BEING A REPOSITORY OF FAITHFUL EXTRACTS OUT OF VARIOUS RECORDS AND REGISTERS,

Papers of State, Minutes of Council; and Transcripts of Speeches, Original Letters, and other monuments of antiquity, referred unto in the foregoing History: For the better illustration thereof, and satisfaction of inquisitive readers.

NUMBER 1.

Queen Elizabeth’s proclamation upon her access to the crown.

BY THE QUENES MAJESTY.

ELIZABETH, by the grace of God, queen of England, Fraunce, and Ireland, defendour of the faith, &c. Because it hath pleased Almighty God, by calling to his mercie out of this mortal lief, to our great grief, our dearest suster of noble memory, Mary, late quene of England, Fraunce, and Ireland, (whose soul God have,) to dispose and bestow upon us, as the only right heyre by bludde and lawful succession, the crown of the foresayed kingdomes of England, Fraunce, and Ireland, with all maner titles and fights thereunto in any wise apperteyning; we do publish and give knowledge by this our proclamation to all maner peple, being natural subjects of every the said kingdomes, that from the beginning of the xviith day of this month of November, at which time our said dearest suster departed from this mortal lief, they be discharged of all bonds and duties of subjection towards our said suster, and be from the same tyme in nature and law bound only to us, as to their only soveraign lady and quene.

Wherewith we do by this our proclamation streightly charge and allye them to us: promising on our part no less love and care towards their preservation, than hath been in any of our progenitours; and not doubting on their parte, but they will observe the duty which belongeth to natural, good, and true loving subjects.

And further, we streightly charge and command all maner our said subjects of every degree, to kepe themselves in our peax, and not to attempt, upon any pretence, the breache, alteration, or chaunge of any ordre or usage presently establyshed within this our realm, upon payne of our indignation, and the perils and punishment, which thereto in any wise may belong. God save the quene.

NUMBER 2.

The queen’s council at Hatfield, to the marquis of Winchester, and the earls of Shrewsbury and Darby, to repair thither, with divers others of the nobility, to conduct her to London. AFTER our harty commendations to your good lordships. Where the quenes majesty mindeth to take her journey upon Wednesday next to London, her highness plesure is, that your lordships shall both put your selves in a readiness, to attend her majesty thither with all your servants and train; and also give warning to all such noblemen remaining presently at London, whose names you shall receive in a scedule enclosed, to do the like. The order of your setting forth, and what else her majesty willeth to be done herein, your lordships shall understand by our loving friend sir Rafe Sadler, who repaireth unto you for this purpose.

And for that there should not, in the absence of the lordships and the rest, want such as should see to the good order of things there, her majesty’s plesure is, that our very good lord, the archbishop of York, shall remain at London, and call unto him in all matters requisite for the preservation of order, our loving friends, sir William Petre and sir John Mason, and to confer with them therein. Which her highness plesure we pray you to signify unto his grace: and so we bid your lordships right hartily farewel.

From Hatfield, the 21st of November, 1558.

Your good lordships assured loving friends, Pembroke E. Clynton, W. Haward, Tho. Parry, Edward Rogers, Will. Cecill, Ambr. Cave.

NOBLEMEN APPOINTED TO ATTEND UPON THE QUEENS MAJESTY AT HER COMING TO LONDON.

Duke of Norfolk.

Earls of:

Oxford, Worcester.

Rutland, Cumberland, Huntingdon, Bedford, Viscounts of, Hereford, Mountague, Lords Borough Rich Windsor Mountjoy North Darcy Mountegle Chandos Dacres of the South Zouche Vaux Williams of Thame, Aburgaveny, Hastings of Loughborough Audley, Morley, John Grey, Dacres of the North, Wharton, Scrope, Willoughby.

Lumley Sir Thomas Cheny.

NUMBER 3.

The queen’s proclamation to forbid preaching; and allowing only the reading of the epistles and gospels, &c. in English in the churches.

BY THE QUENE.

THE quenes majesty, understanding that there be certain persons, having in times past the office of ministery in the church, which now do purpose to use their former office in preaching and ministery, and partly have attempted the same; assembling, specially in the city of London, in sondry places, great nomber of people: whereupon riseth amonges the common sort not only unfruteful dispute in matters of religion, but also contention, and occasion to break common quiet: hath therefore, according to thauthoritie committed to her highness, for the quiet governaunce of all manet her subjects, thought it necessary to charge and commaund, like as hereby her highness doth charge and commaund, all maner of her subjects, as well those that be called to ministery in the church, as all others, that they do forbear to preach or teach, or to gyve audience to any maner of doctrine or preachyng, other than to the gospels and epistels, commonly called the gospel and the epistel of the day, and to the Ten Commaundements in the vulgar tongue, without exposition or addition of any maner sense or meaning to be applyed or added; or to use any other maner of publick prayer, rite, or ceremony in the church, but that which is alredy used, and by law receaved; or the common letany used at this present in her majesty’s own chappel and the Lords Prayer, and the Crede in English; until consultation may be had by parlament, by her majesty, and her three estates of this realme, for the better conciliation and accord of such causes as at this present are moved in matters and ceremonies of religion.

The true advauncement whereof, to the due honour of Almighty God, the increase of vetrue and godlyness, with universal charitie and concord amonges her people, her majestie moost desyreth and meaneth effectually, by all maner of means possible, to procure and to restore to this her realme. Whereunto, as her majestie instantly requireth all her good, faithful, and loving subjects to be assenting and ayding with due obedience; so, if any shall disobediently use themselfes to the breach hereof, her majestie both must and will see the same duely punished, both for the qualite of thoffence, and for example to all others neglecting her majesties so reasonable commaundement. Yeven at her highness palais of Westminster, the xxviith day of December, the first year of her majesties reigne. God save the quene.

NUMBER 4.

The device for alteration of religion, in the first year of queen Elizabeth.

I. WHEN THE ALTERATION SHALL BE FIRST ATTEMPTED

At the next parliament: so that the dangers be foreseen, and remedies therefore provided. For the sooner that religion is restored, God is the more glorified, and as we trust wilbe more merciful unto us, and better save and defend her highness from all dangers.

II. WHAT DANGERS MAY ENSUE UPON THE ALTERATION?

The bishop of Rome, all that he may, wilbe incensed. He will excommunicate the queen’s highness, interdict the realms, and give it to prey to all princes, that will enter upon it; and incite them therto by all manner of means.

The French king will be encouraged more to the war, and make his people more ready to fight against us, not only as enemies, but as heretics. He wilbe in great hope of aid from hence, of them that are discontented with this alteration, looking for tumult and discord. He will also stay concluding peace upon hope of some alteration.

Scotland will have some causes of boldness; and by that way the French king wil seem soonest to attempt to invade us.

Ireland also will be very difficultly stayed in their obedience, by reason of the clergy that is so addicted to Rome.

Many people of our own wilbe very much discontented; especially these sorts.

All such as governed in the late queen Marie’s time, and were chosen thereto for no other cause, or were then most esteemed, for being hot and earnest in the other religion, and now remain unplaced and uncalled to credit, will think themselves discredited, and all their doings defaced, and study all the ways they can to maintain their former doings, and despise all this alteration.

Bishops and all the clergy wil se their own ruine. In confession and preaching, and all other ways they can, they wil perswade the people from it. They wil conspire with whomsoever that wil attempt, and pretend to do God a sacrifice, in letting the alteration, tho’ it be with murther of Christen men, or treason.

Men which be of the papist sect; which late were in maner all the judges of the law; the justices of the peace, chosen out by the late queen in all the shires; such as were believed to be of that sect; and the more earnest therin, the more in estimation. These are like to joyn and conspire with the bishops and clergy.

Some, when the subsidy shalbe granted, and money levied, (as it appeareth that necessarily it must be don,) wilbe therewith offended; and like enough to conspire and arise, if they have any head to stir them to it, or hope of gain and spoil.

Many such as would gladly have the alteration from the church of Rome, when they shal se peradventure, that some old ceremonies shalbe left still, or that their doctrine, which they embrace, is not allowed and commanded only, and all other abolished and disproved, shall be discontented, and call the alteration a cloaked papistry, or a mingle mangle.

III. WHAT REMEDY FOR THESE MATTERS?

First, for France, to practice a peace; or if it be offered, not to refuse it. If controversy of religion be there among them, to help to kindle it.

Rome is less to be doubted; from whom nothing is to be feared, but evil will, cursing, and practising.

Scotland will follow France for peace. But there may be practised to help forward their divisions; and especially to augment the hope of them, who incline them to good religion. For certainty, to fortify Berwick, and to employ demilances and horsemen for the safety of the frontiers.

And some expence of money in Ireland.

The fifth divided into five parts.

The first is of them which were of queen Mary’s council, elected and advanced then to authority, only or chiefly for being of the pope’s religion, and earnest in the same. Every augmentation or conservation of such men in authority or reputation, is an encouragement of those of their sect, and giveth hope to them, that it shall revive and continue, although it have a contrary blast. Seeing their pillars to stand still untouched, [will be] a confirmation to them that are wavering papists, and a discouragement of such that are but half enclined to that alteration. Dum in dubio est animus, paulo momento huc illuc impellitur. These must be searched by all law, as far as justice may extend; and the queen’s majesty’s clemency to be extended not before they do fully acknowledge themselves to have fallen in the lapse of the law.

They must be based of authority, discredited in their countries, so long as they seem to repugn to the true religion, or to maintain their old proceedings. And if they should seem to allow or to bear with the new alteration, yet not likely to be in credit, quia neophyti. And no man but he loveth that time wherein he did flourish. And when he can, and as he can, those ancient laws and orders he will maintain and defend with whom and in whom he was in estimation, authority, and a doer. For every man naturally loveth that which is his own work and creature.

And contrary, as those men must be based, so must her highness’s old and sure servants, who have tarryed with her, and not shrunk in the last storms, be advanced with authority and credit: that the world may see that her highness is not unkind nor unmindful. And throughout all England such persons as are known to be sure in religion, every one, according to his ability to serve in the commonwealth, to be set in place. Whom, if in the cause of religion, God’s cause, they shall be slack, yet their own safety and state shall cause to be vigilant, careful, and earnest for the conservation of her state, and maintenance of this alteration. And in all this, she shall do but the same that the late queen Mary did, to maintain and establish her religion.

The second of these five is the bishops and clergy, being in manner all made and chosen, such as were thought the stoutest and mightiest champions of the pope’s church, who in the late times [by] taking from the crown, impoverishing it, by extorting from private men, and all other means possible, per fas et nefas, have thought to enrich and advance themselves; these her majesty, being enclined to so much clemency, yet must seek as well by parliament, as by the just laws of England, in the praemunire, and other such penal laws, to bring again in order. And being found in default, not to pardon, till they confess their fault, put themselves wholly to her highness’s mercy, abjure the pope of Rome, and conform themselves to the new alteration. And by this means well handled, her majesty’s necessity of money may be somewhat relieved.

The third is to be amended even as all the rest above, by such means as queen Mary taught, that none such, as near as may be, be in commission of peace in the shires, but rather men meaner in substance and younger in years; so that they have discretion to be put in place. A short law made and executed against assemblies of people without authority. Lieutenants made in every shire: one or two men known to be sure at the queen’s devotion.

In the mean time musters and captains appointed, viz. young gentlemen which earnestly do favour her highness. No office of jurisdiction or authority to be in any discontented man’s hand, as far as justice or law may extend.

The fourth is not to be remedied otherwise than by gentle and dulce handleing, by the commissioners, and by the readiness and good-will of the lieutenants and captains to repress them, if any should begin a tumult, murmur, or provide any assembly, or stoutness to the contrary.

The fifth, for the discontentation of such as could be content to have religion altered, but would have it go too far, the straight laws upon the promulgation of the book, and severe execution of the same at the first, will so repress them, that it is great hope it shall touch but a few. And better it were that they did suffer, than her highness or commonwealth should shake, or be in danger. And to this they must well take heed that draw the book.

And herein the universities must not be neglected; and the hurt that the late visitation in queen Mary’s time did must be amended. Likewise such colleges where children be instructed to come to the university, as Eaton and Winchester: that as well the encrease hereafter, as at this present time, be provided for.

IV. WHAT SHALL BE THE MANNER OF THE DOING OF IT?

This consultation is to be referred to such learned men as be meet to shew their minds herein; and to bring a plat or book hereof ready drawn to her highness. Which being approved of her majesty, may be so put into the parliament-house, to the which for the time it is thought that these are apt men; Dr. Bill, Dr. Parker, Dr. May, Dr. Cox, Mr. Whitehead, Mr. Grindal, Mr. Pilkington.

And sir Thomas Smith do call them together, and to be amongst them. And after the consultation with these, to draw in other men of learning and gravity, and apt men for that purpose and credit, to have their assents.

As for that is necessary to be done before, it is thought most necessary, that a straight prohibition be made of all innovation, until such time as the book come forth; as well that there should be no often changes in religion, which would take away authority in the common peoples estimation; as also to exercise the queen’s majesty’s subjects to obedience.

V. TO THE FIFTH, WHAT MAY BE DONE OF HER HIGHNESS FOR HER OWN CONSCIENCE OPENLY, BEFORE THE WHOLE ALTERATION:

Or, if the alteration must tarry longer, what order be fit to be in the whole realm, as an interim?

To alter no further than her majesty hath, except it be to receive the communion as her highness pleaseth on high feasts. And that where there be more chaplains at mass, that they do always communicate in both kinds.

And for her highness’s conscience till then, if there be some other devout sort of prayers or memory said, and the seldomer mass.

VI. TO THE SIXTH, WHAT NOBLEMEN BE MOST FIT TO BE MADE PRIVY TO THESE PROCEEDINGS, BEFORE IT BE OPENED TO THE WHOLE COUNCIL?

The lord marquiss Northampton, the earl of Bedford, the earl of Pembroke, and the lord John Grey. VII. To the seventh, What allowance those learned men shall have, for the time they are about to review the Book of Common Prayer, and order of ceremonies, and service in the church, and where they shall meet? Being so many persons which must attend still upon it, two mess of meat is thought vet indifferent, to suffice for them and their servants.

The place is thought most meet [to be] in some set place, or rather at sir Thomas Smith’s lodgings in Chanon Row. At one of these places must provision be laid in of wood, and coals, and drink.

NUMBER 5.

An act, whereby the queen’s highness is restored in blood to the late queen Anne, her highness’s mother.

LA ROYNE LE VEULT.

WE your humble and obedient subjects, the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons in this present parliament assembled, for divers and sundry great and urgent causes and considerations us moving, most humbly beseech your majesty, that it may be enacted and established by your highness, with the assent of us, the said lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons of this present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same; that your highness shall be from henceforth enabled in blood, and be inheritable, according to the due order and course of the common laws of this your realm, to the late queen Anne, your highness’s mother, and to all other your majesty’s ancestors, and cousins of the part of your said mother: and that as much of every act, record, sentence, matter, or writing whatsoever, as is or shall be hereunto contrary or repugnant, shall be from henceforth clearly and utterly void, and of no effect. Saving to all and every person or persons, bodies politic and corporate, their heirs, successors, and assigns, and the heirs, successors, and assigns of every of them, all such state, right, title, use, possession, and interest, as they or any of them have in, or to, any manors, lands, tenements, rents, annuities, fees, profits, commodities, and heredita-ments whatsoever, in such like manner, form, quality, condition, and degree, to all intents, constructions, and purposes, as they, or any of them, might or ought to have had, used, or enjoyed the same, if this act had never been had or made.

NUMBER 6.

Hethe, archebisshoppe of Yorke, his oration made in the parliament house 1559, against the bill of the quene’s supremacye.

My lordes all, WITH humble submission of my whole mike unto your horiours, I pourpose to speke to the body of this acte, touchinge the supremacye. And that the doinges of this honourable assembly may therein be allwayes fourther honourable, two thinges are right nedfull and necessarye of your wisdomes to be considered. Furst, when by the vertue of this acte of supremacye, we must forsake and flee from the sea of Rome, it wolde be considered by your wisdomes what matter liethe therin, as what matter of weight or force, what matter of daunger or inconveniaunce, or else whether there be none at all. Seconde, when th’intent of this acre is to geve unto the quene’s highness a supremaeye, it wolde be considered of your wisdomes what this supremacye is, and whether it do consiste in spirituall government or in temporail. If in temporail, what fourther authorite can this howse give unto her highness, then she hath already by fight and inheritaunce, and not by your gifte, but by the appointment of God, she beinge our sovaraigne lord and ladie, our kinge and quene, our emperor and empresse; other kinges and princes of dewtie ought to paye tribute unto her, she being free from them all. If you will say, that this supremacye dothe consiste in spirituall government, then it wolde be considered what this spirituall government is, and in what pointes it dothe cheftely remaine. Which beinge first agreed upon, it wolde be fourther considered of your wisdomes, whether this house may graunt them unto her highness or not; and whether her highness be an apt person to receave the same or not. And by the through examynation of all these partes, your honours shall procead in this matter groundely upon throughe knowledge, and not be deceaved by ignoraunce.

Now to the firste pointe, wherein I promised to examyne this forsakinge and fleynge from the sea of Rome, what matter either of weight, daunger, or inconvenyence dothe consiste therin. And if by this our relinquishing of the sea of Rome there were none other matter therin, then a withdrawinge of our obedience from the pope’s person, Paul the IVth of that name, which hathe declared himself to be a very austere stern father unto us, ever since his first entraunce into Peter’s chayre; then the cause were not of suche great importaunce, as it is in very dede, when, by the relinquishinge and forsakinge of the sea of Rome, we must forsake and flee from these four things. First, we must forsake and flee from all generall councells.

Secondly, we must flee from all canonicall and ecclesiasticall lawes of the churche of Christe. Third, from the judgment of all other Christian princes.

Fourthe and last, we must forsake and flee from the unitie of Christe’s churche, and by leapinge out of Peter’s shippe, hazarde our selves to be overwhelmed and drowned in the waters of schisme, sects, and divisions.

First, touchinge generall councells, I shall onlye name unto you these foure, Nicene councell, Constantinopolitan, Ephesyne, and Chalcedon countell; which are approved of all men, doubted of or denyed of no man. Of the which four councells, S. Gregory writethe in this wise, Sicut enim sancti evangelii quatuor libros, sic haec quatuor concilia, Nicen. scil.

Constantinopolitan. Epkesin. et Chalcidonense suscipere ac venerari me fateor. At Nicene councell, the first of the foure, the bisshoppes which were assembled did write their epistle to Sylvester, then bisshoppe of Rome, that their decrees made ther must be confirmed by his aucthorytie.

At the countell kept at Constantinople, all the bisshoppes there were obedyent to Damase, then bisshoppe of Rome. He, as cheffe judge of that councell, did give sentence against these herefickes, Macedonians, Sabellians, and Eunomians; which Eunomius was bothe an Arrian and the first author of this heresie, that only faith doth justifie; and here, by the waye, it is touche to be lamentid, that we, thinhabitants of this realme, are muche more inclined to rayse uppe the errors and sects of ancyent and condemned heretickes, then to follow the approved doctryne of the most catholicke and learned fathers of Christe’s churche. At Ephesyne countell, Nestorius, the hereticke, was condemned by Celestine, then bisshoppe of Rome, he beinge the cheffe judge there. At Chalcedonense, all the bisshoppes assembled ther, did wryte their humble submission unto Leo, then bisshoppe of Rome, wherein they did acknowledge him to be their cheffe head. Therefore to deny the sea apostolike, were to contempne and set at nought the judgments of these route notable councells.

Second, We must forsake and flee from all canonicall and ecclesiasticall lawes of Christe’s churche, whereunto we have allredye confessed our obedience at the font, saying, Credo sanctam ecclesiam catholicam; which article conteynethe, that we muste beleve not onely that there is a holie catholike churche, but that we must receave also the doctrine and sacraments of the same churche, obaye her lawes, and live accordinge unto the same. Which lawes do depend wholly uppon th auchoritie of the sea apostolike, and lyke as it was here openly confessed by the judges of this realme, that the lawes made and agreed uppon, in the higher and lower house of this honourable parliament, be of small or none effect, before the reall assent of the kynge and prince be geven therto; semblablye ecclesiasticall lawes made, cannot, bynd the universall churche of Christe, without the reall assent and confirmation of the sea apostolike.

The thirde, We must forsake and flee from the judgment of all Christian princes, whether they be protestants or catholike, when none of them doe agree with these our doinges; kinge Henry thEighth beinge the verve firste that ever tooke uppon him the tytell of supremaeye. And whereas it was of late here in this house said by an honourable man, that the tytell is of right dewe unto the kinge, for that he is a kinge; then it would follow, that Herod, beinge a kinge, should be supreme head of the churche at Jerusalem; and Nero th’emperour supreme head of the churche of Christe at Rome; they bothe beinge infidells, and therby no members of Christe’s churche. And if our Saviour Jesus Christe, at his departure from this worlde, shoulde have lefte the spirituall governement of his churche into th’hands of emperors and kinges, and not to have commytted the same unto his apostells, howe negligently then shoulde he have lefte his churche, it shall appeare right well, by callinge to your remembraunce, that th’emperour Constantinus Magnus was the firate Christian emperour, and reigned about three hundred yeres after th’ascension of Christe: if therefore by your proposition Constantyne, the firate Christian empefour, was the firste cheffe head and spirituall governour of Christe’s churche througheout his empire, then it followithe, howe that our Savyour Christe for that whole tyme and space of three hundred yeares, untill the comynge of this Constantyne, lefte his churche, which he had dearly bought by th’effusyon of his most precyous bloode, without a head; and therefore, how untrue the sayinge of this noble man was, it shall fourther appeare by th’example of kinge Ozias, and also of kinge David; for when kinge Ozias did take the censer to incense the aulter of God, the priest Azarias did resiste him, and expell him out of the temple, and said unto him these wordes, Non est officii tui, Ozia, ut adoleas incensum Domino, sed est sacerdotum et filiorum Aaron; ad hujuamodi enim officium consecrati sunt. Now I shall moste humble demande of you this question, When this preste Azarias said unto this kinge Ozias, Non est officii tui, &c. whether he said truthe or no?

If you answere, that he spake the truthe, then the kinge Ozias was not the supreme head of the churche of the Jewes: if you shall saye, no; whye did God then plague the kinge with a leprosie, and not the preste? The preste Azarias, in resistinge the kinge, and thrustinge him out of the temple, in so doinge did he playe the faithfull parte of a subjicte, or no? If youe answer, no; why did God then spare the preste, and plague the kinge? If you answer, yea; then it is most manylest, Ozias, in that he was a kinge, coulde not be supreme head of the churche. And as touchinge th’example of kinge Davyd, in bringinge home the arke of God from the Philistians ad civitatem Davyd, what supremacye and spirituall government of Gode’s arke did kinge Davyd there take upon him? Did he place himself amongest the prestes, or take upon him any spirituall function unto the prestes apperteynyng? Did he approche nere unto the arke, or yet presume to towche the same; no, doubtless, when before he sawe Ozias stricken by the hand of God for the lyke arrogancye and presumption; and therefore kinge Davyd did goe before the arke of God with his harpe, makinge melodye, and placed himselfe amongest the mynystrells, and so humblye did abase himselfe, beynge a kinge, as to daunce, skyppe, and leappe before the arke of God, lyke as his other subjectes: insomuche, that quene Micholl, kinge Saules doughter, beholding and seeynge the great humylitye of kinge Davyd, did disdayne therat. Wherunto kinge Davyd said, Ludam, et vilior fiam, plusquam factus sum coram Domino meo, qui me elegit potius quam pattem tuum aut domum patris tui. And whereas quene Micholl was therefore plagued at the hand of God perpetua sterilitate, kinge Davyd receaved great prayse for his humylitie.

Now it may please your honours, which of bothe these kinges examples it shalbe moste convenyent for your wisdomes to move our quene’s highness to followe; th’example of the proude kinge Ozias, and by your perswasion and counsells to take uppon her spiritual government, therby adventuringe youre selves to be plagued at Godes handes, as kinge Ozias was; or else to follow th’example of good kinge Davyd, which in refusall of all spirituall government about the arke of God, did humble himselfe as I have declared unto you? Whereunto our soveraigne ladye the quenes highness of her own nature verye well inclyned and bent, we maye assure our selves to have of her highness as humble, as vertuous, and as godly a mystress to reigne over us, as ever had English people heere in this realme, if that her highness be not by our flattery and dissimulation seduced and begylyd.

Fourth and last, We muste forsake and flee from the unitie of Christe’s churche, when saint Cyprian, that holye martyr, saithe, That the unitie of the churche of Christe dothe de pend upon the unitie of Peter’s authorytie; therefore by our leapinge out of Peter’s shippe, we must nedes be overwhelmed with the waters of schism, sects, and divisions, when the same holye martyr saint Cyprian saithe, in his thirde epistle ad Cornelium, that all heresies, sects, and schisms do springe onely, for that men will not be obedyent unto the head bysshoppe of God. The Latin whereof is, Neque enim aliunde haereses abortae sunt, aut nata sint schismata, quin inde, quod sacerdoti Dei non obtemperatur. And howe true this sayinge of Cyprian is, it is apparaunte to all men that listith to see by th’example of the Germaynes, and by th’inhabitors of this realme. And this our forsakinge and fleeyng from the unitie of the churche of Rome, this inconvenyencie, amongest manye, must consequentely follow thereof, that eyther we must graunt the churche of Rome to be the churche of God, or else a malignant churche. If you answer, that it is of God, where Jesus Christe is truly tawght, and all his sacraments rightely minystered; how then may wee disborden our selves of our forsakinge and fleeing that churche, whom we do confesse and knowledge to be of God, when with that churche, which is of God, we ought to be one, and not to admytte any separation? If you answere, that the churche of Rome is not of God, but a malignant churche; then it will follow, that we th’inhabitantes of this realme have not as yet receyved any benyfite of Christe, when we have receyved no other gospell, no other doctrine, no other faithe, no other sacraments, than were sent us from the churche of Rome; first, in kinge Lucius his dayes, at whose humble epistle the holy martyr Elutherius, then bisshoppe of Rome, did send unto this realme two holy monkes, Faganus and Damyanus, by whose doctrine we were fyrst put to knowledge of the faithe, of Jesus Christe, of his gospell, and of his most blessed sacraments. Secound, holy saint Gregorye, beynge bisshoppe of Rome, did send into this realme two other holy monkes, saint Aug~styn and Mellitus, to receyve the very self same faithe of Jesus Christe, that was before plantid here in this realme in the dayes of kinge Lucius. Third and last, Paulus Tertius, being bisshoppe of Rome, did send the lord Cardinall Poles good grace, by birthe a nobell man of this realme, as his legat, to restore us to the same faithe that the blessed martyr Elutherius, and holy saint Gregorye, had plantid here in this realme many yeres before. If therefore the churche of Rome be not of God, but a malignant churche, then we have byne deceyved all this while, when the gospel, the doctrine, faithe, and sacraments, must be of the same nature that the churche is of, from whence it came. And therefore in relinquishinge and forsakinge of that churche, as a malignant churche, th’inhabitants of this realme shalbe forced to seke fourther for another gospell of Christe, other doctrine, faithe, and sacraments, then we hitherto have receyved.

Which shall brede suche a schism and error in faithe, as was never in any Christian realme; and therefore of your wisdomes worthy consideration, and maturely to be providid for before you passe this acte of supremacie.

Thus much towchinge the firste cheffe pointe. Now to the second eheffe pointe; wherein I promyssed to move your honours to consider, what this supremacie is, which we goo about by vertue of this acte, to gyve unto the quene’s highness, and wherein it dothe consiste, as whether in spiritual government or in temporall. If in spiritual, like as the wordes of the acte do ymporte, scil. supream head of the churche of England, ymmediat and next under God; then it wolde be considered of your wisdomes in what pointes this spirituall government dothe consiste; and the pointes being well knowen, it wolde be considered, whether this howse have aucthorite to graunt them, and her highness abilitie to receave the same.

And as towchinge the poynte wherin the spiritual governmente dothe consiste, I have in readinge the gospel observed these foure, amongest manye: wherof the first is to loose and binde, when our Saviour Jesus Christ, in ordeyninge Peter to be the cheffe governor of his church, said unto him, Tibi dabo claves regni caelorum; quodcunque ligaveris super terram, erit ligatum et in caelis, et quodcunque solve ris, erit solutum et in caelis. Now it wolde be considered of your wisdoms, whether you have sufficient authorytie to graunt unto her highness this first point of spiritual governmente, and to say to her, Tibi dablinus claves regni caelorum; if you say, yea, then we requier the sight of your waraunte and commyssion, by the vertue of God’s word. And if you say, no, then you may be well assured, and perswade your selves, that you have no sufficient authoritie to make her highness supreme head of the church here in this realme. The second pointe of spiritual government is gathered of these words of our Saviour Jesus Christ, spoken unto Peter in the 21st chapter of saint John’s gospel, Pascc, pasce, pasce. Now whether your honours have authority, by this high courte of parliamente, to say unto our soveraign ladle, Pasce, pasce, pasce, you muste shewe your waraunte and commyssion. And fourther, that her highness, beyinge a woman by birthe and nature, is not qualyfied by God’s worde to feed the flock of Chryst, it appeareth most playnlye by St. Paul on this wise, saying, Taceant mulieres in ecclesiis: non enim permittetur eis loqui, sed subditas esse, sicut dicit lex: and it followethe in the same place, Quod turpe est mulieri loqui in ecclesiis.

And in his first epistle to Timothy, the second chapter, saythe, Docere autem mulieri non permitto, neque dominari in virum, sed in silentio esse.

Therefore it appeareth, that lyk as your honours have not his authoritie to gyve her highness this second pointe of spiritual government to feed the flock of Chryst; so by Paul’s doctryne her highness may not entermeddle her self with the same: therefore she cannot be supreame head of Chryst’s church here in this realme. The third and cheffe pointe of spiritual government is gathered of the wordes of our Saviour Jesus Christ, spoken unto Peter, Luc. the 22d chapter, Ego rogavi pro te, ut non deficlat fides tua; et tu aliquando conversus Confirma fratres tuos. Whereby it appeareth, that one chief pointe of spiritual government is to confirme his brethren, and ratifie them bothe by holsome doctryne, and administration of the blessed sacraments.

But to preach or mynister the holy sacraments, a woman may not; neither may she be supreme head of the churche of Chryst. The fourthe and last pointe of spiritual government, which I promyssed to observe and note unto you, dothe consiste in excommunication and spiritual punyshment of all such as shall approve themselves not to be the obedient children of Chryst’s churche. Of the which authoritie our Saviour Chryst speakethe in saint Matthew, the 18th chapter, there sayinge, Dic ecclesiae, si autem ecclesiam non audierit, sit tibi tanquam ethnicus et publicanus. And the apostle St. Paul did excommunicate the notorious fornycator, that was amongest the Corinthes, by the authoritie of his apostleshippe. Unto the which apostles, Chryste ascending into heaven, did leave the whole spiritual government of his churche, as it apperethe by the plaine wordes of Paul, in his epistel to the Ephesyans, the 4th chapter; Ipse dedit ecclesiae suae quosdam apostolos, alios evangelistas, alios pastores et doctores, in opus ministerii, in aedificationem corpotis Christi. But a woman, in the degrees of Chryst’s churche, is not called to be an apostel, nor evangelst, nor to be a shepherd, neyther a doctor or preacher. Therfor she cannot be supreme head of Christ’s militant churche, nor yet of any part therof.

Thus touche I have here said, right honourable, and my very good lordes, against this act of supremacie, for the dyscharge of my conscience, and for the love, dread, and feare, that I cheffely owe unto God and my sovarayne ladie the quene’s highness, and unto your lordshippes all; when otherwyse, and without mature consideration of these premysses, your honours shall never be able to shewe your faces before your enymyes in this matter, beying so rash an example and spectacle in Chryst’s churche, as in this realme onely to be found, and in none other. Thus humble beseeching your good honours to take in good part this rude and playne speche that I have here used, of much good zeal and will, I shall now leave to trouble your honours any longer.

NUMBER 7.

Scot, bishop of Chester, his speech in parlament against the bill of the supremacye.

MY lord, and my lords all, I do perceave that this bill hathe now ben twice read, and by the order of this howse must be reade the thirde time. Which order I think was appoynted so to be observed for this end, that every man, being a member of this howse, sholde fully understand, and so at large speke his mind in conscience in the contents of all the bills preferred and read here, before they should be inacted and establyshed as lawes.

Wherefore I consideringe that this bill hathe ben nowe twise redde, and hathe accordingly ben spoken unto gravely, wiselye, and learnedlye, by dyvers of this honourable companye, and that I for my parte as yet have said nothinge therein, I shall most humblye desier your good lordshippes to gyve me leave, and pacyentlye to heare what I have to saye, as concernynge this present bill. And yet to confesse unto your lordshippes the truthe, ther be two thinges that do much move me, and, as it were, pull me backe from speaking any thinge in this matter. The first is, that I perceave the quene’s highness, whom I pray God longe to preserve, is, as it were, a partie thetin, unto whom I do acknowledge that I owe obedience, not onlye for wrathe and displeasures sake, but for conscience sake, and that by the scriptures of God. The second is, the reverence I have to those noble men, unto whom this bill was comyttid to be weyed and considerid, whose doings, I assure your good lordshippes, is a great comfort, not onely unto me, but also, as I do thinke, unto all that be of the profession that I am of, with manye other besides. First, for that their devoeions towards Allmyghtie God, dothe appeare, seinge, they will not suffer the service of the churche, and the dew admynistration of the holie sacraments therof, to be disanulled or all reddye altered, but to be contened [retained] as they have ben heretofore. And secondlye, for that their charitie and pittie towards the poor clargie of this realme dothe appeare in mytygatinge th’extreme penalties mentioned in this bill for the gayne-sayers of the contents of the same.

But ther be two other thinges of more weight, that do move me to speke in this matter what I thinke. The firste is Allmyghtie God, which I knowe dothe looke, that, accordinge to the profession whereunto (althoughe I be unworthye) I am called, I shoulde speke my mnyde in suche matters as this is, when they be callyd in question. The secounde is my conscience, which dothe urge me to do the same.

Wherefore, nowe to speke of the matters this I saye, that our faithe and religion is mayntayned and contynued by no one thinge so muche as by unytie; which unytie is contynued and mayntayned in Christe’s churche, evin as concorde and good order is mayntayned in a commonwealthe.

Wherein as we see for civill quietness, there is appointed in every village one constable. And least ther shoulde anye varyanee fall amongest them, ther is againe in everye houndrethe one head counstable, in whome all the other inferiours be as knitte in one. And where theyre be in one shiere dyvers houndrethes, to make away all controverses, as myght chaunce amongest the said head constables of these hundrethes, of that thei be joyned as in one. The sherifes likewyse be joyned in one prince, which prince beinge depryved of his princely aucthorytie, the unitie and concorde of that realme is dissolvid, and every man chosethe himselfe a newe lord.

Evin so it is in the churche of Christe, accordinge to the commandment of saint Paule. Ther is in everye village at the least one preiste; in everye cittie, one bisshoppe, in whom all the preistes within the diocesse be knytte in one; in every province one metropolitan, in whome, for the avoidinge of controversies, all the bisshoppes of that province be joyned; and for unitie to be observed amongest the metropolitanes, they be likewise joyned in one highe bisshoppe, called the pope, whose aucthoritie beinge taken away, the shepe, as the scripture sayethe, be scattred abrode. For avoydinge whereof, our Sayyour Christe before his deathe prayed, that we myght be all one, as his Father and he be one; which thinge cannot be, except we have all one head. And therefore Almyghtie God saide by the profitte Ezechiel, Suscitabo super eos pastorem unum; I will stir up over them one pastoure.

And our Savyour in the gospell likewise saythe, Ther shalbe one pastoure and one shepefoulde. Which sentences peradventure some men will saye to be applyed onely to our Sayyour Christe, which in very dede I must nedes graunt to be so; yet this I may saye, these places be applied to him onely, as other like places of scripture be; for it is said in the scripture, that onely God is immortall and by participation with him, all we that be trewe Christian men be made immortall; onely God forgyvethe synne, and yet by commission from him, prestes hathe aucthorytie to forgyve sin. He is onely kinge, and by commission makethe kinges; and likewise he is onely preste after thorder of Melchisedech, and by commission makethe prestes: he of himself, and by none other; all the rest by him, and not of themselves. So he is our onely pastour, and by commission hathe made other pastours, and especially one to be vicargenerall in earthe, to governe and rule all his whole flocke in unitie and concorde, and in avoydinge of schismes and divysions. And likewyse as he sent one Holie Ghoste to rule and governe his people inwardly, so he appoynted one governor to rule and lead them outwardlye.

Which one head governor cannot be applied to any temporall prince: for then eyther must we nedes graunt that the churche of Christe was not perfecte, but rather a manke bodye without a head by the space of three hundred yeres and more, (for so longe was it after the desthe of our Savyour Christe before there was any one Christian prince in all the worlde,) or else, that Christe appointid an infidell, beinge no member of his churche, to be head thereof; which bothe be absurdities. Againe, that Christe appointid no temporal prince to be head of his churche it appearethe, by that we see in dyvers kingdomes ther be dyvers and sundrye princes and rulers, so that ther shoulde by that meanes be many heads of one bodye, the whiche weare a monstrouse thinge. Thirdly, that he appoynted no temporall prince to be head of the churche, it appearithe by the worde it selfe, spoken by our Savyour Christe, Pasce, Fede, which he spoke not to Herode, Pilate, nor yet to Tyberius the emperour: but he spoke them unto Peter, sayinge, Pasce oves meas. And whet peradventure some man will cavill and argue of the Greke worde spoken by our Savyour Christe in that place, which dothe signifie not onely to feed, but also to rule and goverue; I answer, that I do not knowe where that worde is applied unto any temporail ruler in the Newe Testament; and if it so were, yet it dothc not prove ther intent, for other manyfeste and playne places of scripture do exclude them from suche aucthoritie, notwithstandinge that the same scripture dothe gyve them verye great aucthorytie, commandinge us to obeye the same; declaringe withall, that they beare the sworde not in vayne, nor without cawse. But nowe marke this worde sworde, which princes had before the comynge of otir Saviour Christe; and that he did gyve them any further aucthorytie we reade not, but lefte them as he founde them. And as he did gyve them no spirituall aucthorytie, so I do not see that he did take any temporall rule from them. Wherefore he commandid Peter to putt uppe his sworde, because he had gyven hym other instruments to use, wherein was included his aucthorytie, that is to saye, the keyes of the kingdome of heaven, sayinge, Tibi dabo claves regni coelorum. In these keyes, and in exercysinge of the same, consistethe all aucthorytie ecclesiastical gyven by God unto any man. Unto whom he hathe not by scripture gyven these keyes, they have no right to it.

Wherefore it followethe, that no temporal prince hathe any aucthorytie ecclesiasticall in or over the churche of Christe, seeynge, that the keyes were never gyven unto any of them.

And here I knowe it wilbe objectid against me, that as this place dothe make against the supremacye of princes, so dothe it not make for the primacye of saint Peter. For saint John dothe withesse in the 20th chapter of his gospell, that our Savyour Christe did gyve the keyes not onely to Peter, but also unto all his apostells, when he did breathe upon them, sayinge, Accipite Spiritum Sanctum; Take ye the Hobde Ghoste: whose synnes ye forgyve beforgyvin to them, and whose synnes ye reteyne are reteyned. And dyvers of the ancyent writers do lykwise saye, that the keyes were given unto all the apostells. But yet in one place or other the same aucthors do declare, that they were gyven unto Peter principally; as Hilarius, where he saithe, spekeinge of that matter, Datae sunt claves Petro principalius, in quantum erat aliorum capitaneus. “The keyes (saythe he) were gyven to Peter princypallye, in that he was cheffe and capitayne of the other.” And if that any man yet will contende, that this place dothe gyve no more aucthorytie to Peter than to the rest of the apostells, I have rede another place of scripture, whiche dothe exclude the rest of the apostells from equalitie of aucthorytie with Peter, in the rule and government of the churche of Christe, and that is the changynge of his name; for at Peter’s firste metinge with our Savyour Christe, his name was Symon, as it is ther mentionede in these wordes, Symon the sone of Jona, thow shalte be called Cephas, that is to say, a stone, or a rocke. And for what consideration and end Christe gave hym that name, it dothe appeare in the 16th of saint Matthew, in these wordes, Tu es Petrus, &c. Thou arte Peter; that is to saye, a stone, or a rocke; and upon this stone, or rocke, I will buylde my churche. Here I shall dessire youe to note, that Peter hathe a promysse made unto hymselfe alone, whiche was made to no other of the apostells; that is, that as he had receaved a newe name, so he shoulde have a newe priveledge or preferment, to be the foundation, grounde, and staye of Christe’s churche, beynge buylded upon hym, for he was called a rocke or stone, for the stabilitie and constancye that shoulde allwayes appeare in the churche, beinge builded upon hym a sure foundation, and ymmovable.

Which thinge dothe howe appeare in the succession of Peter: for as concernynge the other apostles in theire own persons, I do not doubte but durynge their lyves naturall, they were as fyrme and stable in the faithe of Christe, as Peter was; but for their succession we have no suche proore, seeynge, that onely the succession of Peter dothe contynue in the churche of Christe, the like appearinge in none of thother apostles: which is the onelye staye of the same in earthe, and undoubtedly shalbe until the worldes end. This place of scripture, in my judgment, if ther wer no more, is sufficient to prove, that Peter and his successors be appointid of Christe to have the rule and government of his church in earthe above all others, bothe spirituall and temporail, and yet I do knowe that ther maye and also will objections be layd against these my sayings. For some will saye, that Christe himselfe is the stone wherupon his churche is buylded; and some will saye, that the profession that Peter made of Christe, when he sayde, Thou art the sone of the lyvinge God: which be bothe trewe, and yet not repugnant to that which I have sayd befor; for all these three understandings well pondered and considered in their dyvers respects may stande togyther. But I do thinke, that if the mynd and intent of our Savyour Christe, when he spake these wordes, Thow arte Peter, &c. be well weyed, the place it selfe dothe declare, that it is specially to be understanded of the person of Peter and his successors. For undoubtedly he knowinge that infidelitie and heresyes shoulde so encrease and abound, that his churche and faithe shoulde be in daunger to be overthrowen and extinguished, made promyse ther so to provyde by Peter and his successors, that it shoulde be alwayes knowen, where his faithe shoulde be had and sought for again, if it were any wher lost, unto all men that woulde with humilitie desier, seke after, and receave the same.

So that we nowe, if we shoulde understand that place of our Saviour Christe, which is the firste and trewe stone of this buyldinge in very dede, what certeyntie can we have of our faithe? Or howe shall we staye our selves, waveringe in the same in this our tyme? For at this present ther be abrode in Christendom 34 sundrye sects of opynions, wherof never one agreeth with another, and all differ from the catholike churche. And every one of these sects do saye and affyrme constantlye, that their profession and doctryn is builded upon Christe, alledginge scripture for the same. And they all and every of them, thus challynging Christe to be ther foundation by scripture, howe shoulde any man knowe to which of them he may safely gyve credit, and so obaye and followe?

The lyke is to be said of Peter’s confession, wherin we can have no sure tryall: for every one of these sects or heresyes dothe confesse and acknoledge Christe to be the sone of the livinge God. So that I thinke I may conclude that our Savyour Christe in this place, saying, that he would builde his churche upon a stone, did meane by the stone Peter and his successors, wherunto men myght savely cleave and leane, as unto a sure and unmovable rocke in matters of faithe, knowinge certeynly that in so doinge they shall not falle, I meane in faithe; as we do moste manyfestly see it hathe come to passe, and contynued for the space of a thowsand fyve hundrethe yeres and odde.

I have heard objectid here of late against the supremacye of Peter and his successors, dyvers reasons which appeare unto me to have in them small substance, as I trust it shall appeare unto youe by the unfoldinge of the same. And for the better understandinge of the same, I will brynge them unto three head-places.

Wherof the firste dothe consyste in the wycked and evyll lives, as it is alledged, of certayne popes of Rome; which, as I do thinke, were nothinge so wycked as they were reported to have ben: but lett that be, they were so; what then? A man is a man, and, as the scripture sayethe, Quis est homo, qui non peccet? What man is he that synneth not? Again, if that our Sayyour Christe had made the lyke warrant unto Peter and his successors, as concerninge their conversation and lyvinge, as he did for the continuaunce and stabilitie of their faythe, and had said unto Peter, Ego rogavi pro te ut non pecces; I have prayed for thee, that thow shalt not synne: as he sayd, Ego rogavi pro te ut non deficiat fides tua; I have prayed that thye faythe shall never fayll: then ther evill lyves had ben an argument to have proved, that they had not ben the true successores of Peter, nether had had any suche aucthoritie gyven unto them of God. But seeynge that the warrant was made only for the continuance of their faithe, wherin they have hitherto, and do yet moste constantly stand, without any mencyon of their conversation and livinge, it is in my judgment no profe nor argument against the aucthorytie and supremacye of the sea of Rome; as we see that the adulterye and murther commytted by kinge Davyd, dothe not dimynysshe the aucthorytie of godly psalmes wrytten by hym; neyther the dissolute lyvinge and idolatrye of kynge Salomon is prejudiciall to dyvers bookes of scripture wrytten by him, nor yet the covetousness of the prophet Balaam did let, in any condition, the vertue and strength of God, the blessinge of God sent unto the children of Irsaell by hym, nor the truthe of the prophecye, as concernynge the cominge of our Savyour Christe, by hym likewise pronounced: even so the lyres of the popes of Rome, were they never so wycked, cannot be prejudicial to the aucthorytie gyven to Peter and his successores, by the mouthe of our Sayyour Christe.

The somme of the objections secondarilye made againste his aucthorytie, dothe consiste (as they do alledge) in certayne canons of the councell of Nicene, and the sixth councell of Carthage, with the departure of the Greke churche and other realmes now in our dayes from the aucthorytie of the said sea of Rome. As concerninge the councell of Nicene, I do marveil that they will alledge any thinge therin conteyned in this matter, seeynge in the preface of the said councell it is declared, that this aucthorytie which we speke of is gyven unto the said sea by no councells or synods, but by the evangelicall voyce of our Sayyour Jesus Christe; and also the fathers of the said councell beynge condescended and agreed in all matters of controversye, moved in that ther assembly, wrotte unto the pope, desiringe to have ther decrees confirmed by his aucthorytie, as it dothe more at large appeare in ther epistle writen in that behalfe. Further, Athanasius, which was present at the said councell, and after patriarche of Alexandria, dothe not onelye acknoledge the cure and charge of the universall churche of Christe to be gyven to Peter and his successors, but also, beinge universally depryved, did appeall unto the pope of Rome, and by him was restored againe. And likewise the sixt courtcell of Carthage makethe nothinge for ther purpose: for the supremacie of the pope was not called in question ther, but some varyaunce ther was in dede, which consistith in this point onelye, whether a bisshoppe or a preste beinge accused and troubled, and thinkinge hymselfe to have wronge, myght appeall to Rome for the better examynation and tryall of his cawse or no: as one Appiarius, a preste, had done then in Afrike. Ther was alledged for appellations to be made to Rome, a canon of Nicene councell, which indede was sought for, and coulde not be founde. Which was no marvell; for whereas the fathers in Nicene councell made seventy canons, throughe the wickedness of heretickes, ther was then but founde remayninge onely twenty-one. Yet that notwithstandinge the bisshoppes of Africke did not longe after submytte themselves to the churche of Rome in that point. Also, they use to inculcate the aucthoritie of this councel, for bycause that St. Augustine was present at it; as he was indede, which makethe directly againste them.

For saint Augustyne dothe everye where in his workes acknoledge the supremacye of St. Peter and his successors; as is in his 162 epistle, sayinge thus, In Romana ecclesia semper viguit apostolicae cathedrae principatus: In the churche of Rome hathe allways ben strengthened or florysshed the rule or aucthoritie of the apostolike chayre.

And where I heard a question moved here of late, whether that ever the Greke churche did acknoledge the superiortie of the church of Rome or no? Of the which matter I marvell that any man dothe doubt, seynge that the Greke churche did not onely acknoledge, but also contynue in obedience under the said churche of Rome, by the space of eight hundrethe yeres at the least, so far as I can read my self, or learne of others. And after that it did first renounce the said aucthodtie, it did returne againe with submyssion fourteen several tymes, as good authors write, and as we may partely gather by the councell of Florence, which was about a hundred and fourty-one years ago; whereas the patriarche of Constantinople hymself was present amongest other bushoppes and learned men of Grece, in the which this matter in controversy was determyned and agreed upon, as it dothe manifestely appeare in the canons of the said councell. Moreover, if the Greke churche wer not under the aucthoritie and rule of the churche of Rome, what shall we think of the storye of Anthemas, patriarche of Constantinople, which was deposed for the heresye of Eutyches, by the pope Agapetus: for whose restitution earnest and longe sute was made by the emperesse Theodora that then was, first to the pope Silverius, and after to his successor Vigilius, and coulde in no condition be obtayned. But as touching the Greke churche, and the departure of the same from the churche of Rome, thus we maye briefely say and conclude, that after it did divyde it self from the churche of Rome, it did by lyttel and lyttel fall into extreme myseryes, captivity, and bondage; in the which at this present it dothe remayne. And as concernynge other countryes that have renounced the foresaid aucthoritie, as Germany, Denmarke, and as it was here said, Polonia; this I have to saye, that the myseryes and calamityes that Germany hathe suffered synce ther departure from the churche of Rome, may be a warnynge and example to all other nations to learne by, and beware of the like attempt. And as for Denmark, I do hear indede they be very Lutherans, and have also renounced the pope’s aucthoritie, but yet I cannot learn, nor heare, that eyther the kinge of Denmarke, or yet any prince of Germany, doth take upon hym to be callyd supreme head of the churche. And as for Polonia, althoughe it be trobled with heresyes, as other realmes be, yet I cannot leame, that eyther the kinge or the clargie therof hathe or dothe gyve any place to the same, but of the contrarye dothe most earnystly withstand them, as may ryght well appeare by certeyn bookes set out this last yere, that is 1558, by a bushoppe of Polonia, called Stanislaus Hosius; in the which it is declared, amongest many other things, that earnest sute was made by the protestantes to have three things graunted and suffered to be practyssed within that realme; that is to saye, that prestes myght have wyves; to have the publyke servyce in ther vulger tongue; and the sacrament of the aulter mynistred under bothe kyndes; which all three were denyed them. Whereby it apperethe playnly, that Polonia is not in that case that men reported it to be in. But and if it were so, that all these realmes, yea, and mo, were gone from the obedyence of that churche, dothe it therefore followe, that the aucthoritie thereof is not juste? I thinke not so.

For as Ferdynandus, now emporour, descendinge justely by election from Constantyne the Great, if the empire which was under Constantyne’s rule were divyded into twentye parties, it hathe scarcely one of the twentye, and yet the aucthoritie of an emperour contynuethe in hym still. And as the departure of Gascoygne, Guyne, Normandye, Scotland, and Fraunce, which were all sometymes under th’imperial crowne of England, dothe not take away th’aucthoritie thereof, but that it is an imperial crowne still; even so dothe not the departure of these countreyes from the sea of Rome dymynyshe the aucthoritie gyven unto the same by God. Besides that St.

Paul sayethe, That ther shalbe a departinge befor the day of judgment, which allthoughe some understand of th’empyre, yet the most part referre it to the churche of Rome, from whence men shall faull and departe by infidelitie and heresies; but whether it shalbe in all countryes at one tyme or dyvers tymes, it is uncertayne.

Thirdly, ther is alledged a provyncyall countell or assembly of the bisshoppes and clargy of this realme of England, by whom the aucthoritie of the bisshoppe of Rome was abolisshed and disanulled: which now some inculcate against us, as a matter of great weight and aucthoritie, wheras in very dede it is to be taken for a matter of small aucthoritie; or else none.

For first, we knowe that a particuler or provyncyall countell can make no determination against the universall churche of Christe. Secondarily, of the learned men that were the doers ther, so manye as be dead, before they died were penytent, and cryed God mereye for that acte; and those that do lyre, as all your lordshippes do knowe, hathe openly revoked the same, acknowledginge ther error. And wher some here dothe saye, that they will never trust those men, which once denyed the pope’s aucthoritie, and, nowe of the contrary, stand in the defence of the same; in my judgment, their sayings be not greatly to be allowed. For it may happen, as often tymes it dothe chaunce indede, that a man of honestie, worshippe, yea of honour, maye comytte treason against his prince, and yet by the goodness of the same prince be pardoned for that offence, shall we determinately saye, that man is never after to be trusted in the prince’s affaires? Nay, God forbyd: but rather thinke of the contrarye, that he which once hathe rune so hastely and rashely, that he hathe over-throwne hymself, and fallen, and broken his browe or his shynne, will after that take hede to walke more warily. As we may learne at the apostles of our Saviour Christe, which did all forsake hym, and rune away, when he was apprehended [and brought] before the Jews; and specially of St. Peter, which did thrice denye hym.

And yet after, as well Peter as all the rest of th’apostles did returne againe to their master Christe, and never woulde after, for neyther persecution nor deathe, forsake or denye him any more. So that it may appear, although men have once gone astraye, if they returne to the truthe agayne, their testimonies in the truthe be not to be discredetid. And so I truste that you see that all these reasons and objections, made against the aucthoritie of the churche of Rome, be of none effect, if they be indifferently wayed and considered.

And wheras ther was a reason made here, that a temporall prince, unto whom no ecclesiasticall jurisdiction or rule is gyven or committed by God, cannot himself be head of the churche of Christe; so he cannot substitute nor appoint another to exercise any suche jurisdiction or aucthoritie in spirituall matters in or over the churche of Christe under hym: for as it was then sayd, no man can gyve to another that thinge which he hathe not himself: whereunto this answer was made, that a prince may gyve to another that aucthoritie which he hathe not hymself, neyther may exercise; as for example, they alledge, that a kinge of himself is not a judge, and yet he hathe aucthoritie to appoint judges to mynyster justice. And likewise they said, that a kinge hymself is no capitayn, and yet hathe aucthoritie to appoint capitayns under hym, for defence of his realme, and overthrowe of his enemyes: and even so, say they, he may appoint and substitute one under hym to exercise spirituall jurysdiction, allthoughe he have no suche aucthoritie hymself. Which reasons appeare unto me not only to be verye weake and feble, but also to be playne false, and against scripture, which dothe declare, that the office of a kinge dothe consiste especially in these two points, which these men denye to be in hym; that is, in playinge of the judge, and mynistringe of justice to his subjects, and likewise in playinge the valiant capitayne, in defendinge of the same his subjects from all injurye and wronge, as the 8th chapter of the first Book of Kings declarethe in these wordes, Judicabit nos rex noster, et egredietur ante nos et pugnabit bella nostra pro nobis; that is, Our kinge shall judge us, and he shall goe fourthe before us, and he shall fyght our battallies for us. And likewise Nathan said unto Davyd’s own person, Responde mihi judicium: Make me answer accordinge to justice. And likewise Solomon hymself did gyve sentence and judgement between the two common women, which of them two was mother of the child which was alive. And as for to prove that those kings with other in the Olde Testament were capitayns themselves, in the defence of their realmes, is more manylest, than I shall nede to trayell in provinge of the same.

And thus to drawe unto an end, I trust your lordshippes do see, that for unytie and concord in faithe and religion, to be preservid and contynued in the churche, our Saviour Christe, the spouse thereof, hathe appointed one head or governour, that is to wit, Peter, and his successors, whose faithe he promysed shoulde never decaye, as we see manyfestely it hathe not indede.

And for those men which wryte and speake against this aucthoritie, if therwith their wrytings and their doings be well considered, they shall appear to be suche, as small credit or none is to be gyven unto in matters of weyght, suche as this is. For who so redith the third chapter of the second epistle of St. Paul to Tymothie, may see them there lively described with their doings. And specially one sentence therein may be applyed and verified of them most justely; that is, Semper discentes, et nunquam ad scientiam veritatis pervenientes; that is to saye, Alwayes learnynge and never comminge to the knowledge of truthe. For as we see them varye amongeat themselves, one from another, so no one of them dothe agree with himself in matters of religion, two yeres together. And as they be gon from the sure rocke and staye of Christe’s churche, so do they reel and waver in their doctryne, wherin no certeyntie nor staye can be founde.

Whereof St. Paul dothe admonyshe us, and teache us in the person of his scholer Tymothie, to be constante in doctryne and religion, and not to follow suche men. For after, in the same chapter he sayeth thus; Tu vero permane in iis quae didicisti, et quae credita sunt tibi, sciens a quo didiceris. But as for thee, saythe St. Paul, speaking unto every Christian man in the person of Tymothe, contynue in those thinges which thow hast learned, and which be credited unto thee, knowinge of whom thou hast learned them. In which wordes we myght understand that St. Paul dothe not move any man to continew in any false or untrue doctryne. Wherfore he movethe every man to consider, not onely his religion and doctryne, but also, or rather, the schoolemaster of whom he learned the same. For of the knowledge, constancye, and worthyness of the schoolemaster, or teacher, may the doctryne, taught by him, be knowen to be good and sound, or otherwise. Now if a man shoulde aske of these men in this realme, which dissent from the catholike churche, not onely in this point of the supremacie, but also in dyvers of the cheffe mystryes of our faithe, of whom they learned this doctryne which they holde and teache, they must nedes answer, that they learned it of the Germaynes. Then we may demande of them agayne, of whom the Germaynes did learne it?

Whereunto they must answer, that they learned it of Luther. Well, then of whom did Luther learne it? Wherunto he shall answer hymself in his booke that he wrote De Missa angulari, seu privata: where he saythe, that suche thinges as he teachethe against the masse, and the blessed sacrament of the aulter, he learned of Sathan, the Devyll. At whose hands it is lyke he did also receave the rest of his doctryne. Then here be two points diligently to be noted. First, That this doctryne is not yet fifty yeres old; for no man taught it before Luther. And secondarily, That Luther dothe confesse and acknowledge the Divell to be his schoolemaster in dyvers points of his doctryne. So that if men wolde diligently mind St. Paul’s wordes, where he bidethe us knowe of whom we have learned suche doctryne as we holde, they wolde refuse this perverse and wicked doctryne, knowinge from whom it came. But if they will aske us of whom we learned our doctryne, we answer then, that we learned it of our forefathers in the catholike churche, which hathe in it contynuedly the Holye Spirit of God for a ruler and governour. And againe, if they aske of whom our fathers learned this same, we say of their forefathers within the same churche. And so we manually ascend in possession of our doctryne, from age to age, unto the apostle Peter, unto whom, as St. Cyprian sayeth, our Savyour Christe did betake his shepe to be fed, and upon whom he founded his churche.

So that howe we may be bolde to stand in our doctryne and religion against our adversaries, seyng that thers is not yet fyftye yeres olde, and ours above fifteen hundrethe yeres olde. They have for aucthoritie and commendation of their religion Luther and his schoolemaster before mencyoned; we have for ours St. Peter and his master Christe. So that nowe, by the doctryne of Ireneus, every man may knowe wher the truthe is, and whom he should followe; which saythe thus: Eis qui in ecclesia sunt presbyteris, obedire oportet; his qui successionem habent ab apostolis, qui cum episcopali successione charisma veritatis certum secundum placitum Patris acceperunt; reliquos vero qui absistunt a principali successione, et quoeunque loco colliguntur, suspectos habere, vel quasi haereticos, et make sententiae, vel quasi studentes [partium ] et elatos sibi placentes: aut rursus ut hypocritas queestus gratia et vanae gloriae hoc operantes: qui omnes decidunt a veritate. That is, “To those prestes, which be in the churche, we ought to obaye, those which have their succession from the apostles, who with bisshoppelike succession have receaved a sure gracyous gifte, according to the good will of the Father.

But for the other, which departe from the pryncipall succession, and be gathered in whatsoever place, we ought to have them suspected, either as hereticks, and of an evil opinion, or as makinge divisions, and proude men, and pleasing themselves; or againe as hypocrytes, doing that for advantage and vayn glorye, which all do fall from the truthe.” And thus I make an end, most humbly thankinge your good lordshipps for your gentill pacyence, desiringe the same lykewise to weye and consider these thinges which I have spoken, as shalbe thought good to your wysdomes.

NUMBER 8.

The heads of a discourse concerning the supremacye. THE first byshopps of Rome were particular byshopps of a certein precinct, beginning, contynuinge, and endinge their byshoppricks in persecutions and povertye. In what aftayres they busied themselves, and under what emperors.

Under what emperours the byshopps of Rome began to decline from the perfections of their predecessors; the cause thereof; and that they had no dignities nor possessions, but of the gift of the emperours and other princes; and howe the same from tyme to tyme were enlarged, and had their continuance.

The cause whereupon the byshoppe of Rome claymed to be an universal byshoppe; usurped an universal jurisdiction. Howe farre the bounds thereof did then extend; his practises to be an erthly monarche or kinge; and howe he e’er since, with every age, hath maynteined his state.

In what age the name of papa had his original. To whom it was attributed, and howe it became the proper name of the byshoppe of Rome; and what byshoppes of Rome first claymed the swordes, and triple, double, and single crowne.

What mischiefs and inconveniences have ensued upon all commonwealths, by the usurpinge of the saide jurisdiction. And howe touche thereby the Christen commonweale is decayed; and of the beginninge of the Turkishe empire, and Mahomet’s religion.

General countells summoned by the emperours; and for what causes.

Under what emperours; when the byshoppe of Rome first summoned a general counsell; and howe he hath accrochyd the same unto himself.

The popes have entermedlyd in there generall counsells with princes affayres, and have, as well at other tymes as then, taken upon them to bestowe empires and kingdomes, and that none should rule or be crowned, but at his pleasure. And what great broyles have ensued thereupon, especially in England, as appeareth in the lives of Henry the II. king John, Henry the III. and divers other kings.

Of the censures of the churche. And howe the popes have abusyd the same, in revenge of there owne private quarrels, and advancement of their owne estates.

Howe and when the Christian faythe first began in England. The king’s authoritie: archebishoppes, bishoppes, and ecclesiasticall lawes, made by kinge Lucius, without the pope. The continuance of the same faythe, until Augustin; and after, until the cominge of the Normans into England. The innovations of religion brought in by Augustine, and the practices used for the bringinge in of the same, and what opinion or estimation was had therof.

The cause why the Romaines left or forsooke their government here in England; and that sythence it hath not been tributary or subject to any forein estate, albeit it hath been divers tymes conqueryd by strangers; and that those conquerours have forsaken their owne countreys, and become as it were natural born in Englande, conforminge themselves wholly to the laws thereof.

That the realm of Engiande hath been alwaies governyd by private lawes and customes; as well in causes ecclesiastical as temporal. The antiquitie, establyshinge, allowance, and commendation of them. The difference between the canon, civil, and temporal lawes. And when the canon and civil lawes were first receavid into Englande.

In what cases the common lawes of Englande have ad-mittyd the civil and canon lawes, and upon what consideration.

In what age the pope’s jurisdiction crept into Englande, and the practices used from tyme to tyme for the establyshinge therof.

What innovations, as well of lawes as of estates, have been made in Englande by the pope’s legates, cardinalles, Italians, beinge byshoppes in Englande, and others of the Englyshe clergye.

Practyss of the byshoppes, and others there adherents, for the bringinge into Englande of the pope’s jurisdiction.

The king’s jurisdiction in ecclesiastical causes, by the common lawes of the realme: and that ecclesiasticall persons derive their jurisdiction from the kinge.

There is no magistrate in any cause above the kinge in his realm: and what lawes the kings of the realme have gyvin to the clergye; and the same have been observid.

The king’s demesnes dischargid of tythes; and that his tenants in chief shall not be empleadid in the ecclesiasticall court for any tythes.

Licences and dispensations made by the kinge in ecclesiasticall causes.

Licences, graunts, and dispensations made by the pope adjudged voide by the common lawe.

That the pope cannot erecte in England any sanctuary, or exempte any person from the king’s jurisdiction. And of the beginninge of sanctuaries.

The probate of the testaments, and committinge of administration of the goodes of the intestate, by the ordre of the common lawes, belonginge to the kinge. And when the same were grantyd to the clergie.

Ecclesiasticall discipline belonginge to the kinge: and how the same hath bene executid. And that temporail judges be judges of ecclesiasticall causes.

Disgradinge, deprivinge, deposinge, suspendinge, and sequestringe, by the king’s commandment and aucthoritie.

By the common lawes of the realme one person maye not enjoye more benefices than one, or dignities in one churche.

Imprisoninge, fininge, ransominge, abjuringe, arrayninge and banishinge of ecclesiasticall persons, by the king’s commandment and aucthoritie.

Temporalities of bisshoppes seisid; and of the seiser of the goodes of the clergie.

Ecclesiasticall persons restreynid from purchasinge of landes, from buyinge and sellinge and takinge landes in ferme.

Seiser of temporalities in the tyme of warre.

Temporail persons juges in allowance of the clergye to prisons upon their arreygnments: and of the commencement therof.

The king’s power and aucthoritie in causes of excomunication. And that the king’s temporail courts beinge [judges] of the validitie and invaliditie of excommunications.

Causes of heresie, witchcraft, sorcery, enchauntements, debatyd before the kinge, and discussyd and judged by him and the lernyd of the realme, and his temporall justiceys.

The king’s courts juges of lecherous lyff, as well in the clergye as in the temporalitie.

Abilitie or not abilitie of clerks presentyd to benefices jugid by the king’s temporall courts. The common lawe of England jugith of bastards.

Ecclesiastical lawes made by kings of England concerninge religion, fay the, &c. rites, ceremonyes, heresies, bisshoppes, ecclesiasticall persons and other things concerninge the clergye.

Parliaments in England signinge and decreeinge against the pope’s aucthoritie, his canons, and bulles. And the manner of the holdinge of them, whether the bisshoppes be there in respect of ther clergye, or for any other cause. And they are to be punysshed, if they departe from the same without lycence.

Spirituall courts within the realme, the king’s courts.

To whom and for what things tithes were payable by the common lawes; positive lawes made for the same: the erecting of parisshes: suits in the king’s temporall courts for tythes.

The clergie chardged with quinsiems and other payements, as well for their lands as goodes; and ecclesiasticall persons made collectours therof by the lawes of the realme; and the punysshement of them that refusyde to be collectours.

That Jreland of right belongith to the kings of England, and not gyven to Henry the second, as some pretend; and howe the kings of England came by the same.

Othes heretofore ministryd against the pope, as well to the clergye as to the laytie; and of the othe minystred to the pope’s legates and messengers at their cominge into England.

Foundations of free-chappels, and other howses ecclesiastical by the king’s lycence, to be donatyve and not presentatyve.

Monasteries and other howses and foundations ecclesiasticall, altered or suppressyd by kings, and other common persons.

Visitations of the clergye, free-chappells, hospitals, and other ecclesiastical howses and places, by the chancellor of England and other the king’s commissioners; and of the pope’s usurpations in visitinge of the clergye of England.

All suits determinable within this realme. No suite for any cause rysinge within the realme, maynteinable in any place out of the realme. In what wise forein suits before the statutes of praemunire were restreyned and punisshed.

Controversies betwixte ecclesiasticall persons for ecclesiasticall causes, determynable within the realme; and before whome.

Appels and other forein suits determynable in England; and before whome.

Triall in the king’s temporall courts of issues, and matters spirituall or ecclesiasticall.

Of what force the pope’s excommunication is by the lawes of England; and of the punisshment of the bringers in thefor.

That no person shall goe out of the realme to Rome, the pope’s generall counsell, ne to any other place, without the king’s especiall lycence; and the punisshment of suche as goe out of the realme without the king’s licence.

The lawes of Engiand agaynst the cominge into the realme of the pope’s legates and messengers, and of all others, without the king’s lycence.

That priours alien, ne any of their religion, shall not goe out of the realme to be visitid, by their superiors or generalls beyond the seas, nor send or conveighe any money unto them out of the realme without especiall licence.

The foundations and erections of archebisshoppricks and bisshoppricks; and their endowments from tyme to tyme by the kinge; and by whom the limitts of every binshoppes diocess were assignyd.

The translation, union, and dissolution of bisshoppes seas, by kings in severall ages.

All franchises and liberties of the bisshoppricks and clergye deryvid from the crowne, and sworne by kings in their coronations.

Exemption to be discharged of the jurisdiction of bisshoppes by the king’s graunt.

The kinge onely patron of all archebisshoppricks and bisshoppricks in England; and howe the archebisshoppes and bisshoppes were investyd and consecrated of old tyme: and that a man may be a perficte bisshoppe to every respect, without tonsure, rasure, anoyntinge, and suche other ceremonies. And when the investinge or consecratinge of archebisshoppes and bisshoppes was alteryd; and howe the same of latter tyme hathe been usid.

And when the pope herein beganne to usurpe upon the kings. No election made to ecclesiasticall dignities without the kings licence, good: and that to the perfittinge thereof his assent is requisite by the writ De regio assensu.

Elections to ecclesiasticall dignities in tymes past usyd in divers manners: and when franke election first beganne; and how soone it hath been established.

Foreyners preferfid, nominatyd or elected to ecclesiasticall dignities, refusyd.

The pope’s factions, in refusinge to consecrate or confirme those which were duely electyd to ecclesiasticall dignities.

The kinge gardian as well of the spiritualities as of the temporalties in the tyme of the: and that he may kepe the temporalties duringe his pleasure.

The meanes howe the bisshoppe after his consecration comyth to his temporalties: and of the reseiser therof, if the bisshoppe procede not therin in due order.

The othe of the bisshoppes and other ecclesiasticall persons to the kinge in tymes paste; and the maner of swearinge unto the pope.

The bisshoppes and archebisshoppes obedient subjects to the kinge, and ministers to his temporall courts, in executinge his wordes and commandments.

Provisions and translations, &c. to ecclesiasticall dignities by the pope, against the common lawes of England. The mischiefs that have growen therby; and how the procurers thereof were punysshed before the statutes of premunire.

Rome-scotte and Peter-pence in what ages first paide; upon what considerations denyed and withholden by divers kings.

The pope becomyth a souldier: and howe the tenthes of the ecclesiasticall livings and promotions, beinge graunted onely for the ayde of the holy land, were afterwards continuyd and paide to his own private uses.

In what age, for what cause, and by what meanes, the pope usurpid the first fruytes of the ecclesiasticall promotions.

Convocations of the bisshoppes and clergye, within this realme, not holden nor callyd without the king’s writ or assent.

Writts directid to convocations, prescribinge what thinges the clergye shall establishe and decree, and what not. Messengers and commissioners sent to the same or like ende.

Of what force, by the common lawes, things decreed by the convocation are.

That no constitutions provinciall, nowe extant, were decreyd before the tyme of Stephen Laughton, thrust into the archebisshoppricke of Canterbury by the pope, all others before beinge suppressed. And howe muche the pope’s jurisdiction was thereby enlarged, and in what poynts.

What maner of liberties and francheses the clergye hereupon challengyd; and howe by colour therof they usurpyd the king’s aucthoritie; and what practises and attempts have been wrought for the same.

The kinge had the same jurisdiction in the gyft, and investiture of Canterbury and Yorke, as in other bisshoppricks. The pope claymed the gyft of them, and howe longe sithence the pope first usurpid.

What is the palle; when and upon what consideration, and by whom it was gyven to the archbisshoppes of Canterbury.

The great abuses and usurpations by colour therof.

The prerogatives of the archbisshoppe of Canterbury; and from whom they tooke their beginninge.

The mariage of prestes lawefull by the common lawes of England. And that the same is neyther alteryd nor repealyd by any acte of parliament. And by what means the same was first restreynid.

The auncient monasticall lyvings as well in England as elsewhere; and howe the same was pervertyd by the rules of Augustine, Benedict, Dominic, &c. And to what abuses the state of that lyff was degenerate.

The beginninge of all kind of friers and other regular persons in England; and to what abuses the same were growen unto.

That the quene’s majestie that nowe is hathe by the common lawes of this realme as great aucthoritie and jurisdiction over the realme, as any of her majestie’s auncestours or predecessors, being kings or quenes of this realme, have had.

What servitude and tyranny to all the quene’s subjects: what daunger to the prince and realme they bringe in and doe, that in any sorte maynteyne the pope’s jurisdiction. What it is to affirme the pope’s jurisdiction. Howe it is nowe punysshed; and howe it was punysshable by the common lawes of this realme.

NUMBER 9.

The oration of the reverend father in God Mr. Dr. Fecknam, abbott of Westminster, in the parliamenthowse, 1559, against the bill for the Liturgy. HONOURABLE and my very good lordes; having at this present two sundry kindes of religion here propounded and set forthe before your honours, being allready in possession of th’one of them, and your fathers before you, for the space of 14 hundrethe yeres past here in this realme, lyke as I shall hereafter prove unto you; the other religion here set in a booke to be receyved and establisshed by th’aucthoritie of this high courte of parliament, and to take his effecte here in this realme at Mydsomar nexte comynge. And you beinge, as I knowe, right well dissirous to have some proofe or sure knowledge, which of both these religions is the better, and most worthy to be establisshhed here in this realme, and to be preferred before the other; I will for my part, and for the discharge of my dewtie, first unto God, secondly unto our soveraigne lady the quene’s highness, thirdly unto your honours, and to the whole commons of this realme, here sette forthe, and expresse unto you, three brief rules and lessons, wherby your honours shalbe able to putte difference betwixt the true religion of God and the counterfeyte, and therin never be deceyved. The first of these three rules or lessons is, that in your search and tryall making, your honours must observe, which of them bothe hathe ben of most antiquitie, and most observed in the churche of Christ of all men, at all tymes and seasons, and in all places. The second, which of them bothe is of it self more steadfast, and allwayes forth one and agreeable with it self. The third and last rule to be considered of your wisdoms is, which of these religions dothe brede the more humble and obedient subjects, first unto God, and next unto our soveraigne ladle the quene’s highness, and all superiour powers.

Concerninge the first rule and lesson, it cannot be truly affirmed or yet thought of any man, that this new religion, here nowe to be sett forthe in this booke, hathe bene observed in Christ’s churche of all Christian men, at all tymes and in all places; when the same hathe ben observed only here in this realme, and that for a shorte tyme, as not muche passing the space of two yeres, and that in king Edward the 6th his dayes: whereas the religion, and the very same maner of servinge and honoringe of God, of the which you are at this present in possession, did begin here in this realme yeres past in kinge Lucius’s dayes, the first Christian kinge of this realme; by whose humble letters sent to the pope Elutherius, he sent to this realme two holye monkes, the one called Damianus, th’other Faganus: and they, as embassadors sent from the sea apostolike of Rome, did bringe into this realme so many yeres past the very same religion wherof we are now in possession; and that in the Latin tonge, as the ancyent historiographer Gildas witnessethe in the prologue and beginynge of his booke of the Brittaine-Historye. And the same religion so longe ago begune, hath had this long continuance ever sythence here in this realme, not onely of th’inhabytaunce therof, but also generally of all Christian men, and in all places of Christendom, untill the late daies of kinge Edward the 6th, as is aforesaid. Wherby it appearethe unto all men that lyst to see and knowe, howe that by this rule and lesson the auncyent religion and manner of servinge of God (wherof we are allreddye in possession) is the very true and perfect religion, and of God.

Towchinge the second rule and lesson of tryall making and probation, whether of bothe these religions is the better and most worthy of observation here in this realme, is this, that your honours must observe which of bethe these is the most stayed religion, and allwayes forthe one, and agreeable with it self. And that the new religion, here now to be set forthe in this booked is no stayed religion, nor allwayes forth one, nor agreeable with it self, who seethe it not; when in the late practise therof in kinge Edward the 6th his dayes, howe changeable and variable was it in and to it self? Every other yere havinge a newe booke devysed therof; and every booke beinge sette furthe, as they professed, accordinge to the sincere word of God, never an one of them agreeing in all pointes with the other: the firste booke affirminge the seven sacraments, and the reall presence of Christe’s body in the holy euchariste, the other denyinge the same; th’one booke admitting the reall presence of Christe’s body in the said sacrament to be receyved in one kinde, with kneeling downe, and great reverence donne unto it, and that in unleavned bread; and th’other booke would have the communyon receyved in bothe the kindes, and in lofe bread, without any reverence, but only unto the bodye of Christe in heaven. But the thinge most worthy to be observid of your honours is, howe that every booke made a shewe to be set furthe accordinge to the syncere word of God, and not one of them did agree with another. And what marvell, I praye you, when the awthors and devisers of the same bookes coulde not agree amongest themselves, nor yet any one of them myght be founde that did longe agree with himself? And for the proore thefor, I shall first begyne with the Germayne wryters, the cheffe schoolemasters and instructors of our countreymen in all these novelties.

And I do read, in an epistle which Philippe Melancthon did write unto one Frederico Miconino, howe that one Carolostadius was the first mover and begynner of the late sedition in Germany, towchinge the sacrament of th’altar, and the denyal of Chryst’s real presence in the same. And when he should come to interpret those wordes of our Saviour Chryste; Accepit panem, benedixit, fregit, deditque discipulis suis, dicens, Accipite, et comedite, hoc est corpus meum, quod pro vobis tradetur; Digito, inquit ille, monstravit visibile corpus suum. By which interpretation of Carolostadius, Chryste shoulde with the one hand give unto his disciples bread to eat, and with the other hand pointe unto his visible bodye that was ther present, and say, This is my bodye, which shall be betrayed for you.

Martyn Luther, muche offended with this foolish exposition, made by Carolostadius, of the words of Chryste, Hoc est corpus meum, he geveth another sense, and saithe, that Germanus sensus verborum Christi was this, Per hunc panere, vel cum isto pane, en ! do vobis corpus meum.

Zwinglius, findinge muche faulte with this interpretation of Martyn Luther, writeth, that Luther therin was muche deceyved; and how that in these wordes of Chryst, Hoc est corpus meum, the verbe substantyve est must be taken for significat, and this word corpus (quod pro vobis’ tradetur) must be taken pro figura corporis. So that the true sense of these wordes of Chryst, Hoc est corpus meum, by Zwinglius’s supposal, is, Hoc significat corpus meum, vel est figura corporis mei. Peter Martyr, beinge of late here in this realme, in his booke by him set furthe, of the disputation which he had in Oxenforde, with the learned students ther, of this matter, gevith another sense of these wordes of Chryst, contrarye unto all the reste, and ther saythe thus: Quod Christus accipiens panem benedixit, fregit, deditque discipulis suis, dicens, Hoc est corpus meun, quasi diceret, corpus meum per fidem perceptum erit vobis pro pane, vel instar panis. Of whose sense the Englishe is this, that Chryst’s bodye receyved by faithe, shall be unto you as bread, or instead of the bread.

But here, to ceasse any further to speake of these Germayne wryters, I shall drawe nearer home, as unto doctor Cranmer, late archbyshoppe of Canterburye in this realme; howe contrary was he unto hymself in this matter? When in one yeare he did set furthe a catechisme in the Englishe tongue and did dedicat the same unto kinge Edward the Sixth, wherin he did most constantly affirme and defend the real presence of Chryst’s bodye in the holie euchariste; and very shortely after he did set furthe another booke, wherin he did most shamefullie denye the same, falsifinge bothe the scriptures and doctors, to the no small admiration of all the learned readers. Dr. Ridleye, the notablest learned of that religion in this realme, did set furthe at Paul’s Crosse, the real presence of Chryst’s body in the sacrament, with these wordes, which I heard, beynge ther present. “How that the Devil did beleve the Sonne of God was able to make of stones bread; and we Englishe people, which do confess that Jesus Chryst was the very Sonne of God, yet will not beleve that he did make of bread his verye bodye, fleashe and blood. Therefore we are worse than the Devil; seying that our Saviour Chryste, by expresse wordes, did most plainlie affirme the same, when at the last supper he tooke bread, and said unto his disciples, Take ye, eat, this is my bodye, which shall be given for you.” And shortely after, the said doctor Ridleye, notwithstandinge this most plaine and open speeche at Paul’s Crosse, did deny the same. And in the last book that doctor Cranmer and his complices did set furthe of the communion, in kinge Edward the Sixth his dayes, these plaine wordes of Chryst, Hoc est corpus meum, did so encomber them, and trouble their wittes, that they did leave out in the same last booke this verbe substantive est; and made the sense of Chryst’s wordes to be there Englished, Take, eat this my body, and left out there this is my bodye; which thinge beinge espyed by others, and great faulte founde withal, then they were faine to patche uppe the matter with a little piece of paper clappid over the foresaid wordes, wherin was writtyn this verbe substantive est. The dealinge herewithe beinge so uncertaine, bothe of the Germayne writers and Englishe, and one of them so muche against another, your honours maye be well assured, that this religion, which by them is set fourthe, can be no constant nor stayede religion. And therfore of your honours not to be receyved; but great wisdome it were for your honours to refuse the same, untyll you shall perceyve better agreement amongest the awthors and setters furthe of the same.

Towchinge the thirde and laste rule of tryall makinge, and puttinge of difference between these religions, it is to be considered of your honours which of them bothe dothe brede more obedyent, humble, and better subjects; firste and cheffelye unto our Savyour and Redeemer; secondly, unto our soveregne lady the quene’s highness, and to all other superiors.

And for some tryall and probation therof, I shall dissier your honours to consider the sudayne mutation of the subjects of this realme, sythence the deathe of good quene Marye, onely caused in them by the preachers of this newe religion: when in quene Marye’s daies your honours do know right well, howe the people of this realme did live in an order; and wolde not runne before lawes, nor openlye disobey the quene’s highness’s proceedinges and proclamations. There was no spoyling of churches, pullinge downe of aultars, and most blasphemous tredinge of sacraments under their feet, and hanging up the knave of clubs in the place therof.

There was no scotchinge nor cuttinge of the faces and legs of the crucifix and image of Christ. There was no open flesh eatinge, nor shambles kepeinge, in the Lent and daies prohibitid. The subjects of this realme, and especially the nobilitye, and suche as were of the honourable councell, did in quene Mary’s daies knowe the waye unto churches and chappels, there to begyne their daies worke, with callinge for helpe and grace, by humble prayers, and servinge of God. And nowe, sithence the comynge and reigne of our most soveraigne and dear lady quene Elizabeth, by the onely preachers and scaffold players of this newe religion, all thinges are turned upside downe, and notwithstandinge the quene’s majestie’s proclamations most godly made to the contrarye, and her vertuous example of lyvinge, sufficyent to move the hearts of all obedyent subjects to the due service and honour of God. But obedyence is gone, humylitie and mekeness cleare abolyshed, vertuous chastity and straight livinge denyed, as thoughe they had never ben heard of in this realme; all degrees and kindes beynge desirous of fleshely and carnall lybertie, wherby the yong springalls and children are degennerate from their naturall fathers, the servants contemptors of their masters commandments, the subjects disobedyent unto God and all superior powers.

And therfore, honourable and my very good lordes, of my parte to mynnyster some occasion unto your honours to expell, avoid, and put owte of this realme this newe religion, whose fruites are already so manifestly knowen to be, as I have repetid; and to perswade your honours to avoyd it, as muche as in me lyethe and to persevere and continue stedfastly in the same religion, wherof you are in possession, and have allredye made profession of the same unto God; I shall rehearse unto your honours foure things, wherby the holie doctor St. Augustine was contynued in the catholicke churche and religion of Christe, which he had receaved, and woulde by no means change nor aulter from the same. The firste of these four things was, ipsa authoritas ecclesiae Christi miraculis inchoata, spe nutrita, charitate aucta, vetustate firmata. The second thing was, populi Chrlstiani consensus et unitas. The third was, perpetua sacerdotum successio in sede Petri. The fourthe and last thing was, ipsum Catholici nomen. If these foure thinges did cawse so notable and learned a clarke as St. Augustyn was, to continue in his professed religion of Christe without all chaunge and alteration, howe much then ought these foure pointes to worke the like effect in your hartes; and not to forsake your professed religion? Firste, becawse it hathe the authoritie of Christe’s churche.

Secondlye, becawse it hathe the consent and agreement of Christian people. Thirdly, because it hathe the confirmtion of all Peter’s successors in the sea apostolike. Fourthly, it hathe ipsum Catholici nomen, and in all times and seasons called the catholike religion of Christ. Thus bolde have I ben to trouble your honours with so tedyouse and longe an oration, for the discharginge, as I said before, of my dewtie, first unto God, secondly unto our soveraigne lady the quene’s highness, thirdly and laste, unto your honours, and all other subjects of this realme: most humbly beseeching your honours to take it in good parte, and to be spoken of me for th’onely cawses abovesaid, and for none other.

NUMBER 10.

Another oration made by Dr. Scot, bishop of Chester, in the parliament howse, against the bill of the liturgy. THIS bill, that hathe ben here read nowe the third tyme, dothe appeare unto me suche one, as that it is muche to be lamentid, that it shoulde be suffered either to be read, yea, or anye eare to be gevin unto it of Christian men, or so honourable an assemblye as this is: for it dothe not only call in question and doubte those thinges which we ought to reverence, without any doubt movinge; but maketh fourther earneste request for.alteraunce, yea, for the clear abolyshinge of the same. And that this maye more evydently appear, I shall desire your lordships to consider, that our religion, as it was here of late discretely, godly, and learnedly declared, dothe consiste partely in inward things, as in faithe, hope, and charitie; and partely in outward things, as in common prayers, and the holie sacraments uniformly mynystred.

Nowe as concernynge these outward thinges, this bill dothe clearly in very dede extinguishe them, settinge in there places I cannot tell what. And the inward it dothe also so shake, that it leavithe them very bare and feble.

For firste, by this bill, Christian charitie is taken awaye, in that the unitie of Christe’s churche is broken: for it is said, Nunquam relinquunt unitatem, qui non prius amirtunt charitatem. And St. Paul saythe, that charitye is vinculum perfectionis, the bond or chayne of perfection, wherewith we be knytte and joyned together in one. Which bond beynge loosed, we muste nedes fall one from another, in divers parties and sects, as we see we do at this present. And as towchinge our faythe, it is evident that dyvers of the articles and mysteryes therof be also not onlye called into doubt, but partely openlye, and partely obscurely; and yet in verye dede, as the other, flatlye denyed. Nowe these two, I mean faithe and charitie, beinge in this case, hope is eyther lefte alone, or else presumption sett in her place: whereupon, for the moste parte, desperation dothe lollowe; from the which I praye God preserve all men.

Wherfore these matters mentioned in this bill, wherin our whole religion consistethe, we ought, I saye, to reverence, and not to call into question.

For as a learned man wrytethe, Quae patefacta sunt quaerere, quae perfecta sunt retractare, et quae definita sunt convellere, quid aliud est, quin de adeptis gratiam non referre: that is to saye, “To seke after the things which be manifestly opened, to call back or retract things made perfect, and to pulle upp againe matters defyned; what other thing is it, then, not to geve thankes for benyfits receaved?” Lykewise saythe holie Athanasius, Quae nunc a tot ac talibus episcopis probata sunt ac decreta, clareque demonstrata, supervacaneum est denuo revocare in judicium. “It is a superfluous thinge, saythe Athanasius, to call into judgment againe matters which have ben tried, decreed, and manyfestlye declared by so many and suche bisshoppes, (he meaneth, as were at the councell of Nice.) For no man will denye, saythe he, but if they be new examyned againe, and of new judged, and after that examyned againe and againe, this curiositie will never come to any end.”

And as it is said in Ecclesiastica Historia, Si quotidie licebit fidem in quaestionem vocare, de fide nunquam constabit: “If it shalbe lawfull every daye to call our faithe in question, we shall never ‘be certeyne of our faithe.” Nowe if that Athanasius did thinke, that no man ought to doubt of matters determyned in the councell of Nice, where there was present three hundred and eighteen bisshoppes; howe muche less ought wee to doubt of matters determyned and practyssed in the holie catholike churche of Christe by three hundrethe thowsande bisshoppes, and how manye more we cannot tell.

And as for the certeyntie of our faithe, wherof the storye of the churche dothe speke, it is a thinge of all other most necessarye; and if it shall hange uppon an acte of parliament, we have but a weake staff to leane unto. And yet I shall dissire your lordeshippes not to take me here as to speke in derogation of the parliament, which I knowledge to be of great strengthe in matters whereunto it extendethe. But for matters in religion, I do not thinke that it ought to be medelled withall, partely for the certeintye which ought to be in our faithe and religion, and the uncerteyntie of the statutes and actes of parliaments. For we see, that oftentymes that which is established by parliament one yere, is abrogatid the next yere followinge, and the contrarye allowed. And we see also that one kinge disallowithe the statutes made under the other. But our faithe and religion ought to be most certeyn, and one in all tymes, and in no condition waveringe: for, as St.

James saithe, he that doubtethe, or staggerithe in his faithe, is like the waves of the sea, and shall obteyne nothinge at the handes of God. And partelye for that the parliament consistethe for the moste parte of noblemen of this realme, and certeyn of the commons, beyinge laye and temporall men: which, allthough they be bothe of good wisdom and learninge, yet not so studied nor exercised in the scriptures, and the holie doctors and practysses of the churche, as to be competent judges in suche matters.

Neyther dothe it apperteine to their vocation; yea, and that by youre lordshippes own judgment; as may welbe gathered of one fact, which I remember was donne this parliament time, which was this: There was a nobleman’s sonne arrested and commytted unto warde; which matter, beinge opened here unto your lorde-shippes, was thought to be an injurye to this howse. Whereuppon, as well the yonge gentleman, as the officer that did arrest hym, and the partie by whose means he was arrested, were all sent for; and commandid to appeare here before your lordshippes: which was donne accordynglye. Yet before the parties were suffered to come into the howse, it was thought expedyent to have the whole matter considered, least this howse shoulde entermedelle with matters not perteinynge unto yt.

In treatinge wherof, there were found three pointes. Firste, there was a debte, and that your 1ordshippes did remytte to the common lawe. The second was a fraude, which was referred to the chauncerye, because neyther of bothe did apparteyne unto this courte. And the thirde was the arrest, and commyttinge to ward of the said gentleman, wherin this howse tooke order. Nowe if that by your lordshippes own judgments the parliament hathe not authoritie to meddell with matters of common lawe, which is grounded upon common reason, neyther with the chauncery, which is grounded upon considerence, (which two things be naturally given unto man,) then muche lesse maye it intermeddell with matters of faithe and religion, farr passinge reason, and the judgment of man, suche as the contents of this bill be: wherin there be three thinges specyally to be consideryd; that is, the weyghtiness of the matter; the darkness of the cawse and the dificultie in tryinge out the truthe; and thirdly, the daunger and perill which dothe ensue, if we do take the wronge waye.

As concernynge the firste, that is, the weyghtiness of the matter conteined in this bill. It is very great: for it is no money matter, but a matter of inheritaunce; yea, a matter towchinge liffe and deathe, and damnation dependethe upon it. Here is it set before us, as the scripture saithe, lyfe and deathe, fier and water. If we put our hand into th’one, we shall live; if it take holde of th’other, we shall die. Nowe to judge these matters here propounded, and discerne which is liffe and which is deathe, which is fire that will burne us, and which is water that will refreshe and comfort us, is a great matter, and not easely perceaved of every man. Moreover, there is another great matter here to be considered, and that is, that we do not unadvisedly condempne our forefathers and their doings, and justifie our selves and our owne doings; which bothe the scripture forbidithe. This we knowe, that this doctrine and forme of religion, which this bill propoundethe to be abolished and taken awaye, is that which our forefathers were born, brought upped and lived in, and have professed here in this realme, without any alteration or chaunge, by the space of 900 yeres and more; and hathe also ben professed and practised in the universall churche of Christe synce the apostells tyme. And that which we goe about to establishe and place for it, is lately brought in, allowed no where, nor put in practise, but in this realme onely; and that but a small tyme, and againste the myndes of all catholycke men. Nowe if we do consider but the antiquitie of the one, and the newness of the other, we have juste occasion to have the one in estimation for the longe continuance therof, unto suche tyme as we see evydent cawse why we shoulde revoke it; and to suspect the other as never hearde of here before, unto such tyme as we see juste cawse why we shoulde receave it, seeynge that our fathers never heard tell of it.

But nowe I do call to remembraunce, that I did here yesterday a nobleman in this howse say, makinge an answer unto this as it were by preoccupation, that our fathers lyved in blyndness, and that we have juste occasion to lament their ignoraunce; wherunto me thinkethe it may be answered, that if our fathers were here, and heard us lament their doings, it is very lyke that they woulde say unto us as our Savyour Christe said unto the women which followed hym when he went to his death, and weeped after him, Nolite flere super nos, sed super vos; i.e. Weepe not over us for our blindness, but weepe over your selves for your own presumption, in takinge upon you so arrogantly to justifie your selves and your own doings, and so rashely condemnynge us and our doings. Moreover, Davyd dothe teache us a lesson cleare contrarye to this nobleman’s sayings: for he biddithe us in doubtfull matters go to our fathers, and learne the truthe of them, in these wordes; Interroga patrem tuum, et annunciabit tibi, majores tuos, et dicent tibi: i.e. “Aske of thy father, and he shall declare the truthe unto thee, and of thyne auncestors, and they will tell thee.” And after, in the same Psalme, Filii qui nascentur et exsurgent, narrabunt filiis suis, ut cognoscat generatio altera: i.e. “The children which shalbe borne, and ryse upp, shall tell unto their children, that it may be knowen from one generation to another.” Davyd here willithe us to learne of our fathers, and not to contempn their doings. Wherefore I conclude, as concernynge this parte, that this bill, conteyninge in it matters of great weight and importaunce, it is to be deliberated on with great diligence and circumspection, and examyned, tryed, and determyned by men of great learnynge, vertue, and experyence.

And as this matter is great, and theftore not to be passed over hastely, but diligentlye to be examyned, so is it darke, and of great difficultie to be so playnlye discussed, as that the truthe may manyfestly appeare. For here be, as I have said, two bookes of religion propounded; the one to be abolished, as erroneous and wicked; and the other to be establyshed, as godly, and consonant to scripture; and they be both concernynge one matter, that is, the trewe admy-nystration of the sacraments, accordinge to the institution of our Saviour Christe. In the which admynystration ther be three thinges to be considered. The firste is, the institution of our Savyour Christe for the matter and substaunce of the sacraments. The seconde, the ordynaunces of the apostles for the forme of the sacraments. And the thirde is, the additions of the holie fathers for the adornynge and perfitynge of the admynystratyon of the said sacraments. Which three be all dulye, as we see, observed, and that of necessitie, in this booke of the masse, and old service, as all men do know, which understand it. The other booke, which is so much extolled, dothe ex professo take away two of these three thinges, and in very dede makethe the thirde a thinge of nought. For firste, as concernynge the additions of the fathers, as in the masse, Confiteor, Misereatur, Kirie Eleeson, Sequentes preces, Sanctus.Agnus Dei, with suche other thinges: and also th’ordinaunces of the apostles, as blessings, crossings; and in the admynystration of dyvers of the sacraments, exsufflations, exorcismes, inunctions, prayinge towardes the east, invocation of saynts, prayer for the dead, with suche other; this booke takethe awaye, eyther in parte, or else clearly, as things not allowable. And yet dothe the fawters therof contende, that it is most perfitt according to Christe’s institution, and th’order of the prymytyve churche. But to let th’ordynaunces of th’apostles, and the additions of the fathers passe, (which, notwithstandinge, we ought greatly to esteem and reverence,) lett us come to th’institution of our Sayyour Christe, wherof they taulke so muche, and examyne whether of those two bookes come nearest unto it.

And to make thinges playne, we will take for example the masse, or, as they call it, the supper of the Lord; wherin our Savyour Christe (as the holie fathers do gather upon the scriptures) did institute three things, which he commanded to be done in remembraunce of his deathe and passion unto his comynge againe, sayinge, Hoc facite, &c. Do ye this: wherof the firste is, the consecratinge of the blessed body and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christe. The seconde, the offeringe up of the same unto God the Father.

And the thirde, the communicatinge, that is, the eatinge and drinkinge of the said blessed body and blood under the formes of bread and wyne. And as concerninge the firste two, St. Chrysostom saythe thus, Volo quiddam edicere plane mirabile, et nolite mirari neque turbamini, &c. “I will,” saythe St. Chrysostom, “declare unto you in very dede a marvellous thinge; but maryell not at it, nor be not troubled. But what is this? It is the holie oblation, whether Peter or Paul, or a preste of any desert, do offer, it is the verye same which Christe gave to his disciples, and which prestes do make or consecrate at this tyme. This hathe nothinge lesse then that. Whye so? Bycawse men do not sanctyfie this, but Christe, which did sanctyfie that before. For lyke as the wordes which Christe did speake, be the very same which the prestes do nowe pronounce, so is it the very same oblation.” These be the wordes of St. Chrysostome; wherin he testifiethe as well the oblation and sacrifice of the body and blood of our Savyour Christe, offered unto God the Father in the masse, as also the consecratinge of the same by the preste: which two be bothe taken away by this booke, as the awthors therof do willinglie acknowledge; cryinge owte of the offering of Christe oftener than once, notwithstandinge that all the holie fathers do teach it; manyfestly affirmynge Christe to be offered daylye after an unbloody manner. But if these men did understand and consider what dothe ensue and followe of this their affirmation, I thinke they wolde leave their rashness, and returne to the truthe againe. For if it be trewe that they say, that there is no externall sacrifyce in the Newe Testament, then dothe it follow, that there is no priesthood under the same, whose office is, saythe St. Paul, to offer up gyfts and sacrifices for synne. And if there be no priesthood, then is there no religion under the New Testament. And if we have no religion, then be we sine Deo in hoc mundo; that is, we be without God in this worlde. For one of these dothe necessarily depend and followe uppon an other. So that if we graunt one of these, we graunt all; and if we take away one, we take away all.

Note (I beseeche your lordshippes) th’end of these men’s doctryns, that is to sett us withowt God. And the lyke opynion they holde towchinge the consecration: having nothinge in their mouthes but the holie communion, which after the order of this booke is holie only in wordes, and not in dede.

For the thinge is not ther which shoulde make it holie: I mean the body and blood of Christe, as may thus appeare, it may justely in very dede be callid the holie communion, if it be mynystred trewly, and accordingly as it ought to be: for then we receave Christe’s holie body and blood into our bodies, and be joyned in one with hym, lyke two pieces of waxe, whiche beinge molten and put together, be made one. Which symylitude St. Cyryll and Chrysostom do use in this matter; and St. Paul sayeth, that we be made his bones and fleshe. But by th’order of this booke this is not done; for Christe’s bodye is not there in very dede to be receaved. For th’only waye wherby it is present is by consecration, which this booke hathe not at all; neyther doth it observe the forme prescribed by Christe, nor follow the manner of the churche. The evangelists declare, that our Savyour tooke bread into his handes, and did blesse it, brake it, and gave it to his disciples, saying, Take and eat, this is my bodye which is gyven for you: do this in remembraunce of me. By these wordes, Do this, we be commanded to tayke bread into our handes, to blesse it, break it, and havinge a respecte to the bread, to pronounce the wordes spoken by our Savyour, that is, Hoc est corpus meum. By which wordes, saythe St. Chrysostom, the bread is consecratid. Nowe by the order of this booke, neyther dothe the preste take the bread in his handes, blesse it, nor breake it, neyther yet hathe any regard or respect to the bread, when he rehearsithe the wordes of Christe, but dothe passe them over as they were tellinge a tale, or rehearsinge a storye. Moreover, wheras by the myndes of good wryters there is requyryd, yea, and that of necessitie, a full mynd and intent to do that which Christe did, that is, to consecrate his body and blood, with other things followinge: wherfore the churche hathe appoynted in the masse certeyne prayers, to be said by the prieste before the consecration, in the which these wordes be, Ut nobis fiat corpus et sanguis Domini nostri Jhesu Christi; that is, the prayer is to this end, that the creatures may be made unto us the body and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christe: here is declared th’intent, as well of the churche, as also of the prieste which sayeth masse: but as for this newe booke, there is no such thinge mentyoned in it, that dothe eyther declare any suche intente, eyther make any suche requeste unto God, but rather to the contrarye; as dothe appeare by the request there made in these wordes, That we receavinge these thy creatures of bread and wyne, &c. which wordes declare, that they intende no consecration at all. And then let them glory as muche as they will in their communion, it is to no purpose, seeynge that the body of Christe is not there, which, as I have said, is the thinge that should be communicated.

Ther did yesterdaye a nobleman in this howse say, that he did beleve that Christe is ther receaved in the communyon set owt in this booke; and beyng asked if he did worshippe hym ther, he said, no, nor never woulde, so 1onge as he lived. Which is a strange opynyon, that Christe shoulde be any where, and not worshypped. They say, they will worshippe hym in heaven, but not in the sacrament: which is much lyke as if a man woulde saye, that when th’emperor syttethe under his clothe of estate, princely apparelled, he is to be honoured; but if he come abroad in a freez coat, he is not to be honoured; and yet he is all one emperor in clothe of golde under his clothe of estate, and in a freez coat abroad in the street. As it is one Christe in heaven in the forme of man, and in the sacrament under the formes of bread and wyne. The scripture, as St. Augustyne dothe interprete it, dothe commande us to worshippe the body of our Savyour, yea, and that in the sacrament, in these wordes: Adorate scabellum pedum ejus, quoniam sanctum est: Worshippe his footstoole, for it is holie. Upon the which place St. Augustine wrytethe thus; “Christe tooke fleshe of the blessed Virgin his mother, and in the same he did walke; and the same fleshe he gave us to eat unto health; but no man will eat that fleshe, except he worshippe it before. So is it found owte howe we shall worshippe his footstoole, &c. we shall not onely not synne in worshippinge, but we shall synne in not worshippinge.” Thus far St. Augustine: but as concernynge this matter, if we woulde consider all things well, we shall see the provision of God marvellous in it. For he providithe so, that the verye heretickes, and enyreyes of the truthe, be compellyd to confesse the truthe in this behalfe.

For the Lutherians writinge against the Zwinglians do prove, that the true naturall body of our Savyour Christe is in the sacrament. And the Zwinglians againste the Lutherians do prove, that then it must nedes be worshipped ther. And thus in their contention dothe the truthe burst out, whether they will or no. Wherfore, in myne opynion of these two errors, the fonder is to say, that Christe is in the sacrament, and yet not to be worshipped, than to say he is not ther at all. For eyther they do thinke, that eyther he is ther but in an imagynation or fancye, and so not in very dede; or else they be Nestorians, and thinke that ther is his bodye onely, and not his dyvinitie: which be bothe devellishe and wicked.

Nowe, my lordes, consider, I beseche you, the matters here in varyaunce; whether your lordeshippes be able to discusse them accordinge to learnynge, so as the truthe may appear, or no: that is, whether the body of Christe be by this newe booke consecrated, offered, adored, and truly communicated, or no; and whether these things be required necessarily by th’institution of our Saviour Christe, or no; and whether booke goeth nearer the truthe. These matters, my lordes, be (as I have said) weightie and darke, and not easye to be discussed: and lykewise your lordshippes may thinke of the rest of the sacraments, which be eyther clearly taken awaye, or else mangled, after the same sorte by this newe booke.

The third thinge here to be considered, is, the great daunger and peryll that dothe hange over your heades, if you do take upon you to be judges in these matters, and judge wronge; bringinge bothe your selfes and others from the truthe unto untruthe, from the highwayes unto bypathes. It is daungerous enoughe, our Lord knowethe, for man hymself to erre, but it is more daungerous, not onely to erre hymself, but also to lead other men into error. It is sayd in the scripture of the kinge Hieroboam, to aggravate his offences, that peccavit, et peccare fecit Israel: i.e. he did synne hymself, and cawsed Israell to synne. Take heed, my lordes, that the like be not said by you; if you passe this bill, you shall not onely, in my judgement, erre your selves, but ye also shalbe the awthors and cawsers that the whole realme shall erre after you. For the which you shall make an accompte before God.

Those that have read storyes, and knowe the discourse and order of the churche, discussinge of controversies in matters of religion, can testifie, that they have been discussed and determyned in all times by the clergye onely, and never by the temporaltie. The herysie of Arius, which troubled the churche in the tyme of the emperor Constantyne the Great, was condempned in the councell of Nice. The heresye of Eutyches in the councell of Chalcedone under Martin; the heresye of Macedonius in the firste councell of Constantynople, in the tyme of Theodosius; the heresye of Nestorius in the Ephesin councell, in the time of Theodosius the younger. And yet did never none of these good emperors assemble their nobilitie and commons, for the discussing and determynynge of these controversies; neyther asked their myndes in them, or went by number of voices or polles, to determyne the truthe, as is done here in this realme at this tyme. We may come lower, to the third councell of Tolletane in Spayne, in the tyme of Ricaredus, beinge ther; and to the councell in Fraunce, about 800 yeres ago, in the tyme of Carolus Magnus: which bothe, followinge th’order of the churche, by licence had of the pope, did procure the clergie of their realmes to be gathered and assembled, for reformynge of certeyne errors and enormyties within their said realmes, wherunto they never callyd their nobilitie nor commons; neyther did any of them take upon themselves eyther to reason and dispute, in discussinge of the controversies; neyther to deterrayne them being discussed; but left the whole to the discussing and determining of the clergy. And no mervaill, if these with all other catholick princes used this trade. For the emperors that were hereticks did never reserve any such matter to the judgment of temporall men, as may appear to them that read the stories of Constantius, Valens, &c. who procured divers assemblies, but always of the clergy, for the stablishing of Arius’s doctryn: and of Zeno th’emperor, which did the lyke for Eutyches doctryne, with many other of that sorte. Yea, yt dothe appeare in the Acres of the Apostles, that an infidell wolde take no such matter upon hym. The storye is this: St. Paul havinge continued at Corynthe one year and an halfe in preachinge of the gospell, certeyn wycked persons did aryse against hym, and brought hym before their viceconsul, callyd Gallio, layinge unto his charge, that he tawght the people to worshippe God contrary to their law. Unto whom the vice-consul answered thus: Si quidem esset iniquum aliquid aut facinus pessimum, o vos Judaei, recte vos sustinerem; si vero quaestiones sint de verbo et nominibus legis vestrae, vosipsi videritis: judex horum ego nolo esse: i. e.

If that this man, saithe Gallio, had commytted any wycked acte or cursed cryme, O yee Jewes, I myght justely have heard you: but and if it be concernynge questions and doubtes of the wordes and matters of your lawe, that is to saye, if it be towchinge your religion, I will not be judge in those matters. Marke, my lordes, this short discourse, I beseech your lordshippes, and yee shall perceave, that all catholike princes, heryticke princes, yea, and infidells, have from tyme to tyme refused to take that upon them, that your lordshippes go about and chalenge to do.

But howe, because I have been longe, I will make an end of this matter with the sayings of two noble emperors in the lyke affaires. The first is Theodosius, which sayd thus; Illicitum est enim qui non sit ex ordine sanctorum episcoporum ecclesiasticis se immiscere tractatibus: i.e. It is not lawfull, sayeth he for hym that is not of the order of the holie busshoppes to entermedell with th’intreatinge of ecclesiasticall matters.

Lykewise sayd Valentinianus th’emperor (beinge desired to assemble certeyne busshoppes together, for examynynge of a matter of doctryn) in this wise; Mihi qui in sorte sum plebis, fas non est talia curiosius scrutari: sacerdotes, quibus ista curae sunt, inter seipsos quocunque loco voluerint conveniant: i.e. It is not lawfull for me, quoth th’emperor, beynge one of the lay people, to searche owte suche matters curyously; but let the prestes, unto whom the charge of these things dothe apparteyne, meet together in what place soever they will. He meaneth for the discoursinge therof. But to conclude; and if these emperors had not to do with suche matters, howe shoulde your lordshippes have to do with all? And thus desiringe your good lordshippes to consider, and take in good parte, these fewe thinges that I have spoken, I make an end.

NUMBER 11.

A discourse in favour of the pope, eand the unity of the church of Rome.

Credo sanetam ecclesiam catholicam.

Credo unam sanctam ecclesiam catholicam.

Quicunque vult salvus esse ante omnia opus est ut teneat, &c.

Ut scias quomodo oportet te in domo Dei conversari, quae est ecclesia Dei viventis, columpna et firmamentum veritatis.

In these is proved, that one catholike and apostolike churche is to be beleved, as the rocke of truthe: Which is that catholike and apostolike churche that is one and holye? FIRST, in that it must be one, is excluded the fantasticall opynion, that woulde every man should be saved by his own faithe; wheras ther is but one faithe to be saved in, without the which he that is, cannot be saved. Unus Dominus, una fides, &c. unus pastor, unum ovile. This one shepherd is in none other churche but in that which Rome is the head of. For all other churches have so many heades as ther be dyvers realmes or common wealthes, as all the cities of Germanye have one, Geneva another, England another. But all that nowe be called papists have but one head and shepherd, which is the pope. And they have that unitie of the churche which we speak of. And it cannot here be well sayd, that Christe is the shepherd, for allthoughe there be nothinge more true, yet it is nothinge to our purpose, becawse, sithe our Lord went upp to heaven, he dothe rule his churche by mynysters. As when St. Paul shoulde be converted, he sent unto hym Ananias. So he baptizeth by others, he preacheth by others.

Nowe, as preaching is by the grace of God, yet it is throughe the mynistrye of man; and likewise baptizeing: even so also the governinge of the churche is by his Spiryt and grace, yet is it throughe the mynystrie of man; that is to saye, of one head, which we call the pope. And for this, naturall reason makethe: for no multitude that is dispersed can be made one, but becawse it is knyt by some meane; as a howse is called one, becawse the tymber and the stones, iron and glass, which are dyvers, are by carpenters and masons so unyted, that their diversitie appeareth not, but are joyned by morter and pynns. Likewise, a flock of sheep is called one, becawse it belongeth to one master, or else is ruled by one shepherd. And shall not the church [be one] throughe that, that it hathe but one head? Or else tell us another [way] howe it is one. For all, that be manye in number, must he made one ex cohaerentibus, as a howse or a booke; or else ex distantibus, they are brought to one, beynge as a flocke or a heard under one shepherd; and so after this second sorte, the churche is one.

But if you saye, that it is one throughe this, that it hathe one faithe; then maye I well replye, that one faithe is kepte no wher, without ther be one head. Otherwise, whye be ther Lutherans, Zwynglyans, Pacemontans?

Which all do challenge the scripture, and none of them acknowledge one head, wherby they shoulde be one. No, the very Lutherans be not one, nor in one faithe, but so longe as they obey their master Luther. Apostolike is here to be taken, which descendythe from th’apostles; as all the fathers call that seat apostolike, where the apostles sate, and wher their successors do sytt. Then that churche is apostolike, which can shewe their descent from th’apostles. And this shalbe justified owt of Irenaeus, Tertullian, Iherom, and Augustine; albeit, becawse I had no bookes at hand, I coulde not alledge the places. Tertullian’s words be after this sense, Edant origines episcoporum suorum. Irenaeus’s sense is, Whoso cannot bringe his doctrync to th’apostles or ther successors, is to be suspected.

Nowe, which churche can do it so well as the papists? We can show from Peter to Paulus Quartus, the last pope, the succession of busshoppes. And likewise, we can in Canterburye, and in every sea, shewe howe the busshoppes came from th’apostles. For we can by chronycle prosecute from William Warram, that was last busshoppe before Dr. Cranmer, to the first that was sent in by Gregorye. Then can we bringe Gregorye up to St.

Peter; and so by the rest. Nowe if any in that tyme disagreed from his forefathers, he is, accordinge to Irenaeus’s rule, to be judged suspected. As in Canterbury, Cranmer disagreed from all his predecessors; in Exeter, Myles Coverdall. And those men, which sodenly nowe will leappe from this point unto th’apostles tyme, sayinge, that they agree with them, they are muche like as he that woulde challenge kyndred of Constantyne the Great, and woulde from his father skippe upp streight to Constantyne, sayinge, I am Nycholas, and my father is William; and so I came of Constantyne. I trowe that man shoulde be laughed at, he must show his pedigree from his tyme, by grandfathers and great grandfathers, without any interruption, to Constantyne. Even so, if they challenge the sea apostolike, and take themselves to be of that churche, they must bringe their pedegree by lynyall ascent upp to th’aposties, as we can do, who have in wrytinge every succession in any churche in Christendom; and that is the thinge which St.

Augustyne often tymes alledgethe, sayinge, Teneat me in ecclesia successio episcoporum, a beato Petro, cui post resurrectionem suas Dominus oves pascendas commisit usque in hodiernum diem. If St.

Augustyne saythe so within four hundred yeres, what shall we saye in the same case, after fifteen hundred yeres?

This worde holie, althoughe it maye welbe understand of godlyness, which is the holie bodye of the churche, yet it is here to be taken passively, that is to saye, holie, because it is hallowed. So saythe Davyd, Salvum me fac, Domine, quoniam sanctus sum, i.e. Save me, Lord, becawse I am holie; that is, hallowed. For manye of the fathers thought it absurde, that Davyd shoulde boaste of his holiness, but thinke rather he meaneth becawse he had receaved holyness of God’s parte; as we myght saye, Save me, becawse I am chrystened. Thus then that churche is holie, which hathe receaved of God moste benyfits; and which is that? Is it not the churche commonly called popishe? Hathe it not flouryshed this fifteen hundred yeres? Contrarywise the Lutheran and the Zwinglian churches were not, by their owne confession, in any place or number these seven hundred yeres.

But we saye, they were never before these threescore yeres. Secondarily, whet hath ther been any myracles wrought by their churche? whereas our churche, called papisticall, hathe innumerable myrades, as are to be seen in St. Gregorye, and St. Augustyne in his booke De Civitate Dei, and in all the olde fathers. Albeit, becawse I had no bookes at hand, I could not alledge the places. Catholicke, is as much to saye, as universall, or spread throughe all persons, tymes, and places. Concerninge places, which doctrine is more universall, that which is in Greece, Italy, Spain, Fraunce, Germany, England, Denmark, Scotland, Ireland, and in the new lands, Sicilia, and all the west churche; or that which is but in a piece of Germanye and England?

Concernynge tyme, which is more universall, that which hath ever dured, whose begyninge is unknowne, which was named of Christe; or that which is named of Luther and Zwinglius? Concernynge persons, are ther not more papists at these dayes, as they term them, than Lutherans? And before these forty yeres, or little more, who in the worlde was of that opynion? Who dreamyd of that doctryne? And here you may not saye, that grex meus pusillus est, for that was meant of them which are to be saved.

But otherwise you knowe that it is wrytten, Postula a me, et dabo tibi gentes haereditatem tuam, et possessionem tuam terminos terrae. And againe, In omnem terram exivit sonus eorum, et in fines orbis terrae verba eorum. Therfore many muste be called Christians, thoughe fewe be saved.

And that is the catholike churche which is most generall in number amongest them that professe Christe’s faithe. The sea of Rome beinge wourse in manners than it was in St. Augustyne’s tyme, yet it kepethe the same faithe that was then. For herein we are too much slaundered in that they saye, our faithe is chaunged of late, wheras we defend nothinge but that which is founde in most ancyent wryters; which wryters, becawse they are so playne for us, they are constrayned to denye, as the workes of Dionysius, who lived in the apostles tyme.

But to come to our purpose, apostolike is that which comythe of the apostles in lyneall descent, by succession of busshoppes: here let them shew me their busshoppes; they are so far off, as to bringe a rowe in order unto St. Paul, even so muche, that they cannot shew me lyghtlye their father, that is to saye, one busshoppe in their whole pedigree of their opinions before them. Whom can Cranmer name before hym in the sea of Canterbury? Wherupon it followithe that they are bastards, as men that cannot shew their fathers. Davyd did prophesye of the succession, sayinge, Pro patribus tuis nati sunt tibi filii. And Christe sayde, Super hanc petram edificabo ecclesiam meam, et portae inferorum non praevalebunt adversus eam. But hellgates prevailed againste their churche: for it was so overwhelmed, that ther was not so muche as one churche in all Christendom where it was preached or practised. So that whereas Christe said, Vos estis lux mundi; and againe, A cittie builded upon a hill cannot be hydden; they muste nedes confesse they were hydden; for no man before Luther could neyther see them nor hear of them. And therfore they are not of God, becawse he woulde not have lighted a candell, and put it under a bushell. To be shorte, their churche is not one, for lacke of one head; not holie, for lacke of benefits; not catholike, becawse it hath not endured at all times, places, and persons; not apostolike, becawse they cannot shew ther succession from the apostles downward, nor can go upward lyneally to the apostles; which thinge is playne. Therfore the churche called papisticall, havinge one head, the pope, havinge benefitts of God, by floryshinge and myracles, beyng spread at all tymes, in all places, throughe all persons, that is to say, for the most part beynge able to shew their pedigree, even to th’apostles, without any interruption; that churche, I saye, is onely the true churche, wherof we make mencyon in our belef, sayinge, I beleve the holie catholike churche.

This muche have I written upon a short warnynge, without medytation or helpe of booke; so that I do confesse it to be nothinge perfitte; yet in my foolishe opynion, not onely true, but also sensyble, and so grounded, that I doubt, it cannot be well answered. Which by God’s grace shalbe tryed, when I see dyrecte answer made; excusinge the mysalledginge of words, if any be.

NUMBER 12.

A declaration of the repeal of the attaindor of the late Cardinal Pole.

LA ROYNE LE VEULT.

WHERE by an act made in the parliament holden at Westminster, in the first and second year of king Philip and quene Mary, late king and quene of this realm of England, reciting by the same, That where Reynold Pole, cardinal, by authority of a parliament holden at Westminster, in the XXXI. year of the reign of Henry VIII. late king of England, was attainted of high treason, by the name of Reynold Pole, dean of the cathedral church of Exeter, as by the said act, and the record thereof more at large did appear; it was then enacted by authority of the said parliament, holden in the said first and second year of the reigns of the said king Philip and quene Mary, that the said act of parliament of attainder of the said Reynold Pole, cardinal, and all and every other act and acts of attaindor, and every branch, article, clause, matter, and sentence contained in the same act or acts of attaindor, touching or concerning the attaindor of the said Reynold Pole only; and all and singular indictment, indictments, process of outlawry had, made, presented, procured, pronounced against the said Reynold Pole, should be clearly repealed, and made utterly frustrate, void, of none effect or force against the said Reyhold Pole, and his heirs only, as though the same act or acts, indictment, indictments, or the said process, had never been had, made, procured, presented, or pronounced against him: upon which words divers questions, ambiguities, and doubts have risen and been moved, how and for what time the same act of repeal should extend or take effect; for the avoiding of which questions, ambiguities, and doubts, Be it enacted and declared by authority of this present parliament, that not only the said act of repeal of the attaindor of the said Reynold Pole, or any thing therein contained, shall not in any wise extend or be extended to have relation, or take effect, as touching or concerning only any estate, right, title, or interest, but only from the time of making of the same act of repeal, and not from any other time or times theretofore; but also that the same former act of parliament, made in the XXXI. year of the reign of king Henry VIII. shall be of like force and effect for all mean acts and things, as touching or concerning only any estate, right, title, interest, happened, grown, made, or done before the making of the said act of repeal, as the same should have been, if the same act of repeal had never been, had, or made, the same act of repeal, or any thing therein contained, or any other matter or cause to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding.

NUMBER 13.

An act that the queen’s majesty may make ordinances and rules for collegiate churches, corporations, and schools.

LA ROYNE LE VEULT.

FORASMUCH as certain cathedral and collegiate churches, and other ecclesiastical corporations, and some schools have been erect, founded, or ordained by the late kings of worthy memory, king Henry VIII. and king Edward VI. or by either of them, or by our late sovereign lady queen Mary, or by the late lord cardinal Pole, not having as yet ordained and established such good orders, rules, and constitutions, as should be meet and convenient for the good order, safety, and continuance of the same; Be it therefore enacted by the authority of this present parliament, that the queen’s majesty, during her natural life, which our Lord God long preserve, shall by virtue of this act have full power and authority to make and prescribe unto every of the foresaid churches, corporations, and schools, and unto all and every the officers, ministers, and scholars in them, or in any of them, and to their successors for ever, such statutes, ordinances, and orders, as well for the good use and government of themselves, being officers, ministers, or scholars, and for the order of their service, ministry, functions, and duties; as also for their houses, lands, tenements, revenues, and hereditaments, with the appurtenancies: and further, that her majesty shall and may at her pleasure, alter or change, augment or diminish, all or every the statutes, ordinances, and orders of the foresaid churches, corporations, or schools, from time to time, as to her majesty shall seem expedient.

And be it further enacted by the authority of this present parliament, that the said churches, corporations, and schools, or any of them, and all and every person or persons in the same, for the which the queen’s majesty shall make or appoint any statutes, ordinances, or orders, or shall alter, change, diminish, or augment any orders, rules, and ordinances, and set forth the same under her majesty’s great seal of England, shall from henceforth keep, serve, and observe all the same statutes, orders, and ordinances, any former rules, laws, or constitutions, in any wise notwithstanding. And that all the said statutes, orders, ordinances, and rules, so made, ordained, and set forth under her majesty’s great seal, as is abovesaid, shall be and remain good and effectual to all intents and purposes, and be observed and kept according to the true intent and purport of the same, without alteration or violation of them, or any of them.

NUMBER 14.

Guest to sir William Cecyl, the gueen’s secretary, cencerning the Service-book, newly prepared for the parliament to be confirmed; and certain ceremonies and usages of the church.

Right Honourable, THAT you might well understand, that I have neither ungodly allowed any thing against the scripture, neither unstedfastly done any thing contrary to my writing, neither rashly without just cause put away it which might be well suffered, nor undiscreetly for novelty brought in that which might be better left out; I am so bold to write to your honour some causes of the order taken in the new service: which enterprise, though you may justly reprove for the simple handling, yet I trust you will take it well for my good meaning. Therefore, committing your honourable state to the great mercy of God, and following the intent of my writing, thus I begin the matter.

OF CEREMONIES.

Ceremonies once taken away, as ill used, should not be taken again, though they be not evil of themselves, but might be well used. And that for four causes.

The first, because the Galatians were reproved of Paul for receiving again the ceremonies which once they had forsaken: bidding them to stand in the liberty wherein they were called; and forbidding them to wrap themselves in the yoke of bondage; saying, they builded again that which they had destroyed; and reproving Peter, for that by his dissembling he provoked the gentiles to the ceremonial law, which they had left; looking back hereby from the plow which they had in hand.

The second cause, because Paul bids us to abstain not only from that which is evil, but that which hath the appearance of evil. For this cause Ezekias destroyed the brazen serpent; and Epiphanius the picture of Christ.

The third cause, because the gospel is a short word, putting away the law, which stood in decrees and ceremonies; and a light and easy yoke, delivering us from them. Therefore it is said, that we should worship God in spirit and truth, and not in ceremonies and shadows also as did the Jews. And Paul likeneth us Christians, for our liberty from ceremony, to men which live in all liberty; and the Jews, for their bondage in them, to men living in all thraldom. Wherefore Augustyn, writing to Januarius against the multitude of ceremonies, thus saith; “Christ hath bound us to a light burthen, joyning us together with sacraments in number most few, in keeping most easy, in signification most passing.” And in the next epistle he bewaileth the multitude of ceremonies in his time, and calleth them presumptions. Which yet were but few in respect of the number of ours.

The fourth cause, because these ceremonies were devised of men, or abused to idolatry. For Christ with his apostles would not wash their hands before meat, though of itself it were an honest civil order, because it was superstitiously used. Paul forbad the Corinthians to come to the gentiles tables, where they did eat the meat which was offered to idols: though an idol was nothing, nor that which was offered to it any thing.

OF THE CROSS.

Epiphanius, in an epistle which he wrote to John, bishop of Jerusalem, and is translated by Hierom, sheweth how he did cut in pieces a cloth in a church, wherein was painted the image of Christ, or of some saint, because it was contrary to the scriptures; and counsels the bishop to command the priests of the same church to set up no more any such cloths in the same place, calling it a superstition to have any such in the church. Leo, the emperor, with a council holden at Constantinople, decreed, that all images in the church should be broken. The same was decreed long before in the provincial council at Elibert in Spain, cap. 36.

OF PROCESSION.

Procession is superfluous, because we may, as we ought to do, pray for the same in the church that we pray for abroad; yea, and better too. Because when we pray abroad, our mind is not so set upon God for sight of things, as experience teacheth, as when we pray in the church, where we have no such occasion to move our mind withal.

OF VESTMENTS.

Because it is sufficient to use but a surplice in baptizing, reading, preaching, and praying, therefore it is enough also for the celebrating the communion. For if we should use another garment herein, it should seem to teach us, that higher and better things be given by it than be given by the other service; which we must not believe. For in baptism we put on Christ: in the word we eat and drink Christ, as Hierom and Gregory write. And Austin saith, the word is as precious as this sacrament, in saying, “He sinneth as much which negligently heareth the word, as he which willingly letteth Christ’s body to fall to the ground.” And Chrysostom a saith, “He which is not fit to receive, is not fit to pray.” Which were not true, if prayer were not of as much importance as the communion.

OF THE DIVIDING OF THE COMMUNION INTO TWO PARTS.

Dionysius Areopagita saith, “That after the reading of the Old and New Testament, the learners of the faith before they were baptized, mad men, and they that were joyned to penance for their faults, were shut out of the church, and they only did remain which did receive.” Chrysostom witnesseth also, that these three sorts were shut out from the communion.

Therefore Durant writeth, that the mass of the learners is from the Introite until after the offertory, which is called missa; misse, or sending out: because, when the priest beginneth to consecrate the sacrament, the learners be sent out of the church. The miss, or sending out of the faithful, is from the offering till after communion; and is named missa, a sending out, because when it is ended, then each faithful is sent forth to his proper business.

OF THE CREED.

The Creed is ordained to be said only of the communicants, because Dionysius, and Chrysostom, and Basil, in their liturgies, say, that the learners were shut out or the Creed was said; because it was the prayer of the faithful only, which were but the communicants. For that they which did not receive were taken for that time as not faithful. Therefore Chrysostom saith, “That they which do not receive, be as men doing penance for their sin.”

OF PRAYING FOR THE DEAD IN THE COMMUNION.

That praying for the dead is not now used in the communion, because it doth seem to make for the sacrifice of the dead. And also because, as it was used in the first book, it makes some of the faithful to be in heaven, and to need no mercy; and some of them to be in another place, and to lack help and mercy. As though they were not all alike redeemed, and brought to heaven by Christ’s merits: but some deserved it, as it is said of martyrs; and some, for lack of such perfectness, were in purgatory, as it is spoken of the meaner sort. But thus to pray for the dead in the communion was not used in Christ and his apostles times, nor in Justin’s time; who, speaking of the manner of using the communion, reporteth not this. So that I may here well say with Tertullian, “That is truth which is first; that is false which is after: that is truly first, which is from the beginning; that is from the beginning, which is from the apostles.”

OF THE PRAYER IN THE FIRST BOOK FOR CONSECRATION, O merciful Father, &c.

This prayer is to be disliked for two causes. The first, because it is taken to be so needful to the consecration, that the consecration is not thought to be without it. Which is not true: for petition is no part of consecration.

Because Christ, in ordaining the sacrament, made no petition, but a thanksgiving. It is written, When he had given thanks, and not, When he had asked. Which Christ would have spoken, and the evangelists have written, if it had been needful, as it is mistaken. And though Mark saith, Christ blessed, when he took bread, yet he meaneth by blessed, gave thanks, or else he would have said also, He gave thanks, as he said, He blessed, if he had meant thereby divers things. And speaking of the cup, he would have said, Christ blessed, when he took the cup, as he saith, he gave thanks, if gave thanks and blessed were not all one. Or else Christ should be thought to have consecrated the bread and not the wine, because in consecrating the bread, he said blessed, and in consecrating the wine, he left it out. Yea, by Matthew, Luke, and Paul, he should neither have consecrated the one nor the other. For that they report not, that he blessed.

Gregory writeth to the bishop of Syracusa, that the apostles used only the Lord’s Prayer at the communion, and none other; and seemeth to be displeased, that it was not there still so used, but instead thereof the canon which Scholasticus made. Therefore, in that he would the Lord’s Prayer to be used at the making of the communion, which making nothing for the consecration thereof, and not Scholasticus his prayer, which prayeth for the consecration of the same, it must needs be that he thought the communion not to be made by invocation.

Chrysostom saith, that this sacrament is made by the words of Christ once spoken; as every thing is gendered by the words of God, that he once spake, Increase and fill the earth .

Bessarion saith, that the consecration stands on Christ’s ordinance, and his words, and not on the prayer of the priest; and that for three causes. The first, because the priest may not pray with faith, without which his prayer is not heard. The second, because the prayer is not all one in all countries.

The third, because baptism is without prayer.

Justin, in shewing how the communion was celebrated in his time, maketh no mention of invocation. No more doth Irenee.

OF THE RECEIVING OF THE SACRAMENT IN OUR HANDS.

Christ gave the sacrament into the hands of the apostles. Divide it, saith he, among your salves. It is decreed, that the priests shall be excommunicated, which did suffer any man to take it with any thing, saving with his hand; as them that made instruments to receive it with. Ambrose thus spake to Theodosius the emperor, “How wilt thou with such hands receive the body of Christ?” “If we be ashamed,” saith Austin, “and afraid to touch the sacrament with foul hands, much more we ought to fear to take it with an unclean soul.”

OF RECEIVING STANDING OR KNEELING Justin saith, we should rather stand than kneel, when we pray on the Sunday, because it is a sign of the resurrection; and writeth, that Irenee saith, it is a custom which came from the apostles. And Austin thus writeth, “We pray standing, which is a sign of resurrection: therefore on every Sunday it is observed at the altar.” It is in plain words in the last chapter of the last book, which Gaguens, a Frenchman, hath put to Tertullian’s works, that Christ his body is received standing. Though this is the old use of the church to communicate standing, yet because it is taken of some by itself to be sin to receive kneeling, whereas of itself it is lawful; it is left indifferent to every man’s choice to follow the one way or the other; to teach men that it is lawful to receive either standing or kneeling.

Thus, as I think, I have shewed good cause why the service is set forth in such sort as it is. God, for his mercy in Christ, cause the parliament with one voice to enact it, and the realm with true heart to use it.

NUMBER 15.

Dr. Horne’s preface to his discourse, read at the conference at Westminster abbey. FORASMUCH as it is thought good unto the queen’s most excellent majesty, (unto whom in the Lord all obedience is due,) that we should declare our judgment in writing upon certain propositions; we, as becometh us, do herein most gladly obey.

Seeing that Christ is our only master, whom the Father hath commanded us to hear; and seeing also his word is the truth, from the which it is not lawful for us to depart one hair’s breadth, and against the which, as the apostle saith, we can do nothing; we do in all things submit ourselves unto this truth, and do protest that we will affirm nothing against the same.

And forasmuch as we have for our mother the true and catholic church of Christ, which is grounded upon the doctrine of the apostles and prophets, and is of Christ the head in all things governed; we do reverence her judgment; we obey her authority as becometh children; and we do devoutly profess, and in all points follow the faith, which is contained in the three creeds, that is to say, of the apostles, of the council of Nice, and of Athanasius.

And seeing that we never departed, neither from the doctrine of God, which is contained in the holy canonical scriptures, nor yet from the faith of the true and catholic church of Christ, but have preached truly the word of God, and have sincerely ministered the sacraments according to the institution of Christ, unto the which our doctrine and faith the most part also of our adversaries did subscribe, not many years past, (although now, as unnatural, they are revolted from the same,) we desire that they render account of their backsliding, and shew some cause, wherefore they do not only resist that doctrine which they have before professed, but also persecute the same by all means they can.

We do not doubt but through the equity of the queen’s most excellent majesty, we shall in these disputations be entreated more gently than in years late past, when we were handled most unjustly, and scantly after the common manner of men.

As for the judgment of the whole controversy, we refer unto the most holy scriptures, and the catholic church of Christ, (whose judgment unto us ought to be most sacred.) Notwithstanding, by the catholic church we understand not the Romish church, whereunto our adversaries attribute such reverence; but that which St. Augustin and other fathers affirm ought to be sought in the holy scriptures, and which is governed and led by the Spirit of Christ.

NUMBER 16.

The protestants’ discourse, prepared to have been read in the public conference at Westminster, upon the second question, viz.

Every particular church hath authority to institute, change, and abrogate ceremonies and rites in the church, so that it tend to edify.

FOR avoiding ambiguity in terms, it is not amiss to declare what is meant by the words of the proposition.

By these words, every particular church, we understand every particular kingdom, province, or region, which by order maketh one Christian society or body, according to distinction of countries, and orders of the same. By ceremonies and rites of the church, we understand those ceremonies and rites, which neither expressly, neither by necessary deduction or consequence, are commanded or forbidden in the scriptures, but are things of their own nature indifferent. As for example, the form and manner of prayer before and after baptism, and at the administration of the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, the appointing of times and places for the hearing of God’s word, ministration of sacraments, public prayer, number of holy-days, times of fasting, and such like. All which may by God’s word, not only by general councils, but also by partitular provinces, regions, and societies of Christians, be changed or abrogated, according as the state of the times, places, people, and other circumstances shall require; so that it be done to edify God’s people.

Having thus made declaration of the proposition, we will proceed to the proof of the same by God’s word, by ancient writers, and by examples.

First, all ecclesiastical rites and ceremonies are things which pertain unto order and decency. But St. Paul committed to the particular church of Corinth the disposition of all things which appertain to decency and order.

And committing such authority to the particular church of Corinth, he consequently committeth it to all other particular churches. For with God there is no respect of persons; and as there is in Christ neither Jew nor gentile, so there is neither Corinthian, nor Venetian, nor Englishman, but we all in Christ be one, and have like privilege.

Whereupon it followeth, that St. Paul committeth the disposition of all outward ecclesiastical rites and ceremonies to every particular church.

Let this reason be well weighed, for it is plain and evident. For that ceremonies are things of order and decency, and not things of necessity to salvation, is a thing confessed of all men. For they had their beginning of men, and have been changed, as shall appear at large hereafter.

But things of necessity to salvation are immutable, and have their original from God.

And further, that the words of St. Paul to the Corinthians pertain to the ordering and disposition of such things, the adversaries cannot deny; saving, that whereas St. Paul committeth it in plain terms to the particular church of Corinth, they bind it and restrain it to an universal determination, contrary to St. Paul’s meaning, as shall appear by our answers to their reasons hereafter.

Secondly, the principal foundation whereupon it may be gathered, that any council or assembly hath authority to change or institute rites and ceremonies, stands upon this proof of Christ, Wheresoever two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them. But in a particular church, not only two or three, but also great numbers may be assembled in the name of Christ. Therefore a particular church hath promise that Christ will be in the midst of them. And consequently that assembly, that hath Christ in the midst of it, and the assistance of his Spirit according to his promises, hath authority to institute, alter, and change rites and ceremonies, to the edifying of the people.

Therefore a particular church hath authority to institute, alter, and change ceremonies, to the edifying of the people.

Thirdly, the authority of the church, both universal and particular, to institute, abrogate, and to change rites and ceremonies, dependeth only on obedience to Christ and his word, in directing of all things to the edification of faith and charity. For my sheep hear my voice, saith Christ. And again, You are my friends, if you do those things which I command you. But particular churches both have, and may obey Christ and his word, in directing all things to the edifying of faith and charity, as shall appear by divers examples hereafter. And therefore particular churches have authority to institute and change rites and ceremonies.

Fourthly, Furthermore it is manifest, that ceremonies, although they were profitable at the first, may grow by continuance to abuse, and be hurtful; as the watching of men and women together in the night at the graves of martyrs, which St. Hierom did so highly commend, at length was tried to be an occasion of much disorder and dissolute life.

Now if every particular church had not authority to abrogate such ceremonies being hurtful, then should it follow, that Christ, who is the head not only of the universal church, but also of every particular church, had left the same church destitute of necessary remedies to redress vice and sin.

For as for the general councils, they come together but seldom. It was more than 300 years after Christ ere the Nicene council was called, which was the first general council after the disciples’ time. And sith that time, by reason of wars and troubles in the world, sometimes of a long space together no general councils have been called. So that if particular churches may not remove rites tending to sin or idolatry, a great number of souls might perish before the general councils came together. Which were a thing against God’s word: for St. Paul saith, God hath given no power to destroy, but to edify.

Fifthly, Look what authority the seven several pastors and churches in Asia had to reform the things that were amiss among every of them, the same authority hath now the several pastors and churches in all kingdoms and provinces. For Aretas, bishop of Caesarea, and Primasius, episcopus Uticensis in Africa, upon the first chapter of the Revelation of St. John, do teach, that the seven churches in Asia do represent the multitude of the Particular churches scattered over the world. Also the Son of man, the universal pastor and head over all churches, was shewed unto John in a vision, present in every of the seven golden candlesticks; that is, in every several and particular church, holding in his right hand all and every the seven stars; that is, governing and defending all and every angel, messenger, and pastor of the several churches.

But every of the said seven pastors in Asia had authority to reform all things that were amiss among them, as manifestly appears by the seven several epistles, which Christ commanded John to write, and to send unto them. Therefore every particular pastor and church, in all kingdoms and provinces, hath authority to reform such things as be amiss among them.

Sixthly, If a Particular church were bound to retain and exercise, and might not abrogate and remove, evil and hurtful rites and ceremonies, instituted by men, then were the same church also bound to obey man more than God; who hath commanded, by his apostle St. Paul, that all things should be done in the church to edify. But no particular church is bound to obey man more than God. Therefore a particular church is not bound to retain, but may remove hurtful ceremonies, instituted by men.

These few reasons we have brought out of the scriptures, not because we have no more to allege, but partly because we thought any one saying of Christ sufficient to persuade any Christian man; and partly, for that we know many men nowadays stay themselves chiefly upon the decrees of old councils, and the writings and judgments of doctors and fathers: and forasmuch as our adversaries will stand most upon those grounds, we have thought it good to match them with their own weapons, and in that field wherein they think themselves best appointed. Wherefore, the rest of our process shall stand upon the authority of the doctors, and upon the examples and practice of ancient churches. But first, we will allege a natural reason or two, and then come to the authority of the doctors, and examples.

That the proposition is true, very natural reason would suffice a man that would be ruled by reason. But reason would that things should be restored by like order as they fell in decay. But it is not like that any ceremony, being not wicked of itself, can grow to corruption and abuse in all places throughout the world at one time, but must of force have both his beginning and his proceeding, and so at length overwhelm the whole.

Wherefore, as the corruption is first particular, so must there also be first a particular redress.

Yea, and if the abuse happen to be so great, that it overrun the whole body of the church, even very nature would us to do as the good husband is wont to do. The good husband, saith St. Augustin, if he see his corn-field overgrown with weeds, goeth not about by and by to weed out altogether, but beginning in one corner first, and so proceedeth to the whole.

But men perhaps will say, that the ceremonies of the holy church are sanctified and privileged in such sort, that they cannot be abused. But you must understand, that as the nature of man is mutable and corrupt, even so all ordinances devised by men are subject to mutability, and ready to receive corruption. And therefore albeit they were well, and upon some godly use received at the beginning, yet afterwards, by little and little, they fall to abuse.

The brazen serpent was set up by Moses for the people to behold, that they might receive health. Afterwards it was abused to idolatry. And therefore the good king Ezekias pulled it down, and beat it to powder. And so ceremonies sometimes are taken for things necessary to the worshipping of God; and of such Christ saith, Frustra me colunt, docentes doctrinas praecepta hominum. And again, he warneth his disciples to beware of the leaven of the scribes and pharisees.

Sometimes they grow to such a number, that the multitude of them is intolerable. And therefore St. Augustin, in his time, which was more than 1100 years ago, complaineth to his friend Januarius, Omnia, inquit, sunt plena humanis praesumptionibus; All, saith he, is now full of men’s presumptions. And he saith further, That the Jews, being under the law, and in servitude of ceremonies, were in far better case than the Christians of his time. And the reason is, Quia etsi illi tempus libertatis non agnoverint, legalibus tamen sarcinis, non humanis praesumptionibus servierint. This is St. Augustin’s reason, for the which he thinketh that the Christians in his time were in worse taking for the bondage of ceremonies, than ever were the Jews under shadow of the law. And we be such, if you mark it well; for, saith he, notwithstanding the Jews knew not the time of liberty, yet they were captives, not as we are to men’s presumptions, (for so he calleth the inordinate number of ceremonies devised by men,) but unto the law of God.

Sometimes they are idle and dumb, and teach nothing; and are, as I might say, signs without signification. And such are the most part of the ceremonies, which now so stiffly are defended. For the most part of them, they are such as, I will not say the poor laymen, or your ignorant priests, but, if we may be so bold to speak it, you yourselves are not able to give any reason for them.

And sometimes they are devised only for filthy lucre, under a show of holiness, to get money. And whether this have been practised any time heretofore, we remit the matter to any indifferent judge.

These many ways may ceremonies be abused. First, if they be taken as things pertaining to the worshipping of God. Next, if they grow to an inordinate number. Thirdly, if they teach nothing, nor no man can have understanding of them. And to conclude, if they be invented for lucre sake, to get money. Now ceremonies thus used lack their soul, as I might say, and are become dead: and therefore there remaineth no more, but that they be had out of the way, and buried.

There is as great a difference between a particular member of a general council and the council, as between a particular church and a general council. But in a general council, a truth hath been revealed to a particular member, for the edification of the church, which was hid from the whole council. Unto the which truth and persuasion of the particular member, the whole council gave place, as appeareth in the council of Nice; whereas was revealed unto Paphnutius that which was hid from all the rest. Unto whose persuasion, notwithstanding that he was but one particular man, the whole council gave place, because they perceived it to be for the edification of the church. Therefore the truth of God, whereby things may be instituted, abrogated, or changed, for the edification of the church, may be sometimes revealed unto particular churches, which are hid from general councils.

The apostles’ successors had the same authority that the apostles had. For that the adversaries grant; else under what colour drive they men to obey the pope and his decrees? But all bishops be the apostles’ successors, and have like power, as appeareth by St. Hierom, which saith, Omnes episcopos apostolorum successores esse: and by Cyprian, who affirmeth that each one had the like authority; Hoc utique, inquit, erant caeteri apostoli, quod fuit Petrus, pari consortio praediti, et honoris et potestatis.

Therefore all bishops have the same authority, which is, to dispose things to edification; as Paul saith, Caetera, cum venero, disponam; i.e. The rest will I set in order when I come.

And that the very particular churches had this liberty to retain or to remove ceremonies, as it may seem good for them, it may appear by an infinite number of examples, and in manner by the continual course of the old church. For thus writeth Irenaeus of the order of the Lentenfast in his time, as it is reported by Eusebius, Neque de die tantum disceptatio est, &c. “Neither do they differ only about the day, but also about the manner of their fasting. For some think they should fast one day, some two days, and some more. Some reckon their day of twenty-four hours long, accounting altogether the hours of day and night.” By this it appeareth, that notwithstanding there was an order taken for fasting, yet was it lawful for men to receive it or leave it, as they listed; and that without breach of charity. For Irenaeus straightway addeth these words, Nihilo tamen minus, &c. “Notwithstanding,” saith Irenaeus, (an old father, that lived a thousand and four hundred years ago,) “they kept peace and unity among themselves. And so do we until this day. And the diversity of our fasting setteth forth the more the agreeance of our faith.” Likewise was there great diversity in keeping of Easter-day. For the Latins kept it upon one day after the tradition of St. Peter, as they said; and the churches of Asia kept it on another, after the tradition of St. John; yet notwithstanding, agreed in Christian peace and unity.

Socrates, in his fifth book and twenty-second chapter of his history, prosecuteth this matter at large. And the chapter were worthy to be recited whole, saving for shortness of time a portion thereof only shall suffice. Nusquam igitur apostolus nec ipsa evangelia, &c. “Neither the apostle nor the gospels themselves do any where lay upon them which come to preaching (of the gospel, he means) the yoke of bondage. But every one in their own countries have upon a certain custom, as they would themselves, kept the feast of Easter, and other festival days, that they might cease from labour, and remember the healthful passion, (he means, of the Lord;) neither hath our Saviour or his disciples by any law commanded this to be observed of us; neither do the gospels or apostles threaten unto us any pain or punishment, as Moses’ law did unto the Jews: but it is written in the gospels only, after the manner of an history, in the reprehension of the Jews, because they committed murder on the festival days, and because Christ suffered in the time of sweetbread.

Wherefore the scope of the apostle was not to make laws for holydays, but to bring in good life and godliness. But it seemeth unto me likewise, as many other things in every place grew unto a custom, even so also did the feast of Easter. Because none of the apostles, as I have said, decreed any thing of the matter. That certain things, even from the beginning, began to be observed in every place rather by custom than by law, the matter itself declareth. As in Asia the Less, many after the old custom contemning the sabbath, observed the fourteenth day. And they thus doing, did never strive with them which did keep the feast of Easter otherwise, until Victor, bishop of Rome, being too earnest, decreed, that the Quartodecimans should be excommunicate. For the which deed, Irenaeus, being bishop of Lyons in France, wrote a sharp epistle unto Victor, wherein he both reprehendeth his earnestness, and also declareth that none of them which in old time did diversely celebrate the feast of Easter, were by any means separated from communion. And that Polycarpus, bishop of Smyrna, (which in conclusion suffered martyrdom under Gordianus,) did not eschew the communion of Anicetus, bishop of Rome, nor did for the festival sake fall out with him; although he, according to the custom of Eucharius, bishop of Smyrna, did celebrate Easter the fourteenth day; as Eusebius saith in the fifth book of the Ecclesiastical History.”

And a little after; Romani namque tres ante Pasca sep titanias, &c. “For the Romans do fast three weeks together before Easter, except the Saturday and the Sunday. The Illyrici, all Greece, and they of Alexandria, do fast their fast six weeks before Easter, and call it Quadragesimam, forty days fast, or Lent. But it is a marvel to me, how these men, differing in the number of days, do call it by one name of forty days fast. A man shall find some, which not only dissent about number of days, but also do not retain one kind of abstinence. For some do utterly abstain from things that have life.

Some, of those things that have life, eat only fishes; some, besides fishes, eat also birds, and say, after Moses, they come of the waters.

Some abstain both from berries and eggs; some do eat only dry bread; some not that: some there be which, fasting to the ninth hour, do use divers meats: in divers nations they fast diversely. Of which there be innumerable causes. And because no man is able to shew any written commandment of this matter, it is plain the apostles have left it free to every man’s judgment and will, lest any should do a good thing either of fear or necessity. Such is the diversity of fasts through the churches: and about the communion is a much like diversity.” And so the author proceedeth in shewing certain diversities about the ministration of the communion, baptism, marriage, and other ecclesiastical observances.

Again, St. Augustin writeth unto Januarius, Alii quotidie communicant, &c. “Some,” saith St. Augustin, “receive the communion of the body and blood of Christ every day; some others upon certain days. Some there be that miss no day without the oblation; some others communicate only upon the Saturday and Sunday, others only upon the Sunday.” Nunquam ergo caeteri apostoli prandere Christianos, &c. “Did then the other apostles teach the Christians throughout the whole world to dine contrary to Peter? Like as therefore Peter and his fellow-disciples lived in concord among themselves, even so let them which fast on the Saturday, and were planted by Peter, and those which dine on Saturday, and were planted by his fellowdisciples, live together in unity and concord.”

And a little after, in the same place, Sic ergo una fides, &c. “Therefore, let the faith of the universal church, which is there spread abroad as inward in the inward parts be one; although the same unity of faith be kept with divers rites or observations; wherewith in no wise the truth in faith is hindered. For all the beauty of the king’s daughter is inward. But those rites which are kept divers, are understanded in the garments. Whereupon it is said to her, covered round about with variety in the golden edges, or skirts, of her garments. But let that vesture also be so divers in variable rites, that it be not torn in sunder with contentious dissensions.”

It followeth in the same place, Si autem quoniam huic, &c. “But because I think for my part I have sufficiently answered this, if thou wilt ask my judgment of this matter, considering this in my mind, I say, that fasting of the evangelists and apostles, and in the whole Testament, (which is called the New Testament,) is commanded: but on what days we must not fast, and on what days we must fast, I do not find determined by the commandment of the Lord or the apostles. And by this I judge, that liberty is more apt and convenient, than constraint, of fasting; although truly not to the obtaining the righteousness which faith obtaineth; wherein consisteth the beauty of the daughter inwardly; but yet to signify the eternal rest, which is the true sabbath.” Non omnes quamvis ejusdem opinionis, &c. “All men, though they were of one faith, yet observed they not in their churches like traditions. Yea, they that had all one faith, yet oft in the observation of usages differed much. Which thing was no hinderance to true godliness.”

Likewise it is noted in the decrees of pope Stephen, and alleged in Gratian, dist. 31. as followeth; Aliter se habet orientalium ecclesiarum traditio, &c. “The tradition of the east church is far otherwise than the tradition of this holy church of Rome. For there, priests, deacons, and subdeacons are married: but in this church, none from a subdeacon unto a bishop hath licence to marry a wife.” And here is to be marked, that pope Stephen took not the single life of priests in the Latin church as a thing commanded by God, but only as a tradition, and such a tradition as the Grecians lately received. Quaestio Augustini ad Gregorium fuit ista, Cum una sit fides, cur sunt ecclesiarum diversae consuetudines? et aliter consuetudo missarum in S.

Romana ecclesia, atque aliter in Galliarum ecclesiis tenetur? Cui Gregorius respondit, 12. dist. cap. Novit. Novit fraternitas tua, &c. “Your brotherhood knoweth the custom of the church of Rome, wherein you have been trained up. But this way pleaseth me well, that if you find any thing, whether it be in the church of Rome, or in the church of France, or else in any other church, that may more please God, that you diligently choose the same. And forasmuch as the church of England is new in constitution and in ceremonies, that you pour into it the best ordinances that you can gather of many others. For we may not love the things for the places, but the places for the things. Wherefore, gather you out of every church such things as be godly, religious, and right; and the same, knit up as it were in a bundle, cause you to be put and to be brought in ure in the church of England.”

Here we may note, that Gregory, being then bishop of Rome, would not drive other churches to the observation of the ceremonies and rites of Rome; but suffered each nation to retain and keep such orders as should be most convenient for them.

Yea, Sozomenus writeth in his seventh book, Eaedem ceremoniae non possunt, &c. “One kind of ceremonies cannot be found in every church.”

And moreover Socrates writeth in his fifth book, Non inveniuntur, &c. “You cannot find two churches, saith Socrates, (writing of the order of the church in his time,) that in rites and ceremonies agree together.”

Likewise Theodoretus, upon the fourteenth chapter to the Romans, in treating of these words, Let every man abound in his own sense, or judgment, writeth as followeth: Non enim hoc posuit generaliter, &c. “He hath not put this generally, nor yet commandeth he to judge thus of God’s decrees. For he doth accurse them that go about to teach any thing contrary unto the truth: If any man preach unto you any other doctrine than that ye have received, let him be accursed. “And therefore only of meats he left to every man freedom of his own mind. For this custom remaineth in the churches until this day; and one chooseth abstinence, and another eateth all kinds of meat without scruple of conscience. And neither this man judgeth that man, nor the one reproveth the other, but the law of concord and charity doth make them notable.”

And all this diversity rose of that, that it was lawful for every particular church either to receive or to leave such ordinances as were devised and thought good by other churches. For if all places had been bound to one order, then could never have been such diversity.

Now of this may we thus conclude; that church that hath liberty, whether it will receive a ceremony or no at the first, may by the same liberty afterwards remove it, when it shall be thought good. Yea, and a great deal more reasonable it is to remove a ceremony, when it is corrupt and abused, than at the first not to receive it, when it is incorrupted and judged profitable. For as St. Augustin writ to Januarius, Quod non est contra fidem, &c. that is, “Whatsoever is not against faith and good manners, is to be taken as a thing indifferent.” Now if it be to be taken for a thing indifferent to keep or to refuse, when it is best, much more reason it is to refuse, when it is corrupt and grown out of kind.

For any thing, that cannot necessarily be gathered out of the word of God, may be changed, as St. Cyprian writeth to Pompeius; Nihil innovetur, inquit, quod traditum. Oh! said the adversary to St. Cyprian, “Nothing that is once delivered us, may be altered.” St. Cyprian makes answer, Unde est ista traditio? “May it not be changed?” said St. Cyprian. “Wherefore?

From whence came this tradition? Came it from the authority of the Lord and gospel, or from the commandments and writings of the disciples?” As if he should say, If it came from the epistles of the apostles, or the gospels, then it may not be changed; if it came out of the decrees of men, it may.

And in another place he saith, Non est absurdum, &c. “It is not against reason, that such things as have been received be changed for the better.”

For such is the nature of ceremonies, that as it is sometimes profitable to receive them, so sometimes profitable to put them away. And here we have to shew you the wise answer of a gentleman and counsellor of the city of Athens, named Theramenes. The Lacedaemonians, after they had given the Athenians a great overthrow in the field, commanded them to pull down the walls of the town, otherwise they threatened them utter undoing. When this matter came to deliberation in the council-house of Athens, Theramenes gave counsel that the walls should be pulled down.

Straightway there stood up another gentleman; And will you, said he, give your assent to the pulling down of the walls, that were builded up by the counsel of that worthy man, and great captain, Themistocles? Yea, said Theramenes: for Themistocles caused the walls to be builded for the safeguard of the city; and for the safeguard of the same city, I give counsel to throw them down. Even so we may answer by ceremonies: they were brought in at first for to profit the church; but after they be once corrupted, and do not that office for which they were invented, for the profit of the same church they must be removed. And if this be true of such ceremonies which at the first were indifferent, much more it is to be thought of such ceremonies that were never good nor indifferent, but were brought in, in the corrupt state of the church.

And therefore St. Augustin hath a marvellous good saying, writing ad Marcellinum, cap. 5. Non itaque verum est, quod dicitur, &c. “It is not true that some men say, that such a thing as is once well done, may in no wise be altered. For after the cause or occasion of time is changed, good reason requireth, that that be changed, which otherwise before was well done. That whereas they say, it were not well to have it changed; contrariwise, the truth saith, it were not well but it should be changed: for then shall both be well, if that for the diversity of time they shall be divers.”

Thus much for proofs out of the scripture and ancient writers. Now remains to shew the same by example.

Basilius, being a bishop, took upon him to devise a several form of prayers and ceremonies, to be used about the administration of the communion; and by the consent of the church practised the same, without any authority of general council. Chrysostom also did the like; so that it beareth his name until this day, and is called Liturgia Chrysostomi. If particular bishops had authority to vary from other churches, and to institute rites and ceremonies about the administration of the holy communion, which be ceremonies of most weight, and most in controversy at this day; how unreasonable is it to deny the like authority to a whole kingdom or province, to the ordinary power and learned of the same?

Furthermore, the church of the AEthiopians, called Presbyter Johannes land, have at this day their own ceremonies, and that in the vulgar tongue.

Those churches that remain yet in the east parts differ, and always have done, from the west churches in rites and ceremonies.

Yea, and the west churches themselves vary one from another.

There were in Gregory’s time three canons or orders, to minister the holy communion; the canon of Ambrose, the canon of Scholasticus, and the canon of Gregory.

At Rome, every Saturday was fasting-day. At Milan, St. Ambrose and the whole church kept it no fasting-day. And both St. Augustin and his mother, by St. Ambrose’s advice, when they came to Milan, did not fast Saturdays.

So that it may be reasonably gathered, that the old council thought it a thing commodious for the church to have variety in ceremonies, and to leave their churches at their liberty to reform them when they grew to abuse. Otherwise they would have decreed, that all churches should have had like and the same ceremonies and rites; which they never did.

Therefore such uniformity of rites and ceremonies as now is seen in the popish churches, was not in the church when it was most pure; but was brought in after, when the bishop of Rome had aspired to the unjust primacy: and so have been continued rather for a public recognition of their subjection to the monarchy of the see of Rome than for any edification.

For it is more profit for the church to have some diver-sky of ceremonies in divers places, than to have all one; for these causes:

First, that the liberty of the church may remain; that in these indifferent things every particular church may abundare in suo sensu, abound in its own sense, as St. Paul writeth.

Secondarily, That ceremonies be not too much esteemed of the simple, and so grow to be made equal with God’s word. As experience declareth, that great numbers make more conscience of breach of any outward ceremony, than of one of God’s commandments. Such affection is termed of some men devotion. But St. Augustin calleth such offence, conceived upon such alteration of ceremonies, superstition.

But to proceed with more examples. Ambrose, according to the example of Athanasius, who did the like at Alexandria, did first institute the rite or ceremony of singing Psalms at Milan, as St. Augustin reporteth in his Confessions.

But where authority is to institute, there is authority to abrogate. That is true, will some say, when it is made by his own authority. Nay also, when it is established by more general consent, if the practice declare it hurtful, as by the examples following.

Nectarius, bishop of Constantinople, did abrogate and remove the office of the penitentiary and auricular confession; which was a constitution almost generally received, and remained still at Rome, notwithstanding the abrogation of it. And that he did well in it may be proved by two reasons. 1. That Sozomenus writing the history, saith, that fere omnes episcopi eum sunt secuti; “almost all the bishops followed his example.” Where it is to be noted by the way, that particular reformations do much good, and provoke others to follow. 2. The second reason is, that St. John Chrysostom succeeding Nectarius did not restore that rite of confession again: for it remained abrogated in Sozomenus’s days, who lived after Chrysostom. And it is not to be thought but Chrysostom would have restored it, if it had been unorderly removed. So that this example of Nectarius, and the particular church of Constantinople, abrogating a general custom upon just causes of abuse, approved by the imitation of so many bishops, and especially of the notable father St. John Chrysostom his successor, is a most plain declaration, that particular churches may abrogate rites and ceremonies, although they have been instituted by a general authority.

Likewise in St. Augustin’s time, as appeareth in his Confessions, there was an ordinance in Afric, and elsewhere, that meat, bread, and wine should be brought to the place of meetings at the memory of martyrs. Which ordinance St. Ambrose did abrogate; and the reason is there declared in these words; Ne ulla occasio ingurgitandi daretur. “Lest any occasion should be given to drunkards, to overcharge themselves with drink:” and also, because that observance was most like to the superstition of the heathen, who kept parentalia, burial feasts for their dead parents.

Here, beside that Ambrose, one man, abrogated a common rite, let this also be marked, that the common reason used of men nowadays took no place with this ancient father; which is, Take away the abuse, and let the thing remain. But St. Ambrose took away the abuse by removing the thing.

Moreover, the common watchings, or wakes, of men and women at the martyrs’ graves, which St. Hierom so highly commends, and doth most sharply inveigh against Vigilantius, who wrote against the said wakes, calling Vigilantius his assertion an heresy, was afterwards abrogated and rejected. And of such kind of wakes there is a canon in a particular council holden in Spain, called concilium Elibertinum, in the 35th chap. with these words, Placuit prohiberi ne faeminae in coemiterio pervigilent, &c. “It hath pleased us to forbid, that women should wake the night through in the burial place; because that oftentimes, under pretence of prayer, heinous offences be secretly committed.”

Moreover, the late experience within this our country doth declare, that the abrogation of many ceremonies established by general authority is lawful and profitable. For in the time of king Henry VIII. of famous memory, many superstitious observations and idolatrous rites were abolished; and that by the consent of many of them which now are, and of late have been, adversaries; as pilgrimages, stations, pardons, many superstitious opinions of purgatory, holy water, of masses for cattle, and scala coeli, innumerable lies out of the church legends, of reigned miracles, and saints lives. All which things were once established by catholic authority, as they term it, and in other regions are yet maintained under the same colour, and the gainsayers accounted by the see of Rome and her patrons, heretics. Which things are so gross, that they need no confutation.

And in this late time, as appeareth, they are ashamed to restore the same.

Wherefore it is no inconvenience, that unprofitable and superstitious rites be abrogated and removed, by the authority of a particular church.

And because we are entered into this matter, it shall not be amiss to make rehearsals of a few, among a great many, of their vain superstitious fables, which have been in times past propounded to the people for wholesome doctrine.

In the Festival, (a book, as it is in the prologue, gathered out of Legenda aurea, for curates that lack books and cunning,) in the sermon of Corpus Christi day, it is written, that a man hath nine commodities by hearing of mass. One is, that he shall not that day lose his sight. Another, all idle oaths that day shall be forgiven him. Another, he shall die no sudden death.

Another, so long as he heareth mass, he shall not wax old; and his good angel reckons his steps to and fro the church, to his salvation. It were too long to reckon them all; let this be enough for a taste.

In the said book, in the sermon of All Souls day, there is a narration of a priest, which was suspended of his bishop, because he could say none other mass, but mass of requiem . On a day the dead bodies rose, and came about the bishop, for taking away their chaplain from them. And so he was restored to his office.

In the sermon on Candlemas-day, there is also an history of a woman, which never did good deed, but only that she had continually kept a candle before our lady: after her death, by the appointment of our lady, a candle was kept burning before her in hell, which the devils could not abide; and by reason thereof she was restored to life, and became a good woman.

What occasion of dissolute life and sin may be ministered to simple people by these and an infinite number of such like fables, it is easy to perceive.

But the answer will be, these books were never allowed by public authority. Well, these books were openly printed, and within memory of men commonly credited, and yet be of some. And in these late days, while there hath been such preaching against reading the scriptures in the vulgar tongue, who hath heard any great invection against such books? And strait inquisition hath been of English Bibles and Testaments to be burned; whether the like diligence hath been used for abolishing these, let all men judge.

But to return again to the proofs by ancient examples, that particular churches may alter and institute ceremonies.

In all time there hath been provincial councils holden. Which were in vain, if they might not allow the good, and reject the evil. Particular and provincial councils have always had authority to reject and condemn wicked doctrine; and by the means many heresics have been suppressed without general councils.

In the provincial council of Gangra, divers wicked opinions against the Christian liberty for marriage, for eating of meats, for bondmen that would not obey their masters under pretence of Christian religion, were condemned.

The heresy of Pelagius was condemned in divers provincial synods in Afric before it was condemned by any general council. But doctrine is a matter hath more weight than rites and ceremonies. And so provincial synods having authority of the more, have also of the less.

And to be short, three hundred years after the disciples’ time, there was no general councils, and the church well governed all that time, every province ruling their own churches according to the scriptures, only with the help of provincial councils.

The fathers of the sixth council of Carthage, writing to the bishop of Rome, who would have intermeddled with their matters in Afric, have a notable sentence for this purpose. “The Council of Nice,” say they, “perceived most justly and wisely, that all controversies ought to be ended there where they first began, and the grace of the Holy Ghost shall not be wanting to any particular province.” The words be these: Prudentissime enim justissimeque viderunt, quaecunque negotia in suis locis ubi orta sunt finienda; nec unicuique provinciae gratiam S. Spiritus defuturam.

Moreover, testimonies of the scriptures and doctors may be brought, and many more examples of the ancient church, for further confirmation hereof.

But for this time we have thought this sufficient. Hereafter, as cause shall be moved, we shall have occasion to say more. In the mean season, by these proofs, that we have here shortly alleged, we doubt not but it may appear to the indifferent hearer, that a particular church hath authority to make or change, and remove and abolish ceremonies in such sort as may be most for the edification of God’s people.

We are not ignorant what may be objected against this assertion. As namely, concerning the authority of general councils. But because that matter requireth a long tract, we will in our answer to the reasons on the other part, by God’s grace, declare by sufficient authority, in what points general councils (whose authority we acknowledge with St. Augustin to be right wholesome in the church) are to be universally holden, and in what points they are not.

Again, where they allege continuance of time and their possession in the church, let this be for this time shortly answered; they should first prove their things true, and then allege time. For against the eternal truth of God’s word no continuance of time can make prescription; as St. Cyprian saith, Consuetudo sine veritate est vetustas erroris; “Custom without truth is an ancient error.”

And as for their possession in the church, seeing it is also a long matter, and no orderly kind of disputation, that they should bring in one matter in controversy to prove another, that matter shall be for the present referred to this issue; If they be not able to prove that the bishop of Rome is the head of the universal church of Christ, and under his obedience all Christians ought to live, under pain of damnation; and that neither by decrees of general councils, neither by consent of princes, but by the authority of scriptures, and by the word of God, (for by that title of God’s word the pope claimeth his supremacy;) if they shall not be able to prove that, I say, which they shall never do, as it hath been often proved in this realm, and elsewhere; then is the authority of their church nothing, and their possession unjust.

These and other objections shall be by God’s grace answered more at large, when the contrary book shall be exhibited.

The God of peace and consolation give us grace to be like minded one towards another in Christ Jesus, that we all agreeing together, may with one mouth praise God the father of our Lord Jesus Christ.

NUMBER 17.

John Knox at Geneva to John Fox at Basil, concerning his book against the government of women.

The mighty comforth of the Holy Ghost for salutation, DEARLY beloved brother, albeit at the departure of this our brother, from whom I received your loving and frendly letter, my selve could write nothing, by reason of the evil disposition of my bodie, yet becaus I could not suffer him to depart without some remembrance of my dutie to you; I used the help of my left hand, that is of my wife, in scribling these few lynes unto you. As touching my purpose and mynd in the publishing the first Blast of the Trompet, when the secrets of all harts shall be disclosed, that shall be known which now by many cannot be perswaded; to wit, that therin I nether have sought my selve, nether yit the vain praise of men. My rude vehemency and inconsidered affirmations, which may appear rather to proceed from choler than of zeal and reason, I do not excuse; but to have used any other title more plausible, thereby to have allured the world by any art, as I never purposed, so do I not yit purpose. To me, it is ynough to say that black is not white, and man’s tyrannic and folishness is not God’s perfit ordinance. Which thing I do not so much to correct common welths, as to delyver my own conscience, and to instruct the consciences of som simple, who yit I fear be ignorant in that matter. But ferther of this I delay to better opportunitie. Salute your wife and dowghter hartily in my name.

The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ rest with you now and for ever. From Geneva, the 18th of May, 1558.

Your brother to power, JOHN KNOX.

I your sister, the writer hereof, salute you and your wife most hartily; thanking her of her loving tokens, which my mother and I received from Mrs. Kent.

NUMBER 18.

John Fox, newly returned from exiled to his patron Thomas, duke of Norfolk, to supply his present wants. CLARISSIME dux, salutem in Christo immortalem. Toties tuae celsitudini jam scripsi, ut pluribus te literis interpellare pudeat. Tamen ita novi ingenuam hanc naturae tuae benignitatem, ut non magnopere petitlone nostra opus esse sciam, si nihil tibi deesset ad largiendum aliud quam voluntas. Sed obstant fortasse haec tempora, quo minus vel tu ad nos mittere, vel ego abs te efflagitare ausim. Alioqui nunquam id crediturus sum, ex oblivione nostri, aut fastidio tantum, quod tamdiu ad nos nihil miseris. Verum enimvero quicquid in causa sit, cur adeo tua in nos cesset liberalitas, hoc unum scio, mi Thoma, facillimum id tibi esse in tanta fortuna omnique rerum copia, pensiunculam aliquam ad nos destinare, ex tuis illis immensis atque immodicis (ut audio) sumptibus. Prolixae aut ambitiosae preces adhiberi solent, ubi minus acclives sunt ad largiendum, qui authores sunt beneficii. Tua vero indoles semper ejusmodi visa est, ut plus sua natura velit, quam alienis precibus. Rursus nec tibi, opinor, ignotae est prorsus natura mea, quae minime ambitiose petax esse poterit, etiamsi fame esset moriendum.

Quod nihil nomini tuo inscribere adhuc ausim, obstat pericull tui metus, potius quam voluntas accincta. Id quod celsitudo tua (Christo aspirante) posthac rectius intelliget.

Quod ad religionem artinet, non arbitror opus te admonere. Ubi stet veritas, Dominus det ut tu cum veritate stare queas viriliter. Illud interim imprimis vide, nequis eo te adducat mortalium, si Christum laborantem juvare non queas, attamen ut illi te adversarium ulla in re praebeas. Vincet enim ille tandem invitis omnibus. Tempus quod alii pompis aulicis et aleis impendent, si tu literarum sacrarum lectioni impertias, prudenter, ac in rem tuam ageres.

NUMBER 19.

The duke of Norfolk to John Fox, his kind answer to the former letter.

ACCEPI literas tuas, optime praeceptor, quibus mihi quod animi haberes, intelligo, quodque mihi valde charum est. Et nisi famulorum meorum reditus literas meas praevenisset, multo antehac tu hic mecum fuisses.

Scripsi enim ad illos, ut ita tibi de rebus omnibus providerent, ut ad me subito venires; quod et ita factum fuisset, nisi citius quam credideram, rediissent. Nunc quoniam ipse breviter Londini videbo, velim ut ibi me expectes, quando tibi (sicubi et debeo et volo) prospiciam. Interea jubeo te valere. Ex aedibus meis Reningatiae, tricesimo die Octobr. 1559.

Tuus alumnus, To my right loving schoolmaster, John Fox Thomas Norfolc

NUMBER 20.

John Jewel to Henry Bullinger at Zurich, concerning the state of religion in England. Viro longe doctissimo D. Henrico Bullingero, pastori ecclesiae Tigurinae dignissimo, domino suo colendissimo.

Tiguri.

S.P. GRATISSIMAE erant mihi, Parkurstoque meo literae tuae, ornatissime vir, vel quod essent a te, cui quantum debeamus nunquam possumus oblivisci, vel quod suavitatis et humanitatis erga nos tuae, quam toto illo tempore exilii nostri experti sumus maximam, altissima vestigia retinerent. Atque utinam possimus aliquando pietatis tuae partem aliquam compensare: quicquid erit, animus certe nunquam nobis deerit. Quod nos hortaris, ut strenue ac fortiter nos geramus, erat ille aculeus non tantum non ingratus nobis, sed etiam pene necessarius. Nobis enim hoc tempore non tantum cum adversariis, sed etiam cum amicis nostris, qui proximis istis annis a nobis defecerunt, cum hostibus conjurarunt; jamque acrius multo et contumacius resistunt, quam ulli hostes. Quodque molestissimum est, cum reliquiis Hispanorum, hoc est, cum teterrimis vitiis, superbia, luxu, libidine luctandum est. Facimus quidem nos, fecimusque quod potuimus: Deus bene fortunet, et det incrementum. Sed hactenus ita vivimus, ut vix videamur restitui ab exilio. Nihil enim dicam aliud; ne suum quidem adhuc restitutum est cuiquam nostrum. Quanquam etsi molesta nobis est tam diuturna expectatio, tamen non dubitamus brevi recte fore. Habemus enim reginam et prudentem, et piam, et nobis faventem, et propitiam. Religio restituta est in eum locum, quo sub Edwardo rege fuit. Ad eam rem, non dubito, tuas reipublicaeque vestrae literas et cohortationes multum ponderis attulisse. Regina non vult appellari aut scribi caput ecclesiae Anglicanae. Graviter enim respondit, illam dignitatem soli attributam esse Christo, nemini autem mortali convenire. Deinde, illos titulos ita foede ab Antichristo contaminatos esse, ut jam non possint amplius satis pie a quoquam usurpari.

Academiae nostrae ita afflictae sunt, et perditae, ut Oxoniae vix duo sunt, qui nobiscum sentiant; et illi ipsi ita abjecti et fracti, ut nihil possint. Ita Sotto fraterculus, et alius nescio quis Hispanus monachus, omnia ea quae D. Martyr pulcherrime plantaverat, everterent radicitus, et vineam Domini redigerent in solitudinem. Vix credas tantam vastitatem adferri potuisse tam parvo tempore. Quare etsi magnam voluptatem captarem, vel si canem Tigurinum videre possem in Anglia, tamen non possem esse author hoc tempore, ut juvenes vestros, aut literarum aut religionis causa, ad nos mittatis, nisi eosdem remitti ad vos velitis impios et barbaros.

Rogavit me nuper D. Russelius, qua maxime re possit tibi aliisque tuis fratribus et symmystis, quid gratum facere. Hoc videlicet sensit, velle se humanitatis vestrae, quam semper praedicat, et hospitii causa, aliquid ad vos mittere. Ego vero, nihil tibi tuisque fore gratius, quam si religionem Christi studiose ac fortiter propagaret, et papistarum insolentiam minueret.

Quod ille et recepit se facturum, et certe facit quantum potest.

Venerunt hodie legati regis Galliae Londinum, qui gratulentur de pace.

Princeps legationis est juvenis Momorantius. De nuptiis reginae adhuc nihil. Ambit quidem filius Frederici, et frater secundus natu Maximiliani.

Vulgi tamen suspicio inclinat in Pikeringum, hominem Anglum, virum et prudentem et pium, et regia corporis dignitate praeditum. Deus bene vertat, quicquid erit. Istae primae sunt, quas ad te seorsim scripsi, ex quo redii in Angliam. Sed quoniam quae scripsi ad D. Martyrem, scio illum propter summam inter vos conjunctionem, tecum habuisse communia, non dubito quaecunque ad illum scripsi, eadem ad te quoque scripta dicere. Bene vale, mi pater, et domine in Christo colendissime. Saluta optimam illam mulierem, uxorem vestram, D. Gualterum, D. Simlerum, D. Lavaterum, D.

Zuinglium. Siquid unquam erit, in quo possim, aut tibi aut tuis, esse voluptati aut usui, polliceor tibi non tantum operam, studium, diligentiam, sed etiam animam et corpus meum.

Tui studiosissimus, Londini, 22 Maii, 1559. JO. JUELLUS.

NUMBER 21.

Richard Cox to Wolfgang Weidner, at Wormes, concerning the same subject with the former; with an account of the disputation at Westminster.

Viro eximio, eruditione et pietate insignito, D. D. Wolfgango Weidnero Wormaciensi, amico meo observando.

Wormselae. CUM Wormacia discederem, venerande senex, et frater in Christo plurimum observande, semper spud me decrevi ad te scribere, certioremque facere tandem aliquando de rerum nostrarum statu et conditione; quod te audire non ingratum esse existimavi, propter ardentem sincerumque zelum, quo indies afficeris erga Christi evangelium. Coactus sum haetenus, fateor, invitus silere, ne parum tibi grata referrem. Sub saevo Mariae imperio ita crevit invaluitque papismus ad quinquennium tantum, ut incredibile fuerit quantopere pectora papistarum obduruerint; adeo ut non sine magna difficultate pientissima nostra regina cum suis, qui a veritate strenue steterunt, sincerae Christi religioni locum obtinere potuerit.

Restiterunt in summo nostro concilio, quod parlamentum Gallico vocabulo appellamus, pontifices, scribae et pharisaei. Et, quia eo loci paucos habebant, qui contra vel hiscere possent, vincere perpetuo videbantur.

Interim nos, pusillus grex, qui apud vos in Germania hoe quinquennio, Dei beneficio, latuimus, in suggestis, maxime coram regina nostra Elizabetha, contra intonamus; pontificem Romanum vere Antichristum, et traditiones pro maxima sui parte meras esse blasphemias. Tandem paulatim resipiscere ceperunt ex nobilibus multi, ex plebe innumeri, ex clero prorsus nulli.

Immotus enim stat clerus totus, TANQUAM DURA SILEX, AUT STET MARPESIA CAUTES, ut poeta canit. Huc denique res est perducta, ut octo ex ipsorum antesignanis, ceu episcopi, ceu ex doctis selectissimi, cum octo nostrorum abjectorum scilicet atque profugorum, de quibusdam religionis capitibus dissererent. Et ut vitaretur, verborum pugna, scriptis agi constitutum est.

Dies statuta est. Adsumus omnes. Adsunt reginae consiliarii. Adest tota fere nobilitas. Decretum est ut ipsi primum de controversiis sententiam suam proponant. Unusquispiam illorum nomine, tanquam Goliath contra Davidem, sua venditat propugnat, et argumentis irrefragabilibus (ut videbatur) confirmat, sibi plaudit tanquam jam victor evadens. Respondit nostrorum unus veritate fretus, non ampullis verborum, in timore Domini, non in doetrinae venditatione. Finita responsione, incredibilis mox audientium applausus excitatus est, non sine magna adversariorum perturbatione atque confusione. Venit alter dies simili tractationi destinatus. Rogantur adversarii nostri a consultationis praeside, ut eo ordine progrederentur, quo decretum antea fuerat; nimirum ut ipsi primum in altera controversia inciperent suam sententiam dicere, nosque sequeremur. Illi vero contra contendunt, territi scilicet primi diei successu parum prospero: clamitantque iniquum esse, ut ipsi primum dicere incipiant, cum ipsi tot jam annis perstiterint in possessione catholicae ecclesiae. Si quid habeamus contra ipsos proferamus nos, ut ipsi pro sua autoritate nos refutent, atque compescant tanquam filios degeneres, ut qui ab ecclesiae unitate jam diu exciderimus. Gratia Christo Domino nostro; dum illi mandato obsistunt, merito coercentur, et sua causa cadunt. Itaque stabilitur apud nos, per omnia regni loca, sincera Christi religio, eadem prorsus ratione, qua sub Edwardo olim nostro, beatissimae memoriae, promulgata erat. Haec pauca, sed certa, visum est ad te scribere, quem scio nostra solide gaudere gaudia, ut nobiscum gratias Domino Deo nostro agas, qui nos in ista humiliatione et cruce, vere paterna commiseratione respexit atque consolatus est. Det ipse ut tanta et incredibilia ejus beneficia e mentibus nostris nunquam elabantur. Gratam rem fecerit tua humanitas, si ista D. Jacobo Cornicio, medico, et Vespasiano Fittich, amicis meis summis communicare dignetur.

Jamjam aggredimur septa papistica disrumpere atque dissipate, et vineam Domini felicibus auspiciis restaurare.Jam sumus in opere; at messis multa, operarii pauci. Rogemus Dominum, ut mittat operarios in messem. Haec paucula habui tibi pro officio in te meo impertiri. D. Jesus te servet, pietatemque tuam augeat usque ad ultimum spiritus halltum. Londini in Anglia, 20 Maii, 1559.

TUI STUDIOSISSIMUS, RIC. COX. Superiores epistolas ex MS. codice ecclesiae Tigurinae (quae magnum monasterium vocatur) ubi autographae servantur, descripsi mense Martio ineunte, anno Christi 1689. Joannes Dallaeus, Jo. fil. Parisiensis ecclesiae patriae, quae Carentonae olim, heu! sacros coetus habebat, pastor, nunc autem evangelii causa exul Tiguri. [NUMBER 21.] INTERROGATORIES. For the doctrine and manners of mynisters, and for other orders in the churche. WHETHER the parson, vicar, curate, or reader, dothe read the common service with a lowde, distincte, and treatable voyce, or no?

Whether the lessons and epystles be red or songe, so as they may be playnely heard of the people, or no?

Whether the parson or vycar preache, or cause to be preached in his church, every moneth, one sermon, or no?

Whether that every parson or vicar preach in his own person one sermon every quarter, or no?

Whether to the uttermost of theyr power, wyt, knoweledge, and learning, they do without coloure or dyssymulation, declare four tymes in theyr several sermons or exhortations, that the power of the bysshop of Rome, and all other forren power, are justly taken away, or no?

Whether, if there be no sermon, they read the homilies playnely and distinctly, or no? Whether they do exhort the people to remember the poore after the homilye, when they read the sentences, exhorting to almose, or no?

Whether they teache the youthe of their parish the Lordes Prayer, the articles of the fayth, the X commaundemenres, and the catechisme, every second Sondaye and holidaye, or no?

Whether they kepe any communion for the deade, the morrow after the burial, as they were wonte to kepe their requiem masse, or no?

Whether they and their churchwardens have provyded in their paryshes a Byble of the largest volume, and Erasmus Paraphrasis upon the New Testament, or no?

Whether they declare to their paryshes any thynge to th’extollinge or setting forth of vayne and supersticious religion, or no?

Whether the parson or vicar, being absent, hath left upon hys benefyce an honeste, learned, and experte curate, or no?

Whether that any mynister or priest, in the tyme of trouble, have divorced hymself from hys wyfe: and whether hys wyfe hath marryed to another manne since, or no?

Whether the priests and deacons say dayly the morning and evening service openly or privately, or no?

Whether any one that toke orders in king Edward’s days, not content with that, were ordered again in queen Marie’s days, or no?

Whether the parson or vicar hath bought his benefice, or hath come to it by symonie, fraud, or deceit, or no?

Whether the parson or vicar have moo benefices than one, or no?

Whether they geve any evel example of lyre; whether they be incontinent persones, drunkards, haunters of tavernes, alehouses, or suspecte places; dycers, tablers, carders, swearers, or vehemently suspected therof?

Whether they have received any person to the holy communion, openly known to be out of charity, or defamed with some notorious crime, before he hath made sufficient recompence for his wrong or evel doing, or no?

Whether that the parson or vycar, being not resident upon his benefice, geveth the XL. parte of his lyving to the poor of the parish, or no?

Whether any parson or vycar fyndeth but a reader under him, where he should fynda mynister, or no?

Whether the chaunsell, the body of the parish churche or chappel, the personage and vicarage house, and other belonging to the same, be in good reparation, or no?

Whether they celebrate the communion with less numbre then foure or three communicants at the least, in such parishes where there be XX persons of discretion, and in greater parishes without a greater number, or no?

Whether if there be mo priestes in any church than one, they do all communicate with the mynister, when the communion is celebrate, or no?

Whether that any reader, being admytted but to read, taketh upon him to baptize, to marry, to celebrate the Lord’s supper, or to distribute the Lord’s cupp, or no?

Whether they baptyze children on any other days then the Sundays and holydays, except it be thought nede that they should be baptized at home, or no?

Whether they have maryed any without banesasking; or if the partyes maryed be of divers parishes, whether they have married them without certificate from the person or persons where they were asked; or hath maryed any that be out of theyr own paryshe, not lycenced thereunto; or hath not openly denounced their certificate or lycence accordingly at the tyme of marlage; or hath maryecl any person not in due place or convenient tyme, or no?

Whether they have exhorted yong folke to absteyne from privy contracts, and not to mary without the consent of such their parents and fryends as have auctority over them, or no?

Whether they have admitted to the holy table any of another parish, except they bee straungers, without the licence of the mynyster from whence they came, or no?

Whether there be any that preacheth out of their own parish, not licenced therunto, or els taketh uppon them to preach, beyng not ordeyned, neyther licenced therunto?

FOR THE DUETY OF CHURCHWARDENS.

Whether they have provyded a comelye and honest pulpit to be set in a comlye place of the churche, or no?

Whether all aulters, images, holy water stones, pictures, paintings, as of th’assumption of the blessyd virgin, of the descending of Christ into the virgin, in the forme of a lyttel boy, at th’annunciation of the aungel, and all other superstitious and daungerous monuments; especially paintings and images in waul, boke, cope, banner, or elsewhere, of the blessed Trinitye, or of the Father, (of whom there can be no image made,) be defacid and removyd out of the churche, and other places, and are destroled; and the places where such impiety was, so made up, as if ther had bin no such thinge there, or no?

Whether that any images, bokes of service, or vestments, not allowed by law, be reserved of any man, or in any place, or no? By whom and where they be reserved?

Whether they know any manne that refuseth to contribute to the almes of the poor, as a thing not rightly appointed, and discourageth other from such charitable almes, or no?

Whether the churchwardens have provyded a strong chest for the poor men’s box, and hath fastened it in a fit place, or no?

Whether the church money, coming of movable stocks, money geven to find torches, tapers, lampe, light, not payed out of any landes, be employed to the pore man’s box, or no?

Whether the churchwardens of every paryshe do duely levye and gather of the goods and lands of every such person, that cometh not to his own parysh churche upon the Sondayes and holy dayes, and there heare the devine service, and God’s word read and preached, XIId. for every such offence; and whether they have distributed the same money to the poore, or no?

Whether there be a register had and kepte faythfully of christenings and burialls, or no?

FOR SCHOLEMAISTERS AND THEYR OFFICE.

Whether any scholemaister take upon him to teach, not allowed of the ordinary, or no?

Whether they move and teache theyr children duely to reverence and love the trewe relygion that is now set furth, or no?

Whether they teach theyr children such sentences out of the scriptures, as mai frame them to godliness, or no?

FOR CLARKES AND THEIR DUETIE.

Whether that the songe in the churche be modest and dystinct, so devysed and used, that the dyttie may playnely be understande, or no?

Whether thei use to singe any number of psalmes, dirigelike, at the burial of the dead, or do any other thinge otherwise then it is appointed by the common order of the Service-book, or no?

Whether they use to ring oft and long peales at the burial of the dead, or useth much janklinge in festival days, in ryngyng noone or curphewe, or no?

FOR THE PEOPLE AND THEIR DUETIE.

Whether there be any man that mocketh or jesteth at the devyne servyce, or at the ministers therof, or speaketh any thyng by jest or earnest, to the despysyng, derogacion, or lettyng therof, or no?

Whether any man hath burned, or caused the holy Bible to be burned, torne, or defaced, or hath conveyed it out of the church, that it should not be red of the people, or no?

Whether that any parishioner receiveth the sacraments, and other rytes ecclesiastical, according to the book auctorised by common aucthoritie, or no?

Whether any man is knowne to have sayd or heard masse since it was abrogate by lawe? whether any man maketh any singing-cakes, to say masse withal; reserveth vestments, superaltaries, masse books, or other instruments of this superstition, or no?

Whether that any do deferre theyr chyldren to be baptized beyonde the next Sondaye or holy daye after their byrth, and upon what causes they do so?

Whether that any be so hasty to baptize theyr chyldren, that having no nede, they will not tary tyll the next holy-daye, that the chylde may be partaker of the prayers of the hole church then present, or no?

Whether any hath maryed within the degrees of consanguinitie, prohibited by the lawes of God, eyther whither any marryed without those degrees, have unlawfully forsaken their wyves or husbands, or maryed others?

Whether any kepeth in his house any abused images, namely, such as be removed out of the church, or sainct Jhons head, S. Katherine, Nicholas, or their heads or such lyke, or no?

Whether any bodye useth beads, Latin primers, or any other prayer books, then that be allowed by publike auctoritie to be used, or no?

Whether there be any that maintayneth any heresye or false opinion, contrarie to God’s word, or no?

Whether ther be any that exerciseth sorcery, sothseying, witchcraft, or such like curious arts, or no?

Whether there be any incontinent persons, drunkardes, swearers, blasphemers of the name of God, raylers at religion, or fautie in any other enormous cryme, or vehemently suspected of the same, or no?

Whether there be any that neglecteth to resort commonly to hys parishe churche, and there abideth orderly and soberly during the tyme of services, or no?

Whether there be any that useth byinge, selling, dressing, caryenge to and fro of clothe, followeth hys occupation, geveth hymself, or canseth his to labour bodily, or to attend theyr occupation in the sabboth-day, hinderinge both themselves and theyrs thereby to learn ghostly thyngs, or no?

Whether there be any that walketh or talketh in the church at service tyme, or goeth out without urgent node, or no?

Whether there be any bodye otherwise occupyed at service tyme, then to heare and make [marke] the same, or els suffer their children to disturbe the devine service, or no?

Whether any person of discretion hath not communicate thryce since Midsummer was twelvemonth, and in especially at Easter last past; who they be, and what be their names?

Whether any hath maryed, the banes not beyng lawfully asked before, except he had a dispensation of the ordinary, or no?

Whether fathers, mothers, maysters, and dames, sendeth out their chyldren and servauntes to be instructed in the catechisme, in the Sondays and holydays, or no?

Whether vynteners, or they that kepe vittaylings houses, both sell meat or drynk in the tyme of servyce or sermons, or no?

To these interrogatories the ordinarie requireth an aunswere accordingly, by the last daye of August, or before, if they maye.

Imprynted at London, in Foster-lane, by Jhon Waley.

NUMBER 22.

Cox, bishop of Ely, to the queen, excusing himself for refusing to minister in her chapel, because of the crucifix and lights there.

Most gracious sovereign, WHOM I, above other, divers ways am bound most dearly to love and honour, sith God by your majesty hath placed me, and placed me to monish, to exhort, and to call upon, opportune, importune.

In the trembling fear of God, in the bond of duty toward your highness, in the zeal of God’s truth, which burdeneth and bindeth my conscience, I most humbly sue unto your like godly zeal, prostrate, and with wet eyes, that ye will vouchsafe to peruse the considerations, which move that I dare not minister in your grace’s chapel, the lights and cross remaining.

The scripture saith, in the place where God gave his commandments he suffered no similitude, nor likeness of any thing to be seen. And in his second commandment he forbade both the making of images, and the worshipping them also, and that upon a grievous plague. How durst man, dust and ashes, for any respect set up an image in the temple of God?

Your majesty’s learned and godly clergy of your realm do think this commandment of God indispensable.

And your highness knoweth, that in this thing, and in all other matters of religion, the judgment of the ministers of God’s word ought to be heard. Qui vos audit, me audit.

Neither would godly Constantine, in the council of Nice, take upon him to be judge over the fathers, but was content to stand to their judgment and determination in matters of religion.

I trust your great wisdom, and godly zeal towards your realm, will weigh and consider the great peril which may ensue through the heart-burning about this matter. The protestants, as they term them, on the one side, and the papists on the other.

Tender my suit, I beseech you, in visceribus Jesu Christi, my dear sovereign, and most gracious queen Elizabeth.

CERTAIN CONSIDERATIONS, WHICH MOVE ME THAT I CANNOT YIELD TO HAVE IMAGES SET UP IN CHURCHES.

I. The second commandment containeth two prohibitions. The one, Thou shalt not make unto thyself any graven image, &c. The second, Thou shalt not adore them, nor worship them. And this second appeareth to be the cause of the first: for images are forbidden for fear of adoration. And to the intent we should understand the law thus to be meant, and to have no images in the church, where God is chiefly to be honoured, God himself saith, When ye were gathered together to honour me, and to learn my laws in the mount Sinai, ye saw no image, nor likeness of any thing, lest being deceived ye should have worshipped them. Which giveth me to understand, that in place of worshipping there should be no images.

II. I ought to do nothing touching religion which may appear doubtful, whether it pleaseth God or not. For our religion ought to be certain, and grounded upon God’s word and will. Quod non est ex fide peccatum est.

The matter of images hath always been a gainsay, sith they entered first into the church. And the Greeks have refused images, because of God’s commandment.

III. The holy scriptures universally do vehemently detest them, and have horribly plagued the maintainers of them, and commended and prospered those godly kings who did utterly abolish them.

IV. Images in the church of Christ have been foully abused, not only of the ignorant people with vows, pilgrimages, offerings, clothing, gilding, incensing, and other kinds of honour, but also of the learned fathers and pillars of the church, who have taught, and do yet maintain, the honouring, adoration, and invocation of images.

I therefore, a miserable man, dust and clay, having these and such like considerations before mine eyes, cannot, without offence of God and conscience, yield to the setting up of images in the temple of my God and Creator.

AND THESE [EXAMPLES AND WARNINGS] THAT FOLLOW, CAUSE ME TO TREMBLE AND QUAKE AT GOD’S TERRIBLE JUDGMENTS.

The prophet Balaam, because he was desirous to gratify king Balak somewhat otherwise than God willed him, he was rebuked of his own ass.

And the angel charged him, saying, Cave ne aliud quam praeecepero tibi, loquaris.

A lion slew the man of. God, by whom God had sent a notable message to king Jeroboam; and that because he had transgressed God’s commandment, only in eating and drinking with another man of God.

St. John writeth thus, Contestor omnem audientem verba prophetiae libri hujus, siquis apposuerit ad haec, apponet Deus super illum plagas scriptas in libro isto. Et siquis diminuerit de verbis prophetiae hujus, auferet Deus partem ejus e libro vitae. Sith it is so dangerous a matter to add or diminish from this book, how dangerous were it for me to presume to diminish or add any thing to the express command and eternal will of my Lord and God!

Yet my meaning is not hereby to enter into consideration of such as are otherwise minded, much less of your majesty, (God forbid,) who I believe meaneth not to use the thing to any evil end. And therefore I was content, albeit God he knoweth with a trembling conscience, to minister and communicate, as appeareth, upon other great and weighty considerations.

Bear with me, most gracious soveraign; for the tender mercy of God, force not my conscience so sore. Your highness knoweth, Qui facit contra conscientiam, aedificat in gehennam.

NUMBER 23.

Richard Cheny (afterwards bishop of Gloucester) to secretary Cecyl, complaining of a loss sustained by the queen’s visitors.

To the right honourable Mr. Cecyl, secretary to the queen’s majesty at the court, give these. BECAUSE it pleased your mastership so gently to come and offer me your hand upon the leads at the court, somewhat before Easter, these shalbe most heartily to thank you, desiring you to be a help, that more preachers may be sent abroad. For every where there is messis multa, sed opera. rii pauci, imo paucissimi. I find a priest upon my ten-pound benefice in Halford in Warwickshire, because I would go abroad, and do some good, where no preacher cometh. My priest hath ten-pound out of my ten-pound ten-shillings, and I live there of the residue. I remember, that when I preached before the queen’s majesty rudely after the country fashion, I spake of the queen’s takers, but or I came home again from London, then they had taken a quantity of my wheat, which I would take mony for, if I could get it, and so would other poor men where I dwel. The hope whereof caused me to take my journey to Oxford; where I communed with certain touching the true pronunciation of Greek, who stifly defended the usual maner of pronouncing. Beware, learned masters, said I, that when you wilfully go about to defend an untruth in this matter, you fall not into such an inconvenience as I once knew a bishop do. They would needs know how and wherein. I sat once, said I, at table with a bishop, that did, as you now do, defend the untrue pronunciation of this Greek letter h And after I had declared many absurdities that followed thereof, I desired him to consider a few words written in the XXVIIth of Matthew. He immediately called for the New Testament in Greek. I appointed him a line or two in the place, as before. He read among other these four words, Hli< hjli> lama< sabacqani> making false Greek, but true English, pronouncing plainly, I ly, I ly. Let this be a warning for you, learned masters, said I, for fear, &c.

There was in company then the commissary Dr. Babington, Dr. Wright archdeacon of Oxford, the provost of Oriel college, with others. So we made an end of this matter merrily at the Bear, on the Annuntiationeven last. And Dr. Babington gave me your old tutors book of this matter, which I never saw before, because I dwelt in a corner where I see nothing; but I feel that I am worse by forty pounds within these two years than I was before. Such hath been my late gains. The cause hath been, my gentle and loving friends have four or five times called me to London, and offering me a bishopric: but I cannot think my self worthy so high a room.

And as for the prebend of Westminster, it were more meet for one that would be resident upon it, as I intend not to be. And therefore I shall receive but ten pound by year.

I began first in mine youth at the court, but I intend to make an end in mine age at the cart, at my circumcised benefice. But what do I trouble your mastership with this homely letter in the midst of your weighty and manifold affairs. I trust you will bear with my rudenes, and help me also, that wher I lost sixteen pound by year before the queens majesties visitors at Alesbury, and shal a years rent to boot without recompence, I may somewhat be recompenced by your goodness, as my trust is. Or if your plesure be, that I only shalbe a leeser in these days, that had more conference with the learned men of the contrary side in queen Maries time, than any others had, I will hold me content with forty pound loss. Thus I bid your mastership most heartily farewel. April 16, 1561.

NUMBER 24.

Bullinger’s letter to Sampson and Humphrey concerning the habits. DOMINUS Jesus benedicat vobis, viri ornatissimi, et fratres charissimi, ac servet vos ab omni malo. Accepi literas vestras, ex quibus intellexi, te, Laurenti, conqueri, quod mea responsio data ad tuam quaestionem nimis videatur accisa. Ego vero, mi frater, tunc non vidi, neque nunc video, quorsum oportuerit copiosiores scribere literas. Nam rogabas tu duntaxat, quae esset mea de re vestiaria, de qua contendebatur in Anglia, sententia.

Ad hanc quaestionem brevibus tibi respondendum putavi. Nam brevibus meam sententiam dicere potui: Dein sciebam beatae memorize D. Pet.

Martyrem et 0xoniae et hic, eandem quaestionem tractavisse saepius et fusius; quibus quod adjicerem non habeam. Memini vero in literis ad te, Sampsonem fratrem, datis, meae quoque sententiae factam rum quoque mentionem. Et ut irerum uno aut altero verbo, quod sentio, dicam.

Nunquam probaverim, si jubeamini vestrum exequi ministerium ad aram crucifixi imagine oneratam, magis quam ornatam; et in veste missalica, hoc est, in alba et casula, quae a tergo quoque ostentet crucifixi imaginem. At quantum ex literis ex Anglia allatis intelligo, nulla nunc est de ejusmodi veste contentio. Sed quaestio est, An liceat mi nistris evangelicis portare pilcum rotundum, vel quadratum, et vestera albam, quam nuncupant superpellicium, qua minister ornatus, a vulgo discernatur. Et, An oporteat ministerium, vel stationem sacram, citius relinquere, quam hujusmodi vestibus uti? Respondi ad hanc quaestionem, praeteritis nundinis reverehado viro, D. Rob. Horne, Winton. episcopo; et quidem brevibus repetens verba D. Martyris. Scripserat eidem paulo ante symmysta et affinis meus chariss. D. Rodolphus Gualtherus. Cujus exemplum hisce inclusum ad vos, et alios fratres nostros, mitto. Ergo si nos audire vultis, nostrumque judicium de re vestiaria expetitis, sicut ultimis vestris ad me literis significabatis, en! habetis in ista epistola nostrum judicium. Cui si acquiescere non potestis, dolemus sane quam vehementissime: et cure nullum nobis amplius supersit consilium, Dominum, qui in omnibus et semper respiciendus est, ex animo et incessanter oramus, ut ipse gratia sua atque potentia rebus afflictis consulat.

Quaestiones aliquot tu, Laurenti frater, proposuisti; plures vero ejusdem argumenti Sampsonus noster contexuit. Licet vero, pro mea simplici ruditate, nunquam probaverim, res in tot distrahi quaestiones, et nodis innecti implicatioribus, quae, alioqui simpliciores per se, brevibus, et satis perspicue expediri potuerant; aliquid tamen annotabo ad singulas. Ut hac quoque in re, vobis dominis meis observandis, et fratribus charissimis, quantum per meam possum infantiam, acumenque retusum, magis quam acutum, inserviam. Vos autem oro, ut benigne haec a me fratre vestro, vestrique amantissimo, accipiatis: et de his animo judicetis ab affectibus purgato, atque tranquillo. A contentionibus abhorreo prorsus, et nihil magis supplex peto a Domino, quam ut ab ecclesia longe removeat contentiones, quae ab initio, et semper, plurimum nocuere verae pietati, et ecclesiam utcunque pacatam et florentem lacerarunt.

Cum quaeritur, An debeant ecclesiasticis leges praescribi vestiariae, ut iis distinguantur a laicis? respondeo Ambiguitatem esse in verbo debere. Si enim accipiatur pro necessario, et quod ad salutem consequendam pertineat, non arbitror hoc velle vel ipsos legum authores. Si vero dicatur, posse hoc fieri decoris, ornatusque vel dignitatis et ordinis gratia, ut sit civilis quaedam observatio; aut tale quid intelligatur, quale illud est, quod apostolus vult ministrum vel episcopum ecclesiae ko>smion compositum, inquam, vel ornatum esse, non video quid peccet, qui veste hujusmodi utitur, aut qui hujusmodi veste uti jubet. An ceremonialis cultus Levitici sacerdotii sit revocandus in ecclesiam?

Respondeo, Si pileus et vestis non indecora ministro, et quae superstitione caret, jubeantur usurpari a ministris, nemo sane dixerit vere, Judaismurn revocari. Praeterea repeto hic, quod ad hanc quaestionem video respondisse D. Martyrem. Qui ubi ostendisset sacramenta veteris legis esse abolita, quae non oporteat reducere in ecclesiam Christi, quae habet baptismum et sacram coenam, subjecit, Fuerunt nihilominus in lege Levitica actiones aliquae ira comparatee, ut proprie sacra dici non possunt. Faciebant enim ad decorem et ordinem, et aliquam commoditatem, quae ut lumini naturae congrua, et ad nostram aliquam utilitatem conducentia, egvet revocari et retineri posse judico. Quis non vidit apostolos, pro pace et convictu credentium faciliori, mandasse gentibus, ut a sanguine et suffocato abstinerent? Erant haec citra controversiam legalia et Levitica. Decimas quoque hodie multis in locia institutas esse ad alendos ministros, nemo nostrum ignorat: psalmos et hymnos cani in sacris caetibus, manifestissimum est. Quod tamen Levitae quoque usurparunt. Utque hoc non omittam, dies habemus festos in memoria dominicae resurrectionis, et alia. An vero illa omnia erunt abolenda, quia sunt vestigia legis antiquae? Vides ergo non omnia Levitica sic esse antiquata, ut quaedam ex hiis usurpari non possint. Haec ille. An vestitu cum papistis communicare liceat? Respondeo, Nondum constat papam discrimina vestium induxisse in ecelesiam: imo discrimen vestium constat papa esse longe vetustius. Nec video cur non liceat vestitu, non superstitioso, sed politico, et eomposito, communicare cum papistis. Si nulla re cum illis communicare liceret, oporteret et templa omnia descrere, nulla accipere stipendia, non uti baptismo, non recitare Symbolum apostolicum et Nieenum, adeoque abjicere Orationera Dominicam. Neque vos mutuatis ab iis ullas ceremonias. Res vestiaria ab initio reformationis nunquam fuit abolita, et retinetur adhuc, non lege papistica, sed vi edicti regii, ut res media et politica.

Ita sane, si ut re civili utamini pileo, et veste peculiari, hoc non redolet Judaismum neque monachismum. Nam ii volunt videri, a civili vita separari, et constituunt meriturn in peculiari sua veste. Sic Eustachius, Sebastiae episcopus, damnatus est non simpliciter propter peculiarem vestera, sed quod in veste religionem constitueret. Noti sunt Gangren. concilii canones, Laodiceni et sexti synodi. Quod si ex plebe nonnulli sunt persuasi redolere hoc apismum, udaismum, et monachismum, admoneantur, et recte de iis instituantur. Quod si importunius quorundam clamoribus, hac de re ad vulgus profusis, multi inquieti reddantur, vi-deant, qui hoc faciunt, ne graviora sibi onera imponant, regiamque majestatem irritent: denique multos fideles mini-stros in discrimine adducant; ex quo vix emergere queant.An qui llbertate sua hactenus acquieverunt, vi edicti regii, hac servitute implicare se, et ecclesiam, salva con.. scientia, possint?

Respondeo, Cavendum ego censeo, ne odiosius disputetur, clametur, et contendatur de re vestiaria, atque importunitate hac detur occasio reg. majestati, ut liberum illis amplius non relinquat; quod libertate hactenus usi sunt, sed clamoribus [non] necessariis irritata mandet vel sumere vestes illas ecclesiasticas, vel cedere stationi suae. Mirurn sane mihi videtur (vestra pace, viri ornatissimi, et fratres charissimi, dixerim,) quod vobis persuadetis, salva conscientia, vos et ecclesias servituti vestiariae subjicere non posse; et non potius expenditis, si re politica et indifferenti uti nolitis, et perpetuo contendatis odiosius, cujusmodi servituti et vos et ecclesias subjiciatis; quod vestra statione cedentes lupis exponitis ecclesias, aut saltem parum idoneis doctoribus; qui non aeque ut vos ad docendum populum sunt instructi. An vero ecclesias in libertatem asseruistis, qui occasionem suppeditatis, ecclesiam pluribus etiam gravioribusque oneribus opprimendi? Non ignoratis, quid multi quaerant, quomodo erga evangelii praedicationem sint affecti, et quales vobis successuri sint, et quid de illis sperandum sit. An vestitus clericalis sit res indifferens? Videtur sane res indifferens, cure sit res civilis, decori ornatusque habeat rationem, in qua cultus non constituitur. Ad tuas volui respondere literas, hoc brevibus, doctissime et dilectissime frater Laurenti.

Jam venio ad Sampsonis nostri quaestiones. In quibus opponendis ero fortasse brevior. An vestitus peculiaris a laicis distinctus, ministris ecclesiae unquam fuerit constitutus; et an hodie in reformata ecclesia debeat constitui?

Respondeo, In veteri ecclesia fuisse peculiarem presbyterorum vestitum apparet ex historia ecclesiastica Theodoreti, lib. 2. cap. 27. Et Socratis lib. 6. cap. 22. Pallio in sacris usos esse ministros, nemo ignorat, qui veterum monumenta obiter inspexit. Ideo antea submonui, diversitatem indumentorum non habere suam originem a papa. Eusebius certe testatur ex vetustissimis scriptoribus Johannem apostolum Ephesi petalum, seu laminam gestasse pontificalem in capite. Et de Cypriano martyre testatur Pontius Diaconus, quod cum jugulum carnifici praebere vellet, ei prius birrhum dedisse, diacono dalmaticam, atque sic ipsum in lineis stetisse indutum. Praeterea vestis candidae ministrorum meminit Chrysostomus. Ac certum est Christianos, cum a gentilismo converterentur ad evangelium et ecclesiam, pro toga induisse pallium. Ob quam rem, cum ab infidelibus irriderentur, Tertullianus librum de Pallio scripsit eruditissimum. Alia hujus generis plura proferre possem, ni haec sufficerent. Mallem quidem nihil scrupuli injici ministris, et eos ea uti posse consuetudine, qua apostoli. Sed quando regia majestas pileum tantummodo et candidam vestern injicit, in qua cultum (quod saepe jam repetivi) non constituit, eaedemque res apud veteres, dum meliores adhuc ecclesiae res essent, usurpattae sint absque superstitione et culpa, optarem bonos ministros in his, non ut in prora et puppi, quod dicitur, totum constituere religionis profectum; sed dare aliquid tempori, et de re indifferenti non odiosius altercari, sed modeste judicare, haec quidem ferri posse, sed proficiendum cum tempore.

Propiores esse apostolicae simplicitati, qui discrimina illa ignorant, aut non urgeant: interim tamen a disciplina non sunt alieni. An vestium praescriptio congruat cum Christiana libertate? Respondeo, Res indifferentes admittere aliquando praescriptionem, adeoque coactionem. Ne dicam, quoad usum et non quoad necessitatem; ut aliquid scilicet, quod natura sit indifferens ut necessarium conscientiae obtrudatur, et ita animis injiciatur religio. Tempora certe et loca sacrorum coetuum recte habentur inter indifferentia, et tamen si hic nulla sit prrescriptio, quanta obsecro confusio, conturbatioque orietur? An ullae ceremoniae novae, praeter expressurn praescriptum verbi Dei, cumulari possunt? Respondeo, Me non probare, si novae cumulentur ceremoniae; sed tamen aliquas institui posse, non negarim, modo non in eis statuatur Dei cultus, sed instituantur propter ordinem, et disciplinam.

Christus ipse encoeniorum festum, vel ceremoniam, servavit, nec tamen lege praeseriptum legimus hoc festum. In summa propositionum, vel quaestionum de re vestiaria potior pars de eo disputat An de vestibus leges in ecclesia condi vel debeant, vel possint? Ac quaestionem revocat ad genus: quidnam de ceremoniis videlicet statuere liceat? Ad has propositiones paucis respondeo, me quidem malle nullas ceremonias, nisi neeessarias, obtrudi ecclesiae. Interim tamen fateor, non posse statim leges de hiis, forte non adeo necessarias, aliquando etiam inutiles, damnari impietatis, turbasque et schisma excitare in ecclesia, quando videlicet superstitione carent, et res sunt sua natura indifferentes. An ritus Judaeorum antiquatos revocare, religionique idololatrarum proprie dicatos, in usus reformatarum ecclesiarum liceat transferre? De hac quaestione antea respondi, ubi disserui de Leviticis ritibus. Nolim vero ritus idololatricos, non repurgatos ab erroribus, transferri in ecclesias reformatas. Rursus vero et ex adverso quaeri poterat, an recepti ritus, remota superstitione, propter disciplinam et ordinem, retineri sine peccato non possint? An conformatio in ceremoniis necessario sit exigenda Respondeo, Conformationem in ceremoniis, in omnibus ecclesiis, forte non esse necessariam. Interim si percipiatur res non necessaria, rursus tamen non impia, ob eam ecclesia non videtur esse deserenda. Non fuit in ritibus conformitas in omnibus ecclesiis vetustioribus. Quae tamen conformibus utebantur riffbus, eas vituperabant conformitate carentes. Facile enim credo, viros prudentes atque politicos conformationem rituum urgere, quod existiment hanc facere ad concordiam. Et quod una sit ecclesia totius Angliae, in qua re si nihil impii misceatur, non video quomodo ejusmodi non malis institutis hostiliter vos objiciatis. An ceremoniae cum aperto scandalo cojunctae retinerl possint?

Respondeo, Scandalurn vitare oportere. Videndum interim, ne sub scandalo nostras affectiones contegamus. Non ignoratis aliud quidem datum, aliud vero acceptum, et ultro accersitum esse scandalum. Non disputo nunc, an vos, sine gravi scandalo, deserere possitis ecclesias, pro quibus Christus mortuus est, propter rein indifferentem. An ullae constitutiones ferendae in ecclesia, quae natura sua impiae quidera non sunt, sed tamen ad aedificationemnihil faciunt? Respondeo, Si constitutiones impietate carent, quas vobis imponere regia majestas [vult] ferendae sunt, potius quam deserendae ecelesiae. Si enim aedificatio ecclesiae hac in re potissimum est spectanda, deserendo ecclesiam plus destruxerimus ecclesiam, quam vestes induendo. Et ubi abest impietas, nec laeditur conscientia, ibi cedendum est, liter aliqua imponatur servitus.

Interim vero quaeri rursus poterat, an sub servitutem juste referamus rem vestiariam, quatenus facit ad decorem et ordinem. An quicquam ecclesiis a principe praescribendum in ceremoriils sine libero consensu et voluntate ecclesiasticorura? Respondeo, Si voluntas ecclesiasticorum semper sit expectanda principi, nunquam forte sapientissimi et piissimi reges, Josaphat, Ezechias, Aza, et Jozias, aliique principes boni, Levitas et ministros ecclesiarum redegisse in ordinem.

Quamvis nolim prorsus excludi episcopos a consultationibus ecclesiasticis; nolim rursus cos eam sibi potentiam vendicare, quam sibi usurparunt contra principes et magistratus in papatu. Nolim item tacere episcopos et consentire ad iniqua principum instituta.

Postremae quaestiones duae proprius ad rem ipsam accedunt. An consultius ecclesiae sic inservire, an propterea ecclesiastico munere ejici.

Et, An boni pastores jure ob hujusmodi ceremonias neglectas a ministerio removeri possint? Respondeo, Si in ritibus nulla est superstitio, nulla impietas, urgentur tamen et imponuntur bonis pastoribus, qui mallent illos sibi non imponi, dabo sane, et quidem ex abundanti, onus et servitutem sibi imponi; sed non dabo idque justissimis ex causis, stationem, vel ministerium, propterea esse deserendum, et lotum cedendum lupis, ut antea dictum est vel ineptioribus ministris praesertim cum maneat libera praedicatio, caverique possit, ut major obtrudatur servitus, et multa hujus generis alia.

Dixi quae videbantur dicenda de propositis quaestionibus, non nescius alios pro sua eruditione longe elegantius meliusque potuisse excussisse; sed quia ita voluistis ut responderem, feci quod potui, liberum aliis relinquens de hiis et calamum et judicium. Quod superest, nullius ego his conscientiam urgere et irretire volo, sed examinanda propono, moneoque nequis in hac controversia ex filoneiki>a| sibi faciat conscientiam. Hortor item vos omnes per Jesum Christum, Dominum nostrum, ecclesiae suae Servatorem, caput et regem, ut probe quisque apud se expendat, utranam re plus aedificarit ecclesiam Christi, si propter ordinem et decorem vestibus utatur, ut re indifferenti, et hactenus ad concordiam utilitatemque ecclesiae nonnihil faciente, an vero propter rem vestiariam deserat ecclesiam, occupandam postea, si non a lupis manifestis, saltem a ministris minime idoneis et bonis. Dominus Jesus det vobis videre, sapere et sequi quod facit ad gloriam ejus, et ecclesiae pacem et salutem. Valete in Domino, una cum omnibus fidelibus ministris. Orabimus sedulo pro vobis Dominum, ut ea sentiatis et faciatis, quae sancta sunt et salutaria. D. Gualterus amicissime vos salutat, et omnia felicia vobis precatur. Facimus hoc ipsum reliqui ministri. Tiguri, Maii, anno Dni. M.D.LXVI. Heinriichus Bullingerus, Tigurinae ecclesiae minister, suo et Gualteri nomine.

NUMBER 25.

Bishop Horne to Gualter concerning the controversy about the habits. Ornatiss. theologo, D. Gualtero Tigurinae ecclesiae ministro dignissimo, Robertus Hornus, episcopus Wintoniensis. LITERAS tuas, mi Gualtere, quam amanter et jucunde acceperim, vel hinc existimare debes, quod de Tigurinae reip. statu, in cujus fide ac liberalitate exul collocatus fueram, tum de tui, reliquorumque amicissimorum, et de me optime meritorum, valetudine cognoscebam. Accedebat tua in Johannis evangelium lucubratio, scribendi, ut tu ais, occasio. Quam ita probo, ut ad veram scripturarum scientiam et pietatem conferre judicem; et non solum a tyronibus, quibus tu potissimum studes, sed ab ipsis professoribus legendam, existimem. In foedere Gallico et Helvetico perspicaciam Tigurinam probo, quae astutias Gallicas religionis praetextu adumbratas olfecit et patefecit. Bernenses etiam vicinos vestros spero suasu vestro ab inhonesto foedere assensum cohibituros. De peste, quae regionem Tigurinam invasit, opinionem habeo, quod impiorum causa etiam ipsi pii affigantur. Qua percussus pater Bullingerus, quod periculum evasit, debemus putare eum, qui duriora tempora sustulit, felicioribus esse a Domino reservatum. Tuam domum ab ea contagione tutam, divinae clementiae, quae laboribus tuis voluit otium, ascribo. Res nostrae ita se habent, quod ut vos vicihas Gallicas, sic nos intestinas papisticas timemus insidias. Primates papistici in publicis custodiis; reliqui exilium affectantes, scriptis quibusdam in vulgus disseminatis, sese in gratiam, nos in odium vocant: ansam minutam sane, et ejusmodi, nacti, controversia nuper inter nos orta de quadratis pileis et superpelliciis. Exclamarunt papistae, non esse quam profitemur unanimem in religione fidem, sed variis nos opinionibus, duci, nec in una sententia stare posse. Auxit hanc calumniam senatus nostri decretum, de profliganda papistica potestate, ante restitutionem nostram sancitum, quo sublata reliqua faece, usus pileorum quadratorum et superpelliciorum ministris remanebat; ita tamen ut superstitionis opinione careret, quod disertis decreti verbis cavetur. Tolli hoc decretum non potest, nisi omnium regni ordinum, quorum consensu constitutum fuerit, conspiratione atque consensu. Nobis, penes quos tunc non fuit sanciendi vel abrogandi authoritas, pileis et superpelliciis uti, vel aliis locum dare, injunctum est. Usi his sumus, ne munera Christiana per nos deserta occuparent adversarii. Sed cum jam haec res in magnam contentionem inter nostros devenerit, ut noster grex pusillus etiam in duas abierit partes, quarum altera ob illud decretum deserendum ministerium, altera non deserendum putet, peto abs te, mi Gualtere, quid de hac controversia, quae nos una vexat, senseris, ut quam primo tempore scribas.

Speramus certe proximis comitiis illam decreti partem abrogaturos. Sed si id obtineri non poterit, quoniam magna ope clam nituntur papistae, ministerio nihilominus divino esse adhaerendum judico; ne deserto eo, ac a nobis ea conditione repudiato, sese insinuarent. Qua de re sententiam, mi Gualtere, expecto tuam, an haec, quae sic facimus, salva conscientia facere possimus?

De vestra quoque ecclesia ita sum sollicitus, ut quoniam maltos fideles ministros ex peste interisse suspicor, per tuas literas scire vellem eorum nomina, qui jam supersint. Dominus Jesus, magnus gregis sui custos, vos et universam ecclesiam suam custodiat. In eodem vale. Datum e Fernamiae castro, 16. cal. Augusti, 1565.

Tuus in Christo, ROBERT. WINTON.

NUMBER 26.

Bullinger to certain of the bishops, concerning the habits.

Reverendis. in Christo patribus, D. Roberto Horne, Wintoniens. D.

Gryndallo, Londoniens. et D. Parkhurstho, Norvicens. episcopis in Anglia, dominis nostris colendissimis et fratribus charissimis. REVERENDI viri, domini honorandi, et fratres charissimi. Dom. Jesus benedicat vobis, et servet vos ab omni malo. Mittimus scriptum nostrum de re vestiaria, datum a nobis ad N. et M. viros doctos, et pios fratres nostros colendos. Ideo autem mittimus ad vos, ut intelligatis, insciis vobis, primariis ministris, nihil nos privatim agere cum fratribus, et quod per omnia pacem ecclesiarum vestrarum, quantum quidem possumus, quaerimus. Oramus quoque Dominum, ut semper rebus vestris consulat, et vos servet in concordia. Vos hortamur, viri reverendi, et fratres charissimi, ut rationem habeatis fidelium ministrorum et doctorum hominum. Habent hii fere suas affectiones: uncle apostolus quoque monuit, ut alii aliorum onera portent.

Vestra authoritate plurimum potestis apud sereniss. D. reginam. Apud ejus majestatem efficite, ut boni fratres reconcilientur et restituantur. Rogamus item, ut tu, D. Horne, observande domine, et frater charissime, cui primum hae literae dari possunt, illico cures eas perferri ad D. Norvicensem, easque communes habeatis eum D. Juello, D. Sando, et D. Pilkinthono: quibus proximis nundinis Frankfordien. Deo volenti, scribam. Has festinatissime exaravi, tam meo quam Gualtheri nomine, et Basileam misimus, inde transportandas Antwerpiam. Vos sedulo oramus, ut significetis, an receperitis. Optime valete, viri reverendi. Dominus benedicat vobis et vestris laboribus. Tiguri, 3 Maii, anno 1566. Bullingerus vester.

Oramus te, reverende Horne, ut haec quoque communices cum clarissimo viro, D. Ed. Grindallo, Londoniens. episcopo. Qui etsi nobis non sit notus, perinde ut vos, amamus tamen ilium, et vicissim ab ipso amari cupimus.

Cui et nos, et omnia nostra offerimus. Iterum atque iterum valete.

NUMBER 27.

Lawrence Humfrey to the queen for a toleration of such as refused the habits. illustrissimae et serenissimae principi Elizabethae, Angliae, Franciae, et Hiberniae, reginae, L. Humfredus S. P. D.

Si quoties peccant homines sua fulmina mittat Jupiter, exiguo tempore inermis erit. LICEAT enim mihi, serenissima princeps, hoc carmine affarimajestatem tuam, quo usus est apud Augustum Ovidius. Sensit nimirum poeta non malus improbas preces mortalium deum etiam iratum frangere. Neque vero hoc usque adeo nobis mirum videri debet, quum evangelicae viduae importunitas iniquum judicem vicerit. Dolemus profecto in rep. hac excitasse turbas * ]Athn Homericam. Sed li>tav amabii gratias, consopituras esse vehementer speramus. Affert enim nobis spem lux clementiae tuae; cui illam Tuberonis invisam esse satis scio ad Caesarem crudelissimam vocem apud Ciceronem, Cave ignoscas, Cave credas. Cui ilia potius eximia Vespasiani benignitas semper placuit, ut nullum abs te tristem vells dimittere. Rogamus igitur iterum atque iterum, Elizabetha princeps, ut edictum tuum vestiarium, ac ceremoniale, vel abrogas pie, vel prorogas benigne. Siquidem novit prudentia tua, N. Testamenti argentum fidei tuae divinitus commendatum esse, ut purum ac defaecatum sine scoria tradatur posteris. Novit reges domus Dei zelo accensos omnis superstitionis reliquias amovisse, ita ut nullum extaret vestigium. Novit eam demum reformationis formam et ideam esse perfectam, cum in facie naevi et maculae tolluntur, quum nihil vel in religione vel ritibus a veritatis hostibus sumitur. Novit in adiaphoris maxime controversis licere unicuique contra aliorum praejudicium et offensionem sensu suo abundare, et libertatem conseientiarum nullo modo astringi oportere. Caeterum rem qua de agitur, religioni et aequitati consentaneam esse nemo dubitaverit. De nobis, regina clementissima, multa fortassis jactari solent apud maj. tuam: sed illud dictum aureum et fide et memoria est dignissimum, Me>mnhso ajpistei~n et illud hic locum habet, Cave credas. Animi vero mei obedientiam et observantiam erga M. T. non modo vox saepe testatur, sed liber De Nobilitate meus, et Cyrilli in Esaiam commentarius Latinus factus, qui illustrissimo nomini tuo inscripti sunt, loquuntur. Idem de fratribus omnibus sunhrqei~si (nisi ego fallor) vere dici potest.

Cum ergo res, quae petitur, honesta sit, et quae jubetur dubia; et qui petunt cives obedientissimi et ministri sunt, cur tua, O regina, erga nos clausa est misericordia, quae patere solet omnibus? Cedere non vis princeps subditis; at pores parcere clemens miseris. Decretum publicum non vis rescindere; relaxare potes et remittere. Non potes legem tollere, at poteris tolerare.

Non est aequum, ut quorumlibet affectibus indulgeatur; at aequissimum est ut animis nulla vis inferatur. Non id agitur, regina serenissima, ut nos praesimus, qui subesse debemus; sed ut reginarum regina ratio regnet, ut religio imperet, summissa ministrorum oratio impetret.

Quamobrem, illustrissima princeps, quam humillime peto atque contendo, ut M. tua serenissima majestatem gloriosi evangelii, causae aequitatem, operariorum paucitatem, messis magnitudinem, zizaniorum multitudinem, poenae gravitatem serio attenteque intueatur. Commutare consilium in melius, optimum est. Sic Ambrosio monitori cessit stomacharts Theodosius: cessit oratori Ciceroni Julius Caesar; et ita cessit, ut tabulas in quibus capitalis sententia contra Ligarium prescripta et lata erat, obliterarit, projecerit, confregerit. Parce, O Julia, Ligariis; parce, O Theodosia, non dicam Ligariis, aut Thessalonicensibus, at prophetis Dei, ministris Christi, subditis tuis, vel justam causam afferentibus, vel culpam deprecantibus.

Frange capitales tabulas. Ita Deus Opt. Max. qui hactenus in patientia tua et libertate nostra, tibi regnum, regno pacem, paci pietatem tribuit et concessit, M. tuam conservabit, imperium fortunabit, populum gubernabit, memoriam in omnium saeculorum aeternitatem prorogabit.

NUMBER 28.

Dr. Humfrey’s letter to the lord treasurer Burghly; certifyting, his conformity in apparel.

EMMANUEL.

IRECEIVED your honourable letter, and withal perceive your care for bettering of my state. I wolde be lothe her majestie, or any other honorable, shuld thinke, that I am so forgetful of my dutie, or so farre from obedience, but that I wolde submitte my selfe to thos orders in that place, wher my being and living is. And therefore I have yelded, that no further surmise of any wilfulnes shuld be gathered: and wold have don the like heretofore, but that having a toleration, I was glad to enjoy it; and I hoped stil for some poinctes of redresse; wherin I was no open intermedler, but onlie a private soliciter, and humble sutor to her majestie and your lordships. My hope is, that as I have offended some by this my obedience, so I shal have such favour and countenance at her majesties hande, that I shal now more frelie and fruitefullie procede in my vocation. It was a remorse, to seme by singular apparel to sundre my self from thos bretherne, whos doctrine and life I always loved and liked. And I protest to your lordship before God, that my standing before, and conforming now, cometh of one cause, viz. the direction of a clear conscience; and tendeth to one ende, which is edification. And if in the proclamation, which I heare shall be set forthe for apparel, one clause may be added for ministers and students in the universitie, and a plain signification given, that it is enjoyned, not so much for an ecclesiastical ceremonie, as for a civil policie and ordinance, it wold, I thinke, satisfie many in conscience. But I referre thes cases to your wisdome; my selfe and my cause to your goodness. And so, with my humble thanks, I recommend your lordship and yours to th’Almightie.

Your lordships to command, Oxon, Feb. Laur. Humfrey.

NUMBER 29.

Beza to Bullinger; to consult in behalf of those in England that refused the habits.

S.MISSA hic sunt, mi pater, exemplaria litersrum utriusque principis landgravii, quae spem faciunt fore, ut Erfordiensia ilia comitia non procedant, quod utinam eveniat. Quod autem addunt, et nos satis sciebamus, cautum esse nimirum Augustae de peregrinis ecclesiis non damnandis, quoniam video ab illis astute factum, qui sic effici posse putarunt, ut non interveniremus (id enim imprimis norunt consiliis suis officere) id, inquam, non multum me exhilarat. Obsecro enim, si damnabitur nostrarum ecclesiarum doctrina, idque sub Zuinglianismi et Calvinismi nominibus, et sive per nostrum, sire per illustriss, principis latus, effodiatur veritas, nonne eodem res recidit? Sed age, expectemus quod dabit Dominus, qui utinam efficiat, ut ipsum pro nobis excubare hic quoque sentiamus.

De rebus nostris nihil prorsus habeo novi quod scribam. In Gallia videtur ecclesiarum pax a rerum Flandricarum exitu pendere, quod plane miserum est. Nam certe illam agendi rationem probare nullo modo possum; et quamvis laeta videantur initia, tamen tristissimum et funestissimum exitum videor mihi jam prospicere, nisi Deus imprudentiae quoque illorum benedicat. Quod ad te scriptum fuit de quibusdam ex magistratu caesis, et urbe occupata, commentitium est, si vera sunt quae abhinc biduum accepimus duodecimo hujus mensis scripta; nempe nulli prorsus, ne sacrifico quidem, adhuc factam injuriam; nullum idolum a nostris eversum; interesse tantum innumerabilem turbam concionibus, quae extra urbes sub dio habeantur, et incredibilem esse audiendi verbi sitim. Commendemus igitur haec quoque Domini providentiae.

Jam venio ad Anglicanum negotium, quod ut nobis tristissimum fuit audire, ita libenter optassem fieri posse, ut ista maxima molestia carerent. Sed quid agas? Miseri fratres, consolationem, consilium, preces ab iis ecclesiis petunt, quarum olim charitate recreati, et nunc quoque se recreandos sperant. Morosuli sunt nonnulli, fateor, sed in tantis miseriis difficile est modum tenere. Et quum scopus illorum sit optimus, condonandam arbitror hanc importunitatem. Ex iis quae sigillatim ex hoc nostro fratre audies, quorum etiam exemplar hic apud me reliquit, cognosces, neque unquam illinc ejectum fuisse papatum, sed ad regiam majestatem potius translatum; neque nunc aliud captari, quam ut sensim restituantur, quae utcunque fuerant instaurata. Putavi aliquando de pileis tantum et vestibus quibusdam externis agi: sed postea longe aliam esse controversiam intellexi: et nunc palam video, non sine incredibili animi dolore, qui utinam mihi uni proprius et peculiaris esset .

Primum, cum externa vocatio, praeeunte doctrinae et morum examine, non ab uno aliquo, sed a fratrum saltem coetu facto, sit ecclesiastici ministerii veluti basis et fundamentum, quid turpius, quid immoderatius ista episcoporum licentia, ut non vocatos, sed ultro accedentes pro arbitrio immatriculent? Mox, nullo assignato loco, tanquam idoneos, vel ad inserviendum (ut vocant) vel ad docendum, approbent; ac tandem quum vacant ista ministeria, pro libitu hos vel illos, tradita certo pretio scheda, et interposita duabus de rebus fide (una regiam majestatem pro supremo post Christum Anglicanae ecclesiae capite agnituros; altera leges regni, et imprimis praeclarum ilium reformationis librum, ritusque omnes ita secuturos, ut nihil prorsus improbent) quibuslibet ecclesiis assignent.

Si de disciplina ecclesiastica quaeritur, quaenam tandem illic est, ubi non aliter quam sub papatu, loco presbyterii legitime delecti, suos decanos, cancellarios, archidiaconos, officiales habent, qui pro arbitrio, et ut in foro civili fieri solet, ex jure tantum canonico excommunicationem pronuncient, etiam ob pecuniarias et ejus generis lites. Quam sententiam postea, ut judex suo apparitori, sic D. episcopus, vel ejus officialis, ministro legendam in ecclesia transmittat, tantisper scilicet valituram, donec cum judice transegerint. Eadem enim est plerumque absolutionis, quae excommunicationis ratio. Quantulum autem absunt a lege coelibatus, qui uxores sine expressa reginae venia, et D. episcopi, et duorum quorundam justitiariorum pacis assensu ducere, ductas autem vel in collegiis, vel intra cathedralium ecclesiarum septa, ut impuras nimirum, sive ut vitetur offendiculum, alere prohibentur? Quid? quod papistis non tantum beneficiorum redditus, sed ipsa etiam ecclesiastica munera relicta sunt, praestito tantum reformationis servandae juramento? Adeo ut plerique et indoctis et verae religionis in corde infensissimis hostibus, pii fratres plerumque subsint, eorumque jurisdictionem subire teneantur. Quid? quod publice veneunt in metropolitani curia dispensationes nonresiden tiae, pluralitatis beneficiorum, ciborum delectus, matrimonii extra constituta tempora celebrandi, beneficii etiam in pueritia obtinendi, caeteraque id genus; quibus ne ipsa quidem Roma turpius et indignius quicquam habet?

Quid? quod baptismus ipsis mulierculis in casu quem vocant necessitatis, permittitur? Et quasi ista cum aliis quibusdam nihilo melioribus non sufficerent, ecce! jam pauculi illi puri evangelii doctores, alii quidem exauctorantur, alii vero in carceres etiam detruduntur, nisi illa omnia se inviolabiliter polliceantur approbaturos, ut neque verbo neque scripto contradicere liceat, ac tandem pileis etiam quadratis, collipendiis, superpelliceis, casulis, et caeteris id genus, sacerdotes Baalis referant.

Neque hic est miseriarum finis; sed illud quoque expresse cautum est, ut quicquid regiae majestati, adhibito vel solo Cantuariensi, in ecclesiae ritibus instituere, mutare, tollere libuerit, firmum statim et ratum habeatur.

Hic est igitur Anglicanae ecclesiae status, valde, ut mihi videtur, miserabilis, atque adeo plane intolerabilis. Pauculi autem illi duplex a nobis consilium flagitant. Unum, qua tandem ratione regina et episcopi possint officii admoneri? Alterum, quid ipsis interea bona conscientia liceat?

Quod ad prius illud attinet, videtur quidem hoc malum soli jam Deo medicabile; sed tamen experiendum aliquid arbitror, potius quam patiendum, ut tantum aedificium silentio prorsus corruat. Duplicem autem viam hic invenio; unam nobis quidem asperiorem, illis vero multo, ut mihi quidem videtur, commodiorem: alteram vero leniorem, sed non ita compendiosam. Vestra una ecclesia est, mi pater, cujus authorirate tum regina tum episcopi illi permoveri posse videantur. Illa quidem, ut secum expendat quatenus et quo sensu dicantur reginae nutrices ecelesiae: isti vero, ut sicut olim Augustus de condenda repub. cogitavit, ita ipsi ecclesiam a majoribus suis oppressam, tandem restituant. Nam quod ad hanc ecclesiam attinet, velim scias ita esse reginae exosam, ut propterea ne levissimo quidem verbo illi gratum esse mearum Annotationum munus significarit. Causa hujus odii duplex est; una quod nimium severi et rigidi habeamur, quod iis maxime displicet qui reprehendi metuunt. Altera, quod olim, inscientibus tamen nobis, vivente adhuc Maria, editi sunt duo libelli Anglicano sermone; unus, adversus foeminarum imperium a domino Knoxo; alter, de jure magistratus a dno. Gudmanno scriptus. Uterque, quum quid contineret intellexissemus, nobis quoque displicuit, ac proinde prohibitus est venire. Sed illa nihilominus conceptam opinionem fovit.

Itaque si dignam hanc causam esse statuis, quae a vestris suscipiatur, haec commodissima, et fratribus utilissima ratio esse videtur, ut magistratus vestri, si non authoritate, saltem permissu vel conniventia, deligeretur ex vestro coetu unus, qui in Angliam hanc ipsam ob causam proficiscens, omnibus istis malis coram remedium apud reginam et episcopos quaereret.

Heroicum sane esset hoc factum, vestra civitate dignum, et Deo longe, ut arbitror, gratissimum, etiamsi non succederet prorsus ex animi sententia.

Via per Galliam plana est pertitus, et brevis, quum hinc usque in Dieppensem Normanniae portum (unde secundo vento decem boris in Angliam trajiciunt) undecim diebus facillime possit perveniri. Salutarentur et confirmarentur per vias Gallicae ecclesiae plurimae. Inviseretur Amirallus cum Andeloto fratre, uterque in ipso itinere occurrens. Nec difficile esset fratrem unum aut alterum ex doctioribus et cordatioribus legationis comites, si opus fuerit, impetrare, qui suam operam vestro legato adjungerunt. Si et nos aliquid hic posse judicaretis, id est, hujus ecclesiae literas, nulla erat in nobis mora. Nosti hunc fuisse veteris ecclesiae morem, ut etiam invocati occurrerent tum ad incendia extinguenda; et multos exorientes tumultus hac ratione in plurimis provinciis fuisse compositos.

Nec dubito, quin pia et charitatis plena haec legatio sit reginae ipsi, et piis saltem episcopis valde placitura, quos audio studiose idoneam occasionem captare, una cum magni sigilli custode, viro sincero et religioso. Favent etiam multi ex nobilitate: multi ex reliquis ordinibus suspiciant. Omnes istos prohabile est, si saiutem suam externis quoque ecclesiis tantae curae esse viderint, anitaum suscepturos, ut apud regiam majestatem fortius instent, donec illam flexerint. Tempus quoque valde opportunum est, quum illic instent comitia, in quibus certum est, fore, ut de his omnibus rebus agatur.

Dicam etiam aliquid amplius bona cum tua venia, mi pater, si non displicebit vobis hoc consilium: unus D. Gualterus ad hoc curandum, administrandum, conficiendum ita videtur modis omnibus appositus, ut poene si ipsum delegeritis, ipsa veluti Dei voce illuc ad recreandos miserrimos fratres, denique ad servandum illud regnum, missus videatur.

Haec una via est promptissima, quantum ego quidem judico, nec ita magni sumptus aut laboris. Sin vero hoc non placeat, saltem literas graviter et copiose scribendas, tum ad regiam majestatem, tum ad episcopos arbitror, ut sui muneris et officii commonefiant, quum praesertim illos videas contra voluntatem Quaedam hic desiderantur.

NUMBER 30.

Harding’s letter to bishop Jewel, printed. Dated from Antwerp: requiring a copy of his sermon preached at St. Paul’s Cross.

To maister John Jeuell. THINKE you, maister Juell, that whereas in the xxvii. day of Maie last you made a sermon at Paul’s Crosse to abuse the eares of the ignorant people with scoffes and deuyses against certaine authorities in my book alleaged, for a foreshewe of your booke that now is in printing, that you must not come to a straighter accompt of the mater in the triall and handling of lerned men? Thinke you your reproufe of Amphilochius auncientie, because of the later life of sainct Thomas th’archebishop martyr joyned to him in your olde parchement booke, (as though in olde written bookes workes of diuerse ages be not commonly joyned together;) your scoffing at the comming of Christ as parish clerke, with angels singing prickesong to sainct Basil’s masse, as though we had not as strange a vision in Gregorie Nazianzene; your burthening of me with an inward allowing of your newe gospell; your making comparison of us with king Darius and the vagabund Egyptians; your hearing of men in hand, that I am but a translatour of other mens workes, and haue made lerned lyes, used false allegations, deprauations, wrestinges, dreames, &c. your false surmise geuen forth that the proufe of priuate masse stode vpon olde men, women, and boyes; must not be nearer looked to of the lerned, ere they passe for good stuffe? Yeas, yeas, syr, be you well assured. Wherefore I require you, if your mynde be in dede to have the truth knowen to the people, and not vnder your gay rhetorike to abuse them in errour, let me haue your whole sermon, as your selfe will stand to it. For I haue but the abstractes, which I make not full accompt of. And you shall see, whether I will shewe you substantiall matter in lerning for the selfe authors, (to witte, Clemens, Abdias, Martialis, Hippolytus, Amphilochius, and Leontius,) which in your pleasant deuyses you haue made so light of. But what if I could not? Or, what if they were not so auncient in dede? Why, syr, is this your waye of proceding? Thinke you, with a fewe of the weakest authorities, as you make them, pyked out to th’advauntage, to holde the people in fooles paradise of a full answere to so weighty and great a number besydes? When you shewe in your booke matter of substance, which wise men see you cannot, sith this was reserued as chiefe for the pulpit; I will plainly take out the full pyth of the answere from impertinent matter, to laye open before all men, what you and I saye.

In meane time, likewise of your forerunning sermon I require a copie, that I may forthwith do the like: that we abuse not the people in matters so weighty with colours of truth, but shewe them the pyth, and then let them judge, though more conuenient it were that the lerned should judge. I make no foretalk to your strauagant chalenge, till the places alleaged shewed what I had to saye to ech your negatiue article. And so of them all I compiled the booke. Which how so euer you will seme to the people to answere, when it commeth to just triall, you shall but further stirre vp and continewe your shame. Would God we might vse the doctours of the church to amendement of life, and vertuous preaching to the people, and not stand to make guegaws of so lerned mens workes in contention with you, which vse them but only for the shewe at Paul’s Crosse to seme to have doctours, without any ensample of their vertues in your preaching to the people. And, syr, beleue you in dede that the doctours make for you?

Or will you haue men thinke that we are so mad to beleue so, because ye dryue vs to stand to dispute with you in the matter? May we not yet remember the times, when, at first begynning of your sectes, ye rejected all doctours auctorities, as writinges of men, and admitted only your lyuely word of the Lord? And when this shift seemed too grosse, for that it was sayd, your selues also were but men; haue ye not at length, (which here to discourse were ouer long,) with indirect places of doctours, strange gloses farre sought, patched pieces of councels, rejecting the whole, yea, also of scoolemen, canonistes, blinde chroniclers, what so euer might be scraped, pieced out a doctrine, to make shewe to the ignorant, that the doctours were not against you? But do yee for all this allow the doctours in dede?

Do not your doinges shewe plainly the contrary? Make ye not ministers of tag and rag for the Spirites sake? Clappe me not they the bare Bible on the dext, and preach thereupon after their owne sense? Haue the parishes the doctours in estimation through their teaching; or care they for ought but their Bible and their minister? And thinke you, Mr. Juell, the case thus standing, when you came to chalenge vs, that we had in the doctours and councels not one clere sentence on our syde, that any wise man beleueth, you thought as you said? These shameless deuyses, florishes, and such like, be they neuer so gay to the people, they are to the lerned ridiculous, and not worthy of answere, but in respect of the ignorant, to shewe them your abuse. For conclusion, to deale simply in this matter, fill your booke come forth, I require the true copie of that you said in your sermon, to see whether it be as good in substance to the lerned, as for the tyme it semed gay to the people. Concerning my selfe, what so ever was said to diminish myne estimation, I freely forgeue, and will clerely omitte it, as matter far from purpose, and vnsemely for men of our professsion; and will proceed to the discussing of the truth, for the instruction of the people, for whose sake only (God I take to record) I request you this much to haue a sight of that sermon. And because the matter is common, and perteining to charge of soules, that my good purpose should not be frustrate, I thought to write you this letter in publike, the more to force you to graunt my request, to the discharge of your selfe, and burthening of me, if I fully declare not your misdealing in this matter. Fare you well.

At Antwerp, 12 Junii, 1565. Thomas Harding.

TO THE READER.

I have, as thou mayst see, gentle reader, made my request to Mr. Juell touching the true copie of his sermon. Which as to him in that behalfe I suppose ynough to be said, if he haue the care and zeale of truth that he pretendeth to haue: so now to say also to thee somewhat, whose judgement (the same not assisted by God’s speciall hand) may, in this so stoute denyall of truthes, easely be caried into a wonderous confusion; I haue thought good to aduertise thee of this one thing. That since the matter of our controuersie is come to such issue, as Mr. Juell’s replye to myne answere of his chalenge is now (as he sayeth) begonne to be in print; thou wilt be content, what so euer thou shalt read therein, to suspend for a time thy verdict in the cause, and ground not in thy selfe too peremtory a judgement vpon that he shall saye, till I, or some other, with some second answere haue made my reioindre unto him. I do by this ynch (assure thy selfe) measure right well what can be his elle. I mean by his late sermon (if such abstractes as haue come to my handes be of true information) I see already, what maner of pelfe must be the stuffing of his huge work now in the presse. I trust the pointes and substance of the materiall truthes therein (by that time I shall have once vewed ouer his doinges) will be contryued into a great deale lesse rome, and shalbe finished also in somewhat shorter time then in foure yeres space, which it pleaseth him now, for his cleanlyer excuse, among many other his preached untruthes, wrongly to charge me to haue spent in deuysing of my first booke, already in thy handes.

Farewell. Thomas Harding.

NUMBER 31.

A trewe note of certen artycles confessed and allowed byMr. D.

Feckenam, as well in Christmas holie days last past, as also at divers other times bette that; by conference in lerning, before the reverend father in God, the lord bisshopp of Elye, and before D.

Perne, deane of Elye, master Nicholas, master Stanton, master Crowe, master Bowler, chapleyns to my lord of Elye, and divers others, whose names be here subscribed. FIRST, That he doth beleve in his conscience, and before God, that the xivth chapter of the firste to the Corinthes is as truly to be understanded of the common service to be had in the mother tounge, to be understanded of the vulgar people, as of the preching or prophesying in the mothertounge.

Secondly, That he doth find no fault with anie thing that is set forth in the Book of Common Service, now used in the church of England. But his desire is to have all the rest of the ould service, that was taken out, to be restored agayne; as the prayer to the saynts, and for the dead, and the seven sacraments, and external sacrifice. And then he would most willingly come thereto. He liketh well to have the sacrament ministred under both kinds unto the laye people, so it were done by the aucthoritie of the church.

Thirdly, He doth verie well allowe of the interpretation of the othe for the quene’s majestie her supremacie, as it is interpreted in her highness’s Injunctions; that is, that the quene’s majestie, under God, have the soveraintie and rule over all maner of persons born within these her realmes, dominions, and countries, of what estate ether ecclesiastical or temporal soever they be. The which othe he offereth himselfe to be at all tymes readie most willinglie to receave, whensoever it shall be demaunded of him by aucthoritie.

Fourthly, He being demaunded, whie he will not come to the service in the church of England, as it is set forth this day, seeing he doth find no fault with it, and doth think it in his conscience, that it may be lawful to have the common prayer in the mothertongue: he answereth, because he is not of our church for lack of unitie; some being therin protestants, some puritanes, and some of the family of love; and for that it is not set forth by the aucthoritie of general council to avoyd schisma.

Lastly, Mr. D. Feckenham will not conforme himselfe to our religion, for that he can see nothing to be sought, but the spoyle of the church, and of bisshopps houses, and of colleges lands; which, he saythe, maketh manie to pretend to be puritanes, seking for the frutes of the church, alwayes requesting Almighty God to put in her majestie’s mind, and her honourable councel, to make some good stay therin: otherwise, he saythe, it will bring in ignorance in her highness’s clergie, with a subversion of Christian religion, and finally, all wickedness and paganisme. Richarde Ely, John Fecknam, prieste.

Andreas Perne, Gulihelmus Stanton.

NUMBER 32.

The queen’s letter to the bishop of London, for seizing seditious books transported from beyond sea.

By the queue. RYGHT reverend father in God, ryght trustie and welbeloved, we grete you well. Where we be gyven to understand that certayn unnatural and seditious subjects of this our realme, being fled out of the same, and lyving on thother syde of the seas, ceasse not contynually to contryve and send over hither sundry seditious and slaunderous books to be spredde abrode here, partely for there own private gayne, but specially to move the ignorant people to dysorder; a thing very requisyte to be looked unto, as being meerely agaynst all good order and policy of this our state, and contrary also to the statutes and lawes of this our realme: we lett you wete, that considering the most parte of those slaunderous books be brought in by such vessells as arryve within our porte of London, of which place you are the chief pastor and bysshopp; and waying withall, that you are one of our commyssioners for matters ecclesiasticall; we have thought good to appointe you specially to have regarde hereunto. And for the better dealing therein, we have gyven order to our high treasourer of England, expressely by our letters, that he shall suffer suche one or mo persons of dyscretion, as you shall appoincte for this purpose, to resorte to our custome house of London, as any ship or vessell shall come in from tyme to tyme, and ther to syt with our customers and other offycers for the serche and perfecte understanding of the state of suche bookes, and as any suche shalbe founde, to be brought to your handes; to thintent, that upon the considering of the same, you may do with them as to your dyscretyon shalbe thought good. And further call before you and examyn all suche persons as you shall fynde faultie herein, or in any wise to be suspected; and upon due tryall of his faulte, to cause him to be punished as the lawes of this our realme will permyt, or otherwise in reason shalbe thought fyt.

And if you shall thinke yt requisite to have the lyke order in any other porte, we have also gyven commaundement to our said treasourer to cause the same to be executed, uppon the notyce to be gyven from you and the diocessan of the place: requiring you therefore to take some care herein; and to make some speciall choyse of the men that you shall appoincte hereunto, bothe for their dyscretion, and also for their diligence, in suche sorte, as we may perceyve some good to grow by this our order, for the redresse of these evill practises. And thies our lettres shalbe your sufficient warrant in this behalf. Yeven under our signet, at our palace of Westminster, the xxiiiith day of January, in the eighth yere of our reigne.

NUMBER 33.

The declaration of the people of Antwerp, against the inquisition there lately set up. To the right honorable, grave, and discrete lords the bourgmaisters and counsell of the town of Andwarpe. MOST humbly and in all due reverence declare unto you the commonaltie and burgesses of the town of Andwarpe, that it is come to their knowlege, how of late it hath pleased our most gracious sovereign lorde the king, to sende hither from Spayne his determynate will and pleasure, touching the matter of th’inquisition in the dutchy of Brabant; willing the said inquisition to be published and straightly observed in these said countreys of Brabant, without exception or further difficultie to be made to the contrary by any lordes, prelates, nobles, estates, or members of the said countreys, or by any other persons whatsoever. And although the said suppliants have alwayes trusted that his majestie (being heretofore sufficiently advertised of th’inconveniencies and ill consequences of the said inquisition, having respect unto the promises thereupon made by th’emperor, of good memory, Charles the Vth, in Augusta, to the quene’s majestie, (whom God preserve,) and to the promises made by our most gracious lorde the king in this town of Andwarpe the yere 1549, and specially also those promises that were lately made in Spayne to the said town of Andwarpe) woold never have charged or molested the said Low-Countreys, being his enheritanee, and namely, the said town of Andwarpe, with the said inquisition, under any pretext or colour whatsoever. Yet nevertheless so it is, that our gracious lady the dutchess of Parma, regent, &c. by force of his majesties lettres is determined, besides his letters missive written to this ende to this town in July last, to cause the said inquisition openly to be published here in Andwarpe, under pretexte of the counsell of Trent, before viii dayes passe; and to force every man to the straight keeping of the same: auctorizing the bisshops, archbisshops, and other common ecclesiasticall persons, to have only the knowledge and judgment thereof.

But what evil consequence, commotions, and piteous desolations the same may bring to these said Low-Countreys, it is not necessary here to reherse, as a thing sufficiently knowen to the said lords, and to all others. And forasmuche as the said inconveniencies have byn often tymes and sufficiently declared, specially to his majestie, to the dutchesse, and to the lords of these countreys, and that the same notwithstanding, they will yet procede, directly against all reason and equitie, to the publishing and execution of the said inquisition, (being the same inquisition,) the very propre and only foundation of the overthrowing and desolation to come of these countreys, and of the noble town of Andwarpe, we, the suppliants aforesaid, are constreyned, by the means and occasions before specified, to protest openly before God, and before you, as our magistrates, and before all the worlde; and by these presents we do protest, that the said publishing and execution of the same inquisition, under colour of the said counsell, falleth out, and is made, not only against all reason and equitie, but also directly against the privileges of the countreys of Brabant, and the promisses expresly made to this town. And that in case there shall happen in dede any resistances against the said publication of th’inquisition, the said suppliants affirm, that the said resistance may not, nor hereafter ought not to be holden or reputed for any commotion, disobedience, or sedition, in any maner wyse; and that they protest expressely. And that we may be hable to proove this by order and right before a competent judge, (we say a competent judge, bycause they handell us out of all justice, reason, and equitie, and against the first, second, thirde, fourth, and last articles of the joyfull entree, and many other laudable privileges expressely, touching the matter of the said inquisition,) we require you the said lords, as our magistrates, patrons, governours, and defenders, that it will please you to cause the said determinate pleasure and will of our sovereign lord the king to be notified to the justice of the chamber of the holy Romayne empire, and to adjourn his majestie before the same justice, by vertue of the golden bulle, granted to this countrey of Brabant, in the yere 1349, and successively th’emperours, by force of the conclusion of Augusta, of the xxvith of June, 1548, to be there declared of our behalf, that the said inquisition, or execution of the counsell of Trent, is directely contrary to our said privileges.

And further, that the same may be declared to have no foundation why it should be published in this town of Andwaxpe, or in the countrey of Brabant, and much less to be executed: so moche the more, for that this town situated in Brabant, and the commons of the same, according to the contract of Augusta, made betwene these countreys and the countreys of Germany, the yere 1548, and many others, be a parte and member of the holy empire; being the same contract, after the common description of the provinces of the courtreys of Germany, set and put in the Vth article of the VIth renge of all the countrey of Germany; and also after the content of the contracts made in respect of religion at Passau, the yere 1552, and at Augusta the yere 1555. According wherunto we ought to be free and without molestation in the case of th’inquisition, and of all things depending therof; and further to enjoye and use all manner of privileges, helpes, defenses, immunities, and liberties, as other estates and members of th’empire do enjoye and use; to the which empire these said Low- Countreys do contribute in charges of th’empire, as moche as two electioous. This doing, you shall duely satisfie your office; and in not doing the same, we protest in the most humble manner we may, as before is expressed.

NUMBER 34.

A proclamation for apparel, subscribed by the lords of the council, and some of the nobility.

By the queene.

THE queenes majestie, consydering to what extremityes a great nombre of her subjects axe growne by excesse in apparell, both contrary to the lawes of the realm, and to the disordre and confusion of the degrees of all states, (wherin alwayes diversity of apparell hath taken place,) and fynally to the subversion of all good ordre, by reason of remisness and impunity; hath, with th’advice of her counsell, upon good deliberation thought meete, for some degree towards a reformation herof, to cause a summary of some things necessary to this pourpose to be extracted out of certen acts of parlement; and therunto hath also added certen orders, devysid with th’assent of her counsell, for reformation of furder excesse in apparell not sufferable. All which hereafter ensewing, her majestie willith to be publishid, and to be observid duly, without hope or expectation of any point of favour to be shewid, either to the officers that shalbe fownd remisse in th’execution, or to any person that shalbe fownd culpable in any place within the realme, after the space of fifteene dayes next following the publication hereof. Certeyn clauses taken out of the statute made for reformation of excesse of apparel, the xxivth yere of the reign of king Henry th’Eight.

First, It is ordrid, that no man under the degree of a duke, marquis, earle, and their children, or under the degree of a baron, unlesse he be a knight of the order of the garter, shall weare in any part of his apparell any wollen cloth made out of this realme, or any of the queenes majesties domynions, except in bonets onely.

Item, That no man under the degree of a barons son, or of a knight, except he may dispend two hundred pounds by yere for tearme of lyre over all charges, shall weare any maner of velvet in his gowne, cote, or other his uppermost garment; nor any manet of embrodery, or pricking with gold, silver, or silke, in any part of his apparell or on th’apparell of his horse or mule.

Item, That no man under the said estates and degree, saving such as may dispend in yerely revenues as is aforesaid one hundred pounds above all charges, shall weare any satyn, damaske, silke, chamblet, or taffata in his gowne, cote, or other his uppermost apparell or garment. Nor any velvet, saving in sleevelesse jackets, doublets, coyfes, partelets, and purses.

Item, That no man under the said degrees, saving the son and heire apparent of a man of three hundred marks by yere above all charges, and such other men as may dispend in yerely revenu as is aforesaid forty pounds over all charges, shall weare in his gowne, or any other his uppermost apparell, chamblet or silke; nor in any other part of his apparell any silke, saving satin, damaske, taffeta, or sarcenet in his dubblets. And sarcenet, chamblet, or taffeta in the lyning of his gownes; or velvet in his slevelesse coats, jackets, jerkins, coyfes, cappes, purses, or partelets. The colours of scarlet, crimsyn, or blew, alwayes excepted.

Item , That no man under the said degrees, saving such gentlemen as may dispenal in yerly revenues as is aforesaid twenty pounds above all charges, shall weare any manner of silke in any apparell of his body, or of his horse or mule, except it be sattyn, taffata, sarcenet, or damaske in his dublet or coyfe. And chamblet in his slevelesse jackets; or points, laces, or garters, made in England or Wales.

Item, That no parson under the same degrees, saving such as may dispend fyve pounds by yere as is aforesaid above all charges, shall weare any silke in his dublets or jackets, nor any thing made out of the realme, saving chamblet in their dublets and jackets.

Item, That no serving man, nor other yeoman taking wages, nor such other as may not dispend of freehold forty shillings by yere as is aforsaid, shah weare any shurt or shurtband, under or upper cappe, bonet or hatte garnisshed, mixt, made, or wrought with silke, gold, or silver. Nor shall weare any bonet or shurtband made out of the realme of England or Wales.

Item, No husbandman shall weare in his dublet any other things then is wrought within this realme, fustyan and canvas onely except.

Item, No serving man in husbandry, or journeyman in handicrafts, taking wages, shall weare in his dublet any other thing than fustyan, canvas, leather, or woollen clothe.

Item, If any man shall use or weare any apparell, or other thing, contrary to the tenor of the articles before remembrid, then he so offending shall forfayt the apparell and things so worne, wherwith soever it be garnisshid, or the valew therof; and also ills. ivd. in the name of a fyne, for every day that he shall so weare the same, contrary to the tenour heerof. Certeyn other clauses and branches taken out of the statutes made in the first and second yere of king Philip and quene Mary, necessary also to be observid, to avoyd the excesse of apparel.

First, That no Englishman, saving the son and heire apparent of a knight, or such as may of yerely revenues during lyfe exspend twenty pounds above all charges, or be worth in goods two hundred pounds, shall weare any maner of silke in or upon his hatte, bonet, night-cappe, girdle, scabberd, hose, shoes, or spurleathers, upon payne of three months imprisonment, and fyne of xl . for every dayes wearing, contrary to the tenor of this act.

Item, That no parson or parsons of any estate or degree, knowing any servant of his or theirs to offend contrary to the article last before remembrid, and do not put the same servant out of his or their service, but shall keepe in his or their service the same offender or offenders by the space of xiv dayes next after such knowledge had; or so put out, retayne him agayn within one yere next after such offence; the same person so retayning or keeping in service any such offenders shall forfaite one hundred pounds.

Provided alwayes, that all and every parson and parsons, which by any statute-law, remayning in force, is lycencid or appointid to weare any manner of thinge contrary to the tenor and meaning of any of the articles before remembrid, or any parte of them, shall and may weare the same to him lycencid or appointid to weare, as is aforesaid: any thinge in these articles to the contrary notwithstanding. Certeyn ordres devised by commandement of the queens majestie, with the advise of her pryvy counsell, to be observid, for reformation of the excesse in certeyn kinde of apparell, and other things therto belonging.

First, That no hosyer or other person shall put or cause to be put any more in the outsyde of the upper stockes of hose for any parson but one yard and one quarter of clothe, carsey, or other stuffe, not exceeding the lyke quantity of carsey. And wherof so ever the same shalbe made, that no one of the said upper-stocks shall exceede in compass round about above one yard and half a quarter. Which measure is provid sufficient for persons of the highest stature. And theftore it is meant that all other parsons of meaner stature shall use lesse quantity both in stuffe and largenesse, according to their stature, without fraude or abuse.

Item, That no tailor, hosyer, or other parson, shall put or cause to be put in any of the said upperstocks above these kynds of lynings following.

First, a lyning of lynen, or such lyke stuffe, next the legg, and then one lyning, callid a streight lyning; which shalbe made of no manet of stuff, but of such as is made and wrought within the queens majesties dominions.

And if any parson shalbe disposid for his hability to cut and garnish the outsyde of his hose with any thing that he may lawfully weare, for the pluckinge out betwixt the panes and cutts; he shalbe so sufferid to do accordinge to his hability. Not using any thing therin excessyvely, nor any thing that he may not weare by the lawes of the realme. And lastly, it shall also be permittid, for any person (being so disposid) to have the panes of his hose lynid with one other lyning onely: so as the same be also of stuffe made within the queens majesties dominions. And it is ordrid, that no parson under the state of a baron shall use any mo lynings in any upperstocks of hose, then is next above mentionid. And that all parsons under that degree shall, within ten dayes after the publication heerof, refourme their hose according to these ordres.

Item, It is furder ordrid, that no man under the degree of a barons eldist sonne, except that he be of the ordre of the garter, or of the pryvy counsell, or that may dispend fyve hundred marks by yere for tearme of lyre in possession above all charges, shall weare any velvet or sattin, or any stuffe of lyke or greater price in the upperstocks of his hose, or in any part therof; or shall garnishe the same with any embroderye, or any fringe, lace, or passemayn of gold, silver, or silke; nor any other garnisshing with any silke, except it be for the stitching of the upper part to the lyning. Nor shall weare any manner of silke netherstocks of hosen, nor any carsey or other things made out of the queens majesties domynions.

Item, It is not meant by any of these ordres that such parsons attending neere to her majesties parson in the court, as shall have speciall lycence in wryting of her majestie to weare some silke to the contrary heerof, shalbe molesrid for the same: so as the same parsons do notify their lycence unto the lord chamberlayn before they shall do any thing contrary to these ordres; and procure their names to be entrid into the bookes of the chambre in the custody of the gentlemen usshers. Which shalbe also duly observid by the said usshers.

Item, Because it is daily scene what disordres do grow, and are lykely to encreasse in the realme by the encrease of nombres of parsons taking upon them to teache the multitude of the common people to play at all kynde of weapons; and for that pourpose sette up schooles, callid schooles of fence , in places inconvenient: tending to the great disordre of such people as properly ought to apply to their labours and handy works: therfore her majestie orderith and commandith, that no teacher of fence shall keepe any schoole or common place of resorte in any place of the realme but within the libertyes of some of the cityes of the realme. Where also they shalbe obedyent to such ordres as the governors of the cityes shall appoint to them, for the better keeping of the peace, and for prohibition of resort of such people to the same schooles, as ar not meete for that pourpose: upon payne to be punisshed by the said governours, according to their discretions.

Item, Her majestic also orderith and commandith, that no parson shall weare any sword, rapyer, or such lyke weapon, that shall passe the length of one yard an half a quarter of the blade at the uttermost; nor any dagger above the length of xii inches in blade at the most; nor any buckler with any point or pyke above two inches in length. And if any cutler or other artifficer shall sell, make, or keepe in his house any sworde, rapyer, dagger, buckler, or such lyke, contrary therunto, the same to be imprysonid, and to make fyne at the queens majesties pleasure, and the weapon to be forfaitid.

And if any such person shall offend a second tyme, than the same to be banisshid from the place and towne of his dwelling.

Item, It is furder ordrid, that all the articles before remembrid shalbe put in execution in all points by all manner of magistrates and officers, according to the statutes, lawes, and proclamations heertofore made and sette furthe concerning the same; that is to say, against the offenders of any of the aforesaid articles, extractid out of any of the said statutes aforementionid, according to the pourport thefor. And for such as shall contemne any of the ordres beforementionid, being devysid by her majesties commandement, to attache and commite the same to prison, and to be there contynuid and punisshed as aperteinith to such as shall willfully breake her majesties commandement.

And for that it is seen necessary to stay the inordinate devises of hosyers, for the impugning of these good ordres: the queenes majestic willith, that the mayor and head officers of the citie of London, and all other cityes and townes corporate, and stewards and rulers of all other libertyes, and justices of peace in all countyes, shall immediately call before them all hosyers, and bynde them in good summes of money, for the use of her majestie and the infourmer, as in other popular actions, to observe the contents of these ordres, and not to abuse the meaning therof with any frawde. And furder, to proceede therin, aswell against the said hosyers, as against any other offender for th’execution heerof, as was in sundry actions publisshid and prescribid by her majesties proclamation, in the fourth yere of her reign. Yeven at Greenewich, the xiith day of February, 1565, in the eighth yere of her majesties reign.

We the lordes of her majesties privy counsell, and others of the nobility of the realme, with dyvers others of the rest of her majesties counsell, whose names are underwritten, perceyving all the premisses above written, conteynid in her majesties proclamation now publisshid, to be very necessary at this tyme to be duly observid; and that nothing shall more furder the execution therof, then that good example be gyven in the familyes of the higher estates of the realme, and of such as ar placid in authoritee: do, by subscription of our names, accord, consent, and promise, that to the best of our powers we will cause the same to be unfaynidly observid and executid, as well in our owne hous-holds, as in any other place, wheresoever we may, by reason of any offices or authorityes committid to us by the queens majestie. And in witness heerof we have subscrybid our names as followith: N. Bacon C. S.

W. Northampt.

T. Sussex.

R. Leycester.

E. Clynton.

Anthony Mountague.

W. Howard.

Edm. Roffen.

James Mountjoye.

Edwarde Wyndesor.

John Darcy Rog. North.

F. Knollys.

W. Cecyll.

N. Wotton.

Ambr. Cave.

John Mason.

NUMBER 35.

Sandys, bishop of Worcester, to Bullinger, upon sending him his commentary upon Daniel. Ornatiss. clarissimoque viro, domino Henrico Bullingero, Tigurinae ecclesiae pastori vigilantissimo, dno. et fratri meo charissimo, Tiguri, Edwinus Sandius, episcopus Wigorniensis. HUMANISS. literas tuas, vir clarissime, una cum doctissimo commentario tuo in Danielem prophetam, Abelus noster superioribus hisce diebus mihi tradendas curavit. Ex quibus et quanti me facias recte animadverto, et quantum ipse tibi vicissim debeam, facile intelligam. Quod tam amanter et fraterne ad me scribere voluisti multum quidem est, et multas habeo gratias. Quod vero eximium hoc opus tuum, omni eruditione plenum ad me transmittere, et etiam, quod summi beneficii loco repono, meo nomine in publicum exire dignatus es, revera mihi fecisti rem longe gratissimam.

Mirabilis quidem est ista humanitas tua erga omnes, qua, quoscunque quite norunt, tibi devinctissimos reddere soleas. Sed erga me rara estet singularis. Qui non solum erga me exulantem, et quasi incertis sedibus vagantem, olim quum Tigurum venerim, perbenigne acceperis, et omnibus benevolentiae officiis prosecutus sis, quinetiam divina Providentia patriae jam restitutum, non solum non desinis amare, rerum omnibus, quibus poteris, rationibus insignire ornareque contendis. Pro qua quidem summa benevolentia tua quam gratiam referam, dum mecum diligenter cogito, his tantis beneficiis tuis quod rependam, nihil omnino invenio. Cum igitur majora sunt beneficia in me tua, quam ut ipse parem gratiam referre queam, (nam tu dando, ego accipiendo beneficia collocamus) libenter agnoscam me debitorem esse tuum; et cum ipse non sum solvendo, rogabo, ut ipse solvat, qui pro omnibus debitis nostris ad plenum satisfecit. Interim mei erga te amoris qualecunque pignus Abelo nostro tradendum curavi, qui idipsum tuto ut tuae humanitati mittatur, in se recepit; rogo te multum, ut grato animo accipias, et non munusculi exiguitatem, sed mittentis propensum animum, pro tua humanitate, spectare velis.

Quae hic geruntur, et quo in statu res nostrae collocatae sunt ex aliorum literis cognosces. Quod maximum est dicam, vera Christi religio apud nos locum habet. Evangelium non est ligatum, sed libere et pure praedicatum.

De caeteris autem rebus non est quod multum curemus. Contenditur aliquantulum de vestibus papisticis utendis, vel non utendis. Dabit Deus his quoque finem. Vale, colendissime vir, et me, quod facis, ama: meique precibus tuis ad Deum memor esto. Saluta quaeso meo nomine D.

Gualterum, D. Simlerum, filium tuum Henricum, caeterosque dominos, ac fratres mihi in Christo charisaimos. Wigorniae, tertio Januarii, 1566.

Frater tuus, tui amantissimus, Ed. Wigorn.

NUMBER 36.

Bishop Jewel to Bullinger: controversy with Harding: and his news of the affairs of religion. Juellus episcopus Sarisburiensis, D. D.

Bullingero et Lavatero.

S. pl. in Christo Jesu. Rarius multo ad vos scribo, reverendissime pater, tuque optime Ludovice, quam aut ego velim, aut vos expectatis. Idque quam vos in partem accipiatis, nescio: cupio equidem, ne in malam. Quanto enim magis ego me vestrae omnium pietati obstrictum esse senrio, quantoque pluris judicium de me vestrum semper feci, tanto minus velim me a vobis, oblivionis aut negligentiae condemnari. Jam vero occupationibus meis tam longa silentia tribuere putidum fortasse videatur: tametsi si me nossetis, et curas meas, nihil excusatione alia opus esset. Nam praeter alias assiduas meas, alienas, domesticas, publicas, civiles, ecclesiasticas molestias, (sine quibus in hoc munere his temporibus vivi non potest,) cogor pene solus cum hostibus externis, (ne dicam, ac domesticis,) conflictart. Nostri quidem sunt, sed hostili animo, hostili etiam in solo.

Profugi enim nostri Lovanienses coeperunt magno numero, anno superiori, commoveri; et in nos omnes acerbissime seribere, et me unum nominatim petere. Cur ita? inquies. Nescio, nisi me unum omniurn ajmacw>taton et ad resistendum infirmissimum esse, scirent. Tamen ante sex annos cum in aula coram regia majestate haberem concionem, et de nostrae papisticae religionis antiquitate dicerem, hoc memini dixisse me inter alia, adversarios nostros, cum nostram causam arguant novitatis, et nobis injuriam, et populo fraudem facere. Illos enim et pro veteribus probare nova, et ea damnare pro novis, quae sunt vetustissima. Missas enim privatas et truncatas communiones, et naturales et reales praesentias, et transubstantiationes, &c. (quibus rebus omnis istorum religio continetur) nullum habere certum et expressum testimonium aut sacrarum scripturarum, aut veterum conciliorum, aut priscorum patrum, aut ullius omnino antiquitatis.

Id illi indigne ferre, latrare in angulis, hominem impudentem, confidentem, insolentem, insanum dicere. Quarto postremo anno prodiit Hardingus quidam ex insperato, non ita pridem auditor atque affeetator D. Petri Martyris, et acerrimus evangelii praeco, nunc vilis apostata, et nostro Julio probe notus; qui me ex Amphiloehiis, Abdiis, Hippolytis, Clementibus, Victoribus, Athanasiis supposititiis, Leontis, Cletis, Anacletis, epistolis decretalibus, somniis, fabulis, refutaret. Illi ego pro mea tenuitate respondi anno superiori, ut potui. Sed O! Deum immortalem! Quae haec vita est! Wv e]riv ejk te qew~n kai< ejx ajnqrw>pwn ajpo>loito Vixdum absolveram, evolat extemplo Apologiae nostrae Confutatio: opus ingens, elaboratum, et convitiis, contumeliis, mendaciis, sycophantiis refertissimum. Hic ego rursum petor. Quid quaeris? Respondendum est. Vides, reverende pater, quam non simus otiosi. Ego praesertim, cui nescio quo meo fato, semper cum istis monstris dimicandum est. Dominus addat vires atque animum, et proterat Satanam sub pedibus nostris. Haec idcirco visum est scribere prolixius, ut si posthac literae isthuc a me infrequentius venerint, quam aut vos expectatis, aut ego velim, id cuivis rei potius, quam aut oblivioni vestri, aut ingratitudini tribuatis.

Resp. nostra et ab armis, et de religione pacata est. Lovanienses quidem isti nostri turbant, quantum possunt; verum populus est in officio, et futurum spero. Dna. Regina recte valet, et abhorret a nuptiis. Hyems superior ita misere afflixit nascentem segetem, ut nunc ubique per Angliam magna frumenti difficultate laboretur. Hoc anno, Dei beneficio, omnia laetissime provenerunt. Ego D. Parkhurstum, episcopum Norwicensem, D. Sandium, episcopum Wigorniensem, D. Pilkingtonum, episeopum Dunelmensem, jam totum triennium non vidi. Ita procul disjecti sumus. Vivimus tamen omnes incolumes, et vestri memores. Solus Richardus Chamberus obiit diem suum. Sed pie in Domino.

Contentio ilia de ecclesiastica veste linea, de qua vos, vel ab Abele nostro, vel a D. Parkhursto audiisse non dubito, nondum etiam conquievit. Ea res nonnihil commovet infirmos animos. Atque utinam omnia, etiam tenuissima vestigia papatus, et e templis, et multo maxime ex animis, auferri potuissent. Sed regina ferre mutationem in religione hoc tempore nullam potest.

Res Scoticae nondum etiam satis pacatae sunt. Nobiles aliquot primi nominis apud nos exulant: alii domum remanserunt, et sese, si vis fiat, ad resistendum parant: et ex arcibus suis excursiones interdum faciunt, et ex papistarum agris agunt, feruntque quantum possunt. Regina ipsa, etsi animo sit ad papismum obfirmato, tamen vix satis exploratum habet, quo se vertat. Nam de religione adversariam habet magnam pattem et nobilitatis et populi: et quantum quidem nos possumus intelligere, numerus indies crescit. Submiserat proximis istis mensibus Philippus rex abbatem quendam Italum cum auro Hispanico, hominem vafrum et factum atque instructum ad fraudes. Qui et regem reginamque juvaret veteratorio consilio, et impleret omnia tumultibus. Rex novus, qui hactenus abstinuisset a missis, et ultro accessisset ad conciones, ut se populo daret, cum audiret navim illam appulsuram postridie, factus repente confidentior sumptis animis noluit longius dissimulare. Accedit ad templum. Jubet sibi de more dici missam. Eodem ipso tempore D. Knoxus concionator in eodem oppido, et in proximo templo, maxima frequentia clamare in idolomanios, et in universum regnum pontificium nunquam fortius. Interea navis illa Philippica, jactata tempestatibus et ventis, fluctibusque concussa et fracta, convulso malo, ruptis lateribus, amissis gubernatoribus, vectoribus et rebus omnibus inanis, et lacera, et aquae plena defertur in Angliam. Haec vero non dubito divinitus contigisse, ut rex fatuus intelligat, quam sit auspicatum audire missas.

E Galliis multa turbulenta nunciantur. Domus illa Guisiana non potest acquiescere sine aliquo magno malo. Verum ista vobis multo propiora sunt, quam nobis. Danus et Suecus cruentissime inter se conflixerunt, et adhuc dicuntur esse in armis. Uterque affectus est maximis incommodis; nec adhuc uter sit superior dici potest. Libri vestri, tuus, reverende pater, in Danielem, et tuus, doctissime Ludovice, in Josuam, incolumes ad me delati sunt. Ego et Deo Opt. Max. de vobis, et vobis de istis laboribus et studiis, deque omni vestra humanitate, ago gratias. Misi hoc tempore ad Julium nostrum in annuum stipendium viginti coronatos, et alteros totidem ad vos duos; ut eos vel in coenam publicam more vestro, vel in quemvis alium usum pro vestro arbitrio, consumatis. Deus vos, ecclesiam, remp. scholamque vestram conservet incolumes. Salutate D. Gualterum, D.

Simlerum, D. Zuinglium, D. Gesnerum, D. Wirkium, D. Hallerum, DD.

Henricum et Rudolphum Bullingeros, meo notnine. Sarisberiae, 8.

Februarii, 1566.

Vestri amans et studiosus in Domino, Jo. Juellus Anglus.

NUMBER 37.

Bishop Jewel to Bullinger: putting certain queries to him to be resolved.

S. pl. in Christo. Etsi proximis his diebus ad te prolixe scripserim, reverendissime pater; tamen cum occurrerent quaedam, in quibus magnopere mihi opus est judicio tuo, non alienum me facturum arbitrabar, si iterum scriberem. Sunt autem res ejusmodi, quas non dubitem te, pro tua multiplici rerum omnium cognitione, facile posse expedire.

Scire velim, ecquid Christiani illi qui hodie sparsim habitant in Graecia, Asia, Syria, Armenia, &c. utantur privatis istis missis, quae nunc receptae sunt ubique in papismo. Quoque genere missarum, privatoque an publico, Graeci hodie Venetiis uti soleant?

Deinde, cum citetur interdum quidam Camocensis, qui in paparum vitam et insolentiam scripserit acerbius, quis ille Camocensis, et cujus ordinis, et quorum temporum hominumque fuerit?

Postremo, quid tibi videatur de concilio Germanico, quod aiunt olim celebratum sub Carolo Magno contra concilium Nicenum 2. de imaginibus?

Sunt enim qui confidenter negent unquam hujusmodi concilium ullum extitisse.

Peto a te per pietatem tuam, ne me insolenter putes facere, qui ista ex te quaeram, tam procul praesertim. Tu enim jam solus superes unicum prope oraculum ecclesiarum. Si ad proximas nundinas rescripseris, satis erit. Id autem ut facias magnopere a te peto. Iterum, iterumque vale, reverende pater, domine in Christo colendissime. Sarisberiae, 10 Martii, 1566.

Tuus in Christo, JO. JUELLUS ANGLUS.

NUMBER 38.

Dr. Perne, vice-chancellor of Cambridge, to sir William Cecill, their chancellor; upon the queen’s gracious letters, to excite the members of that university to the study of divinity.

Illustrissime vir, et singularis academiae patrone,PERLATIS ad me nuper gratiasimis tuis literis (in quibus etiam serenissimae nostrae reginae literas, ad tuam amplitudinem datas, misisti, ut ex eis plenius intelligere valeamus, quomodo majestas sua erga theologiae studiosos affecta et animata sit, et quid in hoc negotio fieri voluerit) dici non potest, quantum ex els, ut debui, voluptatis receperim. Id enim summo reginae tuoque beneficio jam accedit academiae, quod nunquam antea sperare aut expectare quisquam potuit.

Nec dubito, quin nonnullorum studia his miseds jactationibus, et crebris temporum mutationibus, (quas academia sensit,) extineta et labefactata, jam, tanto praemio proposito, iterum erigi et incendi facile possint. Cum itaque amplitudinem tuam diligentem in hoc negotio navasse operam intellexerim, ut ipse vicissim mandato tuo obsequerer, et, quae meae sunt partes, fideliter et tibi et academiae praestarem, couvocavi praesides collegiorum, coramque iis gratissimas reginae literas ad tuam amplitudinem datas, recitavi; statimque sub eas legi tuas. Quibus auditis, quia omnium expectationem tam laetabiles literae superarunt, difficile dictu est, plusne voluptatis an admirationis eorum animis acciderit. Sic omnes mirari gestireque coeperint, ut eorum animis inter gaudium et admirationem suspensis atque occupatis, aperte faterentur nunquam neque nostra neque patrum nostrorum memoria, quicquam ex principum beneficentia academiae accidisse commocli, quod cum istius utilitate et magnitudine possit contendere.

Cum vero per eos rursus collegiorum sociis hoc communicabatur, et sparsum, atque dissipatum omnium sermone percrebueret, tam alacres et erecti animis omnes ordines extiterunt, ut facile appareret, non eis voluntatem defuisse ad saluberrimum theologiae studium; cum caeteros locupletari et ditescere medicina ac jure viderent, et metu ne re ipsi in medio theologiae cursu egerent, ad alia studia se contulisse.

Curavi autem, ut praesides collegiorum in singulis collegiis delectum haberent eorum, qui theologiae operam dant, eorumque nomina ordine quo gradum susceperunt descripta, ad me mitterent; quae una cum his literis ad tuam amplitudinem misi. Spes quidem jam summa est, plures, quam diu antea, brevi futuros theologos; quod tanto beneficio invitati, multi, juris et medieinae deserto studio, ad theologiam se transferant: multique qui in philosophia adhuc haerent, et artibus humanitatis, non diutius se terent in istis studiis, quam necesse est; sed ad theologiam mature properabunt. De caeteris hoc affirmare possum, nunquam celebriorem numerum doctorum adolescentium extitisse, nec eorum qui majore cum laude in omni literarum genere versati sunt. Quorum ut probanda est indoles, ita diuturna eorum in studiis opera et maturitas (ut in frugibus) optanda est. Ne, quod superiorum temporum varietate acciderit, a studiis desciscant, aut egestate coacti, aut, ut saepe vidimus, modico praesenti praemio allecti, ut nulla aut perexigua spes eos in literarum studiis retinere non possit.

Meminisse enim oportet, quod inopiam et paupertatem unusquisque maxime fugit, facillimeque ad ea rapitur, quae majori spe praelucent in posterum. Sic nostri vendibilia et mercenaria studia, magis quam ubera et gratuita secuti sunt, dum illis melius quam istis consultum et provisum esse vident. Quae quidem opinio cum tanquam pestis omnium animis invasisset, et a theologiae studio penitus alienasset, gratissimis reginae tuisque literis jam evulsa et extirpata est. Testes enim clarissimi sunt vestrae literae, majorem honorem theologiae quam caeteris haberi artibus, cum non ambientibus sed merentibus debita theologiae praemia reservata sunt.

Omnium enim artiure perita academia; unius tamen, quae magnas commoditates parit, insolens et ignara esse videtur. Qua homines avari et ambitiosi nobiles viros in authorirate positos observare solent, et plurimis officiis colere, eorum limina frequentare, petere, rogare, arabire; ut quae e re sua sint undique conquirant et coacervent; et ut quisque studiis maxime deditus erat, ita minimum consequi illo aulico ambitionis genere potuit.

Nunc vero tam singulari beneficio ab illustrissima regina academiae ultro delato, causa non erit, cur aut nostri de vitae subsidiis atque praemiis solliciti fiant, cum eam omnem curam in se regina susceperit; aut quisquam alius expectet ea praemia, quae sacrarum literarum studiosis initio dedicata aut consecrata fuerunt, cum in neminem ea conferenda regina statuerit, qui antistitum aut academiae commendatione careat. Huc etiam accedit (clarissime vir) authoritas tua, et summa cum regina gratia, per quam academia, et quae velit consecuta est, et longe majora in posterum sperare potest.

In hoc vero negotio tam pie operam tuam polliceris, ut quod incoeptum et inchoatum est, a te perfici omnes cuplant; simulque ut aequissimam nostram petitionem proximis nostris ad te literis expositam, de renovandis et amplificandis academiae tuae privilegiis, cum id opportune fieri possit, suscipias, et ad exitum perducas. Majorem enim spem in tuo patrocinio, quam unquam in ullius positam et collocatam habemus. Regina autem qualis sit, cum in omnibus nostris, tum hac una in re, se indicavit maxime.

Quo autem genere officii gratias agere dignas pro tanto beneficio possumus, ab amplitudine tua intelligere velimus; ne aut prorsus ingrati, aut quod ingratitudini proximum et affine habetur, in gratiis agendis tardi esse videamur.

Ego in hoc magistratu nihil neque officii neque diligentiae praetermittam, quod ad ornandum atque conservandum academiae staum pertinet. Idque faciam non solum officio adductus meo, veturn etiam quod idem tuae amplitudini placere, et voluptati esse ex suavissimis tuis literis intellexi; simulque facto impulsus tuo, qui nulla in re supplici dees academiae, quin semper juves, erigas, sustentes; facilem te nostris in adeundo praebeas, maximisque tuis meritis singulos ad studia acrius et vehementius incites, ut bene feliciterque evenisse putem, quod sub tali tantoque patrono magistratum geram; cujus summam virtutem, prudentism, industriam et fidem imitari possem. Valeas quam optime.

Vestrae dignitatis studiosissimus, Andreas Perne Procan.

Ornatissimo viro magistro Gulielmo Cecyllio, reginae majestati prudentiss, secretario, et academiae Cantabrigiensi cancellario dignissimo.

NUMBER 39.

A prayder for queen Elizabeth, being taken with a dangerous sickness, anno 1568.

OMOST merciful Saviour Jesus Christ, who being here upon the earth by curing of all kind of bodily disease, and pardoning the sins of all such as believed in thee, didst declare unto the world, that thou art the only physician both of the body and the soul: and when thou wast rebuked of the Pharisees for accompanying with sinful persons, thou didst plainly by express words testify the same, saying, that such as were whole had no need of a physician, but those that were sickly; behold here, O most gracious Jesus, a cure meet for thy divine power and mercy; a person upon whom even from her infancy thou hast bestowed great and innumerable benefits, and hast set her in high honour and estate in this world, and that of thine especial grace and goodness only, without any her deserving at all.

But now, O Lord, either to the end that such worldly prosperity should not make her to forget herself and her duty towards thee, or else, for that she, being by thy goodness made a prince over this people, hath not indeed, so well as she ought to have done, remembred and acknowledged that she was thy subject and hand-maiden, neither hath, according to her bounden duty, been thankful to thee, her loving and most beneficial Saviour, nor obedient to thee, as her most gracious and sovereign Lord, or for other causes to thy divine majesty best known; thou hast now of late, O Lord, for her admonition and correction, stricken thy said servant with dangerous sickness and bodily infirmity, even to the very point of death; and hast withal abashed her soul with divers troubles and terrors of mind. And by her danger hast terrified the whole realm and people of England, whose quietness and security dependeth, next after thee, upon the health of thy said servant; and yet in thy judgment thou hast, O Lord, according to thy accustomed goodness, remembred thy mercy, delivered thy said servant, above all humane reason and likelihood, from the present danger of death; declaring, as well by her sudden and great sickness, as by that speedy help and succour in danger almost desperate, thy divine power joyned with thy unspeakable goodness and mercy. Finish, O most merciful Saviour, the work of this thy servants health, as thou hast most graciously begun.

Accomplish the cure which thou hast mercifully taken in hand. Heal her soul by pardoning her unthankfulness towards thee, in her forgetfulness of thee, and all other her sins committed against thee.

Cure her mind by framing it to the obedience of thy will, faith, patient taking, and quiet acceptation of this sickness sent from thee to her just punishment for disobeying thee, and to her wholesome and necessary admonition for her forgetfulness of thee, and unthankfulness towards thee.

And withal make her body also thorowly whole and sound from all her sickness and infirmity: that thy servant obtaining perfect health, as well of mind as body, she, and with her all thy people of England, may both be instrusted by this danger to acknowledge and fear thy just judgments; and for her delivery from the said danger, and the obtaining perfect health, may continually magnify thy mercy; rendring all laud, praise, and thanksgiving to thee, and thine heavenly Father, with the Holy Ghost, one immortal majesty of the most glorious God. To whom belongeth all dominion, honour, and glory, world without end. Amen.

NUMBER 40.

A thanksgiving for the queen’s amendment and recovery.

OMOST just God and merciful Father, which of thy justice dost punish us with sickness for our sins, and yet of thy mercy wiliest us not to die for the same. And therefore of thy meet goodness hast delivered thy servant our most gracious queen from her extreme danger of death, which she and we have deserved for our sins; and whereunto of thy justice and power she hath been brought, in token, if thou so likedst, thou couldeat justly have suffered her to die in the same: we most heartily thank thee, that thou wouldest not do against her as thou mightest of thy justice, but what thou wouldest of thy mercy, in relieving her of her sickness. And most earnestly we beseech thee, O Lord, make her to grow into perfect health, and her and us always to be thankful for it; she and we praising thee continually for thy infinite mercy shewed her, and in following thy holy commandments; we with her taking this her sickness to be thy loving chastisement, to call us from all sin, wholly to obey thee and thy word, through Jesus Christ thy Son and our Lord. Amen.

NUMBER 41.

Parker, archbishop of Canterbury, and Sandys, bishop of London, to the heads of the university of Cambridge; in favour of Cavallerius, now coming to be their Hebrew reader.

To our loving friends, Mr. Vice-chancellor of Cambridge, and to the heads of the same. UNDERSTANDING of the good and godly affection that divers of your university bear to the knowledg of the Hebrew tongue, wherein originally, for the more part, was wrytten the word of God; to the gratifying of the same, as we have in our former letters commended our trustie and welbeloved Rodolphus Cavallerius, otherwise called Mr. Anthony, so we now send him unto you; a man, whom we have aforetime not onely known in the same university, but also have seen good testimony of his learning in the said tongue; and having more experience of his good zeal to exercise his said talent towards all such as be desirous to be partakers of the same: whereupon this is to pray and require you to accept him, as his worthiness for his learning and diligence, as we trust, shal deserve. Whereby you shall not onely your selves receive the fruit, to your own commendations, but also give us occasion to devise for your further commoditie, as Almighty God shal move us, and our hability upon any occasion shal hereafter serve.

And thus wishing to you the grace of God to direct your studies to his glory, and to the profit of the commonwealth, we bid you al hartily wel to fare. From Lamhith this 20. of May.

Your loving friends, Matthue Cantuar. Edm. London.

NUMBER 42.

Wierus, the prince of Conde’s agent, to the secretary; giving him thanks for seconding the protestants’ affairs with the queen.

Nobilissimo et illustri virtute, doctrina, et rerum experientia Dno. Dno.

Gulielmo Cecylio, auratae militiae equiti, et serehiss. Anglorum reginae a secretis, &c. dno. observando.

S.P. Nobiliss. clarissimeque vir; etsi non solum illustrissimus princeps meus, verum etiam universa ecclesia Christiana Gallica, multis tibi nominibus debeant, quod negotia mihi a celsitudine ejus concredita tanto studio apud sereniss, reginam promoveris, ut ex majestatis ejus responso recognovi; mei tamen officii esse existimavi, ut priusquam ex hac insula solverem, singulares tibi pro celsitudine illius gratias agerem. Porro et benevolentia in me tua, et mea erga te vicissim observantia privatim hoc requirunt, ne ingratus videar. Demum, et ita meo veluti chirographo testatum velim, quantum omnes, quos Deus Pater hoc tempore exercet ob puriorem Filii sui professionem, non solum spei, sed etiam fiduciae in te habeant. Quem vident ejusdem illius Opt. Max. Dei benignkate in pia ista mente tam confirmatum, ut velit, tot tantisque ingenii dotibus, animique virtutibus cumulatum, ut possit, ad tantae postremum aucthoritatis lotum apud majestatem regiam evectum, ut debeat, in hisce laborantis ecclesiae extremis ac diuturnis necessitatibus, muneris sui partes pro sua tum pierate tum prudentia explicare. Etenim quoties de constanti Christianissimae reginae studio et benevolentia erga dissipatos afflictosque Christianos memoria subit, vel sermo incidit, toties et honorifica tui mentio et gratissima recordatio; quod videaris divina veluti voluntate difficillimis hisce temporibus ejus majestati additus. Quo magis scio illustriss, principem meum cum sibi, tum ecclesiae gratulaturum, cum quae majestas ejus tam prolixe ac benigne per me celsitudini ejus mandavit, ea ille a te tanta pietare indies promoveri audiet atque confidet. Sane nihil illi prius, nihil antiquius fuerit, quam ut quatunque vel occasione, vel re tibi tuisque vicissim gratificari possit. Ego quidem cum tot humanitatis officiis, quibus me nullo meo merito prosecutus es, pares gratias referre nequeam, laborabo tamen et enitar, ut grati saltem animi recordatione, quo potero observantice genere, satis tibi faciam. Vale, clariss, nobilissimeque vir, et me, si placet, utare, fruare.

Tuae dominationis Datae Plimuthae, 4. Die Observantissimus, Junii, anno 1569. Theod. Wierus.

NUMBER 43.

The queen’s council to the high sheriff of Yorkshire, and the justices of those parts; concerning restraint of vagabonds, and such like. AFTER our harry commendations: where about the beginning of March last, we, in the queens majesties behalf, directed our letters to you for the inquisition of the multitude of vagabonds, and such as commonly are called rogues, and for the punishment and order of them according to the laws of the realm; and therof also by our letters required you to make certificate unto us; (wherof until this time we have heard nothing;) therfore we do charge you, the sheriff, with that fault, and do command you forthwith to advertise us by your letters, what excuse you can make: which when we shall hear, we wil thefor consider, and procede against you, or such other upon whom you shall transfer the fault, as the same deserveth; for surely we do not mean to overpass such a contempt. And in the whole realme, beside your self, we find not many, wherof we are glad, to have committed this maner of offence. Nevertheless, trusting that for the contents of our letters some execution hath been don, tho’ the same hath not been to us certified, we have found necessary, and so hath her majesty commanded us, to have these things following to be duly executed.

First, you shall secretly accord, by way of distribution of your selves, with the help of other inferior officers, whom you may wel trust, to cause a strait search and good strong watch to be begun on Sunday at night, about nine of the clock, which shalbe the tenth of July, in every town, village, and parish of that shire; and to continue the same al that night, until four of the clock in the afternoon of the next day. And in that search and watch to apprehend al vagabonds, sturdy beggars, commonly called rogues, or Egyptians, and al other idle vagrant persons, having no master, nor ally certainty how or wherby to live; and them to cause to be imprisoned in stocks and such like; and according to the qualities of their faults to procede against them, as by the laws is ordered, and that with convenient severity, so as they may be by punishment forced to labour for their living.

And as it is likely that you have in the former orders already remitted them whom you have not thought meet to retain in work, to depart to their native countries, so are you to take good heed how to avoyd the abuse of your passeports. By the which, when the names only of the places, to which they are directed, are especially named, the said lewd persons craftily, to spend their time in passing idle, do stray far out of the right ways, and do in some places colour their goings to the baths for recovery of their counterfeit sickness. And therfore in the passeports would be also named special towns, being in their right ways, by which they should be charged in their passeports to pass. So as if they shall be found out of those high ways, they may be newly and more sharply punished. And in this case the passeports should be so discreetly sealed, subscribed, and written, as they should not easily counterfeit the same: which, as it is reported, some of them can readily do; and do carry about with them certain counterfeit seals of corporate towns and such like, to serve their purposes in that behalf. For the which, before they shalbe dismissed, and as they shal also pass by towns, due search would be made by the officers. And after this search made, which is intended to be made general at one time throughout the whole realme, we think it good for the more surety, to the total rooting out of this mischief, that you do agree among your selve to make, at lest monthly, the like searches in the same shire, until the first of November, or longer, as you shall se cause.

And tho’ we do not presently write to every corporate town in that shire, being a liberty, and having justices of peace of themselves, for avoiding of multitude of letters, and for uncertainty of the names of such towns, yet our meaning is, you, the sherif, or some two of you, the justices, within the body of the shire, shall speedily impart the contents of these our letters unto the principal officers of the same towns, and them shall, in the queens majesties name, charge and command to observe the contents hereof at the time limited, both for the first search and watch, and for the continuance of the same hereafter. And we require you, the sherif, for avoiding of further reproof, to return to us briefly the certificate of this that shalbe don by your first search.

We cannot also but consider, that in the search hereof, divers vagrant persons wilbe found, who will counterfeit themselves as impotent beggers, but that after trial therof, and punishment made in such cases, it will be necessary to provide charitably for such as shalbe indeed found unfeignedly impotent by age, sickness, or otherwise, to get their living by labour: and for those we earnestly, and in the name of God, as we are all commanded, require and charge you al, and every of you, to consider diligently, how they may be relieved in every parish by the good order that is devised by a late act of parliament; and that they be not suffered to wander and ly abroad, as commonly they do, in the high ways, for lack of sustentation.

And for the due and charitable execution of that statute, we think it good that the bishop of the dioces, or other ordinaries, be moved by you in our name, to direct commandments to the curats or ministers of al churches to exhort the parishioners to give their common almes at their churches, and to procure remedy against such as have wealth, and will not contribute at the churches, upon exhortation and admonition. And therunto we require you, the justices, to give your aids and assistances in every parish where your dwelling is, and by your good example encourage others to this charitable good deed.

We do further require you at this your meeting for the search, to confer how the statutes, which are provided for the avoiding of al unleeful games, and especially of bowling and for maintenance of archery, may be speedily and roundly executed in every part of the shire. And if any of your selves have been therin culpable, from henceforth to forbear; especially, seeing in al things, both good and bad, example in superiors hath most weight. And indeed hard shal it be for you to observe your oaths which you took, being admitted justices of peace, if you shal commit such open hurtful offences your selves, which ought by your selves, as you know, in your sessions to be enquired of and punished. And herein we would have you cause some inquisition to be made, before the coming of the justices of assize, by whom we may be informed, how the same is ordered. The great common misusing hereof doth so abound, as we cannot but presently give you warning therof. And we mean indeed to hearken hereafter, how this our admonition is regarded of you, on your several behalfs.

And in this behalf also, we cannot but admonish you to be wary and circumspect what licences you give persons to keep common summer games. For we hear of some great abuses therin in sundry parts of the realme; both that they are over general, and lewdness and ungodliness committed by the confluence of numbers of evil disposed people, for lack of the presence of some wise, honest, and godly justices and officers.

Wherof as we shalbe further informed, so wil we provide remedy.

You shall do well also to cause the ordinary watchmen in all parishes to be wel warned that by no leud practises of evil disposed, crafty persons, passing by them in the night, by pretences of watchwords, or such like lewd devices, any levy or raising of people be made, as in some corners of the realm hath been lately attempted, tho’ well stayed by the wiser men.

As for other things, we mean not by any particular charge to admonish you of any more, but wish you to continue in your carefulness of your offices, to se peace duely kept, and the disturbers therof by words, tales, news, spreading of unlawful books and writings, or by deeds, to be at the first with speed stayed, and sharply punished. And if any of you shall perceive any of your number, being justices of the peace, in any of these things negligent, we heartily require you the rest, or any of you, either to advertise us, or any of us, by your private and secret letters, or els to the justices of assize at their coming thither. For in so doing we must allow you, and we mean to provide some good remedy, as reason is it should be, to remove credit and estimation from them, that willfully do deserve the contrary. And so fare you wel. From Greenwich, the xxth of June, 1569.

Your loving friends, N. Bacon, — C.S. T. Norfolk. — W. Northampton. — E.

Clynton. — W. Howard. — R. Leyeester. — Fr. Knollys. — W.Cecyll. — R.Sadleir. — Wa. Mildmay.

NUMBER 44.

A letter of Mary queen of Scots to queen Elizabeth, from Tutbury castle, anno 1569, expostulatory, concerning favouring her rebels.

My lady and good sister, THE honour and natural amity which I bear to you, doing their duty, hath made me to fear, and to shun to importune you, or in like sort to distrust somewhat your good nature by these my complaints, the which hath not sometimes been pleasing to you. And on the other side, my conscience and natural pity of the spilt blood of my obedient and innocent subjects, hath moved me to demonstrate to you that in the which I hold my self to be obliged. Therefore I beseech you to consider first of all the just care I ought to have of my people, which ought to surpass all humane or particular respects, according to the time which constantly I have with patience born, under hope of your favour, and without reproach or offence taken of me to read my grievances, and to send me your resolution of them. For the understanding of which I send Borthic the bearer hereof; with whom I send you the double of each point contained in one proclamation made by my rebells: where they make mention of one sentence pronounced by you upon these matters disputed, and lastly by them falsely alledged in your presence and your councils. In which point I beseech you to command, that I may understand your pleasure by this bearer. Neither can the necessity of this cause, so important, suffer any longer delay, without understanding, as well in the one as the other, what is your resolution therein; for to remedy the partial carriage of your officers of the frontiers, the which at Carlisle have taken my servants, taken and opened their letters, and sent them to the court, being contrary to that which hath been promised and written, that you understood not, that I was less at liberty than before; and far more contrary to that, that you should not receive my enemies. Betwixt whom, as I imagine, there is no comparison. For they were received to your presence with liberty to go and come; and continually sending aid of money, and as they say, (the which if it please you to see by these other letters,) assured to support them with men at their need. And also they were maintained to have falsely accused me, and make me infamous.

But I, which am come hither to put my self under your protection, as unto my most assured friend, refusing the help of those, the which being offended with me therefore, I shall be constrained to my grief to seek it again, if, according to my hope and desires, I have no remedy by ready aid, removed far from my country, I have been retained, denyed your presence for the justifying of my self, having required the same; and in conclusion, all means taken from me to hear from my servants, or to let them understand my pleasure.

I perswade my self that I have riot deserved such dealing, for having put my affiance in you; and having obeyed you, have enterprized nothing, as you counselled me: and not seeking (at your request and promise) any other friendship than yours: and desiring not solely to pleasure you, but also to obey you, as a daughter her mother: and of fresh memory, the return of the traitors without the advertisement of the bishop of Rosse and of Mr. Knowles. Which perswaded me, that it would not seem good to you, that of my part it should first begin. Which well I could have helped at the entrance of the frontiers, without giving them the commodity of levying of soldiers to ruinate my poor people.

In brief, I have hitherto depended only on you, and desire to continue, if it please you, to accept my good will as a recompence for your loving comfort and ready aid, to resist the tyranny of my rebellious subjects.

Against whose cruelty used on my subjects, and against my honour and estate, I am constrained to seek your help, or elsewhere to require it, as it please God to put in my mind according your answer, which I would wish for good.

I will proceed. I have also charged the bearer hereof to know your resolution in those matters which the bishop of Rosse and my lord Boyle have to deal in; not having knowledge as yet of your resolution in certain other particulars. Whom I beseech you to trust, and not to take it in evil part, if, in a business of such importance, I press you more than perchance (seeing that I am in your power) it be with your good pleasure. But I cannot longer deferr or bear this partial dealing without the overthrowing of my estate, and offence of my conscience. For as naturally I am given to be yours, your unfriendly handling may make me withdraw, which I beseech you not to constrain me to do, letting me enjoy the same opinion, which hitherunto 1 would not otherwise conceive than of a near parent, and of whom I desire so much favour. To whome presenting my affectionate commemdations, I bedeech the Lord, my good lady and sister, to give you an healthful, long, and happy life. From Tutbury, the XIVth of March.