matter as now I do, I would never have come upon this expedition.” The whole country was against earl Simon, which occasioned a famine in his army; but Toulouse, on the contrary, was plentifully supplied. Upon the eve of the day called John the Baptist, early in the morning, earl Remond’s troops made a sally out of Toulouse, crying, Avignon, Beaucaire, Muret, and Toulouse, killing all they met with. A soldier ran to earl Simon, and told him, that the enemy was come forth; to whom he replied, that he would first see his Redeemer, and afterwards he would see the enemy; there ran several others to him, crying, we are undone, if no body will head the army, which did fly before the Toulousians. He made answer, that he would not stir a foot from the mass, though he were there to be slain, till he had seen his Creator: so that had not the priest who sung the mass, clipt and curtailed it, for fear his ears should have been clipt, he had either been taken, or slain before the altar.

Naugiers 4 speaks of it as follows. At this rude and violent shock, earl Simon having mounted his horse, his horse was wounded in the middle of his head with an arrow, which he feeling, suddenly got the bit between his teeth, so that Montfort could neither stop nor manage him, but flew with him backwards and forwards in despite of what he could do to the contrary, which a soldier- perceiving from the city, took aim at him, and shot him with his cross bow through his thigh, with which wound, Montfort lost great store of blood, and finding himself very much pained therewith, he desired earl Guy his brother, to have him out of the crowd to stanch his blood. In the mean time, whilst he was yet talking with his brother, he received a blow with a stone, cast out of a mangonnel, or engine used to cast stones or darts withal, which some body discharged unwittingly, but it severed his head from his shoulders, so that his body fell dead to the ground. It was, saith Naugiers, a strange and miraculous accident; and by this may his successors know and consider, that he maintained an unjust quarrel, not to punish those who were renegades and apostates from the faith, but to harass and oppress his own subjects, loading them with miseries upon miseries, to ravish women and their daughters, to the end, that they might ruin and confound them, although at the same time performing the duty of subjects, and to seize upon and detain the goods and possessions of another, who, although he were a heretic, as Montfort imagined, yet he might in the twinkling of an eye, see his error, and amend his life. But he was blinded with an ambitious desire of reigning; which visibly appears from his ill usage, oppressions, and extortions, exercised against the innocent people of Toulouse, who honored, loved him, and prayed for his prosperity as their Lord. This skirmish and defeat happened in June, 1218.

This is the character which Naugiers the historian, who wrote in those days, hath given of this person, as of one who was led and blessed with passion, and insatiable avarice: but that which is worthy of our observation is, that he was not overthrown, till just at that particular juncture, when by three several councils, he had been pronounced and declared, sovereign and monarch of all his conquests, general of the armies of the church, restorer of the church, the son, servant, and darling thereof, and the defender of the faith; adored by the people, dreaded by the great, and the terror of kings. Thus as the proud and ambitious paricide, Abimeleck, was slain by a piece of millstone, cast by a woman from a tower, which brake his skull; so was that destroyer of the people, ruiner of cities, devourer of other men’s estates, slain by a stone cast out of a sling by a woman, as some historians have observed. The monk, on the contrary, makes the following exclamation “But who is he that can write or hear that which followeth? who can relate it without grief, or hear it without tears or lamentations? who is it, says he, that will not dissolve and sink away, when hearing the life of the poor to be taken away? he who being laid in the dust, all things fall and perish with him, by whose death all is dead? was not he the comforter of the Sorrowful, the strength of the weak, the succor of the afflicted, and a refuge for the miserable?” He had reason to speak thus: for when Montfort was dead, his whole army was dispersed. Bonaventure the legate, had only time to tell Aimeri of Montfort, that he was nominated and appointed by him, and the rest of the bishops then present, to succeed earl Simon his father in his conquests and offices; and then they immediately betook themselves to their heels, flying with the rest of the bishops of the cross, to Carcassone; and so great was their consternation, that they durst not stop at any place, for fear of being pursued. The crusaders disbanded themselves; saying, that they were not obliged to any further service, because their quarantins or forty days, were just expired. During this confusion, earl Remand sallied out of Toulouse, and gave the enemy so brisk a charge, that he drove them out of all their intrenchments, and did there make so great a slaughter among the crusaders, who were destitute both of courage and conduct, that he slew and cut in pieces all that were in the camp of Montolieu, and did much mischief to those that were encamped at Sobra.

There remained the castle Narbonnes, which still held out for the legate.

Aimeri of Montfort speedily assembled what troops he could get together in that confusion and disorder, and making what haste he could to the castle, he brought out the garrison by a false door, and fled after the legate, carrying along with him the body of his father, with great precipitation, to Carcassone. It was well for him that earl Remond did not pursue him, for the fear and dread of him was sufficient to have killed all the crusaders who were with him. But earl Remond retired with his troops, to provide for the preservation of the city and castle Narbonnes, which the enemy, when they left it, had set on fire. Moreover, he caused the bell to be tolled, that the people might go to give God thanks in their temple, for the happy and miraculous victory which they had obtained; in that this cruel and audacious Cyclops was overthrown, who several times had exposed them to be plundered and pillaged, rased their walls, demolished their rampires, battered down their castles, and ravished their wives and daughters, slain their citizens, spoiled their lands, and reduced their whole country to extreme misery and desolation. 6

CHAPTER - 3

Earl Remond recovered all that Earl Simon had taken from him in l’Agenois. — The Earl of Foix retakes Mirepoix from Roger de Leni. — The Earl of Comminge regains the lands which were detained from him by Joris. — Advantages of the Albigenses in Lauragues, — Expeditions of small effect after the death of Earl Simon. — Prince Louis took Marmande, and returned into France, after having summoned Toulouse to surrender.

EARL REMOND followed the victory, making himself master of the castle Narbonne, and fortified it against the crusaders, who, he knew, would return the year following. In the mean time he sent his son l’Agenois, who reduced Condom, Mermande, Aquillon, and other neighboring places, to the obedience of his father. Mirepoix, on the other hand, was besieged by the earl of Foix, who summoned Roger de Leni to surrender, telling him that he must not any more trust and rely upon earl Simon, for he was dead: that he ought to be contented with having so long and so unjustly detained that which was his. That if he provoked him to change his patience into fury, he would lose both his life and Mirepoix together. It was a great trouble to the marshal of the faith, for such was the vain title which the legate had conferred upon him, to deliver up that place; but he did at length give it into the hands of the earl of Foix. The earl of Comminge did likewise right himself against one Joris, to whom the legate had given all that which the soldiers of the cross had taken in his country; for he recovered all from him, and put him to death.

The spring following, in the year 1219, came Almeric, or Aimeri of Montfort to l’Agenois with some troops of the cross, to recover that which his father had there possessed; and to that end and purpose, he laid siege to Marmande; the young earl of Toulouse was going to the relief of the besieged, when he received advice from the earl of Foix, that he had taken a great booty of men and cattle in Lauragues, but he was afraid he could not bring them to Toulouse, without being engaged on the way by the garrison of Carcassone; he therefore desired that he would come to his assistance. Young Remond therefore marched thither, and came just as the earl of Foix was upon the point of losing his booty, being pursued by the viscount of Lautrec, and the captains, Foucat and Valas. 2 Being come to the engagement, Vails and Foucat loudly animated and encouraged their crusaders, saying, “We fight for heaven and the church;” which young earl Remond hearing, he cried out as loud to his men, “Be of good heart, my friends, we fight for our religion against thieves and robbers, shrouded under the cloak of the church. They have robbed enough, let us make them vomit it up again, and pay off the arrears of their thefts and robberies which they have heretofore committed.” Thereupon they gave them the charge. The viscount of Lautrec betook himself to flight; Foucat was taken prisoner, and all their troops cut in pieces. Captain Seguret an eminent robber, was taken and hanged upon a tree in the field. Thus did they come laden with victory and spoil to Toulouse, with their prisoners and cattle.

The siege of Marmaude continued, but without any progress or success; for Almeric having caused a general assault to be made upon the city, the inhabitants defended themselves with such bravery and resolution, that the ditches were filled with the dead bodies of the crusaders. This was just upon the arrival of the great expedition of prince Louis, who brought along with him thirty earls. An expedition for the raising of which, Bertrand, the legate, had written to king Philip in the following terms; “Do not fail to be in the confines of Toulouse, during the whole month of May, in the year 1219, with all your forces to revenge the death of the earl of Montfort; and I will procure, that the pope shall publish the croisade throughout the world, for your better aid and assistance.” Thus the legate commanded the king of France. His son came to Marmaude, and summoned those that were therein to surrender. They capitulated with him. He promised them their lives. Almeric complained of it, saying, that those were not worthy to live, who had been the death of his father. He called the prelates together, and declared to them his discontent, occasioned by that composition, in that life was granted to those that were the murderers of his father. All the priests were of opinion, that notwithstanding the promise made, they should all be put to death. Prince Louis was for having the composition stand inviolable. Notwithstanding this, Almeric caused his troops to slip into the city, with a charge to kill all, even so much as the women and children. They put his orders in execution, the prince was offended thereat, and thereupon left Almeric and the legate. In his way he summoned the inhabitants of Toulouse to surrender. They defended themselves against him. He received news of the death of his father, which occasioned him to return home. And thus, all the effects of that great expedition, by which it was intended to bury all the Albigenses alive, vanished away without any assault.

CHAPTER - 4

Alteration made in the war of the Albigenses, occasioned by the death of Pope Innocent III. — Change of the legate. — Death of Remond, Earl of Toulouse — Sickness of the Earl of Foix, the Lady Philippe de Moncade, his mother, and Dominic, the Inquisitor.

BERTRAND BONAVENTURE, the legate, being tired with the long fatigues of the war, perceiving that the danger thereof was greater than either the pleasure or profit, took occasion, under pretense of his age and impotency, to return to Rome. And besides, pope Innocent being dead, pope Honorius his successor, who had not carried on this war by his authority from the beginning thereof, knew neither the importance of it, nor how to manage and give directions in it: and therefore had need of the advice of his legate, to instruct and inform him by what means to continue and carry it on, and to acquaint him what profit and advantage would thereby accrue to the holy see. Bonaventure therefore entreated him to depute another legate, and told him that the necessity of that war was such, that it did not only concern the loss of all the countries taken from the Albigenses, which they might easily recover if they met with no greater opposition, but that the fate of the church of Rome did likewise depend thereupon, because the doctrine of the Waldenses and Albigenses did directly shake the authority of the popes, and undermine and overthrow the ordinances of the papacy.

That war had been very expensive, and cost them very dear. For within the space of fifteen years, one hundred thousand soldiers of the cross had been slain therein, who came at several times to end their lives in Languedoc, as if there were not graves enough elsewhere to bury them, or as if men in those days were obliged to be born in France, and to die in that war, fighting against the Albigenses. That all this would be lost, if they did not continue to harass and persecute them, until they were entirely destroyed. The pope made Contat his legate, whom he sent thither.

Now Almeric, although he was very valiant and courageous, yet he had not attained to that authority which his father had got, who had made himself, at the cost of the Albigenses, a great general, beloved of his soldiers, of wonderful courage and valor, patient in afflictions, indefatigable in labor, diligent in his enterprises, of great foresight, and provident for the necessities of an army; was very affable, but of an irreconcilable hatred to his enemies, because he hated them only to enjoy what they had, which he could not do till after their death, which he did what in him lay, to procure and accelerate, under the plausible color and pretense of religion. His son was a true inheritor of the enmity of his father, but dull and sluggish, and loving his ease, and altogether unfit for any action of moment and importance. Besides, he was deprived of the monk, Dominic, whom his father had always made use of to his very great advantage. For placing Dominic in the cities which he had conquered, he left. it to him to complete their destruction by his inquisition, which he could not do by arms. He died on the sixth of August, 1220, so rich and wealthy, that notwithstanding he was the author and founder of a begging order, the Jacobin monks, yet, he made it known before his death, that “a scrip well managed, is better than a rent ill paid;” for he left several houses, and much goods behind him, thereby showing that he made use of his scrip, only for a color and show of poverty; but that he thought good to get wherewithal to live otherwise, doth appear from the safeguard or protection which was given him by earl Simon a little before his death, the tenor of which is as follows. “Simon, by the grace and providence of God, duke of Narbonne, earl of Toulouse, viscount of Licestre, Beziers, and Carcassone, health and love. We command and enjoin you to take special care to preserve and defend the houses and goods of our most dear brother Dominic, as if they were our own. Given at Toulouse, December 13, 1217.”

The death of that monk was a great comfort to the Albigenses, who had persecuted them with such cruelty and violence. But they were on the other side much more weakened by the death of Remond, earl of Toulouse, the earl of Foix, and madame Philippe de Moncade, his lady.

The earl Remond died of sickness, very much lamented of his subjects. He was just, mild, valiant, and courageous, but too apt to give ear to those who advised him for his ruin. He was moved at first only with a true charity to his subjects, who made profession of the faith of the Waldenses: but afterwards having been basely and unworthily handled and treated by the pope’s legates, he knew both the cruelty of the priests, and the falsity of their doctrine, by the conferences and disputes which they had held in his presence with the pastors or teachers of the Albigenses. His epitaph was written in two Gascon verses. Non y a home sur terre per grand Segnor que sous.

Qu’em iettes de ma Ferre si la Gleisa non sous.

The author of the history of Languedoc tells us that he died suddenly, and was carried into the house of the friars of John’s hospital, and that he was not buried, because he died excommunicated. There was a head not long since showed at Toulouse, which was by some believed to be the head of earl Remond, which they said had always remained without burial. 2 But it is very improbable that he who died among his subjects, of whom he was lord, should have so little credit and respect after his death, as not to be interred; that he who by his courage and valor, had restored his subjects to their houses, and their city to its ancient grandeur and glory; that he should be cast out like a dog, whose death they all lamented as a father. It is neither true nor likely that they should deny him that last office of charity, which they did not refuse even to their greatest enemies; for the Albigenses were never known to have refused burial to any.

As to the earl of Foix, he was a prince of whom history gives this character and testimony — that he was a patron of justice, clemency, candor, magnanimity, patience, and chastity; a good warrior, a good husband, a good father, a good manager, a good administrator of justice, worthy to have his name honored, and his virtues related by posterity.

When this good prince saw that he must exchange earth for heaven, he met death with an undaunted bravery and resolution, rejoicing that he was to leave the world, arid the vanity thereof. He called his son Roger, and exhorted him to serve God, to live virtuously, and to govern his people with paternal care, keeping them under obedience to his laws, and so he gave up the ghost. Madame Philippe de Moncade followed shortly after, not without suspicion of being poisoned by some domestic enemy of the Albigenses, whose religion she zealously and devoutly professed. She was a princess of great and admirable foresight, faith, constancy, and loyalty.

She uttered before her death, several fine and sweet expressions, full of edification, both in the Castilian and French tongue, in contempt of death, which she received with a wonderful courage and constancy, tempering her words with most christian-like comfort and consolation, to the great edification of her friends.

The death of all these persons made a wonderful change and alteration in the war of the Albigenses on both sides.

CHAPTER - 5

Almeric of Montfort resigned the countries taken from the Albigenses, into the hands of King Louis VIII — Siege of Avignon. — The king sets up a Governor in Languedoc. — The war against the Albigenses is renewed. — Toulouse besieged. — Treaty of peace with Earl Remond and the people of Toulouse.

ALMERIC of Montfort was not so fortunate in the war of the Albigenses; for he had neither king Philip Augustus to permit him to raise crusaders, nor pope Innocent III. to order and appoint them. Besides, there was neither city nor village in France, without such whom the war of the Albigenses had made widows and orphans. Moreover, the prelates were put into great frights and fears by the fierce and bloody battles and engagements which were usually fought, and several had fled, leaving their mitres, and some abbots their crosses behind them. The talk of the expeditions of the cross were now grown less frequent. This hindered Almeric for a long time from enjoying his conquests, at which time being very much troubled and afflicted, he took his journey to France, and resigned to Louis VIII. all the right which he tendered to the said countries, and which the pope and the councils of la Vaur, Montpelier, and Lateran had given him. In recompense thereof, the French king made him constable of France, in the year 1224.

King Louis VIII. went into Languedoc, to put himself in possession thereof, and coming before the gates of Avignon, he was denied entrance, because professing the faith of the Albigenses, they had been excommunicated and given by the pope to the first conqueror. Avignon was not then the principal city of the earldom of Venescin as it now is; but belonged to the king of Naples and Sicily. The king being moved and incensed with that denial, resolved to lay siege to it, which lasted for eight months, at the end of which they surrendered themselves in 1225.

During this siege almost all the cities of Languedoc acknowledged the king of France’s authority, by the means and mediation of Amelin, archbishop of Narbonne. The king made Imbert de Beaujeu governor in Languedoc and returned to France; but he died by the way at Montpensier, in September, 1226.

The young earl of Toulouse had obliged himself, by promise made to the king, to go and receive the absolution of pope Honorins, and that afterwards he would restore him to the peaceable possession of all his countries; but the death of the king intervening, he saw the kingdom of France in the hands of king Louis IX. then a child, and under the tuition and government of his mother. He believed that having to do with an infant king and a woman, he might recover that by force, which he had given away by agreement. Which made him resolve to take up arms, strengthened and encouraged so to do by the succours and assistance of the Albigenses his subjects, who were now in hope to restore and maintain their party in its former vigor and power, during the minority of the king of France; but they all were mistaken in their projections and designs. For although Louis IX. was in his minority, yet he was so happy as to have a wife and prudent mother. For king Louis VIII. had before his death appointed her to be tutoress or guardian of his son, very well knowing her great capacity and sufficiency for such a charge. Moreover, Imbert de Beaujeu maintained the king’s authority in Languedoc, took up arms, and made head against earl Remond and the Albigenses. The queen sent him several troops, by the help of which he recovered the castle of Bonteque near Toulouse, which very much annoyed Imbert and his party. All the Albigenses who were found therein, were put to the sword, except one deacon who was set apart with those who would not abjure their religion, and by the command of the said hubert, Amelin the pope’s legate, and with the advice of Gyon, bishop of Carcassone, they were all burnt alive in the year 1227, suffering death with admirable Christian courage and constancy.

The more hot and violent the persecution grew, the more did the number of the Albigenses multiply and increase, which Imbert de Beaujeu perceiving, he took his journey to the court, and gave them to understand that without succours and assistance he could no longer preserve and defend the countries arid places lately annexed to the crown, and patrimony of France, against earl Remond and the Albigenses. During his absence, earl Remond took the castle of Sarrazin, one of the strongest places which Imbert had in his hands, and keeping the field he did very much annoy his enemies.

Imbert returned from France in the spring of the year 1228, followed by a great army of the cross, in which were the archbishops of Bourges, Aouch, and Bordeaux, each of them heading the crusaders under his jurisdiction.

Earl Remond retired into Toulouse, and was immediately blocked up, and all the country round about, insomuch that the harvest was wasted and spoiled. Being reduced to this extremity, Elias Garin, the abbot of Grandselve, came from Amelia, the pope’s legate, with an offer of peace to earl Remond and the people of Toulouse. He was received with great joy, as one offering bread and peace to a people famished, and tired with war.

Yet the more wise and perspicacious, who had a clearer insight into the event of things, knew well enough, that so soon as they had gotten earl Remond into their clutches, they would make use of him to persecute them, to establish and set up the inquisition, and kindle the fires again, and so ruin and destroy them both body and soul; but the reasons and allegations of those persons were overcome by the importunate cries of the famished populace, who could not discern the halter which was to strangle them. Besides this, the enemy had their agents and confederates even in Toulouse, who terrified and intimidated earl Remond, telling him, that he was not now to deal with Almeric of Montfort, but with a king of France, who wanted not strength and power to destroy them; that continual fevers kill men, and a long and tedious war would overwhelm and bury them all. Earl Remond gave his word to the abbot, to meet him upon a certain day at Vasieges, there to resolve upon what was to be done to bring the peace to a perfection; and in the mean time a truce was granted to the people of Toulouse for some days. Earl Remond met at the day and place appointed, as did likewise the abbot of Grandselve. After several proposals, and many overtures about the peace, the abbot made him believe, that it would be better for him to be in France than there; that seeing the affair did concern the king, the queen mother must be present thereat, as guardian and regent; and that so more might be done in a few days, than could else be effected in some years, because it was a business which required several journeys backwards and forwards, which perhaps would be long and fruitless; that he would engage his faith, that he should receive full satisfaction and content. Being overcome with these specious promises, he yielded to come into France, to what place soever the queen mother should be pleased to order and appoint him. Meaux was the place which he made choice of, and the time was fixed for his coming. He went thither, but was no sooner arrived, but he began to repent it, and was made sensible of his folly in giving credit to the words of a priest; especially knowing that his late father had fared so ill by trusting those who hold this for a maxim, “That no faith is to be kept with heretics or the favourers of them;” and that he being held and accounted for such a one, had no reason to promise himself better success.

There was now never a word said of a treaty, but of submission to whatsoever should be imposed upon him. He had no more his liberty to talk, for he was straitly and securely guarded, for fear he should again fly to the Albigenses. The author of the history of Languedoc, who though in other matters he was a very great enemy to the Albigenses, yet he could not write of this without commiseration and pity, so sad and deplorable was the condition of this lord. These are his words, “It was, says he, a lamentable sight to see so brave a man, who had stood out and made resistance for so long a time against so many men, come barefooted in his shirt and drawers to the altar, in the presence of two cardinals of the church of Rome, the one legate in France, and the other in England. But this was not all the ignominious penances inflicted upon him, for there were so many conditions or articles proposed in that treaty of peace, any one of which would have been sufficient for his ransom, if the king of France had taken him in the field fighting against him.”

CHAPTER - 6

Articles of the Treaty betwixt Remond, Earl of Toulouse, and the Pope’s Legate, Amelin, and the Queen Mother of Louis IX. King of France.

IT was an easy matter to finish and complete the treaty, for the articles were proposed to earl Remond, with this condition, that he should sign them without making any reply or demur.

Article I. That after earl Remond had begged pardon in the manner appointed, in his shirt, barefoot and bareheaded, with a torch in his hand, for all that he had done against the church, he should promise to defend the faith, and banish and expel the heretics out of his territories.

II. That he should yearly pay three marks of silver to the church so long as he lived.

III. That he should forthwith pay down the sum of six thousand marks of silver, for the reparation of the cities, castles and houses which were ruined and demolished by him or his father, during the late wars.

IV. That he should pay two thousand marks of silver for the reparation of the monastery, and for the maintenance of the monks of Cisteaux.

V. Five hundred marks of silver for the monks of Cleruaux.

VI. A thousand marks for those of Grandselve, and for the reparation of their monastery.

VII. Three hundred for the church of Belle Perche.

VIII. Six thousand marks of silver for the reparation of the castle Narbonnes; and that it should be held ten years by the legate in the name of the church.

IX. That he should give towards the maintenance of four doctors in divinity, two doctors of the canon-law, six masters of art, and two grammarians, who should read daily lectures, each of them according to his faculties, to such scholars as should come to Toulouse, the sum of four thousand marks of silver; of which, each master in divinity should have twenty-five, the doctor of law fifteen, and the master of arts ten marks a year for the space of ten years.

X. That he should receive the cross at the hands of the legate, and go beyond sea to fight against the Turks and Saracens, and should go to Rhodes, where he should tarry for the space of five years, and bring a certificate from the great master of Rhodes.

XI. That he should never, for the future, undertake any thing against the church.

XII. That he should wage war with the earl of Foix, and never make peace with him without the leave of the legate.

XIII. That he should raze and demolish all the wails, towers, and fortifications of Toulouse, according to the prescriptions of the legate.

XIV. That he should level and destroy thirty-five cities or castles, in which number the following shall be included; Fainaux, Castelnau d’Arri, la Bastide, Avignonnet, Pech Laurens, Sanct Paul, la Vaur, Rebasteins, Guaillac, Montague, Hautpec, Verdun, Castel Sarrazin, Montauban, Agen, Saverdun, Condon, Auterine, and others which the legate should name unto him, which he must never rebuild without his leave and permission.

XV. That if any of his subjects held any fortress or castle, he should cause him to demolish it, or upon case of refusal, he should make war with him, at his own costs and charges.

XVI. That he should deliver into the hands of the legate, Penne d’Agenes, and all the other places above mentioned, to be kept by him for the space of ten years. But if he could not obtain and enjoy them, he should try to gain them by war. And if he could not within two years make himself master of them, he should make his voyage beyond the seas as aforesaid, and resign his right of Penne to the templars, getting them to come over and conquer it. Which if they refuse to do, the pleasure of the legate is, that the king of France should conquer it.

But if he refuse to hold it when he hath taken it, that he cause it to be utterly razed and demolished, so that it may never be rebuilt.

XVII. That for the full accomplishment of all this, he should resign himself a prisoner into the hands of the king at the Louvre in Paris, whence he should not depart till he had first caused one of his daughters to be brought to Carcassone, and committed to the custody of the king, into the hands of those persons whom he should appoint and depute for that purpose.

XVIII. That he should likewise deliver the castle Narbonnes and Penne d’Agenes, and the other places into the hands of the legate. That he should cause the walls of the city, which were over against the said castle Narbonnes, to be demolished, and the ditches which were betwixt them to be filled up, so that a man might freely pass and repass without fear and danger. That the whole should be accomplished and performed before his departure and releasement out of prison. All which being done, the legate gave him his absolution, and delivered it in writing.

Thus you see the conditions of the treaty, between earl Remond and the pope’s legate. This great trouble and affliction of this prince was but the beginning, the first step to the misery of the poor Albigenses; for thence sprang the great persecution, whereby they were totally destroyed.

CHAPTER - 7

Pecuniary penalties laid upon the Albigenses. — Earl Remond is forced to make decrees against them — A Council at Tonlouse against the Albigenses, in which they were prohibited the reading of the Holy Scriptures. — Other constitutions against them. — Earl Remond’s daughter carried to Paris.

THE subjects of earl Remond, being advertised of that dishonorable and disadvantageous treaty of their lord, were exceedingly troubled and displeased at it, whereby they saw themselves upon the brink of total ruin and destruction; because thereby their lord was obliged to do what in him lay to forward their extirpation: besides this, they plainly saw they were to have a new master, who was their sworn and professed enemy. They also forced earl Remond at the same time, without giving him leisure to consider with himself, to sign the following statutes, at a time when he dared not contradict them. “I. To facilitate the payment of the respective sums, which he had bound and obliged himself to pay towards the convents, by way of penalty; they caused him to command and enjoin, that all his subjects who made profession of the faith of the Albigenses, should furnish him with a mark of silver a head. And this was to persuade him, that he ought not to look upon that condemnation as strange and severe, since the payment of the said sums would wholly lie upon the Albigenses.

Moreover, by this means they put all his subjects to the test; for so many as should refuse to pay the said mark of silver, were thereby known and taken notice of, so that it was a kind of inquisition, to single out, and discover all such as should be afterwards persecuted.

And that such as should continue and persevere in their religion, should be punished and sentenced to death, their goods confiscated, their wills rendered invalid and of none effect; so that. neither their children, nor any other of their relations, could recover or enjoy their inheritance.

II. That their houses should be utterly leveled and demolished.

III. He did likewise command and ordain, that all those who should refuse the inquisitors their houses, farms, and woods, or should protect and defend the heretics, or should rescue and deliver them when they were taken, or should deny the inquisitors their aid and assistance, or refuse to vindicate and defend them when they required it, or should not do their best endeavors to keep and secure such as the said inquisitors should apprehend, should suffer corporal punishment, and have their goods confiscated.

IV. That those who were suspected of heresy, shall take their oaths to live in obedience to the Romish faith, and renounce and abjure their heresy; and if they shall refuse so to do, they shall suffer the same punishment as the heretics. But if after the oath taken, it doth appear, that they have received, favored, or advised any heretic, they shall suffer whatsoever punishment the council shall think fit to inflict upon them.

V. We moreover ordain, saith he, if it shall appear, that any one who hath been an offender shall die a heritic, and that sufficiently proved and made out before the prelate; that his goods shall be confiscated, and the houses wherein he shall have dwelt since the treaty of peace made at Paris, or wherein he shall dwell hereafter, shall be utterly razed and demolished.” Thus, you see, what they caused earl Remond to sign and ordain, and from that instant they began to ruin and destroy those, when severed and by piece meal, whom they could never overthrow, when united and in conjunction.

Moreover, to give the better authority to the institution, they called a council at Toulouse, in the year 1229, at which were present the archbishops of Narboane, Bordeaux, and Aouch, and several bishops and prelates; where, among other articles which were there concluded upon, this decree shows with what spirit those prelates were acted and inspired. “We forbid and prohibit, say they, the books of the Old and New Testament to the laity, unless they will have the psalter, or some breviary for divine service, or the prayer book of the blessed virgin Mary for their devotion. Most expressly forbidding them to have the said books translated in the vulgar tongue.”

At that time did pope Gregory IX. also make constitutions against the Albigenses. And especially because he would stop the mouths of their pastors and ministers, who cried down and exclaimed against their humane inventions; he ordained, that all and every of the laity, of what rank or quality soever, should be prohibited from preaching.

King Louis IX. did likewise make statutes in conformity to those of earl Remond, as did also the emperor Frederick, which we shall not insert, since they all proceed from one and the same source and original. He who hath seen one, hath seen them all, for they tended only to make the kings, princes, emperors, and potentates, to set their hands to what they saw useful, and convenient for the persecution of those who withstood and opposed the ordinances of the popes; which they durst not refuse to do, under pain of having the self. same constitutions employed and executed against themselves.

After the treaty made with earl Remond, he was kept a prisoner until the payment of the sums therein specified; and in the mean time, Peter de Colmieu vice-legate went to Toulouse, to reduce the city under the obedience of the king. He caused the wall to be razed, and the towers to be demolished, that they might not any more be able to rebel against the king.

He did also bring Joan, the only daughter of earl Remond, to the queen mother, being no more than nine years of age, to be brought up with her, till such time as she was of age to marry with Alphonsus, the king’s brother. The removal of that young princess was a very great affliction to earl Remond’s subjects, foreseeing that this change of government would interrupt and destroy their peace and tranquillity.

CHAPTER - 8

The Earl of Toulouse solicits the Earl of Foix to submit himself to the obedience of the Pope. The practices he made use of to draw him off from the party of the Albigenses. — How he suffered himself to be managed by the Pope’s Legate.

THE earls of Foix, Comminge, and the prince of Bearn, were still to be conquered, or else to be won over to their party by crafty and subtle practices. Collnieu the legate, judged earl Remond to be the most proper person to effect the latter, and therefore he commanded him to write to the earl of Foix, and tell him, that he must either follow his example, or else resolve miserably to perish, He wrote to him in very friendly and amicable terms, telling him, that the union which had ever been between their two houses, obliged him to endeavor and procure his good and welfare as much as his own; that if he did not submit himself to the church of Rome, he saw such a storm likely to discharge its fury upon his head, as would inevitably prove his ruin and overthrow: that having a king of France for his enemy, it was utterly impossible for him to hold out against him: that he begged of him to receive his advice, together with the present which he made him, as a further proof and token of his love and friendship; that is, if he would comply with that submission towards the pope, and the court of Rome, he would hold him thenceforward quit and discharged of that homage, which he did him for the earldom of Foix. He intreated him to procure the earl of Comminge, and the prince of Beam, to make the same submission.

The answer of the earl of Foix was: — ”That he could not renounce his party, nor his faith, at a time, when he should give the world reason to suspect, that he had been influenced more by fear than reason; and that it was convenient, in order to so signal and advantageous a change as they expected from him, that the truth, not the allurement of promises, or the force of arms, should overcome. That he would see that vast number of crusaders coming, with which they threatened him, and trust in God. That he would then give them to understand the justice of his cause, and make them repent their rash and inconsiderate vow.”

Earl Remond was not satisfied with that answer, much less the legate, who found out another way to win him over to their party. There being some of his subjects within his dominions, and around about the said earldom, who being scared and terrified with the apprehension of their approaching ruin, they entreated him to have compassion on himself, and his miserable subjects, who would undoubtedly be destroyed by that last and violent attack. At the same time, the legate caused the earl of Toulouse to write to the principal men of the earl of Foix and his subjects, telling them, that there was an excellent opportunity offered to their lord of concluding his troubles, if he did not render himself unworthy thereof, by his obstinacy; that their only way to procure to themselves a firm and lasting peace, was to persuade him, as much as in them lay, to take hold of that opportunity, before the croisade was set on foot.

The subjects of the earl of Foix, partly with regard to their interest, partly for fear lest their lord, already well advanced in years, without wife or children, should leave them exposed to the mercy of the first conqueror, if he should die without a lawful heir, joined their humble prayers and entreaties to the pressing and cogent persuasions of the earl of Toulouse.

They by their tears and entreaties obtained that which the earl of Toulouse could never do by threatenings, prayers, and promises: for he promised them, that he would treat for their peace with the legate, and would accept of it for their good and satisfaction.

The pope was informed of the earl of Foix’s design, and with the former sent another legate into the earldom of Foix, the cardinal Ange, accompanied by the archbishops of Narbonne and Folae William de Torration, the bishop of Cousferans, Bernard de la Grace, Peter abbot of Bolbonne, John abbot of Comelonge, William abbot of Foix, Peter de Thalames, the legate’s lieutenant, Lambert de la Tour, and several others.

Being arrived at St. John de Berges, in the earldom of Foix, thither came also the earl of Foix, with the prime nobility, and principal men of his country.

The legate acquainted the earl of Foix with the great joy and satisfaction of the pope, when he heard, that after so tedious and cruel wars, and so many fierce and bloody battles, there were some hopes of seeing them peaceably concluded: that he was come from the pope to finish and effect that which was begun; that he had nothing more to do, but to know upon what terms he would resolve upon, and come to an accommodation, and to take his promise and oath of fidelity to the Roman pontiff, which it was necessary for him to make in such a case.

Earl Roger made the following reply to the legate and his assistants. “Gentlemen, I have long since bid adieu to rhetoric, having accustomed myself to make my speeches, and plead my cause by the point of sword and spear, which will excuse me to you, if in the terms of a soldier, I tell you my resolutions and designs. My cousin the earl of Toulouse hath procured, for which I return him thanks, our enemies to give us the hearing as to the reason and causes of our taking up arms, which they would never grant till now; and he desires moreover, that we would desist from opposing and making head against those, who would do us mischief, with this confidence and assurance, saith he, that the king of France will govern every one according to justice. Truly, I must tell you, that it was ever my desire to maintain and preserve my liberty. Our country owes but one simple homage to the earl of Toulouse, for making it an earldom. But it owns and acknowledges no other lord and master, but myself. As to the pope, I have never offended him; for he hath never demanded any thing of me, in which, as a prince, I have not obeyed him. He hath nothing to do to meddle with my religion; since every one ought to be free, and use their pleasure in that. My father did always recommend to me that liberty, that continuing in that state and posture, when even the heavens vanished away and were dissolved, I might be able to look up to, and regard them with an eye of confidence and assurance, firmly believing it to be out of their power to do me any harm. This alone it is that troubles me. For with this proviso, that the earl of Toulouse will hold me quit and discharged of the homage, which he pretends to have a right to from me, I am ready to embrace the king, and to serve him in the like quality and condition, so far as may be consistent with my other rights and privileges, which give me a regal and sovereign authority in this country. It is not fear, which makes me stoop to and comply with your desires, and which constrains me to humble my will so far, as coward-like to truckle to your appetite and desires: but being moved and incited by that benign and generous fear of the misery of my subjects, and the total ruin of my country, and out of a desire not to be counted factious, opiniative, and the firebrand and incendiary of France, it is that I yield to that extremity. Otherwise I would have stood as a wall impenetrable, and proof against all the assaults of mine enemies. I therefore give you a pledge of my friendship and affection, for the good of the peace in general. Take my castles of Foix, Montgaillard, Montreal, Vicdesos, Lordat, till such times as I have made that submission which you require.”

As to the earl of Comminge, and prince of Bearn, it was impossible for them firmly and resolutely to stand in their resistance, being deprived of those two pillars and supports, the earls of Foix and Toulouse. For they were weak both in men and money. Thus you see an end of the Albigenses to all outward appearance, when in the year 1234, there arose a natural son of the earl of Beziers, who took up arms in behalf of the Albigenses, or rather who begged their assistance to revenge the death of his late father.

CHAPTER - 9

The last war of the Albigenses carried on by Trancavel, a natural son of the Earl of Beziers. — The last expedition levied against the Albigenses — Peace concluded between Amelin the legate, and Trancavel — End of the war.

MATTHEW PARIS, 1 an English historian, saith, that in the year 1234, the war was renewed against the Albigenses; that a great army of the cross came against them; and that they lost above one hundred thousand men at one fatal engagement, with all their prelates that were present thereat, not so much as one escaping.

He must have been misinformed; for the author of the history of Languedoc, who wrote all the passages and transactions of those times, bath made no mention of it; and it is not probable, that he would have forgotten, and passed by with silence, so eminent and signal a victory over the Albigenses, whom he mortally hated. True it is, that about the same time that the earls of Foix, Toulouse, Comminge, and the prince of Beam, took their part, and were their leaders and generals; Trancavel, a natural son of the late earl of Beziers, did then bear the character of a private person, of little note or power. But when the Albigenses were destitute of all prop or support, there was not wanting those who stirred up and awakened that soldier, telling him, that if he would resent the injuries and outrages done to his late father, unjustly robbed of his possessions, betrayed, imprisoned, and poisoned, they would give him their utmost aid and assistance. He took the field, saying that he would revenge the death of his father, and recover that by the sword, which had been taken from him by violence and injustice. He was assisted by several valiant captains, Oliver de Fumees, Bernard Hugon de Serelongue, Bernard de Villeneuf, Jordan de Satiat, all brave commanders, who had a great many men at their service; and before the enemy took notice of his design, he seized upon the castles of Montreal, Saisac, Montolieu, Limous, and other places.

Peter Melin the pope’s legate and the prelate of Toulouse, being very much surprised and astonished to see the party of the Albigenses revived, which they thought was entirely buried and destroyed, had recourse to the usual methods of the pope arid his agents, that is, to cause the pardon of sins to be preached to all those who would take upon them the cross, a kind of pay which was of no value, but most current in those days. The archbishop of Narbonne did likewise animate and stir up the people of his diocess, to go and complete the destruction of the few remaining Albigenses.

Those priests came with their troops before the gates of Carcassone. The city received them; but when they come to the borough, the gates were shut against them. Amelin made a speech to those who presented themselves upon the ramparts, telling them, that he was only come for their preservation. They returned him thanks, and to make short with him, they told him, that if he did not instantly retire, they would drive him thence. Just upon the point of their dispute came Trancavel, who set upon the legate’s crusaders with that courage and fury, that he pursued and slew them even to the gates of the city of Carcassone, and the legate had much ado to escape himself: but thai which most moved and offended them, was, that the gates of the borough were opened to Trancavel, who lodged himself in the borough, and made that his principal place of retreat, whence he daily annoyed the crusaders of the city, so that they hardly durst go out of the gates. And when he knew of their coming, he went to meet and give them a reception, laying ambushes in their way, and often defeated them before they could join the legate.

This person kept the field until the year 1242; because when crusaders were demanded to go against a bastard of the late earl of Beziers, it was the general opinion, that the forces levied in the province were sufficient for the destruction of so weak and inconsiderable an enemy. But Amelin wrote to the pope, that if he did not in good earnest cause the croisade to be preached in several places of Europe, the papacy was likely to receive much damage and mischief from this last enemy, who had again renewed the party of the Albigenses, and was more subtle and cruel than any of the others, who had hitherto maintained their cause.

Innocent IV. caused the croisade to be published in divers places of Europe. Trancavel being informed that a very great army of crusaders was coming to pour out their fury upon him, finding himself not strong and secure enough in the borough of Carcassone, he retired to Realmont, whither he was followed and besieged by the papists. He made a stout and relute resistance; and having several times defeated the cross-men, at length Amelin seeing that there was no good to be done with a man, who, when they thought they had him closely and securely blocked up, was several days journey off, raising new recruits, he entreated the earl of Foix to do his best endeavors to bring him to some treaty or composition, which he performed with such advantage and success, that he promised never to take up arms again against the legate or the church of Rome. This is the last attempt which, as we find, the Albigenses ever made, and the last expedition of crusaders levied against them. The persecution against them was afterwards wholly managed and carried on by the monks inquisitors, who kindled the fires more fiercely than ever. Thus taking these poor people single and disarmed, it was utterly impossible for them to hold out or subsist; and if they did at any time assault and set upon the bloodthirsty inquisitors, it was only out of resentment for their cruelty and violence.

CHAPTER - 10

Several monks inquisitors, and officers of the Inquisition slain. — Pope Innocent IV. treated Earl Remond very disgracefully. — Remond takes a journey to Rome; goes to Rhodes; and dies at Milan.

IN the year 1243, earl Remond having discharged the pecuniary penalties inflicted on him, and being returned to his subjects, several of the country complained unto him of the unjust proceedings of the monks inquisitors, who involved all sorts of persons in their punishments without distinction, either as heretics, or else as the favorers and friends of them, not being contented and satisfied with proceeding against those who made open profession of the faith of the Albigenses; so that horrid and notorious robberies were committed under color of the inquisition. This accusation and impeachment of the inquisitors were made before earl Remond, in the presence of five inquisitors, and four officers of the inquisition, William Arnaldi monk inquisitor, two other Jacobin monks; Remond de l’Escrivain archdeacon of Toulouse, the prior of Avignonet of Cluze, arid Peter Arnaldi secretary to the inquisition, with three others of Avignonet, in the diocese of Toulouse.

The monks inquisitors would make their reply, and took occasion from this accusation to draw up indictments against those who had impeached them to the prejudice of their honor, uttering threatening expressions against them; which occasioned those who had thus enraged and provoked them, to consider with themselves, that since they must fall into the clutches of the said inquisitors, and be ruined by them, it was better for them to rid themselves of it at once, and they might be a warning to others to act with more prudence and moderation. Thus growing daily more sharp and violent in their words, they fell at length to blows: but the monks inquisitors and the officers of the inquisition came off with the worst of it; for, according to the author of the history of Languedoc, nine of them were slain in the fray, the five monks, and their four officers.

Earl Remond sufficiently made it appear, that he did no ways consent to this riot; for he made a strict and diligent search after the authors of that sedition, and yet notwithstanding all his endeavor, he could not evade the suspicion of it. The same historian tells us, that the heinousness of the fact, constrained the authors of it to take up arms, and stir up a kind of a second war, but no other historian hath made mention of it besides himself. Which shows it to have been but a very inconsiderable commotion. Much about this time came pope Innocent IV. to Lyons. Here he thundered out his anathemas against the murderers, as he named them, and did not look very pleasantly upon earl Remond, whose request he very rudely denied, which was, to procure his dispensation to marry his cousin Beatrix, the daughter of Berenger earl of Provence. We are told by the same historian, that in the year 1247, Remond went to Rome, to get leave to inter the bones of his late father in consecrated ground, which was refused him, because he died excommunicated. He likewise saith, that in the year 1246, when earl Remond intended to take his voyage to Rhodes, lie died at Milan of a continued fever.

CHAPTER - 11

Alphonsus, brother of King Louis, took possession of the goods of Remond, late Earl of Toulouse. — The persecution continues against the Albigenses, until the Gospel found admittance in France. — Then the greatest part of those places wherein the Albigenses dwelt, readily received the Reformation.

THE change of their ruler altered the condition of the Albigenses; for earl Remond being dead, Alphonsus the brother of king Louis took possession of all the lands, goods, and revenues of the said earl; and all the hatred and ill-will, which the popes and clergy bore to the house of Toulouse did consequently terminate and cease; as to the places which he was obliged by treaty to deliver into their hands, there was no further occasion to insist upon those terms; because Alphonsus, not being suspected of treachery to the pope and church, peaceably enjoyed whatsoever belonged to him. But one good turn requires another: and therefore as by the wars which the popedom had undertaken against the earls off Toulouse, he was put in possession of earl Remond’s estate, so was he in point of gratitude obliged to see that the pope was honored in his dominions. To that end, he redoubled the inquisition, witness the monk Rainerius, who was inquisitor in the year 1250, who hath left us all the form of their proceedings in writing, the copy of which is contained in the History of the Waldenses. Pope Alexander IV. authorized the said inquisition by letters which we have in our hands.

The continuation of the persecution carried on by the said inquisition, is proved by the constitutions of pope Clement IV. in the year 1264.

Likewise in the year 1276, under John XXII. they were persecuted with the utmost rigor and severity, as appears by the letters of the said pope against them.

In the year 1281, under Martin IV. the persecution was again stirred up in the quarters of Albi, for there was then a great number of persons who made profession of the faith of the Albigenses.

EXTRACT OF THE PRIVILEGES OF THE CITY OF REALMONT.

To the honor of God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, the Creator of all things visible and invisible, and the glorious Mother of God, who alone hath destroyed all heresies. “WE, William de Gourdon, captain and president of Carcassone and Beziers, make known to all people, that we strictly order and command, in the name of our most excellent sovereign Philip, by the grace of God, the most serene and illustrious king of France, near the castle of Lombes, in the diocese of Albi, called Realmont, for the promotion and advancement of the Roman faith, and the extirpation of heresy, and for the good and advantage of the lord our king, and his subjects; and to the end, that the holes and hiding places of those who join in belief with, or favor the heretics, should be wholly and at once destroyed in this colony, and that by the commandment and authority of the king; and as for the innumerable offspring of heretics and fugitives, because the perversity of heretics is so wicked and damnable, that the punishment ought not only to be inflicted upon them, but also upon their posterity; we order and command, that the children of heretics, who shall not willingly, and of their own accord, renounce and forsake their error, and return to the purity of the Roman faith, and the unity of the Roman church, shall in the city of Realmont, or the territories thereof, be excluded from all places of honor, and public offices. The same orders shall be likewise observed with respect to the children of fugitives for heresy, who shall not before their departure have voluntarily renounced their heretical principles; moreover, those who shall believe, conceal, and favor heretics after they have been openly pronounced and declared such by the inquisition, shall be banished for ever from the city of Realmont, their goods confiscated, and their children wholly excluded from all public honors, dignities and preferments, excepting those that do impeach and discover such heretics, and join in the pursuit and search after them.”

This is the last instrument which hath come to our hands, that proves the persecution of the Albigenses. But although it is most certain that they were continually harassed and persecuted by the inquisition, yet could their enemies never so far prevail over them, but that they lay concealed like embers of fire among the ashes, longing and desiring to see that which their posterity enjoyed; the liberty of invocating and serving God in purity, without being forced and compelled to adhere to superstition or idolatry; and so privily instructing their children in the service of God, the fruits of their piety did appear, when it pleased the Lord, afterwards to permit the light of his gospel to shine forth in the midst of the obscure and cloudy darkness of antichrist. Then several of those places, where the faith of the Albigenses had formerly been professed, greedily received the doctrine of the gospel, and especially the city of Realmont, where the preceding thunderbolts were published. Notwithstanding that great interval or space of time, during which they seemed invisible, and did not appear, yet did not the Lord cease to carry on his work, and to show that he can preserve his faithful servants in the midst of the corruptions and confusions of Babylon, as precious stones in a dunghill, as wheat amongst chaff, and as gold in the fire. And although instructions were not handed down from the father to the son, until the time of the reformation, yet did not God cease to be wonderful in his goodness, in that several of the same places, which had been watered with the first dew of his grace, were plentifully enriched with his heavenly blessings in these latter times. A very proper incitement to spur them on to a double love of the truth, which hath been freely manifested and made known unto them, and to bring forth fruits worthy thereof; as it ought likewise to be matter of extreme sorrow and regret, to those places which have despised and rejected it, that God hath abandoned and given them up to their senses, and left them in that darkness, which they loved, revenging their contempt and ignorance of his word, and suffering those to perish in their error, who have admired and preferred it before the truth.

CHAPTER - 12

Conclusion of this History of the Albigenses . IT is easy to gather, from the contents of this history of the Albigenses, that the people inhabiting the country of Albi, Languedoc, and several other neighboring places, made profession of the same faith with those, who were called Waldenses, since their enemies themselves have declared and affirmed, that they persecuted them as Waldenses. The chief troubles and afflictions which they suffered and endured, were procured by the priests, whose corruptions and abuses they discovered and cried down, maintaining the gospel in its native purity, in opposition to the pope and the court of Rome, refusing to adhere to, and comply with the prevailing idolatries of their time: but above all, abhorring and detesting the invention of transubstantiation, condemning the title and authority of the popes, as abusive and tyrannical, nothing resembling that humility which becomes true pastors of the church, and carrying in it no likeness or conformity to the doctrine and vocation of the apostles; but is rather a piece of pride and pageantry, very suitable for those who love the world, and perish therewith. By reason of this liberty which they took to correct and reprove those, who thought that the sole right of reproof belonged to themselves, exclusive of all others; those their bitter enemies were moved to charge them with crimes and condemned them as rash and profane laymen, who intruded upon the office of teachers, when they ought rather to have learned in silence. The popes, not being able to win them over to obedience to their injunctions and commands, nor convince them of error by the word of God, persecuted them by the monks inquisitors, who delivered up as many to the secular magistrate, as they could apprehend.

But because this way seemed too weak and insufficient, to destroy and make an end of them, the popes drew their swords, and armed their cardinals and legates against them, and incited the kings and princes of the earth to those cruel and bloody wars, promising paradise for a recompense to all who would take up arms, and hazard their lives, in fighting forty days for their extirpation. Several rulers had the curiosity to inquire into the cause of this irreconcilable hatred of the popes against their subjects, and finding those that were offended at the truth, to be biased and transported with passion, they maintained their cause for this reason, that when they should be convinced of their error by the word of God, they might give him the glory of it. This defense provoked and enraged the popes, who turned and discharged their wrath against such princes and lords who opposed them, to the titter ruin and destruction of their families. Thence proceeded those cruel and bloody wars, in which a million of men were slain. In the mean time, when the truth seemed to be wholly extinct and buried, and the dragon to have got the victory; God raised up in several places, where his grace had been known and received, several glorious churches in which he was worshipped in purity, in spite of Satan, and all his infernal instruments.

To God therefore, who hath begun to destroy the son of perdition, by the breath of his Spirit; to the Son of God, who hath redeemed us by his precious blood, be all honor and glory for ever. — Amen.

APPENDIX TO BOOK THE MEANS BY WHICH THE PAPAL APOSTACY WAS SUSTAINED

NOTHING can be more delightful to the “servants of iniquity” than the papal system. Heathen and antichristian Rome are exactly assimilated. The former originally was the refuge of outlaws and profligates, and the den of assassins; and the latter is the metropolitan residence of the abandoned of both sexes and the chiefs of all classes of sinners. It was first built on the fratricide of Remus by Romulus; and popery was erected upon the murder of the emperor Mauritius. The usurper Phocas, having butchered the entire imperial family, nominally expiated his atrocious crimes by the enthronement of the “Man of Sin,” as a commutation for his regicide, and as the price of the pontifical absolution.

As the Roman apostacy began in bloodshed and violence, so it is indebted for its prolonged existence to that diabolical operation. Like the imposture invented at Mecca, for the Arabian Apollyon employed the sword and military coercion to extend his direful dominions; the Roman pontiff who usurped the highest seat “in the temple of God, as God,” introduced the faggot, and kindled one wide-spread fire as the efficient method to reduce all men to his faith, and obedience to his will. Compulsion and cruelty are essential characteristics of the papacy, so that bonds, covenants, treaties, and even oaths, all are phantoms, when Babylonish rage is to be exercised upon a denounced heretic. Persecution in its most satanic forms and spirit is the “body and soul, the life and spirit, the strength and aliment,” of popery — and the glory and joy of all popes, cardinals, prelates, and massmen, with their monkish confraternities of friars and nuns. So insatiably leech-like is its ravening for blood, that when it cannot glut its revengeful and carnivorous appetite, and become “drunk with the blood of the saints, and of the martyrs of Jesus,” the priestly worshippers of “the Beast,” intoxicated with the wine of the “Mother of Harlots,” will gorge the blood of their own deluded myrmidons; of which the simultaneous indiscriminate slaughter Of every Frenchman in Sicily, at the vespers, and the butchery of every papist, with the Waldenses, in Beziers; and the burning of Protestants and Romanists in the same fire, by Henry VIII., are oracular self-evident proofs — whence it is undeniable, that “he who can choose such a diabolical religion, deserves to be tortured within its grasp, that it mat/be his condign punishment, as well as his abhorrent crime.” One solution only can be given to the strange inquiry — How men so proverbially monstrous in all wickedness, who have no counterparts in the annals of mankind, except Sardanapalus, Caligula, Nero, and Heliogabalus, with their compeers; the popes, cardinals, patriarchs, and prelates, those successors of Judas, so long could have been supported? The reply is this — The universal degeneracy of all orders of the people induced them to “believe the doctrines of devils, to wander after the beast, and to engage in idolatry.” Awhile the easy commutation for their felonies and ungodliness by auricular confession, penance, and absolution, encouraged them to maintain that “all deceivableness of unrighteousness” which same-titled their vicious indulgences in their widest range, and pacified their consciences by the guaranty of pardon, security, and heaven.

It is a most extraordinary character of the entire period between the death of Theodosius and the end of the fifteenth century that all the discordant schemes, conflicting events, and inimical persons, by the unequaled craftiness, and the sleepless exertions of the papal hierarchy, were amalgamated into one resistless machine,. the perpetual motions of which invariably promoted but one object, the triumphant death-dealing tyranny of the “Man of Sin, the son of perdition.” Some of the monarchs and princes bowed down to the pope from superstition; others from servility; many from expediency; and the majority of them from terror. But even that transfer of their kingdoms and “power to the beast,” by the potentates of Europe, would have been insufficient to fortify and perpetuate the papal edifice of every diversified “abomination,” which like the “smoke out of the bottomless pit, darkened the sun and the air,” had not the priestly celibacy embodied around the pope, a universally dispersed and innumerable army of “unclean spirits,” friars, monks, and nuns; whose licentiousness and arrogance could not otherwise have been satiated; and had not those “spirits of devils;” Revelation 16:12-14, obtained an unlimited sway over all the people, by being the authorized depositories of every individual’s character, business, secrets, and reputation, in consequence of the knowledge acquired at confession!

The history of the popedom during the whole of its destructive predominance, and the condition of every nation subject to its ruthless despotism, especially as contrasted with the annals of the Protestant nations, and in exact proportion as they have discarded all connection with that “mystery of iniquity, and working of Satan,” incontrovertibly demonstrates; truthful as the axioms of geometry — that it is “strong delusion” to expect any amendment in the papacy, or any melioration of the Romish priesthood, or any sterling intellectual and moral improvement of the minions who bow down to the ecclesiastical usurper of Rome as their “Pontifex Maximus,” and “Lord God upon earth,” until the popish auricular confession is denounced as merely a cover for shameless impurity, and the Romish priestly celibacy is branded as a public license for sin to those “GENTILES! who walk in the vanity of their mind; having the understanding darkened; being alienated from the life of God through the ignorance which is in them, because of the blindness of their heart,” Ephesians 4:17-19; speaking lies in hypocrisy, having their conscience seared with a hot iron; forbidding to marry, 1 Timothy, 4:1-3; and who being past feeling, have given themselves over unto lasciviousness, to work all uncleanness with greediness” — that auricular confession and priestly celibacy, as taught and practiced among the papists, from the Vatican to the nun’s cell, and the confessional, are nothing else than all-potent incentives to those “unfruitful works of darkness,” and of “those things which are done by them in secret,” of which “it is a shame to speak.

Moreover, notwithstanding all the corruption which characterized the convents and the nunneries, they maintained their ascendency over the benighted multitudes; and when we remember the ignorance even of all the adherents of the monkish institutions, except the few chiefs of the orders, and the comparatively small number of the initiated agents, who secretly propelled the main spring of the machinery, we cannot be surprised, that those who were induced to commingle all that was dignified and delightful in this world, with the pope’s passport to heaven, as the only guaranty of joy in the world to come, should have enthusiastically yielded themselves to the support of a religion that admitted every vicious indulgence for money; and which insured an entrance into the kingdom of heaven to all who could purchase the preliminary papal absolution.

The grand buttress however of the western antichristian apostacy consisted in the facility with which the various nations imbibed those “damnable heresies,” 2 Peter 2:1-3, which apparently hallowed their depraved inclinations; and in their enthusiastic attachment to that gorgeous ceremonial which rendered their heathenish idolatrous mummery a sensual gratification. Like their Babylonian ancestors “in the plain of Dura,” they worship any pageant exalted before them. “At what time the Chaldeans heard the sound of the cornet, flute, harp, sackbut, psaltery, dulcimer, and all kinds of music, they fell down and worshipped the image” that had been set up by Nebuchadnezzar. Daniel 3:1-30. Thus pomp and music infatuated the ignorant modern Babylonians, so that “all ranks and degrees of persons clubbed to support the papistical delusions; and every one contributed all his earnings, to manufacture and adorn, and sustain that\parGOLDEN CALF!”

Of the four general denominations of the efficacious causes by which “the beast, to whom the dragon gave his power, and his seat, and great authority,” Revelation 13:2, attained and prolonged his diabolical supremacy, two only need to be mentioned in connection with this development.

Terror . — The increasing gloom which the papal artificers, combined with the furious enthusiasm of the ecclesiastical Janizaries, diffused among the “ten horns of the beast,” Revelation 17:12-18; sanctioned the enforcement in practical operation of every absurdity which could degrade and stupify the intellectual faculties. The dread which the Celts, the Goths, the Huns, and the Vandals had been accustomed to feel for the chief arch-juggling Druid was transferred to the triple-crowned wizard of Rome; who at length proclaimed, that all persons who did not wear his yoke forfeited not only all civil rights and immunities, but also all the claims of humanity; whence, during a thousand years, all Europe was incessantly filled with pillage, war, massacre, and desolation, while the whole world lay in wickedness, ignorance, guilt, and wo.

The origin of the extensive and protracted influence of the horrid papal excommunication, and the infernal power associated with it, must be imputed to this corrupt transfer from paganism. “Upon the pretended conversion of the uncultivated nations to the Gospel, those new and ignorant proselytes of northern Europe confounded the excommunication in use among Christians, with their own barbarous practice, which had been adopted by the priests of their imaginary idols; and consequently they believed that the curse of the Druid and the anathema of the massman were similar both in their nature and effect. The Roman pontiffs were too artful not to encourage and countenance that error; and therefore employed every means to gain credit to an opinion so well calculated to gratify their ambition, and to aggrandize the episcopal order. Excommunicated persons indeed, had long been considered in all places, objects of aversion to God and men;, but they were not divested of their civic rights, or of the common privileges of human nature; much less were kings or princes, on account of exclusion from the church, supposed to forfeit, on that account, their official stations and territories. But from the eighth century, in Europe, excommunication dissolved all connections; so that those who were excluded from the communion of the church were degraded to a level with the beasts. Under this horrible sentence, the king, the ruler, the husband, the father, even the man, lost all their privileges, the affections of society, and the claims of nature.” What could resist a sentence thus consecrated, and supported by all the numbers, energies and arms of national power and general combination?

It was not the actual miseries which visibly succeeded the sentence of excommunication alone, that debased the mental and corporeal capacities of the people, but also the phantoms promulged respecting the fire of purgatory. Those chained the terrified victims of the antichristian despot in inextricable vassalage. The apprehensions of eternal torment, of that worm which never dieth, were trifling, contrasted with the constant dread of that region of fire which was ever present to their sensibilities and imaginations. The besotted crowds were instructed to believe, that from hell, deliverance at death would assuredly follow, provided they had put chased a sufficiency of prayers from the priests, and had paid the desired price for the meritorious works and intercession of the priests and patron saints: but from the tortures of purgatory it was impossible — said those sorcerers by whom “were all nations deceived” — under any pretext to obtain the smallest deliverance. The “lying wonders” which were invented and which still are displayed to enliven the stinging acuteness of the popular mind on this topic almost defy credibility. The monkish harangues were little more than simulated delineations of that invisible country, accompanied with images and pictures of souls “roasting in purgatory;” and interspersed with unspeakably ridiculous narratives of the most stupid, fictitious miracles, wrought, as they impudently affirmed, by Roman saints and monks to release the sufferers from their agonies. Thus, as the self-deluded multitudes supposed, for there were “like people, like priest;” the reality of that “burning fiery furnace” was evinced, while their own mysterious connection with that tremendous state of wo, and the sovereign powerful influence over all its destinies held by the juggling friars were convincingly and fully developed.

Persecution . — ”Persecution is the vital spirit of popery.” Although from the exaltation of “the Man of Sin,” the witnesses commenced and continued their prophesying in sackcloth, yet the hell-born dogma had not been promulgated as infallible, that the Gospel enacted the torture and death of all persons who rejected “theLIE” of popery, 2 Thessalonians 2:3-12, and the sorceries of apostate Rome, the condemned mystical Babylon, Revelation 17, and 18: During several centuries, the bloodthirsty pontifical tools of Phocas, Irene, and their like-minded fellow despots, had been encompassed by Providential restraints, which even the haughty pontiffs did not attempt to demolish. But when the haughty “HELL-BRAND” Gregory had contrived to center in the pope a supremely unlimited, and almost an undisputed prerogative to dethrone emperors, banish kings, crush princes, and degrade all authorities civil and ecclesiastical; — when the hardships of the papal usurpations were more acutely realized, and the odious characteristics of the Roman beast were developed in all their debasing, vindictive, and appalling qualities; a large and extensively diffused augmentation to the numbers, piety and learning of the opponents of the Romish apostacy almost simultaneously was manifested. It was determined therefore if possible, to crush the impending audacity, which would dare to trample upon the beast’s authority.

Two measures were eventually adopted, to silence all present murmurers, and to terrify others from any future commotion. “Christians did not always assume the badge of the cross to annihilate infidels. The madness of bigotry, and the spirit of persecution” produced a croisade for the destruction of the servants of Jesus. In the southern provinces of France, particularly, resided considerable multitudes of persons who had become very obnoxious to the popish church and clergy, on account of their aversion from the prevalent doctrinal errors, and the universal ambition of those who filled the ecclesiastical orders; and at length, they refused to acknowledge as ministers of the holy religion of Immanuel, men totally destitute of humility, meekness, self-denial and philanthropy. Innocent III.

Pope in the earlier part of the thirteenth century, alarmed at their principles and opposition to his claims, with that of the subordinate papal adherents, resolved to extirpate them by force, or convert them by intimidation. A croisade was proclaimed, indulgences granted, pardons issued, absolutions distributed, and heaven promised to all who would engage in the execrable design. The Albigenses, Waldenses, and their associates, by whatever denomination they were known, were pursued by their insatiably cruel persecutors, and myriads expired by the swords of those blood-hounds. Their cities were pillaged and razed, their inhabitants were butchered with all the insensibility of the blind zealots who are so benighted as to believe that in martyring those “of whom the worm was not worthy,” they were really doing God service. The besotted monks were wandering incendiaries, who generally commenced the work of devastation by enkindling the conflagration in which the towns and villages with their inhabitants were consumed. During the infernal fury of those “great tribulations,” one million of Christians at least, it is justly calculated, were slaughtered in “the wilderness,” whither they “who kept the commandments of God, and who had the testimony of Jesus Christ” had fled for “peace and safety.”

But it was discovered that an armed force embodied in military array, was altogether insufficient to extinguish the light which was so rapidly disseminating, and the conviction that was secretly developing its power, that the Roman pontiff was the beast predicted by Daniel and John, and therefore the great antichrist. Armies can depopulate cities and towns; but they cannot enter into that minuteness of scrutiny which investigates every householder’s library and heart. A new machine was therefore invented, which should not only coerce the bodies, but also enslave the souls of men. The persons who began to dissent from the Romish superstitions were dispersed in several parts of Europe, and much as they differed from each other on many other points of theology, yet on one topic they were altogether unanimous. They all promulged “that the public and established religion was a motley system of errors and superstition; and that the dominion which the popes had usurped over christians, and the authority which they exercised in religious matters, were unlawful and tyrannical.” Raymond of Toulouse, and other independent nobles, encouraged these dissenters from the church of Rome; until Innocent authorized some of the monkish rabble, among whom was the infamous Dominic “to extirpate heresy, in all its various forms and modifications, without being at all scrupulous in the use of any methods which might be necessary to effect” that diabolical purpose. Those persons were assisted by that innumerable swarm of vermin, the mendicant friars, who, like the Egyptian frogs, “came into the houses, and bedchambers, and ovens, and kneading troughs” of all the people. To those monks were allowed every possible privilege, to travel according to inclination, to converse with all persons, and to instruct in every place, and by their sanctimonious exterior, they so imposed upon all orders of men, and so highly were they venerated, that to wear a part of a friar’s rejected cloak, or to be interred in a mendicant’s cemetery, was the highest object of universal solicitude; until their influence became so irresistible, that scarcely a transaction, from the prince’s council on national affairs, through every grade of society, even to a beggar’s extreme unction, escaped their personal notice and particular interference. Of those everywhere present supporters of the Roman pontiff’s authority, which they demonstrated against all civil potentates, and against all the inferior orders of the hierarchy, with incredible ardor and obstinacy, and astonishing success, four tribes existed; the Dominicans, the Franciscans, the Carmelites, and the Augustinians. Against those friars many persons offered their arguments and their expositions of scripture, but in vain; the pontifical supremacy defied all opposition; and until the Reformation by Luther, they remained uncontested masters of all Europe; desolating this, world by their intrigues and ambition, and depopulating heaven by their errors and abominations.

After Dominic had commenced his exterminating system, it was ascertained to be so profitable, that the Inquisition became the object of fond attachment. But from the earliest period, the people displayed a formidable opposition to a contrivance which committed the reputation, property, liberty, and life, not only of the father and husband, but also of the mother and wife and children, to the fourth generation, to the jurisdiction of a tribunal, always secret, invariably unjust, and ever murderous. The pontifical supremacy was, notwithstanding, so vast, that it was finally determined, “a council of inquisitors, consisting of one priest, and three lay-men,” shall be erected in every city. Those “heresyhunters” were bound by oath, “not only to seek for heretics in towns, houses, cellars, and other secret places, but also in fields, woods, and caves.” Thus commenced the infernal inquisition, which was instrumental in destroying such myriads of heretics, some by terror, for grace divine alone could withstand the diabolical ingenuity of their torments; and the majority by fire, being transported, it may be evangelically hoped, to that world of joy, of which the Lord of life and glory had said “where I am, there shall my servant be.”

The Inquisition, thus sanctioned by all the terrors of the papacy, and by all the arms of the national governors, was eventually established as an infallible judicatory. Of course, its power was resistless, and its cruelties, for it manufactured every possible instrument to torture, most dreadful.

Those courts ordinarily comprised three inquisitors: who were absolute judges, from whose decision, no appeal on earth existed; but this, as it precluded all hope, did not torment the falsely accused delinquents with expectation of subsequent deliverance. We may in some measure comprehend the odious nature of this infernal invention, from this summary of its proceedings. The lords of the inquisition directed a class of persons called Qualificators, who examined the crimes of their prisoners; with them were united Familiars, who were solely occupied in searching for culprits. All complaints were secret, and condemnation almost uniformly succeeded the accusation. The supposed offender was generally seized at midnight; and all the bonds of relationship, all the claims of humanity expired, when they became the subjects of that infuriated bigotry which swayed that tremendous tribunal. No intimation was ever given of the party who adduced the charge; and a denial insured the highest degree of torture; intended to coerce the individual to acknowledge that guilt, which would then apparently justify the barbarity of those punishments, that followed the definitive judgment to the fire, which those human monsters pronounced.

Wealth, “booty and beauty” constituted the grand recommendations to inquisitorial inspection. Poverty and ugliness had no charms for those voluptuaries; and if ever they formed a part of an “Auto da Fe,” the title of their merciless conflagrations and ignominious displays, it was merely a hypocritical mask, to conceal their vast confiscations, and their galaxy of confined female youth; first by fright, induced to submit to the inquisitor’s caresses, and then murdered after concupiscence was satiated. If terror, or pain, or mental debility, arising from the agonies which the wretched prisoners experienced, or promises of deliverance and life seduced the miserable creatures into a confession of the criminalities alleged against them; immediately, the suppositious culprits were adjudged, with great ceremony, to be delivered over to Satan, through the medium of previous racking, and subsequent exterior odious disguise, decapitation and fire. No tongue can detail, no mind imagine, and no heart even feel, the tremendous horrors which dwelt within the walls of Dominic.

That despotic and sanguinary tribunal excited the revengeful tempers of many persons, and in some parts of the Beast’s dominions it was found impracticable to introduce its abominations. “Conrad, the first German inquisitor, was a victim of that wrath, which his merciless measures” had roused; and the “Lords of the holy Inquisition” often experienced exact retaliation from the resentment of the oppressed multitudes. “But so resolutely determined was the popedom upon universal domination, and so exasperated at the smallest exhibition of resistance to its usurped authority, that no measure was neglected which could enforce its claims, and sanctify its jurisdiction, and establish its power.” The mendicant friars, dispersed in every city, town and hamlet, were continually on the alert, to discover heretical and disaffected persons; and assimilated to their master, Satan, they assumed every possible shape to execute their abominable employment. At one period, they were like ravening wolves, prowling into every house, to complete the malignity of that adversary, Abaddon, who “as a roaring lion, walketh about, seeking whom he may devour.” Anon, they were transformed into angels of light, seducing where they could not terrify; and by every artifice endeavoring to persuade persons of their own discontent with the hierarchy, that they might receive some acknowledgment of similarity of feeling and opinion; on which to transmit an accusation to the Dominican demons incarnate, who contrived the compound execrable mysteries, which filled the gloomy vaults of the inquisition, with groans and every mortal we, and the upper rooms with agony and pollution. So keen were their perceptions, that not only a word, which dishonored the inquisitors or the system, became the signal of proscription; but certain appearances of the countenance were represented as infallible indications of the mind and heart; and he who could not exult in the murder of his father, or child, or brother, or in the rape of his wife, or mother, or sister, was suspected, apprehended, and if not himself transferred as fuel for the combustion, was most assuredly and irreparably ruined, especially if he was known to be opulent. Many of the civil rulers, in their various countries, permitted the inquisition to erect a tribunal, and to prepare instruments of torture and death, not only independent of the national jurisdiction, but paramount to all law, and whose inconceivable barbarities, the princes of Europe, when they were crowned, solemnly obliged themselves by oath to execute. This constituted a permanent croisade; so that from the commencement of the thirteenth century, until “the ever-blessed Reformation,” all the horrors of the first ages were renewed; and the wretched Waldenses, Albigenses, Leonists, Lollards, and the other genuine christians, by whatever epithet distinguished, realized the same fate, from “the Man of Sin,” and his subordinate agents, ecclesiastical councils, and “Lords of the Inquisition,” which the primitive Christians experienced from the Roman imperial idolaters who issued their blasphemous edicts to exterminate the terrestrial kingdom of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ.

DESTRUCTION OF THE INQUISITION IN SPAIN

Among the novel disclosures respecting the secrets of the Romish inquisition, probably not one is more authentic and valuable than the recent statement made by Mr. Lehmanowsky, formerly a Polish officer in the army which Napoleon sent to Spain under the command of Marshal Soult. That officer is now a minister of the Gospel residing in the United States; and his narrative so perfectly corroborates the history of the inquisition, by Bower, Gavin, Limborch, Llorente, and the other testimonies upon that subject, that it claims insertion in this form, as elucidating the history of the Albigenses, for whose extermination, that ungodly contrivance was originally instituted. The following detail comprises Mr. Lehmanowsky’s description of the “Destruction of one of the Spanish dens of the inquisition at Madrid,” which was performed under his own direction and authority.

In 1809 Colonel Lehmanowsky was attached to that part of Napoleon’s army, which was stationed in Madrid, While in that city, said Colonel Lehmanowsky, I used to speak freely among the people what I thought of the priests and Jesuits, and of the inquisition. It had been decreed by the emperor Napoleon, that the inquisition arid monasteries should be suppressed, but the decree was not executed. Months had passed away, and the prisons o£ the inquisition had not been opened. One night, about ten or eleven o’clock, as he was walking one of the streets of Madrid, two armed men sprang upon him from an alley, and made a furious attack. He instantly drew his sword, put himself in a posture of defense, and while struggling with them, he saw, at a distance, the lights of the patroles, French soldiers mounted, who carried lanterns, and who rode through the streets of the city at all hours of the night, to preserve order. He called to them in French, and as they hastened to his assistance, the assailants took to their heels and escaped, not however before he saw by their dress that they belonged to the guards of the inquisition.

He went immediately to Marshal Soult, then governor of Madrid, told him what had taken place, and reminded him of the decree to suppress that institution. Marshal Soult replied that he might go and destroy it. Col. L. told him that his regiment, the 9th of the Polish lancers, was not sufficient for such a service, but if he would give him two additional regiments, the 117th, and another, which he named, he would undertake the work. The 117th regiment was under the command of Colonel De Lile, who is now, like Colonel L., a minister of the gospel, and pastor of an evangelical church in France. The troops required, were granted, and I proceeded, said Colonel L., to the inquisition, which was situated about five miles from the city. It was surrounded with a wall of great strength, and defended by a company of soldiers. When we arrived at the walls, I addressed one of the sentinels, and summoned the fathers to surrender to the imperial army, and open the gates of the inquisition. The sentinel, who was standing on the wall, appeared to enter into conversation for a moment with some one within, at the close of which he presented his musket and shot one of my men. This was a signal of attack, and I ordered my troops to fire upon those who appeared on the walls.

It was soon obvious that it was an unequal warfare. The walls of the inquisition were covered with the soldiers of the holy office; there was also a breast work upon the wall, behind which they kept continually, only as they partially exposed themselves as they discharged their muskets. Our troops were in the open plain, and exposed to a destructive fire. We had no cannon, nor could we scale the walls, and the gates successfully resisted all attempts at forcing them. I could not retire and send for cannon to break through the walls, without giving them time to lay a train for blowing us up. I saw that it was necessary to change the mode of attack, and directed some trees to be cut down and trimmed, to be used as battering-rams. Two of these were taken up by detachments of men, as numerous as could work to advantage, and brought to bear upon the walls with all the power which they could exert, while his troops kept up a fire to protect them from the fire poured upon them from the walls.

Presently the walls began to tremble, a breach was made, and the imperial troops rushed into the inquisition. Here we met with an incident, for which nothing but Jesuitical effrontery is equal. The inquisitor general, followed by the father confessors in their priestly robes, all came out of their rooms, as we were making our way into the interior of the inquisition, and with long faces and their arms crossed over their breasts, their fingers resting on their shoulders, as though they had been deaf to all the noise of the attack and defense, and had just learned what was going on, they addressed themselves in the language of rebuke to their own soldiers, saying, “Why do you fight our friends, the French?” Their intention, no doubt, was to make us think that this defense was wholly unauthorized by them, hoping, if they could make us believe that they were friendly, they should have a better opportunity in the confusion of the moment to escape. Their artifice was too shallow, and did not succeed. I caused them to be placed under guard, and all the soldiers of the inquisition to be secured as prisoners. We then proceeded to examine all the rooms of the stately edifice. We passed through room after room, found all perfectly in order, richly furnished, with altars and crucifixes, and wax candles in abundance, but could discover no evidences of iniquity being practiced there, nothing of those peculiar features which we expected to find in an inquisition. We found splendid paintings, and a rich and extensive library. Here were beauty and splendor, and the most perfect order on which my eyes had ever rested. The architecture — the proportions were perfect. The ceiling and floors of wood were scoured and highly polished. The marble floors were arranged with a strict regard to order. There was every thing to please the eye and gratify a cultivated taste: but where were those horrid instruments of torture of which we had been told, and where those dungeons in which human beings were said to be buried alive? We searched in vain. The holy fathers assured us that they had been belied. That we had seen all, and I was prepared to give up the search, convinced that this inquisition was different from others of which I had heard.

But Col. De Lile was not so ready as myself to give up the search, and said to me, “Colonel, you are commander to-day, and, as you say, so it must be, but if you will be advised by me, let this marble floor be examined. Let water be brought and poured upon it, and we will watch and see if there is any place through which it passes more freely than others.” I replied to him, “do as you please, Colonel,” and ordered water to be brought accordingly. The slabs of marble were large and beautifully polished. When the water had been poured over the floor, much to the dissatisfaction of the inquisitors, a careful examination was made of every seam in the floor, to see if the water passed through. Presently Colossians De Lile exclaimed that he had found it. By the side of one of these marble slabs the water passed through fast, as though there was an opening beneath. All hands were now at work for further discovery. The officers with their swords, and the soldiers with their bayonets, seeking to clear out the seam and pry up the slab. Others, with the butts of their muskets, striking the slab with all their might to break it, while the priests remonstrated against our desecrating their holy and beautiful house. While thus engaged, a soldier who was striking with the butt of his musket, struck a spring, and the marble slab flew up. Then the faces of the inquisitors grew pale as Belshazzar when the hand-writing appeared on the wall; they trembled all over. Beneath the marble slab, now partly up, there was a stair-case. I stepped to the altar and took from the candlestick one of the candles four feet in length, which was burning, that I might explore the room below. As I was doing this, I was arrested by one of the inquisitors, who laid his hand gently on my arm, and, with a very demure and holy look, said, “My son, you must not take those lights with your bloody hands; they are holy.” “Well,” I said, “I will take a holy thing to shed light on iniquity; I will bear the responsibility!” I took the candle and proceeded down the stair-case. As we reached the foot of the stairs, we entered a large square room, which was called the Hall of Judgment. In the center of it was a large block, and a chain fastened to it. On this they had been accustomed to place the accused, chained to his seat. On one side of the room was one elevated seat, called the Throne of Judgment. This the inquisitor general occupied, and on either side were seats less elevated, for the ungodly fathers when engaged in the solemn business of the holy inquisition.

From this room we proceeded to the right, and obtained access to small cells, extending the entire length of the edifice; and here such sights were presented as he hoped never to see again.

Those cells were places of solitary confinement, where the wretched objects of inquisitorial hate were confined year after year, till death released them from their sufferings, and there their bodies were suffered to remain until they were entirely decayed, and the rooms had become fit for others to occupy. To prevent this being offensive to those who occupied the inquisition, there were flues or tubes extending to the open air, sufficiently capacious to carry off the odor. In these cells we found the remains of some who had paid the debt of nature; some of them had been dead apparently but a short time, while of others nothing remained but their bones, still chained to the floor of their dungeon.

In other cells, we found living sufferers of both sexes — and of every age, from three-score years and ten down to fourteen or fifteen years — all naked as when born into the world! and all in chains! Here were old men and aged women, who had been shut up for many years! Here too were the middle aged, and the young man and the maiden of fourteen years old.

The soldiers immediately went to work to release those captives from their chains, and took from their knapsacks their overcoats and other clothing which they gave to cover their nakedness. They were exceedingly anxious to bring them out to the light of day — but Colonel L., aware of the danger, had food given them, and then brought out gradually to the light as they were able to bear it.

We then proceeded, said Colonel L., to explore another room on the left.

Here we found the instruments of torture, of every kind which the ingenuity of men or devils could invent. Colonel L. here described four of these horrid instruments. The first was a machine by which the victim was confined, and then, beginning with the fingers, every joint in the hands, arms, and body, were broken or drawn, one after another, until the victim died. The second was a box, in which the head and neck of the victim were so closely confined by a screw, that he could not move in any way. Over the box was a vessel, from which one drop of water a second fell upon the head of the victim — every successive drop falling upon precisely the same place on the head, suspended the circulation in a few moments, and put the sufferer in the most excruciating agony. The third was an infernal machine, laid horizontally, to which the victim was bound, the machine then being placed between two beams, in which were scores of knives so fixed, that, by turning the machine with a crank, the flesh of the sufferer was torn from his limbs all in small pieces. The fourth surpassed the others in fiendish ingenuity. Its exterior was a beautiful woman, or large doll, richly dressed, with arms extended, ready to embrace its victim.

Around her feet a semicircle was drawn. The victim who passed over this fatal mark, touched a spring, which caused the diabolical engine to open, its arms clasped him, and a thousand knives cut him into as many pieces in the deadly embrace.

Colonel L. said that the sight of those engines of infernal cruelty kindled the rage of the soldiers to fury. They declared that every inquisitor and soldier of the inquisition should be put to the torture. Their rage was ungovernable. Colonel L. did not oppose them; they might have turned their arms against him, if he had attempted to arrest their work. They began with the holy fathers. The first they put to death in the machine for breaking the joints. The torture of the inquisitor, put to death by the dropping of water on his head, was most excruciating. The poor man cried out in agony to be taken from the fatal machine. The inquisitor general was brought before the infernal engine called “the Virgin.” The soldiers command him to kiss the virgin. He begs to be excused. “No,” said they, “you have caused others to kiss her, and now you must do it.” They interlocked their bayonets so as to form large forks, and with these pushed him over the deadly circle. The beautiful image instantly prepared for the embrace, clasped him in its arms, and he was cut into innumerable pieces.

Colonel L. said he witnessed the torture of four of them — his heart sickened at the awful scene — and he left the soldiers to wreak their vengeance on the last guilty inmate of that prison-house of hell.

In the mean time, it was reported through Madrid, that the prisons of the inquisition were broken open!, and multitudes hastened to the fatal spot.

And O, what a meeting was there! It was like a resurrection! About a hundred who had been buried for many years, were now restored to life.

There were fathers who found their long lost daughters; wives were restored to their husbands, sisters to their brothers, and parents to their children; and there were some who could recognize no friend among the multitude. The scene was such as no tongue can describe.

When the multitude had retired, Colonel L. caused the library, paintings, furniture, etc., to be removed, and having sent to the city for a wagon load of powder, he deposited a large quantity in the vaults beneath the building, and placed a slow match in connection with it. All had withdrawn at a distance, and in a few moments there was a most joyful sight to thousands! The walls and turrets of the massive structure rose majestically toward the heavens, impelled by the tremendous explosion — and fell back to the earth an immense heap of ruins. The inquisition was no more!

Who can avoid feeling rapture in the prophetical contemplation, that the period is rapidly approaching when “Babylon the Great,” that vast habitation of devils, the hold of every foul spirit, and a “cage of every unclean and hateful bird,” Revelation 18:2; that seven-hilled metropolis of corruption shall disappear from the world for ever; not like the inquisition near Madrid amid a blaze of gunpowder, but as a millstone cast from the height of heaven into the depth of the ocean to be “found no more at all;” amid heaven’s thundering hallelujahs, and earth’s universal responsive and adoring acclamations. Revelation 18:20,24; and 19:1-6.

Therefore let us riot attempt by hypocritical and antichristian sensibilities to sympathize with that popery which is one entire mass of Satanic depravity! When we oppose the Romish pestilential apostacy, we only contend against a hell-born contrivance which is blasphemy towards God and a curse to the human family; and which having arrogated the divine titles and supremacy, tyrannizes over the bodies and souls, and brutalizes all the faculties of men.