BOOK FIRST

CHAPTER - Tasso, Sonnets. 2 Guidiccioni, Sonnets. 3 Shakspere, King John, act 2, scene 1.

CHAPTER - See ante, vol. 1, bk. 3, chap. 5. 2 See Svenska Kirkoreformationens Historia. I Tre Afdelningar. Af L. A. Anjou. Upsala, 1850 History of the Reformation in Sweden. In Three Divisions. By L. A, Anjou. Upsala, 1850.) 3 Maimbourg, lib. 1, sec. 57. 4 Gerdesius, tom. 1, p. 78; tom. 3, p. 277. 5 See extracts by Gerdesius from the Code of Ecclesiastical and Civil Laws, by Christian, King of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway — Hist. Reform., tom. 3, pp. 347, 348. 6 Gerdesius (Loccen. Hist. Suec., lib. 5, p. 169), tom. 3, p. 278. Sleidan, 4, 62. 7 Gerdesius, tom. 3, pp. 282, 283. 8 Sleidan, 4, 62. 9 Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 287. 10 Ibid. (Vertot, ad ann. 1521, p. 175), tom. 3, 286. 11 Ibid., tom. 3, p. 290. 12 Vertot, ad ann. 1521, p. 175. 13 Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 291. 14 Ibid., p. 291 (foot-note). The whole Bible in the Swedish language was published (folio) at Stockholm in 1541. 15 Gerdesius (Puffendorf, l.c. , p. 284), tom. 3, p. 292. 16 Gerdesius (Vertot, l.c ., pp. 60, 61), tom. 3, p. 293. 17 “Episcopi moras nectere atque tergiversari.” (Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 294.)

CHAPTER - Baazius, Invent. Eccles. Sueo-Goth.; Lincopiae, 1642. 2 Acta Colloquii Upsaliensis habiti, ann. 1526, inter D. Petrum Galle et M. Olaum Petri. 3 Acta Colloquii Upsaliensis. 4 “Praevaricator sit reus notoris peccati?” (Acta Colloquii Upsaliensis.) 5 “Praedixisse vana de Pseudoprophetis,” etc. (Acta Colloquii Upsaliensis.) 6 “Liberum excommunicare quemcunque volunt? “ (Acta Colloquii Upsaliensis.) 7 “Plus oneris quam honoris.” It is difficult to preserve the play upon the words in a translation. 8 “Non pavit oves, sed lac et lanam, imo succum et sanguinem illis extraxit. Deus misereatur suae ecclesiae.” (Acta Colloquii Upsaliensis.) 9 “Dat (Christus) solus virtutem et efficacem Sacramentis, haec est gratia justificans hominem.” (Acta Colloquii Upsaliensis — ex Baazio.) 10 “Sacrificulus Papisticus.” (Acta Colloquii Upsaliensis.) 11 “Corradit opes. (Ibid.) 12 Acta Colloquii Upsaliensis — ex Baazio.

CHAPTER - Baazius, Inventar., lib. 2, cap. 6, p. 203 - ex Gerdesio, tom. 3, p. 300. 2 Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 300 (Verdot, l.c. , pp. 68, 69; et Puffendorf, p. 288). 3 “Si removerentur bona eccl. collabascit ipsa ecclesia.” (Baazius, Inventar.) 4 “Insumuntur in ventres pigros.” (Ibid. ) 5 Baazius, Inventar., lib. 2, cap. [8, p. 206 — ex Gerdesio, tom. 3, pp. 301, 302. 6 Puffendorf, l.c. , p. 294; et Baazius, l.c. , p. 222 — ex Gerdesio, tom. 3, p. 306. 7 Seckendorf, l.c ., p. 267 — ex Gerdesio, tom. 3, p. 303. 8 Gerdesius, tom. 3, pp. 307 et seq. 9 Vertot, 1.c., pp. 89, 90; Puffendorf, p. 296 — ex Gerdesio, tom. 3, p. 309. 10 Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 311. As in some other countries, so in Sweden, the nobles showed fully as much zeal to possess the lands of the Romish Church, as to propagate the doctrines of the Reformed faith. We find the patriotic king rebuking them for their greed. In a letter written to the knights and nobles of Oestergotland, February, 1539, we find Gustavus addressing them in a mingled vein of indignation and satire, thus: “To take lands and dwellings from churches, chapters, and cloisters, that they were all prepared, with the greatest zeal, to do; and in that fashion, doubtless, they were all Christian and Reformed.” But he complains that beyond this they had rendered the Reformed faith no assistance. 11 Baazius, lib. 2, cap. 13, pp. 223, 224 — ex Gerdesio. 12 They were ordained by Bishop Petrus Magni, of Vesteraas. This helped to give them, and of course the king also, prestige in the eyes of the Romanists, inasmuch as it preserved their succession unbroken. 13 Admonitio Publica ab Ordinibus Regni Suecici evulgata, et in Festo Coronationis Regiae Gustavi I, promulgata, A. 1528 — ex Baazio, pp. 228-236. 14 Forma Reformationis Ecclesiae Suecicae in Concilio Orebrogensi definita atque publicis Clericorum Suecicae subscriptionibus confirmata, et lingua patria publicata, A. 1529 — ex Baazio, pp. 240- 244. 15 His tomb is to be seen in the Cathedral of Upsala. An inscription upon it informs us that he was born in 1490, and died in the seventieth year of his age, and in the fortieth of a glorious reign. He was equally great as a warrior, a legislator, a politician, and a Reformer. His great qualities were set off by a graceful person, and still further heightened by a commanding eloquence. “Two genealogical tables are engraved upon the tomb,” says a traveler, “which trace his lineage from the ancient princes of the North, as if his great virtues did not reflect, rather than borrow, lustre upon the most conspicuous ancestry.” (Coxe’s Travels in Sweden and Denmark, vol. 4, pp. 132-134; Lond., 1787.)

CHAPTER - The two modern historians of the Church of Sweden, more especially during the period of the Reformation, are Dr. H. Reuterdahl, Archbishop of Upsala, and L. A. Anjou, Bishop of Wisby. To these writers we are indebted for the facts we have given, touching the establishment of Protestantism in Sweden under Duke Charles and King Sigismund. The titles of their works are as follow: — Svenska Kyrkans Historia, af Dr. H. Reuterdahl; Lund, 1866 (History of the Swedish Church, by Dr. H. Reuterdahl; Lund, 1866). Svenska Kirkoreformationens Historia, af L. A. Anjou; Upsala, 1850 (History of the Reformation in Sweden, by L. A. Anjou; Upsala, 1850). 2 Encyclop. Metrop., vol. 12, pp. 614-616; Lond., 1845.

CHAPTER - Sleidan, bk. 4, p. 62. 2 Olivar., Vita Pauli Elice — ex Gerdesio, tom. 3, pp. 339, 340. 3 Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 342. 4 Pantoppidan, Hist. Reform. Dan., p. 124 — ex Gerdesio, tom. 3, p. 342. 5 The title of the book was: Thette ere the Noye Testamenth paa Danske ret efter Latinen udsatthe, 1524, id est, Hoc est Novum Testamentum Danice ex Latine accurate expositum, 1524 (This is the New Testament in Danish, accurately translated from the Latin, 1524). — Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 350. 6 Olivar., Vita Pauli Elice, pp. 75, 76 — ex Gerdesio, tom. 3, p. 352. 7 Pantoppidan, p. 148 — ex Gerdesio, tom. 3, p. 354. 8 Pantoppidan, l.c., p. 81. Johannis became Bishop of Ottonburg (1537) under Christian III., and died in 1559. (Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 355.) 9 Bib. Dan., l.c., p. 2 — ex Gerdesioo tom. 3, p. 356. 10 Bib. Dan., l.c., p. 3. 11 Resenius, ann. 1521 — ex Gerdesio, tom. 3, p. 356. 12 Olivar., l.c., Bib. Dan., tom. 1, p. 5. 13 Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 357. 14 Pantoppidan, Hist. Reform. Dan., p. 154. Bib. Dan., l.c., pp. 6, 7.) 15 Bib. Dan., 1.c., pp. 9, 10. 16 Olivar., Vita Pauli Eliae, pp. 110, 111; et Pantoppidan, Ann. Dan., p. 183 — ex Gerdesio. tom. 3, p. 359.) 17 Gerdesius, tom. 3. p. 359. 18 “Phlegetonteam illam et credelem Lutheranae virulentiea pestem.” (Epistola ad Jo. Eccium, 1527.) 19 See the documents in extenso in Gerdesius — Instrumentum Henr. Geerkens Datum a Cimbriae Episcopis, and Epistola ad Jo. Eccium. (Tom. 3, pp. 204-214.) 20 Epistola ad Jo. Eccium — Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 206.)

CHAPTER - Pantoppidan, l.c., p. 172 et seq. 2 Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 364. 3 Pantoppidan, p. 175. 4 Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 365. 5 Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 366. 6 Hemming, Epist. Dedicat. in Comment. in Ep. ad Ephes., p. 382, ann. 1564. Biblioth. Dan., tom. 9, p. 695 — Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 367. 7 Biblioth. Dan., tom. 9, p. 696. The title of the book was — Psalmi Davidici, in Danicum translati et explicati a Francisco Wormordo, et impressi in monasterio S. Michaelis Rostochii, 1528. (Gerdesius, tom. 3, p, 367.) 8 Gerdesius, tom. 3, pp. 368-370. 9 Ibid., tom. 3, p. 371. 10 Pantoppidan, l.c., p. 191. Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 371. 11 Biblioth. Dan., tom. 1, p. 13 - Gerdesius, tom. 3, pp. 371, 372. 12 Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 374.

CHAPTER - Olivar., Vita Pauli Elliae, p. 113 - Gerdes., tom. 3, p 375. 2 Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 376. 3 “Veram Christi Missam esse Jesu Christi paenarum ac mortis commemorationem, in qua ejus corpus editur ac sanguis potatur in certum pignus,” etc. (Confessio Hafniensis, 1530. art. 26. — Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 377; et Mon. Antiq., p. 217.) 4 Confessio Hafniensis — Pontani, Hist. Dan., tom. 2, ab Huitfeldio, Chron. Danico, tom. 2, p. 1322. 5 Articuli Pontificii in Comitis Hafniensibus 1530 exhibiti — Gerdesius, tom. 3; Mon. Antiq., p. 231. 6 Gerdesius, tom. 3, pp. 380, 381. 7 Pantoppidan, l.c. , p. 235. 8 Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 382. 9 Seckendorf, lib. 3, sec. 31, p. 89. Pantoppidan, l.c., p. 241. Gerdesius, tom. 3, pp. 385, 386. 10 Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 386.

CHAPTER - Pantoppidan, p. 253 — Gerdesius, tom. 3, pp. 388-390. 2 Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 390. 3 Pantoppidan, pp. 269, 270 — Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 397. 4 Pantoppidan, p. 277 — Biblioth. Dan., tom 1, p. 23 et seq. — Gerdesius, tom. 3, pp. 397, 398. 5 Pantoppidan, p. 272. 6 Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 399. 7 Helvader, ann. 1532, pp. 92, 93. Paulus Orosius, Hist., lib. 7, cap. 37, p, 568 — Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 390. 8 Olivar., Vita Pauli Eliae pp. 142, 174 — Gerdesius, tom. 3, pp. 402, 406. 9 Cragius, Hist. Christ. III., lib. 4, p. 153; ed. Copenhagen, 1737 — Gerdesius, tom. 3, pp. 406-408. 10 Mosheim speaks of this plan as the sole work of Bugenhagen. This is a mistake. In the preface to the constitution, as given by Grammius in his edition of Cragius’ History of Christian III., are these words: “Convocatis doctoribus et praedicatoribus ecclesiarum et Daniae Regno et Ducatibus suis, illud in mandatis dedit rex, ut ordinationem aliquam sacram conscriberent, de qua consultarent” (Having called together the doctors and preachers of the Church in the kingdom of Denmark and its duchies, the king gave it in command that they should subscribe a certain ecclesiastical order, respecting which they were to deliberate). — Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 408. 11 Cragius, in his History of Christian III. (pp. 170, 171), has preserved a list of the original subscribers. The list may be seen in Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 459. 12 “Superintendentes dicti potius quam Episcopi.” (Cragius, Hist., l.c., p. 169 — Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 411.) 13 Gerdesius, tom. 3, pp. 411, 412. 14 Vita Taussani, in Biblioth. Dan., tom. 1, p. 25 — Gerdesius, tom. 3, p. 412. 15 Cragius, l.c ., p. 172. 16 Gerdisius, tom. 3, p. 410. Cragius says that Christian III. was the first king who inaugurated his reign with the rites of the Reformed religion. He is mistaken in this. The reader will recollect that Gustavas Vasa of Sweden (1528) was crowned in the same way. Varillas, in his History of Revolutions, complains that Pomeranus invented a new ceremony for the coronation of kings. (Pantoppidan, l.c., p. 312.) 17 Among the learned foreigners who taught in the University of Copenhagen, Gerdesius specially mentions John Macabaeus or M’Alpine, of the Scottish clan M’Alpine, who had been a student at Wittemberg, and “a man of great learning and piety.” (Gerdesius, tom. 3, pp. 416, 417. Vinding, Descript. Acad Hafniae, pp. 71-73.) 18 Seckendorf, lib. 3, sec. 75, pp. 242, 243. Gerdesius, tom. 3, pp. 414, 415. 19 Cragius, Annal. Christ., tom. 3, p. 203. 20 Ibid., p. 218. Seckendorf, lib. 3, sec. 75, p. 242. 21 Cragius, ad ann. 1548. Pantoppidan, ad ann. 1547 — ex Gerdesio, tom. 3, p. 416.

BOOK SECOND

CHAPTER - Shakespeare, 1 Henry VI., act 1, scene 1. 2 Christoffel, p. 224. 3 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 275. 4 Christoffel, p. 225. 5 Zwing. Opp. , tom. 2, p. 405. 6 See ante, bk. 8, chap. 15. 7 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 276. 8 Ibid., p. 278. Christoffel, p. 229. 9 See ante, bk. 8, chap. 5. 10 Bullinger, Chron., tom. 1, p. 351. 11 Ibid. 12 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 281. 13 Ibid., p. 282. 14 Ruchat. tom. 1, p. 287. Christoffel p. 231.

CHAPTER - See ante, bk. 9. 2 Ruchat. tom. 1, pp. 231,232. Christoffel, pp. 249, 250. 3 Zwing. Opp., tom. 2, p. 231, and tom. 3, p. 362. 4 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 234. 5 Hottinger, tom. 3, p. 219. Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 232. 6 Ruchat, 1, pp. 232, 233. 7 Ibid ., p. 234. 8 Ibid ., p. 233. 9 Ruchat, tom. 1, pp. 234, 235. 10 Bullinger, Chron., tom. 1, p. 324 — apud D’Aubigne, bk. 11, chap. 10. Christoffel. p. 285. 11 Hotringer, tom. 3, p. 385 — apud D’Aubigne, bk. 11, chap. 10. Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 332. Christoffel, p. 285. 12 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 237. Christoffel, pp. 272, 273.

CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 361. Christoffel. p. 188. 2 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 362. 3 Ibid., pp. 363-368. 4 Christoffel, p. 189. 5 Ibid., p. 188. 6 Christoffel, p. 189. 7 Superior of the Franciscans at Basle, and afterwards Professor of Divinity at Zurich. His exegetical powers enabled him to render great service to the Reformation. 8 Ruchat, tom. 1, pp. 368, 369. 9 Ibid. Christoffel, p. 189. De’Aubigne, bk. 15, chap. 2. 10 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 369. 11 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 371. 12 Ibid. 13 Subdivided into twenty in the course of the discussion. Ruchat, tom. 1, pp. 373, 374. 14 Christoffel, p. 190. 15 Ruchat, tom. 1, pp. 453, 454. 16 Ibid ., p. 474. 17 “This beast,” so writes a Papistical hearer, “is in truth more learned than I had believed. The malapert Ecolampadius may understand the prophets and Hebrew better, and in Greek he may equal him, but in fertility of intellect, in force and perspicuity of statement, he is very far behind him. I could make nothing of Capito. Bucer spoke more than he did. Had Bucer the learning and linguistic acquirements of Ecolampadius and Zwingle, he would be more dangerous than either, so quick is he in his movements and so pleasantly can he talk.” (Christoffel, p. 190.) 18 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 475. 19 Ibid ., tom. 1, p. 478. 20 Ruchat, tom. 1, pp. 479-481. 21 Ibid. 22 Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 112. Ruchat insinuates a doubt of this, on the ground that Sleidan is the only historian who records the fact, and that no trace of the monument is known. But we know that a similar pillar was erected at Geneva to commemorate the completion of its Reformation, and afterwards demolished, although the inscription it bore has been preserved. 23 Christoffel, p. 191. Ruchat, tom. 1, pp. 485, 486. 24 Revelation 5:9,10,12.

CHAPTER - See ante, bk. 8, chap. 5. 2 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 74. 3 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 75. 4 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 76. 5 Ibid., p. 77. 6 Zwingle, Epp., 2, p. 225 — D’Aubigne, bk. 15, ch. 5. 7 Zwingle, Epp., 2, p. 225. 8 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 78. 9 Ibid . 10 Ibid ., pp. 78, 79. 11 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 79. 12 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 80. 13 Ruchat, tom 2, p. 81. 14 Ibid. 15 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 82. Gerdesius, Hist. Evan. Renov., tom. 2, p. 371; Gron. and Brem., 1746. 16 Ruchat, tom. 2, pp. 82, 83. Gerdesius, tom, 2, p. 872. 17 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 83. 18 Gerdesius, tom. 2, p. 372. Ruchat, tom. 2, p 84. Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 117. 19 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 84. Gerdesius, tom. 2, p. 372. Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 117. 20 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 84. Gerdesius, tom. 2, p. 372. Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 117. 21 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 86. 22 Ibid. Gerdesius, tom. 2, p. 374. 23 The tomb of Erasmus is to be seen in the Cathedral-church at Basle, in front of the choir. The epitaph does not give the year of his death, simply styling him a “septuagenarian.”

CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 103. 2 Christoffel, p. 235. Bullinger, Chron., tom. 2, pp. 49-59. 3 Christoffel, p. 420. 4 Christoffel, p. 413. 5 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 107. 6 Christoffel, p. 233. 7 Ruchat, tom. 2, pp. 109, 110. Christoffel, p. 416. 8 The deteriorating influence of the foreign service was felt in Germany, though in less degree than in Switzerland. Morals, patriotism, and public order it undermined. We find the German States complaining to Maximilian II. that the mercenaries on returning from foreign service were guilty of the greatest enormities. 9 Ruchat, tom. 2, pp. 113, 114. Christoffel, p. 420.

CHAPTER - Sleidan, bk. 6, p. 120. 2 Ruchat, tom. 2, pp. 114, 115. Christoffel, p. 421. 3 The Swiss field-chaplains carried a weapon on service up till the most recent time. Zwingle’s halberd, which he had already used in the battle of Marignano, had no other significance than the later side-weapon of the field-preacher. (Christoffel, p. 421.) 4 Christoffel, p. 423. Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 115. 5 While Pastor of Glarus, Zwingle had become Godfather of the Landamman. 6 The treaty was signed on the 26th of June, 1529, and consisted of seventeen articles. Their substance is given by Ruchat, tom. 2, pp. 116-121. 7 These details respecting the daily life and habits of the Reformer of Zurich have been collected by Christoffel. “They are taken,” he tells us, “from accounts, thoroughly consistent with themselves, of several of his friends and acquaintances, Myconius, Bullinger, and Bernhard Weiss. Myconius says, in addition, that he always studied and worked standing. ” (Christoffel, pp. 373, 374.)

CHAPTER - Christoffel, p. 433. 2 James von Medicis, a foolhardy adventurer, had seized on the Castle of Musso, at the entrance of the Veltelin, and thence harassed the inhabitants of the Grisons, the majority of whom had embraced Protestantism. His violent deeds are believed to have been prompted by the emperor, who sent him 900 Spanish soldiers, and the title of Margrave. (Christoffel.) 3 Zwingli, Epp., 2, p. 429. Christoffel, pp. 404, 405. D’Aubigne, bk. 16, chap. 4. 4 Zwingli, Epp., 2, p. 666. Christoffel, p. 407. 5 The name for the emperor in the correspondence between the landgrave and Zwingli. This correspondence was carried on in cipher, which was often changed, the better to preserve the secret. 6 Christoffel, p. 407. 7 Zwingli, Epp., March, 1530. 8 Christoffel, sec. 9. 3. D’Aubigne, bk. 16, chap. 3.

CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 353. 2 Christoffel, pp. 445, 446. 3 Christoffel, p. 447. 4 Christoffel, p. 449. 5 Bullinger, Chron ., tom. 3, p. 49. 6 This was Halley’s Comet, that makes its appearance about every seventy-six years. 7 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 387. 8 Zwingli, Epp. , 2, p. 626. 9 Christoffel, pp. 449, 450.

CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 395. 2 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 388. Christoffel, p. 452. 3 Christoffel, pp. 452, 453. 4 Ibid., p. 453. 5 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 408. 6 Ibid. 7 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 412. The student of the classics will remember the words that Epaminondas addressed to his companions when dying — “It is not an end of my life that is now come, but a better beginning.” 8 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 412. 9 The pear-tree under which Zwingli died has perished. A rough massive block of stone, with a tablet, and an inscription in German and Latin, has taken its place.

BOOK THIRD

CHAPTER - Sleidan, bk. 7, pp. 135-137. 2 Ibid., p. 139. 3 Sleidan, bk. 7, pp. 129, 140. Mosheim, cent. 16, sec. 1, chap. 3; Glas., 1881. 4 Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 140. Seckendorf, lib. 2, p. 180. 5 Sleidan, bk. 7, p. 142. Robertson, bk. 5, p. 175. 6 Sleidan, bk. 8, p. 151. 7 Ibid., p. 145. Robertson, bk. 5, p. 176. 8 Sleidan, bk. 8, pp. 149, 150. 9 Robertson, bk. 5., p. 176. Mosheim, cent. 16., sec. i., chap. 3. Sleidan, bk. 8., p. 160. 10 Abbe Millot, Elements of General History (translated from the French), vol 4., rP. 286, 287; . Lend., 1779.

CHAPTER - Sleidan, bk. 10., p. 193. Robertson, bk. 5., p. 180. 2 Sleidan, bk. 10., pp. 194, 195. 3 Ibid ., p. 196. Robertson, bk. 5., pp. 181,182. Mosheim, cent. 16., sec. 1., chap. 3. 4 Sleidan, bk. 10., pp. 196, 197. 5 Sleidan, bk. 10., p. 202. Robertson, bk. 5., p. 183.

CHAPTER - Robertson, bk. 5., p. 184. 2 Sleidan, bk. 9., p. 174. 3 Sleidan, bk. 9., pp. 172, 173. Robertson, bk. 5., p. 184. 4 Sleidan, bk. 12., pp. 249, 250. 5 Ib ., bk. 14., p. 298. 6 Sleidan, bk. 14., p. 285. 7 Ib ., pp. 286, 287. 8 Ib ., p. 287. 9 Sleidan, bk. 16., p. 356. 10 Sleidan, bk. 15., p. 313; bk. 16., pp. 340 — 351.

CHAPTER - Sleidlan, bk. 16., p. 362. 2 Ibid., p. 3 A monument, in memorial of the great Reformer has been erected at Worms. This monument, so noble as a work of art, and so interesting from what it commemorates, occupied nine years in the execution, and is said to have cost 17,000 pounds. The central figure is Luther’s statue in bronze, eleven feet in height. He holds a Bible in his left hand, to which he points with the right, while his gaze is directed upwards. At his feet sit four of the greatest among the precursors of the Reformation. In front are Huss on the right and Savonarola on the left. At the back are Wicliffe on the right and Peter Waldo on the left. On the side pedestals in front are Philip the Magnanimous on the right and Frederick the Wise on the left. At the back are Melancthon on the right and Reuchlin on the left. On lower pedestals are allegorical figures of the towns of Magdeburg, Augsburg, and Spires, and between these are the arms of the twenty-four towns of Germany which were the first to embrace the Reformation. 4 Ukert, tom. ii., p. 12. 5 Ukert, tom. ii., p. 7. 6 Worsley, Life of Martin Luther , vol. 2., p. 391. 7 Not in the Cathedral, as is often stated, but in the Schloss-kirk, or Castlechurch, adjoining the eastern gate of Wittemberg, the same on the door of which Luther nailed his Theses. There his grave is seen at this day. A little in advance of the pulpit are the tombs of the two electors, Frederick and John; and some four yards or so beyond these are the graves of Luther and Melancthon. Lovely in their lives, they are not divided in the tomb. Over the grave of Luther is the following inscription in Latin: — “Here lies interred the body of Martin Luther, Doctor of Divinity, who died at Eisleben, the place of his birth, on the 18th of February, in the year of Christ 1546; having lived 63 years, months, and 10 days.” 8 See Seckendorf, lib . in., sec. 133.

CHAPTER - Sleidan, bk. 17., p. 381. 2 Sleidan, bk. 17., p. 382. Pallavicino, lib. 8., cap. 1, p. 541. 3 Millot, vol. 4., p. 313. 4 Ibid., p. 311. 5 Sleidan, bk. 17., pp. 373, 374. 6 Millot, vol. 4., p. 313. 7 Millot, vol. 4., pp. 313, 8 Sleidan, bk. 17., p. 389. Robertson, Hist. Charles V., bk. 8., p. 249. 9 Robertson makes the Protestant army amount to 70,000 foot, 15,000 horse, with — corresponding train of artillery. (Hist. Charles V., bk. 8., p. 248.) Millot, in the passage quoted above, agrees with him, saying nearly 80,000. 10 Sleidan, bk. 18., p. 397. 11 Ibid ., p. 397. Millot, vol. 4., p. 315. Robertson, bk. 8., p. 251. 12 Sleidan, bk. 18., p. 421. Robertson, bk. 8., p. 255. 13 Sleidan, bk. 19., pp. 426, 427, 428. Millot, vol. 4., p. 320. Robertson, bk. 9., pp. 265, 266. 14 Sleidan, bk. 19., pp. 429-431. Robertson, bk. 9., p. 269. 15 The story goes that the change of a single German word sufficed to change the landgrave’s fate from liberty to imprisonment. Nicht einiges Gefangis — not imprisoned — was changed, it is said, into nicht ewigis Gefangis — not perpetually imprisoned. The story, however, is doubted; it certainly has not been proved, and the silence of Sleidan, who wrote only a few years after the event, discredits its truth.

CHAPTER - Robertson, bk. 9., p. 272. 2 Millot, vol. 4., p. 322. 3 Sleidan, bk. 20., p. 454. 4 Ibid ., p. 458. Millot, vol. 4., p. 323. 5 Sleidan, bk. 20., p. 458. 6 Sleidan, bk. 20., p. 460. Millot, vol. 4., p. 324. 7 Millot, vol. 4., p. 324. 8 Sleidan, bk. 20., p. 461. Kurtz, Hist . Ot Christian Church , p. 79. 9 Kurtz, pp. 79, 80. 10 S1eidan, bk. 20., p. 462. 11 Millot, vol. 4., p. 316. 12 Millot, vol. 4., p. 828. 13 Millot, vol. 4., p. 329. 14 Millot, vol. 4., pp. 330, 331. 15 Sleidan, bk. 24., pp. 559, 560. Millot, vol. 4., p. 331. Robertson, Charles V ., bk. 10., pp. 298, 299. 16 Sleidan, bk. 24., pp. 570, 571. 17 Ibid., bk. 26., pp. 626, 627. 18 See ante , bk. 6., chap. 7, p. 346. 19 Robertson, Charles V ., bk. 11., pp. 333, 334. Millot, vol. 4., pp. 344, 345. 20 Sleidan, Continuation, bk. 1., p. 7; Lond., 1689. Millot, vol. 4, p. 354. 21 Ibid. Robertson, bk. 12., pp. 389, 340.

BOOK FOURTH

CHAPTER - l Fleury, Hist . Eccles ., tom. 15., pp. 87, 88; Paris, 1742. 2 Mezeray, tom. 4. 3 “I will destroy the name of Babylon.” (Thauni, Hist ., lib. 1., p. 11; ed. Aurel, 1626.) 4 Platina, Vit . de Pont . Jul . II., p. 259. Fleury, Hist . Eccles ., tom. 25., p. 203. 5 Mezeray, tom. 4., p. 457. 6 Fleury, Hist . Eccles ., tom. 25., p. 204. 7 Guicciardini, lib. 11., p. 395. Laval., vol. 1., p. 10. 8 Beza, Hist. des Eglises Reformers au Royaume de France, tom. 1.,p. 1, Lille, 1841. 9 History of the Protestants of Prance, by G. D. Felice, D.D.; vol. 1., p. 2; Lond., 1853. 10 D’Aubigne, vol. 3., p. 339.

CHAPTER - D’Aubigne, vol. 3., pp. 339 — 344. 2 Felice, Hist . of Protestants of France , vol. 1., p. 3. 3 Farel, GaIeoto . D’Aubigne, vol. 3., p. 345. 4 Beza, Icones. 5 Felice, vol. 1., pp. 1, 2. 6 Beza, Hist. des Eglises Reformees, tom. 1., p. 4. 7 Beza, tom. 1., p. 3. 8 Baptista Mantuan, a Carmelite, wrote thus on Rome: “Vivere qui sancte cupiris, discedite Roma. Omnia cum liceant, non licet esse bonum” — that is, “Good and virtuous men, make haste and get out of Rome, for here virtue is the one thing ye cannot practice: all else ye may do.” 9 Fe1ice, vol. 1., p. 4. 10 MS. Bibl. Royale. Paris — ex D’Aubigne, vol. 3., p. 353, 11 Laval., vol. 1., p. 22. 12 Ben, tom. 1., p. 2. 13 Guizot, Hist . of France , vol. 3., p. 2; Lond., 1874. 14 Brantome, Vie des Femmes IIustres , p. 341. 15 Fe1ice, vol. 1., p. 6. The correspondence between Margaret and Briconnet is still preserved in MS. in the Royal Library at Paris. The MS., which is a copy, bears this inscription — Lettres des Marguerite , Reine de Navarre , and is also marked Supplement Francais . No. 337, fol.1. It is a volume containing not less than 800 pp.

CHAPTER - Beza, tom. 1., p. 1. 2 D’Aubigne, vol. 3., p. 337. 3 Fe1ice, vol. 1., p. 5. 4 Beza, tom. 1., p. 4. 5 Acres des Martyrs , p. 182 — a chronicler of the fifteenth century, quoted by D’Aubigne, vol. 3., p. 378. 6 Felice, vol. 1., p. 5. 7 Acres des Martyrs , p. 182 — D’Aubigne, vol. 3., p. 379. 8 Laval. vol. 1., p. 22. 9 Felice, vol. 1., p. 6. 10 D’Aubigne, vol. 3., p. 379. 11 Felice, vol. 1., p. 6.

CHAPTER - The only known copy of this work is in the Royal Library of Stuttgart. 2 Guizot, Hist . of France , vol. 3., p. 170; Lond., 1874. 3 Bayle, Dictionnarie , art, Marot, notes N, O, P. 4 Apelogic pour les Reformateurs , etc., tom. 1., p, 129; Rotterdam, 1683. 5 M’Crie, Life of John Knox . vol. 1., p, 378; Edin., 1831. 6 Filice, vol. 1., p. 8. 7 Sismondi, Hist . de Francais , 16. 387. Guizot, Hist . of France , vol. 3., pp. 193, 194. 8 Felice, vol. 1., p. 9. 9 Ibid . 10 Galliard, Hist. de Francois I. 11 Laval., vol. 1., p. 8., Dedication. 12 Ibid., vol. 1., p. 22.

CHAPTER - Felice, vol. 1., p. 17. 2 Crespin, Martyrol ., p. 102. D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform . under Calvin , vol. 1., pp. 573, 574. 3 Felice, vol. 1., p. 11. 4 Beza, tom. 1., p. 4. 5 Crespin, Acres des Martyrs , p. 183. 6 Beza, tom. 1., p. 4. Laval., vol. 1., p. 23. Fe1ice, vol. 1., p. 10. Guizot, vol. 3., p. 196. 7 Beza, Icones . Laval., vol. 1., p. 23. Guizot, vol. 3., p. 8 Laval. vol. 1. p. 38.

CHAPTER - Johannis Calvin Vita a Theodora Beza; Geneva, 1575. (No paging.) 2 “La famille Cauvin etait d’origine normande; le grand-pere du Reformateur habitait Pont l’Eveque; il etait tonnelier.” Ferdinand Rossignol, Les Protestants Illustres; Paris, 1862. M. Rossignol adds in a foot-note: “Chauvin — dans le dialecte Picard on prononqait Cauvin — le Reformateur signa les oeuvres latines Calvinus, et, faisant passer cette orthographe dans le franqais, se nomma lui-meme Calvin.” 3 “Ego qui natura subrusticus, umbram et otium semper amavi,” says he of himself in his Epistle to the Reader in his Commentarey on the Psalms. (Calvini Opp., vol 3.; Amsterdam, 1667) 4 “Ac primo quidem quum superstitionibus Papatus magis pertinaciter addictus essem” (I was at first more obstinately attached than any one to Papal superstions). — Calvini Opp., vol. 3. 5 Beza, Vita Calvini . 6 Ibid . 7 Ibid . 8 France had a cardinal who was only sixteen, Odel de Chatillon, brother of the famous admiral. Portugal had one of only twelve; and Leo X., who nominated him, had himself been created Archbishop of Aix at five years of age. 9 Desmay, Vie de Calvin , p. 31. 10 Ann . de Noyon , p. 1160. 11 Beza, Vita Calvini . 12 Florimond de Raemond, History of the Rise, Progress, and Decline of the Heresy of his Age. 13 Bungener, Life of Calvin, p. 13; Edin. 1863.

CHAPTER - Beza, Vita Calvini . 2 Calvini Opusc., p. 125. 3 Calvini Opusc., p. 125. 4 Ibid.: “Non sine gemitu ac lacrymis.” 5 D’Aubigne, Reform. in. Europe, bk. 2., chap. 7.

CHAPTER - Desmay says that it was at Orleans, and Raemond that it was at Bourges, that Calvin first acquired a taste for heresy. Both are mistaken: Calvin brought that taste with him to the old city of Aurelian. 2 He became afterwards President of the Parliament of Paris. “He was accounted,” says Beza, “the most subtle jurisconsult of all the doctors.” (Hist . des Eglises Reformees , tom. 1., p. 6.) 3 Beza, Hist . des Eglises Ref ., tom. 1., p. 6. 4 Bungener, Life of Calvin , p. 18. 5 Beza, Vita Calvini . Laval., Hist . Reform in France , vol. 1., p. 25. Beza, Hist . des Eglises Ref ., tom. 1., p. 6. 6 Calvin, Instit ., lib. 3., cap. 2.

CHAPTER - Laval., Hist . Reform . in France , vol. 1., p. 24. 2 “Me Deus ab obscuris tenuibusque principiis extractum, hoc tam honorifico munere dignatus est, ut Evangelii praeco essem ac minister.” (Comment . in Lib . Psalm . — Calvini Opp ., vol. 3., Epist. ad Lect.; ed. Amsterdam, 1667.) 3 Beza, Hist . des Eglises Ref ., tom. 1., p. 7. 4 Beza, Hist . des Eglises Ref ., tom. 1., p. 7. Galliard, Hist . de Francois I ., tom. 7., p. 3; Paris, 1769. 5 Beza, Vita Calvini . Beza speaks of Gerard Chauvin’s death as sudden — “repentina mors.” 6 Beza, Hist . des Eglises Ref ., tom. 1., p. 5. 7 Crespin, Hist . des Mart ., p. 96. Felice, vol. 1., p. 2. 8 Beza, Icones . 9 Erasmi Epp ., tom. 2., p. 1206. 10 Felice, vol. 1., p. 14. 11 D’Aubigne, Reform . under Calvin , vol. 2., p. 47. 12 Journal d ’un Bourgeois de Paris , p. 381 — quoted by D’Aubigne. 13 Ibid . 14 Felice, vol. 1., p. 15. Journal d ’un Bourgeois de Paris , p. 382. 15 Crespin, Hist . des Mart . 16 “At ego mortem subere, quam veritatis damnationem, vel tacitus approbare velim.” (Beza, Icones .) 17 Journal d ’un Bourgeois de Paris , p. 383 — quoted by D’Aubigne. 18 Erasmi Epp ., p. 1277. 19 Journal d ’un Bourgeois de Paris . p. 384. 20 Felice, Hist . of Prot ., vol. 1., p. 16. 21 Beza relates that Dr. Merlin, then Penitentiary of Paris, who had accompanied Berquin to the stake and saw him die, confessed before all the people that for a hundred years there had not died a better Christian than Berquin. The same historian also relates that on the night following his martyrdom (St. Martin’s Eve) the wheat was smitten with hoar-frost, and there followed therefrom famine and plague in France. (Hist . des Eglises . Ref ., tom. 1., p. 5.)

CHAPTER - Beza, Vita Calvini. 2 Beza, Hist. des Eglises Ref., tom. 1., p. 4. Laval., Hist. Reform. in France, vol 1., p. 18. 3 Seckendorf, lib. 3., sec. 1; additio 1. 4 D’Aubigne, Reform. in Europe, bk. 2., chap. 19. 5 Ibid., bk. 2., chap. 21. 6 Herbert, Life of Henry VIII., p. 366. Du Bellay, Memoires, pp. 171 — 174. Brantome, Memoires, tom. 1., p. 235 — quoted by D’Aubigne, Reform. in Europe, bk. 2., pp. 137 — 140.

CHAPTER - Laval., Hist . Reform ., vol. 1., p. 28. 2 D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform . in Europe , vol. 2., p. 159. 3 Laval., Hist . Reform ., vol. 1., p. 29. 4 Fromant, Actes et Gestes de Geneve , p. 74. D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform . in Europe , bk. 2., chap. 32. 5 Crespin, Martyrologie , fol. 107. 6 Ibid . 7 “Quibus omnibus ita confectis rebus, erant, vel monachi, qui dicerent, Si hic salvus non esset, neminem salvum fore mortalem. Alii vero discedentes percutiebant pectus, discebantque gravem illi factam injuriam.” (Acta Martyrum , ann. 1560, 4., p. 62 et seq . — ex Gerdesio, tom. 4., p. 86.)

CHAPTER - It is a curious fact that during the lifetime of Calvin a conflagration broke out in his native town of Noyon, and destroyed the entire quarter in which the house he was born in was situated, the house itself excepted, which remained uninjured in the midst of the vast gap the flames had created. 2 Beza, Vita Calvini . 3 Ibid ., p. 14. See also Calvini Opp . 4 This discourse was discovered some years ago by Dr. Bonnet in the Library of Geneva, where it is still preserved. It was first given to the public by Dr. D’Aubigne, in his History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin . (See vol. 2., bk. 2., chap. 30.) 5 Beza, Vita Calvini . 6 Maimbourg, Hist . du Calvinisme , p. 58. 7 Gaillard, Hist . de Francois , tom., 1., livr. 4. p. 274. 8 D’Au’bigne, Hist . Reform . in Europe , vol. 2., p. 279. Felice, Hist . Prot . in France , vol. 1., p. 35. 9 Beza. Vita Calvini . 10 Felice, Hist . Prot . In France , vol. 1., p. 35. 11 Flor. Raemond, Hist . Heres ., vol. 2., p. 246 — ex D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform . in Europe , vol. 3., p. 12. 12 Beza, Vita Calvini . Lefevre is said to have expressed in his last days bitter regret for not having more openly professed the truth. See Bulletin de la Soc . de l ’Hist . Prot . Fr . 11. 215.

CHAPTER - Beza, Hist . des Eglises Ref ., vol. 1., p. 63. Flor. Raemond, Hist . Heres ., vol. 7., p. 919. 2 The late Count Alexander de St. George, for many years President of the Evangelical Society of Geneva, was a lineal descendant of Abbot Ponthus. (D’Aubigne.) 3 “In horto illo primum Calvinisticum celebratum fuit concilium in Gallia.” (Flor. Raemond, Hist . Heres ., vol. 2., p. 252.) 4 D’Aubigne, vol. 3., p. 59. 5 Lievre, Hist . du Protestantisme du Poitou , vol. 1., p. 23. Flor. Raemond, Hist . Heres ., vol. 2., p. 253. D’Aubigne, vol. 3., p. 61. 6 “In locis illis secretis prima Calvinistea Coena celebrata fuit.” (Flor. Raemond, Hist . Heres ., vol. 2., p. 253.) “Raemond declares,” says D’Aubigne, “that he had spared no pains to trace out all Calvin’s career in France,” but the historian adds “that this has not prevented him from occasionally seasoning his narrative with abuse and calumny.” 7 Flor. Raemond, Hist . Heres . vol. 2., p. 253. 8 Ibid ., vol. 2., chap. 9. 9 This is attested by the Lettre de Ste . Marthe a Calvin , found by Jules Bonnet in the Library at Gotha (MSS. No. 401). 10 In the autumn of 1869 the author passed along the great valley of the Loire on his way to Spain, visiting the places where Calvin had sojourned, and more especially Poictiers.

CHAPTER - Pallavicino, Istoria , etc., lib. 3., cap. 12, p. 224; Napoli, 1757. 2 Sleidan, Hist . Reform ., bk. 9., p. 169. 3 Pallavicino, Istoria , etc., lib. 3., cap. 12. Ranke, Hist . of the Popes , bk. 1., chap. 3. 4 Du Bellay, Memoires , p. 278; quoted by D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform . in Europe , vol. 2., pp. 198, 199. The secret articles of this treaty are in the Bibliotheque Imperiale at Paris (MSS., Bethune, No. 8,541, fol. 36. D’Aubigne). 5 The author describes the landscape around Fiesole as he himself has noted it on repeated visits. 6 Those of our readers who have visited Florence, and seen the statue of this Lorenzo, the father of Catherine, in the gorgeous mausoleum of the Medici in the Church of San Lorenzo, cannot but have been struck with the air of meditation and thought which it wears. 7 Sleidan, Hist . Reform ., bk. 9., pp. 163, 169.

CHAPTER - “Cardinal Medici was always on the side of the emperor,” says Ranke. (Hist . of the Popes , vol. 1., p. 76.) 2 The Romans, in the time of Clement and even to our own age, reckoned their day from one of the afternoon to the same hour next day, and, of course, went on numbering up to the twenty-fourth hour. 3 Platina, Hist . Sommi Pontifici , p. 269; Venetia, 1500. 4 Ranke, Hist . of the Popes , vol. 1., p. 97; Bohn’s ed.

CHAPTER - D’Aubigne, Hist . Reform . In Europe , 2. 285. 2 Du Bellay, Memoires , p. 206. 3 Robertson, Hist . Charles V ., bk., 5., p. 184; Edin., 1829. 4 Du Bellay, Memoires , p. 210. 5 Robertson, bk. 5., p. 184. D’Aubigne, vol. 2., p. 301. 6 Sleidan, Hist . Reform ., bk. 9., pp. 172, 173; Lond., 1689. Robertson, Hist . Charles V ., bk. 5., p. 184. 7 D’Aubigne vol. 2., pp. 347 — 350. 8 Gerdesius, Hist . Evang . Renov ., tom. 4., p. 124.

CHAPTER - Gerdesius, Hist . Evang . Renov ., tom. 4., p. 124. 2 Ibid . 3 “Non integri, verum mutilati,” says Gerdesius of the king’s edition of the articles. 4 Gerdesius, tom. 4., p. 124. 5 Gerdesius, tom. 4., p 125. 6 D’Aubigne, vol. 2., p. 379.

CHAPTER - Calvini Opusc ., p. 90. D’Aubigne, vol. 3., p. 76. 2 Desmay, Vie de Calvini Heresiarque , pp. 48, 49. Le Vasseur, Annal . de Noyon , pp. 1161 — 1168. D’AuBigne, vol. 3., p. 78. 3 Henricus Ab. Allwoerden, Historia Michaelis Serveti , pp. 4, 5; Helmstadt, 1727. 4 Beza, Hist. Eglises Rgf., tom. 1, p. 9. 5 Allwoerden, Hist. Michaelis Serveti, pp. 9, 29. 6 Ibid., p. 35. 7 Beza, Vita Calvini, and Hist. Eglises Ref., tom. 1, p. 9. 8 Bungener, Calvin: his Life, etc., p. 34; Edin., 1863. 9 Bucer to Blaarer. Strasburg MS., quoted by D’Aubigne, Hist. Reform. in Europe, vol. 2, p. 308. 10 Crespin, Martyrol., fol. 112. Beza, Hist. Eglises Ref., tom. 1, p. 13. D’Aubigne, vol 3, p. 83. 11 Crespln, Martyrol., fol. 113. 12 D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 85. 13 Beza, Hist. Eglises Ref., tom. 1, p. 13. 14 Crespin, Martyrol., fol. 113, verso. 15 Beza, Hist. Eglises Ref., tom. 1, p. 13. 16 D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 87. 17 Calvin makes special mention of Coppin from Lille, and Quentin from Hainault, who brought to the advocacy of their cause an ignorance that did not suffer them to doubt, and an impudence that would not permit them to blush. These pioneers of communism liked good living better than hard work; they made their bread by talking, as monks by singing, though that talk had neither, says Calvin, “rhyme nor reason” in it, but was uttered oracularly, and captivated the simple. (Calvini Opp., tom. 8, p. 376; Amstel, 1637.) 18 Inst. Adv. Libertin., cap. 15,16. Calvini Opp., tom. 8, p. 386. 19 “Relicta patria, in Germaniam concessi, ut in obscuro aliquo angulo abditus, quiete diu negata fruerer.” (Calvini Opp., tom.3, Praef . ad Psalmos; Amstel. ed.)

CHAPTER - 1. Felice, Hist. Prot. France, vol. 1, p. 27. 2. Crespin, the martyrologist, and Florimond Raemond, the Popish historian, attribute the authorship of the placard to Farel. The latter, however, gives it as the common report: — “Famoso libello a Farelo, ut creditur, composito,” are his words. (Hist. Heres., livr. 7, cap. 5, Lat. ed.) Bungener says the author “has never been known.” (Calvin, p. 35; Edin., 1863.) Herminjard (Correspondance des Reformateurs, 3, 225) believes him to have been Antoine de Marcourt. 3 According to the Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris, p. 440. Fontaine in his Histoire Catholique gives the 18th October. See D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 114. 4 Felice, Hist. Prof. France, vol. 1, p. 28. 5 Corp. Ref., 2, p. 856. 6 Crespin, Mart. Beza, Hist. Ref. Eglises, tom. 1, p. 10.

CHAPTER - Laval., Hist. Reform. France, vol 1, p. 30. Beza, Hist. Reform. Eglises, tom. 1, p. 10. 2 Beza, Hist. Reform. Eglises, tom. 1, p. 10. 3 Journal d’un Bourg., p. 44. D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 129. 4 Crespin, Martyrol, fol. 112. 5 Calvini Opp. Felice, Hist. Prot. France, vol. 1, p. 28. 6 Crespin, Martyrol., 43. 7 Journ. d’un Bourg., p. 445, D’Aubigne vol. 4, p. 142. 8 Crespin, Martyrol., fol. 113, verso. D’Aubigne, 3, 143. 9 Laval., Hist. Reform. France, vol. 1, p. 31.

CHAPTER - Chronique du Roi Francois I , p. 113, quoted by D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 149. 2 Fe1ice, vol. 1, p. 29. 3 Chronique du Roi Fran cois I., p. 114. 4 Felice, vol. 1, p. 30. 5 Felice, vol. 1, p. 30. D’Aubigne, vol. 3, pp. 152-154. 6 Garnier, Hist. de France, 24, p. 556. D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 154. 7 This procession has been described by several French chroniclers — among others, Florimond Raemond, Hist. H er es., 2:229; Journal d’un Bourgeois de Paris; Fontaine, Hist. Catholique; Maimbourg; and the Chronique du Roi Francois I. 8 Chronique du Roi Francois I. 9 Ibid., p. 125. 10 D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 161. 11 Sleidan, bk. 9, p. 175. 12 Ibid ., bk. 9, p. 13 Crespin, Martyrol. 14 D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 165. 15 The German forces shortly afterwards left the land, and with marvellous rapidity, under the skilled guidance of the illustrious Thiers, the gallant nation recovered its position among the countries of Europe.

CHAPTER - Sleidan, bk. 9, p. 179. 2 Bulletin de la Soci et e de la Histoire du Protestantisme, Fran cois L, p. — D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 167. 3 Sismondi, Hist. des Francois, 16, p. 455. 4 “Ut in obscuro aliquo angulo abditus quiete diu negata fruerer.” (Pr aefatio ad Psalmos-Calvini Opp.) 5 Misson, A New Voyage to Italy, vol. 2, part 2, p. 493. 6 The watermen when they descended the Rhine weekly sold their boats at Strasburg and returned on foot, the strength of the current not permitting them to row their craft against it. (Fynes Moryson, Travels, part 1, bk. 1, ch. 2; fol.; Lond., 1617.) 7 Misson, New Voyage, vol. 2, part 2, p. 502. 8 The tomb of (Ecolampadius is to be seen in the Cathedral, with the following epitaph, according to Misson: — ”D. Joh. Oecolampadius, professione theologus; trium linguarum peritissimus; auctor Evangelicm doctrinse in hac urbe primus; et templi hujus verus episcopus; ut doctrina, sic vitse sanctimoniâ pollentissimus, sub breve saxum hoc reconditus est. Anno salutis ob. 21 November, 1531. Aet. 49.” (Dr. John (Ecolampadius, by profession a divine; most skillful in three languages; first author of the Reformed religion in this city, and true bishop of this church; as in doctrine so in sanctity of life most excellent, is laid under this short stone. He died in the year of our Lord, 21st November, 1531, aged forty-nine years.) 9 See ante, vol. 1, bk. 8, ch. 5, p. 428. 10 Erasmus died in 1536; he was buried in the Cathedral of Basle, and his epitaph, on a pillar before the choir, indicates his age by the single term septaeagenarius, about seventy. The exact time of his birth is unknown. 11 The interview has been related by a chronicler of the same century — Flor. Remond, Hist. H er es., 2, p. 251. 12 Ibid. 13 “Cum incognitus Basileae laterem.” (Preface to Comment on Psalms.)

CHAPTER - D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 203. 2 Pro Confessione Fidei offertur, says the title-page of the first edition of the Institutes, now before us, dated Basileae1536. 3 Calvin: his Life, his Labours, and his Writings , p. 43. 4 The following valuable note was communicated to the Author by the late Mr. David Laing, LL.D. Than Mr. Laing’s there is no higher authority upon the subject to which it refers, and his note may be regarded as setting finally at rest the hitherto vexed question touching the publication of the Institutes: — “It is now a long while ago, when I was asked by Dr. McCrie, senior, to ascertain in what year the first edition appeared of Calvin’s Institutes. At the time, although no perfect copy of the 1536 volume was accessible, the conclusion I came to was that the work first appeared in a small volume, pp. 519, with the title Christianae Religionis Institutio, etc. Joanne Calvino, Autore. Basileae, MDXXXVI. At the end of the vohme are added the names of the printers at Basle and the date — ‘Mense Martio, Anno 1536.’ During the many subsequent years, with inquiries at various great public libraries, both at home and abroad, I have not been able to find anything to make me change this opinion, or to imagine that an earlier edition in French had ever existed. In the dedication there is a variation in the date between the French and Latin copies, apparently accidental. In the Latin it is dated ‘Basileae, X Calendas Septembres [1535] — that is, August 23, 1535 — while in the French translation by the author, in his last revised translation of 1559, the date is given ‘De Basle, le premier jour d’Aoust, mil cinq cens trente cinq.’ “I have subsequently obtained a perfect copy, and have seen two or three others. The former possessor of my copy has a note written perhaps a century ago, as to its great rarity: — ’ Editio ista albis corvis rarior, princeps sine dubio, quidquid dicat P. Baylius, cujus exemplaria ita sunt rarissima, ut ipsa Bibliotheca Genevensis careat integro qui ipse asservatur ibidem tantum mutilum.’ [This edition, rarer than a white crow, is without doubt the first. Instances of it, as P. Bayle says, are so very rare, that in the Library of Geneva even there is not a perfect copy; the one there preserved is mutilated.] “I may add, the copy in the Library at Geneva is mutilated, the noble dedication to Francis the First having been cut out. The first enlarged edition is the one at Strasburg, ‘Argenterati,’ 1539, folio. Some copies have the pseudonym ‘Auctore Alcuino.’ “The earliest edition of this French version has neither place nor date, but was published between 1540 and 1543; and in a subsequent edition printed at Geneva, 1553, 4to, the title reads, Institution de la Religion Chrestienne: compos ee en Latin par Jean Calvin, et translat ee en Francois par luymesme, et encores de nouveau reveu e et augment ee. This seems conclusive that the work was originally written in Latin, dated 1535, published 1536, and afterwards translated by the author.” 5 “Vera hominis sapientia sita est in cognitione Dei Creatoris et Redemptoris.” (Calvini Opp., vol. 9.) 6 Cunningham, The Reformers and the Theology of the Reformation, p. 342; Edin., 1862. 7 Cunningham, Reformers and Theol. of Reform ., p. 343.

CHAPTER - This difficulty has been equally felt and acknowledged by writers on the doctrine of Philosophical Necessity. For instance, we find Locke (vol. 3, p. 487; fol. ed., 1751) saying, “I cannot have a clearer perception of anything than that I am free, yet I cannot make freedom in man consistent with omniscience and omnipotence in God, though I am as fully persuaded of both as of any truth I most firmly assent to.” Locke in philosophy was a necessitarian. Sir William Hamilton, a libertarian, expresses similar views on this question: “How , therefore, I repeat, moral liberty is possible in man or God, we are utterly unable speculatively to understand. But, practically, the fact that we are free is given to us in the consciousness of an uncompromising law of duty, in the consciousness of our moral accountability.” “Liberty is thus shown to be inconceivable, but not more than its contradictory necessity; yet, though inconceivable, liberty is shown also not to be impossible.” (Discussions, pp. 624, 630.)

CHAPTER - Fe1ice, Hist. Prof. France, vol. 1, p. 36. 2 Cunningham, Reformers and Theol. of Reform., p. 295. 3 Paul Lacroix-Bungener, Calvin, p. 57. 4 M. Nisard, Hist. of French Lit. 5 “Potontissimo Illustrissimoque Monarchae, Francisco, Francorum Regi Christianissimo, Principi suo, Joannes Calvinus, pacem ac salutem in Christo precatur.” (Praefatio ad Regem Galliae—Calvini Opp., vol. 9.) 6 Praefatio ad Regem Galliae. 7 Praefatio ad Regem Galliae. 8 “Cur? Nisi quia illis Deus venter est, culina religio.”(Praefatio ad Regem Galiae.) 9 Praefatio ad Regem Galiae. 10 Praefatio ad Regem Galliae.

BOOK FIFTH

CHAPTER - De Bello Gallico, 1. 6. 2 Spon, Hist. de Geneve, 3, p. 108. 3 Ruchat, Hist. Reform. Suisse, tom. 1, p. 325; Lausanne, 1835. 4 Bern MS., discovered by D’Aubigne in the Library at Bern — Hist. Reform. in Europe, vol. 1, p. 47. 5 Advis et Devis de la Source de l’Idolatrie Papale, p. 34 — quoted by D’Aubigne, Hist. Ref. in Europe, vol 1, p. 160. 6 Ibid., p. 80 — quoted by D’Aubigne, vol. 1, p. 161.

CHAPTER - Bonivard, Chron ., 2, 369 — apud D’Aubigne, 1, 257. 2 D’Aubigne, bk. 1, chap. 20. 3 M. Roset, Chron., 103. Ruchat, tom. 1, pp. 330, 331. Gallfie, Mat eriaux, etc., vol. 2, p. 303—apud D’Aubigne, vol. 1, p. 289. 4 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 331. 5 D’Aubigne, vol. 1, p. 321. 6 D’Aubigne, vol. 1, p. 331. 7 D’Aubigne, vol. 1, pp. 338-340. 8 Byron, Marino Faliero, act 2, scene 2. 9 Bonivard, Chron., vol. 2, pp. 424-427. Galiffe, Hist. de Gen eve, vol. 2, pp. 318-323. Journal de Balard, pp. 28-30 — quoted by D’Aubigne, vol. 1, p. 386. 10 Registres du Conseil, December, 1525. 11 Registres du Conseil, March 12, 1526. Journal de Balard, p. 54. Spon, Hist. de Gen eve, 2. 392. Ruchat, 1. 331.

CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 353. Gerdesius, Hist. Evang. Renov., tom. 2, p. 322. (Ecolampadius to Farel, 27th December, 1526. Neuchâtel MS. — quoted by D’Aubigne, vol. 4, p. 266; Edin., 1546. 2 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 353. 3 Ibid., tom. 1, p. 356. 4 J. J. Hottinger, 3. 364. D’Aubigne, vol. 4, p. 268. 5 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 356. 6 Gerdesius, Hist. Reform., tom. 2, p. 322. 7 We have already given a picture of the manners, lay and clerical, of Lausanne in the sixteenth century. See ante, vol. 1, bk. 8, ch. 3, p. 419. 8 Ruchat, tom. 1, p. 357. 9 Ibid., tom. 2, p. 175. 10 Ibid., tom. 2, p. 178. 11 Ruchat, tom. 2, pp. 176, 182. 12 Ibid., tom. 2, p. 179. 13 Farellus Molano. Neuchâtel MS. — quoted by D’Aubigne, vol. 4, p. 323. 14 Ruchat, tom. 2, p. 181. 15 Choupard, MS. — quoted by D’Aubigne, vol. 4, p. 331. 16 Ruchat, tom. 2, pp. 184, 185. 17 Ibid., p. 185. 18 Ruchat, tom. 2, pp. 276, 277.

CHAPTER - Recess de MM. de Bern, MS. Choupard, MS. Chambrier, Hist. de Neuchâtel. Governor’s letter to Princess de Longueville — apud D’Aubigne. Ruchat, tom. 2, pp. 277-280. 2 D’Aubigne, bk. 15, chap. 9. 3Memoire du Sire de Pierrefleur, p. 35. vol. 4, p. 258. Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 23. 4 Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 27. 5 Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 28. 6 Melch. Adam., Vit. Theol., p. 120. Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 25. —German Switzerland differs from French Switzerland or the Swiss Romande, in that the former was evangelised almost entirely by native preachers, as Zwingle, (Ecolampadius, Hailer, etc. Viret was, we may say, the only native Reformer that arose in French Switzerland. It was mainly evangelised by men who had been born beyond its frontier. 7 Ruchat, tom. 3, pp. 31-33. 8 Memoire du Sire de Pierrefleur, p. 74. Choupard, MS. D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 291.

CHAPTER - Memoire de M. de Bellegarde au sujet de l’audience qu’il a eu de S.M. Imperiale touchant les differends que S.A. avait avec ceux de Geneve. This MS. of about 25 pages was discovered by Dr. D’Aubigne in the archives at Turin. (See Hist. Reform. in Europe, bk. 5, chap. 6.) 2 Spanheim, Geneva, Restituta, p. 43. Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 175. 3 Froment, Gestes de Geneve, p. 5. Spon, Hist. de Geneve, tom. 1, p. 467. Choupard, MS. D’Aubigne, tom. 3, pp. 333. 334. 4 Choupard, MS. 5 Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 177. 6 La Saeur J. de Jussie, Le Lerain du Calvinisme, p. 46. 7 Ruchat, tom. 3, pp. 177-180. 8 Froment, Gestes de Geneve. pp. 5, 6. Choupard, MS. Spanheim, Geneva Restituta, p. 43. 9 La Saeur J. de Jussie, Le Levain du Calvinisme, p. 48. 10 Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 179. 11 Badollet MS. in Bern Library — Hist. Helv., quoted by D’Aubigne, vol 3, p. 375. 12 Ruchat, tom. 3, pp. 180, 181, 13 Froment, Gestes de Geneve, pp. 16-18. 14 The prayer and the sermon that followed it have been recorded by Froment himself in his Gestes de Geneve. They are given by D’Aubigne in his History of the Reformation in Europe, bk. 5, ch. 12. 15 Spanheim, Geneva Restituta, p. 52. Froment, Gestes de Geneve, pp. 43, 44. Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 185. 16 Ruchat, tom. 4, p. 186.

CHAPTER - Froment, Gestes de Geneve, p. 48. Spon, Hist. de Geneve, 1, p. 481. 2 Hosea 6. 3. 3 Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 188. D’Aubigne, vol. 3,p. 432. 4 D’Aubigne, vol. 3,p. 433. 5 MS. Archives of Geneva: Letter from Bern, 20th March, 1533. 6 Froment, Gestes de Geneve, p. 51. 7 Spanheim, Geneva Restituta —”solenni sacramento.” Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 190. 8 Ibid. 9 Ruchat, tom, 3, p. 191. 10 Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 193. 11 Choupard, MS. D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 470. 12 Froment, Gestes de Geneve, pp. 55-57. Roset, MS. Chron. Council Registers, 28th March, 1533. D’Aubigne, vol. 3, p. 472. 13 Buchat, tom. 3, p. 194. 14 La Scour J. de Jussie, Le Levain du Calvinisme, pp. 61, 62. D’Aubigne, vol. 3,p. 494, 15 Froment, Gestes de Geneve, p. 59. La Saeour J. de Jussie, Le Levain du Calvinisme, p. 63. Council Registers, 4th and 23rd May, 1533. D’Aubigne, vol. 3,pp. 500, 501. 16 “Permettre à chacun de suivre les mouvements de sa conscience, en telle sorte que personne ne soit constraint.” (Council. Registers, 27th May, 1533.) 17 Roset, MS. Chronicles. Froment, Gestes de Geneve , pp. 62, 63. D’Aubigne, vol. 4, p. 248. 18 D’Aubigne, vol. 4, p. 253. 19 Gaberel. Lettres Patentes de l’Eveque. D’Aubigne, vol, 4, p. 255. 20 Roset, MS. Chronicles, bk. 3, chap. 17.

CHAPTER - Roset, Chron., bk. 3, chap. 21. Registres du Conseil, February 8th and 10th, 1534. 2 Froment, Gestes de Geneve, p. 82. Registres du ConseiI, March, 1534. 3 Ruchat, tom. 3, pp. 325, 326. 4 Ibid., tom. 3, p. 326. 5 Ibid., tom. 3, p. 327. 6 Froment, Gestes de Geneve, p. 125. Roset, Chron., bk. 3, chap. 27. Registres du Conseil, July 31st, 1534, and January 25th, 1537. D’Aubigne, Hist. Reform., vol. 4, pp. 400-402. 7 Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 337. 8 Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 343. 9 Ibid., tom. 3, p. 354. 10 Registres du Conseil, August 23rd, 1534. 11 Misson in 1688 found Geneva still without suburbs. The four suburbs demolished were Rive, St. Victor, St. Leger, and Corraterie. (Misson, vol. 2, part 2, p. 410. Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 379.) 12 “Les Catholiques avaient une pleine liberte de pratiquer publiquement leurs ceremonies, et de faire generalement par toute la ville tous les autres exercices de leur re1igion.” (Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 342.) 13 Registres du Conseil, January 24th, 1534.

CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom 3, p. 330. Gaberel, Hist. Eglise de Geneve , vol. I., p. 115. 2 Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 348. 3 Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 335. 4 Ibid ., tom. 3, pp. 336-337. 5 Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 352. 6 Ibid., tom. 3, pp. 338, 339, 341, 7 Ruchat, tom. 3, pp. 346, 347. Roset Chron., bk. 3, chap. 31. Gaberel, Hist. Eglise de Geneve, vol. 1, pp. 125-128; Geneve , 1853. 8 Gaberel, vol. 1, p. 156, 9 Ruchat, tom. 3, pp. 357, 358. Roset, Chron., 3. 35. 10 Spenser, The Faerie Queene, bk. 1, cant. 4, st. 16. 11 Ruchat, tom. 3, pp. 359, 360. Spanheim, p. 79. Roset, Chron., bk. 3, chap. 35. Gaberel, vol. 1, pp. 156-158. 12 Ruchat, tom. 3, pp. 355, 356, Roset, Chron., 3, 35. 13 Ruchat, tom. 3, pp. 375, 376. Roset, Chron., bk. 3, chap. 50. Spanheim, pp. 25, 26. 14 Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 375. — ”Cervi veretrum, pro Antonii brachio repertum est. O sacrum non ridicuhm modo, sed detestabile et vere pudendum!” (Spanheim, pp. 24, 25.) 15 Ruchat, tom. 3, pp. 378, 379. Gabere1, 1. 128-131.

CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 378. 2 Ibid., tom. 3, p. 378. 3. Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 371. Gaberel, Hist. Eglise de Geneve, vol. 1, p. 161. 4 Ruchat tom. 3, pp. 372, 373. 5 Ibid., tom. 3, p. 375. 6 Ibid., tom. 3, pp. 375, 376. 7 So ran the decree. Calvin had afterwards to complain of the misappropriation of these funds to private uses. 8 Ruchat, tom. 3, pp. 381, 382, Roset, Hist. de Geneve, tom. 1, pp. 371, 372. Roset, Chron., bk. 3, chap. 37. 9 Ruchat, tom. 4, p. 6. 10 Ruchat, tom. 4, p. 7. 11 Ibid., tom. 4, pp. 9-24. 12 Ruchat, tom. 4, p. 15. 13 Ruchat, tom. 4, pp. 24-33. 14 MS. Chouet, p. 40. Roset, bk. 3, chap. 62. Ruchat, tom. 4, p. 108. 15 MS. Chouet, p. 41. Ruchat, tom. 4, p. 109. 16 Roset, bk. 3, chap. 68. MS. Chouet, p. 41. Ruchat, tom. 3, pp. 110, 111. 17 A summary of this Confession will be found in the following chapter. 18 MS. Chouet, p. 41. Ruchat, tom. 3, p. 111. A copy of this first Helvetic Confession from the original document, communicated to M. Ruchat by M. Jacob Bordier, Pastor of the Church of Geneva, and Librarian, is to be found in Ruchat’s History, tom. 4, pp. 111-122. 19 Ruchat, 3, 591, 592. Misson, Travel, 11, 417. 20 “When in the year 1535 the tyranny of the Roman Antichrist had been overthrown and his superstitions abolished, the most holy religion of Christ in its purity, and the Church in its good order, were, by the singular mercy of God, here re-established. And at the same time its enemies having been beaten and put to flight, the city itself, not without the most manifest Divine interposition, was restored to its liberty. The Senate and People of Geneva decreed that this monument, in eternal memory of the event, should be prepared and set up in this place. By this they desire to testify their gratitude to God to all posterity.” — Michael Roset says that a similar tablet was placed above the gate of the Corraterie; and the historical calendar, which is placed before the greater part of the old edition of the French Psalms, translated into verse by Marot and Beza, gives the date of the edict of the Reformation as the 27th of August, 1535.

CHAPTER - Beza, Vita Calvini; Geneva, 1575. 2 Ruchat, 4, 133. 3 Beza, Vita Calvini. 4 Beza, Vita Calvini. 5 Praefatio ad PsaImos —Opp. Calvini. 6 Ruchat, tom. 4, 133. Beza, Vita Calvini. 7 Bungener, Calvin: his Life, his Labours, and his Writings, p. 102; Edin., 1863. 8 Beza, Vita Calvini, 9 Ruchat, tom. 4, pp. 111-122. Bungener, Calvin, pp. 104-108. 10 The Council-General—that is, the People — elected the Council of Two hundred. In 1542 this was changed, and the election given to the Council of Twenty-five. Calvin saw the danger of the step, and conjured the magistrates to allow the Two Hundred to be named at all times by the Council-General. He foretold conflicts in the future, for the people would be sure some time or other to retake the power of which they had been deprived. “It was,” says M. Gaberel, in his History of the Church of Geneva, “perhaps the only time in which Calvin was not listened to. If the election of Two Hundred had been left to the Council-General, the revolutions of the eighteenth century would never have caused blood to flow on the Genevese territory.” (Tom. 1, p. 522.) 11 Two Syndics, four members of the Council of Twenty-five, and six of the Council of Two Hundred. (Ruchat, Tom. 5, p. 158.) 12 Guizot, Hist. France, vol. 3,pp. 236, 237; Lond., 1874.

CHAPTER - Those who condemn Calvin for having forbidden dances, little dream of what sort these dances were. Ruchat, the historian of the Swiss Reformation (tom. 5, p. 244), tells us that there was in Lausanne a society of youths who at certain seasons “paraded the streets entirely naked, or in masques, representing the god Bacchus, dancing and singing lewd songs.” Of a similar kind were the dances in Geneva. These laws, as we have seen in the previous chapter, were already enacted by the Council. Calvin found them in operation when he entered Geneva. 2 Ruchat, tom.4, p. 110. 3 Bungener, Calvin,. p. 110. 4 Roset, MS. Chron. 5 Ibid. Ruchat, tom. 5, p. 57. 6 Ruchat, tom. 5, pp. 57, 58. 7 Beza, Vita Calvini. 8 Beza, Vita Calvini. 9 M. Roset, Chron. de Geneva, bk. 4, chap. 15. 10 Bonnet, Lettres Francaises, tom. 2, p. 575. 11 Roset, MS,. Chron, bk. 4, chap. 18. Ruchat, tom. 5, pp. 65, 12 Roset, MS. Chron. Beza Vita Calvini. Reqistrae, 23rd April, 1538.

CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. 5, pp. 84-86. 2 Morand was minister at Cully, on the shores of Lake Leman. Marcourt was minister at Neuchâtel. Some have said that Marcourt was the writer of the famous Placards, which Florimond Raemond attributes to Farel. These violent manifestoes first thoroughly awoke that spirit of bloody persecution from which the Protestants suffered so long in France. It has never been certainly proved whose work they were, but they are more likely to have emanated from Marcourt than from Farel. 3 Ruchat, tom. 5, pp. 100,101. 4 Ibid., tom. 5, pp. 123,124. 5 Beza, Vita Calvini. Ruchat, tom. 5, pp. 115,116. Bungener, pp. 136-145. 6 Ad J. Sadoletum Responsio —Opp. Jo. Calvini, vol. 8, pp. 105-115; Amstel., 1667. 7 Sleidan, Hist. Reform., bk. 12, p. 245. 8 Sleidan, bk. 12, p. 247. 9 Bungener, p. 152.

CHAPTER - Sleidan, bk. 13, p. 268. 2 Ibid., bk. 13. pp. 267, 268. 3 Calvin’s Letter to Farel, April, 1589 — Jules Bonnet, vol. 1, p. 114. 4 Sleidan, bk. 13., p. 270. Ruchat, tom. 5, p. 151. 5 Sleidan, bk. 13, p. 275. 6 Sleidan, bk. xiii., pp. 276, 277. 7 Letters of Calvin — Jules Bonnet, vol. i., p. 236. 8 Letter to Farel, 11th May, 1541 — Jules Bonnet. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. 11 Letter to Farel, 11th May, 1541-Jules Bonnet. 12 Sleidan, bk. xiv., pp. 278-282. Calvin, Letters, Nos. 63, 65, 67, 70. Paul Henry, Life and Times of Calvin, vol. i., pp. 230-237. 13 M. Adamus, Vita Melancthonis, p. 340. Calvin, however, calls it apoplexy (Ep. 32). Eck died two years later, of a second attack of apoplexy. (Seckendorf, iii. parag. 112.) 14 Sleidan, bk. xiv., p. 283.

CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. v., p. 96. 2 The two foreign pastors, Marcourt and Morand, we find complaining to the Council in February, 1539, of the dissoluteness of Geneva, the masquerades, indecent songs, balls, dances, blasphemies, and of persons walking naked through the town to the sound of drums and fifes. (Ruchat, v. 112.) 3 M. Roset, MS. Chron . Beza, Vita Calvini . 4 Bungener, pp. 147, 148. 5 Ruchat, tom. v., p. 155. 6 Ruchat, tom. v., p. 152. 7 Calvin to Farel, 27th October, 1540 — Jules Bonnet, No. 54. 8 Beza, Vita Calvini. Ruchat, tom. v. p. 157. Letter to James Bernard, 1st March, 1541 — Jules Bonnet, No. 62. 9 Had this been a biography, we should have dwelt at some length on Calvin’s matrimonial negotiations; but in a history such details would press out graver matters. The Reformer devolved on his friends the task of providing a wife for him, They nominated and he exercised a veto. First a lady of noble birth and rich dower was found for him. He did not choose to mate with one above his own degree. He proposed that the lady should learn the French tongue; and, as Calvin had foreseen, she refused. Another lady was named, and Calvin had made advances, but, happily, he discovered in time sufficient reasons for not going farther. At last Bucer proposed one who had lately become a widow, Idelette de Bure, or Van Buren. She was a lady of deep piety, elevation of soul, and Christian courage, “a most choice woman,” says Beza. These were the qualities that suited Calvin. The nuptials took place in the end of August, 1540. She was a girdle of strength to her husband. The reader cannot but remark the similarity of the names, Catherine de Bora and Idelette de Bure. They were noble women, but as the wives, the first of Luther and the second of Calvin, truth stand in a sort of twilight. 10 “Pour la robe de Maistre Calvin.” His salary was fixed at 500 Genevese florins, about £120 sterling of our day. He had besides twelve measures of corn, and two casks of wine. For a dwelling the mansion Freyneville was purchased at 260 crowns.

CHAPTER - Paul Henry, Life and Times of Calvin, vol. i., p. 331. Sleidian, bk. xiv, pp. 284-286. 2 Calvin to Farel; Geneva, 16th Sept., 1541 — Jules Bonnet, No. 76. 3 Calvin: his Life, Labour., and Writings, bk. iii, chap. 1, p. 180. 4 Gaberel, vol. i., pp. 255, 256. 5 Ruchat, v., 158,159. 6 Hist. de l’Eglize de Genève; 1862. 7 Gaberel, tom. i., pp. 269, 270. 8 Calvin: his Life, Labours, and Writings, pp. 186, 187.

CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. v., p. 159. 2 Bungener, p. 208.

CHAPTER - Bungener, p. 207. 2 Ibid ., p. 209. 3 Letter to Viret, July 11, 1547. Roset, Chronicle, 1546 (from MS. extracts by John McCrie, son of the biographer of Knox and Melville). Mr. John McCrie, a young man of the greatest promise, resided some time at Geneva, and made copious extracts from the Town Council Registers, and Roset’s Chronicle, for the use of Dr. McCrie, his father, who then meditated writing the Life of Calvin. The Author was most obligingly favored with the use of these MS. extracts by his late valued friend, the younger McCrie. 4 Ruchat, tom. v., pp. 318-320. Bungener, p. 210. Calvin to Viret, July 11, 1547. 5 Roset, Chronicle (MS. extracts by John McCrie). 6 Ruchat, tom. v., p. 317. 7 Letter to Farel, No. 163 — Bonnet, vol. ii., p. 39. 8 Letter to Viret, No. 211 — Bonnet, vol. ii., p. 135. This scene made so deep an impression on the mind of Calvin that he recalled it seventeen years afterwards, on his death-bed, in his farewell to the ministers of Geneva. 9 Ruchat, tom. v., p. 327. Bungener, p. 215. 10 Roset, Chronicle (MS. of John McCrie). 11 Bezat Calv. Vita, an. 1548. Roset (MS. of John McCrie). 12 Ruchat, tom. v., p. 380.

CHAPTER - Sleidan, bk. 21, p. 485. 2 Sleidan, bk. 21, pp. 491, 492. 3 Ibid., p. 492. 4 Sleidan, bk. 21, p. 492. 5 Ibid p.484 6 Formulaire de consentemen dans la doctrine de la Sainte Cene entre les Eglises de Zurich et de Geneve." (Ruchat, tom. 5, pp. 370-378.) 7 Ruchat, tom. 5, p. 379. Beza, Calvini Vita, ann. 1549. Bungener, p. 297. 8 Some of the Lutherans accused Calvin of having changed sides, and become a convert to Zwingli. To show that the charge is without foundation, Ruchat quotes Calvin's statements of the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, first in 1535, in the Institutes, and secondly in 1537, in the Formulary of Union presented to Bern. These are to the following effect:—First: “In the Lord's Supper there is neither transubstantiation, nor con-substantiation, nor impanation, nor any other change physical or corporeal.” Second: “The Sacrament is not an empty sign, but in it we truly partake of the body and blood of Christ by faith.” (Ruchat, tom. 5, pp. 379, 380.) Similar is his statement to Bullinger: "We are thereby made partakers of the body and blood of Christ, so that he dwells in us and we in him, and thus enjoy his universal benefits.” (P. Henry, vol. 2, pp. 78, 79.) 9 “Miraculum Italiae." 10 “John a Lasco was a member of a Polish family which had given many distinguished names to the State, the camp, and the Church. He was the intimate friend of Erasmus and other scholars, a correspondent of the Queen of Navarre and other royal persons. Zwingli first sowed the seeds of the Protestant truth in his mind. He became the founder of the Reformed Church of Friesland, but his views on the Lord's Supper corresponding with those of the Swiss Church, he was persecuted by the Lutherans. He was invited to England by the Protector Somerset and Archbishop Cranmer. He left England on the accession of Queen Mary, and ultimately settled in Poland, where he labored, not without success, in the Reformation of the Polish Church. (See Strype, Memorials of Cranmer; Mc Crie, Italy; Krasinski, Slavonia.) 11 Daughter of Louis XII., and who but for the Salic law, or as she herself expressed it, the circumstance that nature had denied her a beard, would have been sovereign of France.

CHAPTER - Not to be confounded, as Lupus has done, with Andrew Servetus, Professor of Law at Bologna, and afterwards Senator of the Kingdom of Arragon. 2 Henricus Ab. Allwoerden, Historia Michaelis Serveti, p. 7; Helmstadt, 1727. 3 Allwoerden, p. 33. 4 Ibid., p.39. 5 Bungener, p. 240. His theory of the circulation of the blood occurs in bk. 5 of the above work. It is given by Allwoerden in the appendix to his Historia Michaelis Serveti, pp. 232-234. A striking proof, surely, of the subtle, penetrating intellect of the man, and of the benefits he might have conferred on the world, had his genius been wisely directed. 6 Allwoerden, pp. 23-26. P. Henry, 2, pp. 167-176. 7 De Trin. Error., lib. 7, fol. 3, 6—apud P. Henry, vol. 2, pp. 167-169. 8 Allwoerden, p. 42. 9 Letters of Calvin—Jules Bonnet, vol. 2, No. 154: “Sed nolo fidera meam interponere, nam si venerit, modo valeat mea authoritas, vivum exire non paitar.” The original letter is in the Bibliotheque du Rot at Paris. The author was told by his late friend, the younger McCrie, that he examined the letter, and was sorrowfully convinced of its authenticity. Bolsec quotes a letter of Calvin's to Viret to the same effect, but its authenticity is doubtful. 10 The doom which the Reformers awarded to others for false dogmas, they accepted for themselves, should they teach what was contrary to the faith. "When I read Paul's statement," says Farel, writing to Calvin, "that he did not refuse to suffer death if he had in any way deserved it, I saw clearly that I must be prepared to suffer death if I should teach anything contrary to the doctrine of piety. And I added that I should be most worthy of any punishment whatever if I should seduce any one from the faith and doctrine of Christ.” (8th September, 1553— Calvini Op., tom. 9, p. 71.) If we condemn the Reformers for their intolerance, we surely cannot but admire their devotion. 11 Allwoerden, p. 54. 12 “One of the syndics, at my instigation, committed him to prison.” (To Sultzer, 9th September, 1553.) Spon, in his History of Geneva, says that Servetus had begun to dogmatise in the city. Bolsec says that he was arrested on the day of his arrival. It is now generally admitted that he remained a month in Geneva. 13 Registers of the Council, 14th August, 1553. 14 Calvin, Refut. Err. Servet., p. 517. 15 P. Henry, vol. 2, p. 194. 16 P. Henry, vol. 2, p. 195. 17 Allwoerden, p. 71. 18 August 20th, 1553. 20 Calvin, Refut. Err. Servet ., p. 522. 21 Relation du Proces Criminel Intente a Geneve en 1553, contra Michael Servet, redigdee d'apres les documents originaux, par Albert Rilliet; Geneve, 1844.

CHAPTER - Rilliet, Relation du Proces Criminel, etc., p. l60. 2 Ibid., p. 162. 3 Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 38; 4 Rilliet, p. 164. Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 38. 5 Ibid, p. 165. 6 Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 38. 7 Gaberel, Hist. de l'Eglise de Geneve, tom. 1, p. 311. 8 Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 39. 9 Rilliet, pp. 166, 167. Rilliet quotes the passage from the unpublished History of Geneva by Gautier. The sermon was taken down by a notary, translated by Beza, and sent to Bullinger, at Zurich. The sermon, says Rilliet, “is not in the MS. collection at Geneva, where the discourses of the year 1553 are wanting.” 10 Gaberel, tom. 1, p. 312; Geneve, 1853. 11 Bungener, p. 220. 12 Beza, ann. 1553.

CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 39. 2 Rilliet (Tweedie’s translation), p. 107. 3 Ibid., p. 111. 4 Berthelier’s defense of Servetus is mentioned also by Roset (lib. 5, chap. 50, 51), and Beza (ann. 1553). 5 Rilliet, p. 113. 6 Ibid., p. 114. 7 The nature of these errors we have already stated, but it does not concern us to go at large into their truth or atrocity, seeing either way we condemn the burning of Servetus. Our duty is to show, as fairly and clearly as we can, the exact connection which the Reformer and the Reformation had with this sad affair. 8 Rilliet, pp. 120, 121. 9Ibid., p. 122. 10 Allwoerden, Hist. M. Serveti, p. 109. 11 Rilliet, p. 131. Such is the dispassionate judgment of one who has thoroughly weighed the documentary and historical evidence of this melancholy affair, and who has suffered himself to be blinded by no veneration for Calvin, or sympathy with his work. 12 Rilliet, p. 140. 13 See previous chapter. 14 Rilliet, p. 163. 15 Rilliet, p. 171. 16 Rilliet, pp. 179-181. 17Ibid., pp. 184, 185. Ruchat, tom. 6, p.41.

CHAPTER - Rilliet, p. 189. 2 The replies of the magistrates and pastors of the four cities will be found in Ruchat, tom. 6, pp. 43-48; and Dr. Tweedie’s translation of Rilliet, Relation du Proces Criminel, Etc. (Appendix). 3 Gaberel, tom. 2, p. 256. 4 Rilliet, p. 205. 5 Ibid., p. 208. 6 We have followed chiefly in this narration the authority of Rilliet, because he has examined all the existing documents, and speaks throughout with the dispassionateness of a judge. Any bias he indicates is in favor of Servetus, and against Calvin. 7 Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 51. Henry, Life of Calvin, vol. 2, p. 218; Lond., 1849. 8 tom. 2, p. 262. 9 Rilliet, p. 212. Ruchat, tom. 5, p. 51. Henry, vol. 2, pp. 218, 219. 10 Rilliet, p. 213. 11 Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 51. 12 Allwoerden, p. 113. 13 Gaberel, tom. 2, p. 264.—On both sides we see a resoluteness, a tenacity, and a depth of conviction which many in this age will have great difficulty in understanding. On the one side there is not a word of yielding; on the other not a word of consolation. It does not seem to have occurred to Servetus, to his credit be it said, to save himself by a false retractation; nor does Farel believe it possible to utter one word of comfort or hope till Servetus has been brought to renounce those doctrines which he held to be fatal. This imparts to the one side the air of obstinacy, to the other the aspect of severity. The earnestness of the sixteenth century is, we believe, the key to a scene that appears to us extraordinary. 14 On the level or summit of Champel, says Rilliet, and not at the spot called Champ du Bourreau, should be placed the theater of executions. The latter place was the cemetery of the executed. (Relation, etc., p. 222, foot-note.) 15 Servetus supplicated Christ as the “Son of the Eternal Father,” but he would not acknowledge him as the “Eternal Son of the Father.” In short, he saw in the Incarnation, not “God in the likeness of flesh,” but flesh in the likeness of God. 16 Allwoerden, p. 123. 17 See extract from Farel’s letter to Hottinger—Ruchat, tom. 6, pp. 51, 52. Calvini Opp.—Refut. Error. Serveti. 18 Allwoerden, p. 124. 19 Ibid., p. 123. 20 Ibid. 21 “Everywhere else but in a Reformed city,” says Rilliet, “he [Servetus] might have perished without his memory recalling anything but a funeral pile and a victim” (p. 223). And we may add that, but for the “fierce light that burns” on Calvin, and the fact that his official duty connected him with the trial, his name would have been scarcely more associated with the death of Servetus than is that of Melancthon or Viret, or any other Reformer who was then alive, and who shared the responsibility of the affair equally with him. 22 Bolsec, the bitterest of all Calvin’s enemies, speaking of Servetus, says that he experienced “no regret at the death of so monstrous a heretic,” and adds that “he was unworthy to converse with men.” (Bungener, p. 239.) 23 We are precluded from hearing Calvin in his own defense, because the death of Servetus was not brought as a charge against him during his lifetime. Still he refers twice to this affair in rebutting general accusations, and it is only fair to hear what he has to say. In his Declaration upon the Errors of Servetus, published a few months after his execution, Calvin says: “I made no entrearies that he might be punished with death, and to what I say, not only will all good people bear witness, but I defy even the wicked to say the contrary.” In he published his Defence of the Secret Providence of God. The book was translated into English by the Reverend Henry Cole, D.D., of Clare Hall, Cambridge. In that work, pp. 128, 129 (English translation), is the following passage, in which Calvin is appealing to his opponents:—“For what particular act of mine you accuse me of cruelty I am anxious to know. I myself know not, unless it be with reference to the death of your great master, Servetus. But that I myself earnestly entreated that he might not be put to death his judges themselves are witnesses, in the number of whom at that time two were his staunch favorers and defenders.” This would be decisive, did the original fully bear out the English rendering. Calvin’s words are— “Saevitiam meam in quo accuses, audire cupio: nisi forte in magistri tui Serveti morte, pro quo tamen me fuisse deprecatum testes sunt ipsi judices, ex quorum numero tunc duo erant strenui ejus patroni.” (Opp. Calvini, vol. 8, p. 646.) The construction of the words, we think, requires that the important clause should be read thus—I myself know not that act, unless it be with reference to your master, Servetus, for whom I myself earnestly interceded, as his judges themselves are witnesses, etc. If Calvin had said that he earnestly entreated that Servetus should not be put to death, we should have been compelled to believe he had changed his mind at the last moment. But we do not think his words imply this. As we read them they perfectly agree with all the facts. Now that M. Rilliet de Candolle has published the whole process, the following propositions are undeniable:—1. That Calvin wished for a capital sentence: he had intimated this as early as 1546 in his letter to Farel. 2. That when the time came the Council of Geneva had taken both the ecclesiastical and civil power into their own hands. 3. That the part Calvin acted was simply his statutory duty. 4. That he had no power either to condemn or save Servetus. 5. That the only party in Christendom that wished an acquittal were the Libertines. 6. That their object was the overthrow of the Reformation in Geneva. 7. That the sentence of the Council was grounded mainly on the political and social consequences of Servetus’ teaching. 8. That Calvin labored to substitute decapitation for burning.

CHAPTER - Bonnet, Letters of Calvin, vol. 2, No. 327 , and footnote, p. 414. 2 Laval., Hist. of Reformation in France, vol. 1, p. 82; Lond., 1737. 3 The names of these five students were Martial Alba, of Montauban; Peter Ecrivain, of Gascony; Charles Favre, of Blanzac in Angoumois; Peter Naviheres, of Limousin; and Bernard Seguin, of La Reole. 4 Bonnet, vol. 2, p. 374, No. 308. 5 Crespin, hist. des Mart. 3, 228-236; Geneva, 1570. 6 Bungener, p. 38. 7 Bonnet, vol. 2, pp. 168-184, No. 229. Bungener, (Calvin, pp. 272, 273. 8 Bonnet, vol. 2, pp. 284-288, No. 273. 9 See Cranmer’s letters to the leading theologians of Switzerland and Germany, reproduced in the collections of his works, published by the Parker Society, as also the collection of Zurich Letters, first series, vol. 1.

CHAPTER - Henry, Life and Times of John Calvin, vol. 2, p. 32; Lond., 1349. 2 Bungener, p. 282. “Doubtless, in many passages, better elucidations have since been found, but it is precisely because his method has been followed.” 3 “In sooth,” says Gaberel, “the work killed the workman.” When we think of only one item of that labor—viz., ninety-six works—written too in the midst of sufferings, it is enough, as Gaberel says, “to give one a dizziness of head.” “His health,” remarks the same writer, “when he first arrived in his future country, was such as would have reduced to inaction any ordinary man. But Calvin knew to subdue his sufferings by the strength of his will. He exhibited in himself the phenomenon which is sometimes seen in the case of great commanders whose dangerous maladies have given place to health on the eve of battle; only what was abnormal in their case was Calvin’s normal condition.” (Gaberel, Hist. Eglise de Geneve, vol. 1, p. 398.)

CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 114. 2 City Registers, January 9th, 1555. 3 Roset, tom. 3, livr, 5, ch. 58—John McCrie’s extracts. 4 Calv. Epp., 385. Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 115. 5 Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 134. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid., p. 135. “Et qu’au reste route liberte hors de Christ estoit servitude miserable.” (Roset, tom. 3, livr. 5, chap. 58-John McCrie’s extracts.) 9 To the Author it appears a remarkable circumstance that the law giving the spiritual supremacy to the Consistory should have been in abeyance for some time before and some time after the affair of Servetus. This has not had the attention paid to it which it deserves. 10 Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 135. 11 Ibid., p. 136. Roset, livr. 5, chap. 65. 12 Whilst the number of refugees was increasing at Geneva and the other towns of Switzerland, their wants were provided for by liberal charitable donations. This was the origin of the Bourse Etrangere, founded at Geneva, the revenues of which are applied, even in our own day, the support of poor students, or the founding of new schools. (Bonnet, Letters of Calvin, vl. 2, p. 430, foot-note.) 13 Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 136. Henry, Life of Calvin, vol. 2, p. 315. 14 Ruchat, tom. 6, p: 137. Reset, tom. 3, livr. 5, chap. 64—John McCrie’s extracts. 15 Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 137. Henry, vol. 2, p. 316. 16 “Estoyent tous grands zelateurs de la liberte publique.” (Roset, tom. 3, livr. 5, chap. 66-John McCrie’s extracts.) 17 Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 138. 18 Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 138.

CHAPTER - MS. Letters, p. 377—apud McCrie, Life of Knox, vol. 1. p. 195; Edin., 1831. 2 Henry, Life of Calvin, vol. 2, p. 318. 3 Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 189. 4Ibid., p. 190. 5 Ruchat, tom. 6, pp. 192, 193. 6 Bolsec, to avenge himself on the Reformer, and reconcile himself with Rome, to which communion he returned, wrote a bitter and calumnious book, which he entitled a Life of Calvin. 7 Bungener, Calvin: his Life, etc ., p. 237. 8 Bungener, pp. 300, 301. 9 Bungener, p. 302. 10 Bungener, p. 302. 11 Ibid., pp. 304, 305. 12 Henry, Life of Calvin , vol. 1, p. 401. 13 Ibid., p. 402.

CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. 6, p, 307. 2 Roset, chap. 42—John McCrie’s extracts. Ruchat, tom. 6, p. 307. Bungener, pp. 332-335. 3 Bungener, pp. 335, 336. 4 Hottinger, p. 890. Ruchat,tom. 7, p. 41. 5 Henry, Life, vol. 2, p. 416. 6 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 270. 7 Bungener, pp. 339, 340. 8 Ruchat,tom. 7, p. 44. 9 Ibid.

CHAPTER - “A son abbaye (cercle).”—Gaberel. 2 Gaberel, tom. 1, p. 389. 3 Gaberel, tom. 1, p. 390. 4 Bungener, p. 226. 5 Misson, vol. 2, part 1, p. 275. Besides the names mentioned in the text, Misson gives a list of other Italian families which settled at Geneva— De la Rue, Diodati, Boneti, Franconi, Martini, Rubbati, and many others. (Vol. 2, part 2, pp. 436, 437.)

CHAPTER - Ruchat, tom. 7, p. 41. (translation) “Crato unus ex ealcographis nostris Witemberga nuper redfit qui literas attulit a Luthero ad Bucerum in quibus ira scripturn erat: Salute,. mihi Sturmium et Calvinurn reverenter, quorum libellos singulari cure voluptate legi. (Jam reputa quid illic de eucharistia dicam. Cogira Lutheri ingenuitatem. Facile erit statuere quid causae habeant, qui tam pertinaciter ab eo dissident.) Philippus autem ita scribebat: Lutherus et Pomeranus Calvinurn et Sturmium jusserunt salutari. Calvinus magnam gratiam iniit. Hoc vero per nuntium jussit Philippus narrari: Quosdam ut Martinurn exaspcrarent illi indicassc quam odiosc a me una cum suis notaretur. Locum ergo inspexisse, et sensisse sine dubio illic se attingi. Tandem ita fuisse locutum, spero quidem ipsum dim de nobis melius sensurum, sed aequum est a bono ingenio nos aliquid ferre. (Tanta moderatione si non frangimur sumus plane saxci. Ego vero fractus sum. Itaque satisfactionem scripsi quae praefationi in Epistolam ad Romanos inseretur. Si nondum lcgisti Philippum de autoritatc Ecclesiae cupio ut legas. Videbis multo cordatiorcm quam apparebat in aliis scriptis.) Salutant to amantissime Capito, Bucerus, Sturmius, Hedio, Bedrottus et alii. Tu etiam velim salutes non vulgartier omnes fratres. Vale, frater optatissime.—Argentorati, 12 Calend Dec. (1539).” [TRANSLATION.] “Crato, one of our engravers, lately returned from Wittenberg, brought letters from Luther to Bucer, in which he thus writes:—‘Salute for me most respectfully Sturm and Calvin, whose books I have read with singular pleasure.’ Now recall what I have there said concerning the Eucharist; think of Luther’s noble-heartedness. It will be easy for you to see how little cause those have who so pertinaciously dissent from him. Philip, however, wrote thus:—‘Luther and Pomeranus have desired Calvin and Sturm to be greeted. Calvin has acquired great favor with them.’ Philip, moreover, desired the messenger to tell me that certain persons, in order to exasperate Martin, have shown him a passage in which he and his friends were censured by me. Thereupon he examined the passage, and felt that without doubt he was aimed at. At length he expressed himself thus—‘I hope Calvin will one day think better of us; but it is well meanwhile that he should have a proof of our good disposition towards him.’ If such moderation do not affect us, we are stones. For myself, I am melted, and have given myself the satisfaction of saying so in the preface to the Epistle to the Romans. If you have not yet read Philip on the authority of the Church, I desire you may read it. You will see how much more moderate he is than he appears in his other writings. Capito, Bucer, Sturm, Hedio, Bedrot, and others, salute thee most lovingly. Greet for me most warmly all the brethren. Most choice brother, farewell.—Strasburg, 12th Dec. (1539).” 2 Ruchat, tom. 7, p. 41. 3 Spon, Not., pp. 309-311. Ruchat,tom. 7, p. 42. 4 Ruchat,tom. 7, p. 43. 5 Farel made yet one more journey. In the spring of the following year, 1565, he went to Metz, the scene of his earliest labors, where he preached. The effort appears to have been too much for him, for soon after his return to Neufchatel he died of exhaustion. 6 Gaberel, tom. 1, p. 405. 7 Bungener, p. 348. 8 When, a few years ago, the Author visited the Plain-palais at Geneva, he found a pine tree, and a stone of about a foot square, with the letters “J. C.” inscribed on it, marking the supposed spot of Calvin’s interment.

CHAPTER - Beza, Vita Calvini. Ruchat,tom. 7, p. 46. 2 Gaberel, tom. 1, p. 466; 1858-1862 3 Geschichte der Presbyterial-und Synodalverfassung seit der Reformation. Von G. V. Lechler, Knittilingen. Pages 6, 7. Leyden, 1854. 4 Ibid., p. 8. 5 For a statement in full of Luther’s views on the constitution of the Church, see ante, bk. 9, chap. 12. 6 Corp. Reform., ed. Bretschneider, vol. 4, p. 542. 7 Corp. Reform., vol. 3, p. 965. Lechler, Geschichte der Presbyt., etc., pp. 8, 9. 8 Lechler, Geschicte der Presbyt., etc., pp. 14-16. 9 Christoffel, Life of Zwinqle, p. 160. 10 Ibid., pp. 160-170.

BOOK SIXTH

CHAPTER - Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, bk. 2, sec. 4, p. 138; Lond., 1874. 2 Ibid., pp. 138, 139. 3 Ranke, bk. 2, sec. 4, pp. 138, 139. 4 Ibid., p. 140.

CHAPTER - Ranke, bk. 2, sec. 4, p. 143, foot-note. 2 Duller, The Jesuits, pp. 10, 11. Ranke, bk. 2, sec. 4. pp. 143, 144. 3 Homo Orat. a J. Nouet, S.J. 4 Duller, p. 12. 5 “Raised to the government of the church Militant.”

CHAPTER - Bouhours, Life of Ignatius, bk. 1, p. 248. 2 See Mariani, Life of Loyola; Rome. 1842—English translation by Card. Wiseman’s authority; Lond., 1847. Bouhours, Life of Ignatius, bk. 3, p. 282. 3 Report on the Constitutions of the Jesuits, delivered by M. Louis Rene de Caraduc de la Chalotais, Procureur-General of the King, to the Parliament of Bretagne; 1761. In obedience to the Court. Translated from the French edition of 1762. Lond., 1868. Pages 16, 17. 4 “Solus praepositus Generalis autoritatem habet regulas condendi.” (Can. 3rd., Congreg. 1, p. 698, tom. 1.) 5 Chalotais, Report on the Constitutions of the Jesuits, pp. 19-23. 6 Duller, p. 54. 7 Such was their number in 1761, when Chalotais gave in his Report to the Parliament of Bretagne. 8 Chalotais’ Report. Duller p. 54. 9 Constit. Societatis Jesu, pars. 1, cap. 4, sec. 1, 2. 10 Examen 3 and 4, sec. 1 and 2—Parroisien, Principles of the Jesuits, pp. 16-19; Lond., 1860. 11 Constit. Societatis Jesu, pars. 3, cap. 2, sec. 1, and pars, 5, cap. 4, sec. 5- Parroisien, p. 22. 12 Ibid., pars. 4, cap. 3, sec. 2. 13 Ibid., pars. 8, cap. 1, sec. 2. 14 Examen 6, sec. 1. 15 Constit. Societatis Jesu, pars. 1, cap. 2, sec. 2. 16 Ibid., pars. 8, cap. 3, A. 17 “Locum Dei teneti.” (Constit. Societatis Jesu, pars. 5, cap. 4, sec. 2.) 18 Constit. Societatis Jesu, pars. 7, cap. 1, sec. 1. 19 Chalotais, Report Const. Jesuits, p. 62. 20 Constit. Societatis Jesu, pars. 6, cap. 1, sec. 1. 21 Constit. Societatis Jesu, pars. 6, cap. 1, sec. 1. 22 The Jesuits. By Alexander Duff, D.D., LL.D. Pages 19, 20. Edin., 1869.

CHAPTER - Father Antoine Escobar, of Mendoza. He is said by his friends to have been a good man, and a laborious student. He compiled a work in six volumes, entitled Exposition of Uncontroverted Opinions in Moral Theology. It afforded a rich field for the satire of Pascal. Its characteristic absurdity is that its questions uniformly exhibit two faces—an affirmative and a negative—so that escobarderie became a synonym in France for duplicity. 2 Ferdinand de Castro-Palao was a Jesuit of Spain, and author of a work on Virtues and Vices, published in 1621. 3 Escobar. tr. 1, ex. 2, n. 21; and tr. 5, ex. 4, n. 8. Sirmond, Def. Virt., tr. 2, sec. 1. 4 It is of no avail to object that these are the sentiments of individual Jesuits, and that it is not fair to impute them to the society. It was a particular rule in the Company of Jesus, “that nothing should be published by any of its members without the approbation of their superiors.” An express order was made obliging them to this in France by Henry III., 1583, confirmed by Henry IV., 1603, and by Louis XIII., 1612. So that the whole fraternity became responsible for all the doctrines taught in the books of its individual members, unless they were expressly condemned. 5 Probabilism will be denied, but it has not been renounced. In a late publication a member of the society has actually attempted to vindicate it. See De l’Existence et de l’Institute des Jesuites. Par le R, P. de Ravignan, de la Compagnie de Jesus. Paris, 1845. Page 83. 6 Pascal. Provincial Letters, p. 70; Edin., 1847. 7 The Provincial Letters. Letter 8, p. 96; Edin., 1847. 8 In Praxi, livr. 21, num. 62. 9 De Just., livr. 2, c. 9, d. 12, n. 79. 10 De Spe, vol. 2, d. 15, sec. 4. 11 De Sub. Pecc., diff. 9. 12 Sanchez, Mor. Theol ., livr. 2, c. 39, n. 7.

CHAPTER - “A quocumque privato potest interfici.”—Suarez (1, 6, ch. 4)— Chalotais, Report Constit. Jesuits, p. 84. 2 “There are,” adds M. de la Chalotais, in a footnote, “nearly 20,000 Jesuits in the world [1761], all imbued with Ultramontane doctrines, and the doctrine of murder.” That is more than a century ago. Their numbers have prodigiously increased since. 3 Maxiana,. De Rege et Regis Institutione, lib. 1, cap. 6, p. 61, and lib. 1, cap. 7, p. 64; ed. 1640. 4 Sanch. OP. Mot., pars. 2, lib. 3, cap. 6. 5 Mor. Quest. de Christianis 0fficiis et Casibus Conscientice, tom. 2, tr. 25, cap. 11, n. 321-328; Lugduni, 1633. 6 It is easy to see how these precepts may be put in practice in swearing the oath of allegiance, or promising to obey the law, or engaging not to attack the institutions of the State, or to obey the rules and further the ends of any society, lay or clerical, into which the Jesuit may enter. The swearer has only to repeat aloud the prescribed words, and insert silently such other words, at the fitting places, as shall make void the oath, clause by clause—nay, bind the swearer to the very opposite of that which the administrator of the oath intends to pledge him to. 7 Stephen Bauny, Som. des Peches; Rouen, 1653. 8 Crisis Theol., tom. 1, disp. 6, sect. 2, Section 1, n. 59. 9 Praxis Fori Poenit., tom. 2, lib. 21, cap. 5, n. 57. 10 In Proecep. Decal., tom. 1, lib. 4, cap. 2, n. 7, 8. 11Cursus Theol., tom. 5,disp. 36, sec. 5, n. 118. 12 Cens., pp. 319, 320—Collation faite d la requete de l’U’niversite de Paris, 1643; Paris, 13 Aphorismi Confessariorum—verbo furtum, n. 3—8; Coloniae, 1590. 14 Instruct to Sacerdotum—De Septera Peccat. Mort., cap. 49, n. 5; Romae, 1601. 15 Praxis Fori Peenitentialis, lib. 25, cap. 44, n. 555; Lugduni, 1620. 16 Pascal, Letter 6, pp. 90,91; Edin., 1847.

CHAPTER - See Ephesians 6:14-17. 2 Secreta Monita, cap. 1, sec. 1. 3 Ibid., cap. 1, sec. 5. 4 Ibid., cap. 1, sec. 6. 5 Ibid. (tr. from a French copy, London, 1679), cap. 1, sec. 11. 6 Secreta Monita, cap. 2, sec. 2. 7 Seereta Monita, cap. 2, sec. 5. 8 Ibid., cap. 2, sec. 9, 10. 9 Ibid., cap. 3, sec. 1. “ Praeter cantum.” (Secreta Monita, cap. 3, sec. 3.) 11 Secreta Monita, cap. 4, sec. 1—6.

CHAPTER - Secteta Monita, cap. 6, see. 6. 2 Ibid., cap. 6, sec. 8. 3 Secreta Monita, cap. 6., sec. 10. 4 Secreta Monita, cap. 7, sec. 23. 5 Secreta Monita, cap. 7, sec. 24. 6 Secreta Monita, cap. 9, sec. 1. 7 Ibid., sec. 4. 8 Ibid., sec. 5. 9 Contractus et possessiones”—leases and possessions. (Lat. et Ital. ed., Roma. Con approv.) 10 Secreta Morita, cap. 9, seca 7—10. 11 Ostendendo etiam Deo sacrificium gratissimum fore si parentibus insciis et invitis aufugerit.” (Lat. ed., cap. 9, sec. 8. L’Estrange’s tr., sec. 14.) 12 A Master Key to Popery, p. 70. 13 Seereta Moita, cap. 9, sec. 18, 19. 14 Ibid., cap. 16 (L’Estrange’s tr.); printed as the Preface in the Latin edition. 15 Secrete Menira; Lend., 1850. Pref. by H. M. W., p. 9. 16 Among the various editions of the Secreta Monita we mention the following: — Bishop Compton’s translation; Lond., 1669. Sir Roger L’Estrange’s translation; Lond., 1679; it was made from a French copy, printed at Cologne, 1678. Another edition, containing the Latin text with an English translation, dedicated to Sir Robert Walpole, Premier of England: Lond., 1723. This edition says, in the Preface, that Mr. John Schipper, bookseller at Amsterdam, bought a copy of the Secreta Monita, among other books, at Antwerp, and reprinted it. The Jesuits bought up the whole edition, a few copies excepted. From one of these it was afterwards reprinted. Of late years there have been several English reprints. One of the copies which we have used in this compend of the book was printed at Rome, in the printing-press of the Propaganda, and contains the Latin text page for page with a translation in Italian. 17 The Cabinet of the Jesuits’ Secrete Opened; Lond., 1679.

CHAPTER - Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, book. 2, sec. 7. 2 Duller, Hist. of the Jesuits, p. 83; Lond., 1845. 3 Ranke, book 5, sec. 3. 4 Ranke, book 5, sec. 3. 5 Ranke, bk. v., sec. 3. 6 Ibid.

CHAPTER - Krasinski, Rise, Progress, and Decline of the Reformation in Poland, volume 2, p. 196; Lond., 1840. 2 Krasinski, vol. 2., pp. 197, 198. 3 Sacchinus, lib. 6., p. 172. 4 Steinmetz, Hist. of the Jesuits, vol. 2, pp. 46—48. Sacchinus, lib. 3, p. 129. 5 Steinmetz, lib. 2., p. 59. 6 Duller, Hist. of the Jesuits, pp. 135—138. 7 A Glimpse of the Great Secret Society, p. 79; ed. Lond., 1872. 8 A Glimpse of the Great Secret Society, pp. 78—81. Chalotais, Report to Parl. of Bretagne. 9 Duller, Hist. of the Jesuits, p. 151. 10 “Sotto-scriviamo la nostra morte.” 11 All the world believed that Clement had been made to drink the Aqua Tofana, a spring in Perugia more famous than healthful. Some one has said that if Popes are not liable to err , they are nevertheless liable to sudden death.

CHAPTER - So he himself declared on his death-bed to Bernardino Ochino in 1542. (McCrie, Prog. and Sup. Ref. in Italy, p. 220.) 2 Bromato, Vita di Paolo, tom. 4, lib. 7, sec. 3. Ranke, book 2, sec. 6. 3 Ranke, book 2, sec. 6. 4 See McCrie, Prog. and Supp. Ref. in Italy, chap. 3. 5 Calvin, Comment, on 1st Corinthians — Dedication.

CHAPTER - Istoria Cone. Trent , lib. 14., cap. 9. 2 Ranke, book. 2., sec. 6, p. 157; Lond., 1847. 3 McCrie’s Italy, p 233; Ed., 1833. 4 Ib., pp. 318—320. 5 The Author was conducted over the Inquisition at Nuremberg in September, 1871, and wrote the description given of it in the text immediately thereafter on the spot. Others must have seen it, but he knows of no one who has described it. 6 The Author has described with greater minuteness the horizontal and upright racks in his account of the dungeons underneath the Townhouse of Nuremberg. (See ante, book 9, chapter 5, p. 501.)

BOOK SEVENTH

CHAPTER - Compare Antoine Monastier, History of the Vaudois Church, p. (Lond., 1848), with Alexis Muston, Israel of the Alps~ p. 8 (Lond., 1852). 2 Monastier, p. 123. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. 5 Histoire Generale des Eglises Evangeliques des Vallees de Piedmont, ou Vaudoises. Par Jean Leger. Part 2, pp. 6,7. Leyden, 1669. Monastier, pp. 123,124. 6 The bull is given in full in Leger, who also says that he had made a faithful copy of it, and lodged it with other documents in the University Library of Cambridge. [Hist. Gen. des Eglises Vaud., part 2, pp. 7-15.) 7 Muston, Israel of the Alps, p. 10. 8 Leger, livr. 2, p. 7. 9 Ibid., livr. 2., p. 26.

CHAPTER - Monastier, p. 128. 2 Muston, p. 20. 3 Ibid., part 2, p. 234. 4 Monastier, p. 129.

CHAPTER - Monastier, p. 130. 2 Monastier, pp. 133,134. 3 Monastier, p. 134. 4 The Author was shown this pool when he visited the chasm. No one of the Valleys of the Waldenses is more illustrated by the sad, yet glorious, scenes of their martyrdom than this Valley of Angrogna. Every rock in it has its story. As you pass through it you are shown the spot where young children were dashed against the stones—the spot where men and women, stripped naked, were rolled up as balls, and precipitated down the mountain, and where caught by the stump of tree, or projecting angle of rock, they hung transfixed, enduring for days the agony of a living death. You are shown the entrance of caves, into which some hundreds of the Vaudois having fled, their enemies, lighting a fire at the mouth of their hiding-place, ruthlessly killed them all. Time would fail to tell even a tithe of what has been done and suffered in this famous pass. 5 Muston, p. 11. 6 Leger livr. 2, p. 26. 7 Leger, livr. 2, p. 26. 8 Leger and Gilles say that it was Philip VII who put an end to this war. Monastier says they “are mistaken, for this prince was then in France, and did not begin to reign till 1496.” This peace was granted in 1489.

CHAPTER - Monastier, Hist. of the Vaudois, p. 138. 2 Ibid. 3 Gilles, p. 80. Monastier, p. 141. 4 Ruchat, tom. 3, pp. 176, 557.

CHAPTER - George Morel states, in his Memoirs, that at this time there were more than 800,000 persons of the religion of the Vaudois. (Leger, Hist. des Vaudois, livr. 2, p. 27.) He includes, of course, in this estimate the Vaudois in the Valleys, on the plain of Piedmont, in Naples and Calabria, in the south of France, and in the countries of Germany. 2 Gilles, p. 40. Monastier, p. 146. 3 Leger, livr. 2, p. 27. 4 Monastier, p. 153. 5 Leger, livr. 2, p. 29. 6 Leger, livr. 2, p. 29. Monsastier, p. 168. 7 Leger, livr. 2, p. 28. 8 Muston, Israel of the Alps, chapter 8. 9 Leger, livr. 2, p. 29. 10 Monastier, chapter 19, p. 172. Muston, chapter 10, p. 52. 11 Leger, livr. 2, p. 29. 12 First, we do protest before the Almighty and All-just God, before whose tribunal we must all one day appear, that we intend to live and die in the holy faith, piety, and religion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and that we do abhor all herestes that have been, and are, condemned by the Word of God. We do embrace the most holy doctrine of the prophets and apostles, as likewise of the Nicene and Athanasian Creeds; we do subscribe to the four Councils, and to all the ancient Fathers, in all such things as are not repugnant to the analogy of faith.” (Leger, livr. 2, pp. 30,31.) 13 See in Leger (livr. 2, pp. 30,31) the petition of the Vaudois presented “Au Serenissime et tres-Puissant Prince, Philibert Emanuel, Duc de Saveye, Prince de Piemont, notre tres-Clement Seigneur” (To the Serene and most Mighty Prince, Philibert Emmanuel, Duke of Savoy, Prince of Piedmont, our most Gracious Lord). 14 See in Leger. (livr. 2, p. 32), “A la tres-Vertueuse et tres-Excellente Dame, Madame Marguerite de France, Duchesse de Savoye et de Berry” — “the petition of her poor and humble subjects, the inhabitants of the Valleys of Lucerna and Angrogna, and Perosa and San Martino, and all those of the plain who call purely upon the name of the Lord Jesus.”

CHAPTER - Muston p. 68. 2 Muston, p. 72. 3 Muston, p. 69. Monastier, p. 178. 4 Mustn, p. 70. Monastier, pp. 176,177. 5 Muston, p. 71. Monastier, pp. 177,178. 6 Muston, p. 72. Monastier, p. 182. 7 Letter of Scipio Lentullus, Pastor of San Giovanni, (Leger, Hist. des Eglises Vaud., livr. 2, p. 35). 8 So says the Pastor of Giovanni, Scipio Lentullus, in the letter already referred to. (Leger livr. 2, p. 35.) 9 Letter of Scipio Lentullus. (Leger, livr. 2, p. 35.) Muston, pp. 73,74. 10 Leger livr. 2, p. 35. Monastier, pp. 184,185. 11 Leger, livr. 2, p. 35. 12 Muston, p. 77. Monastier, pp. 186,187.

CHAPTER - Muston, p. 78. 2 Monastier, p. 188. Muston, p. 78. 3 Muston, pp. 78,79. 4 Monastier, p. 190. Muston, p. 80. 5 Monastier, p. 191. 6 Leger, part 2, p. 36. Gilles, chapter 25. 7 Ibid., part 2, p. 37. 8 Muston, p. 83. 9 Ibid. Monastier, p. 194. 10 Leger, part 2, p. 37. Muston, p. 85. 11 The Articles of Capitulation are given in full in Leger, part 2, pp. 38-40. 12 Leger, part 2, p. 41.

CHAPTER - Muston, p. 37. 2 Leger, part 2, p. 333. 3 McCrie, Italy, pp. 7,8. 4 Muston, lsraet of the Alps, p. 38. 5 Perrin, Histoire des Vaudois, p. 197. Monastier, pp. 203,204. 6 Muston, p. 38. Monastier and McCrie say that the application for a pastor was made to Geneva, and that Paschale set out for Calabria, accompanied by another minister and two schoolmasters. It is probable that the application was made to Geneva through the intermediation of the home Church. 7 McCrie, p. 324. 8 Monastier, p. 205. 9 McCrie, p. 325. 10 Ibid., pp. 325—327. 11 Ibid., pp. 326, 327.

CHAPTER - Leger, part 2, p. 333. McCrie, p. 303. Muston, p. 41. 2 Monastier, p. 206. 3 McCrie, p. 304. 4 Pantaleon, Rerum in Ecclesiastes Gest. Hist., f. 337,338. De Porta, tom. 2, pp. 309,312—ex McCrie, pp. 305,306. 5 Crespin, Hist. des Martyrs, fol. 506—516. Leger, part 1, p. 204, and part 2, p. 335. 6 Sextus Propertius (Cranstoun’s translation), p. 119.

CHAPTER - Muston, chapter 16. Monastier, chapter 21. 2 See the letter in full in Leger, part 1, pp. 41—45. 3 Muston, p. 98. 4 Monastier, p. 222. 5 Muston, p. 111. 6 Monastier, p. 241. 7 Muston, pp. 112,113. Antoine Leger was uncle of Leger the historian. He had been tutor for many years in the family of the Ambassador of Holland at Constantinople. 8 Monastier, chapter 18. Muston, pp. 242,243.

CHAPTER - Musto, p. 126. 2 Muston, p. 129. 3 Leger, part 2, chapter 6, pp. 72,73. 4 Muston, p. 130. 5 Leger, part 2, chapter 8, p. 94. 6 Monastier, p. 265. 7 Leger, part 2, pp. 95,96. 8 Ibid., part 4, p. 108. 9 Monastier, p. 267. 10 Muston, p. 135. 11 Leger, part 2, pp. 108,109. 12 Leger part 2, p. 110. 13 So says Leger, Who was an eye-witness of these horrors. 14 Monastier, p. 270. 15 Leger, part 2, p. 113. 16 Leger, part 2, p. 111. 17 Leger, part 2, p. 112. 18 The book is that from which we have so largely quoted, entitled Histoire Generale des Eglises Evangeliques des Vallees de Piemont ou Vaudoises. Par Jean Leger, Pasteur et Moderateur des Eglises des Val1ees, et depuis la violence de la Persecution, appele a< l’Eglise Wallonne de Leyde. A. Leyde, 1669. 19 Leger, part 2, p. 113. 20 The sum collected in England was, in round numbers, £38,000. Of this, £16,000 was invested on the security of the State, to pension pastors, schoolmasters, and students in the Valleys. This latter sum was appropriated by Charles II, on the pretext that he was not bound to implement the engagements of a usurper. 21 The History of the Evangelical Churches of the Valleys of Piedmont: containing a most exact Geographical Description of the place, and a faithful Account of the Doctrine, Life, and Persecutions of the ancient Inhabitants, together with a most naked and punctual Relation of the late bloody Massacre, 1655. By Samuel Motland, Esq., His Highness’ Commissioner Extraordinary for the Affairs of the said Valleys. London, 1658.

CHAPTER - Leger, part 2, chapter 11, p. 186. 2 Legcr, part 2, pp. 186,187. 3 Ibid, part 2, p. 187. Muston, pp. 146,147. 4 Leger, part 2, p. 188. Muston, pp. 148,149. 5 Ibid., part 2, p. 189. Monastier, p. 277. 6 Leger, part 2, p. 189.

CHAPTER - Leger, part 2, p. 275. 2 Monastier, p. 311. 3 Monastier, p. 317. Muston, p. 199. 4 Muston, p. 200. 5 Muston, p. 202. 6 Monastier, p. 320.

CHAPTER - Monastier, p. 336. 2 So named by the author of the Rentree, from the village at its foot, but which without doubt, says Monastier (p. 349), “is either the Col Joli (7,240 feet high) or the Col de la Fene~tre, or Portetta, as it was named to Mr. Brockedon, who has visited these countries, and followed the same road: as the Vaudois.” 3 Monastier, p. 352.

CHAPTER - Monastier, p. 356. 2 Monastier, pp. 365,365. 3 The Author was conducted over the ground, and had all the memorials of the siege pointed out to him by two most trustworthy and intelligent guides—M. Turin, then Pastor of Macel, whose ancestors had figured in the “Glorious Return;” and the late M. Tron, Syndic of the Commune. The ancestors of M. Tron had returned with Henri Arnaud, and recovered their lands in the Valley of San Martino, and here had the family of M. Troll lived ever since, and the precise spots where the more memorable events of the war had taken place had been handed down from father to son. 4 Monastier, pp. 369,370. 5 Cannon-balls are occasionally picked up in the neighborhood of the Balsiglia. In 1857 the Author was shown one in the Presbytere of Pomaretto, which had been dug up a little before. 6 Monastier, p. 371.

CHAPTER - Monastier, p. 3S9. The Pope, Innocent XII, declared (19th August, 1694) the edict of the duke re-establishing the Vaudois null and void, and enjoined his inquisitors to pay no attention to it in their pursuit of the heretics. 2 Muston, pp. 220,221. Monastier, pp. 388, 389. 3 Waldensian Researches, by William Stephen Gilly, M.A., Prebendary of Durham; p. 158; Lond., 1831. 4 So deep was the previous ignorance respecting this people, that Sharon Turner, speaking of the Waldenses in his History of England, placed them on the shores of the Lake Leman, confounding the Valleys of the Vaudois with the Canton de Vaud. 5 The Author may be permitted to bear his personal testimony to the labors of General Beckwith for the Waldenses, and through them for the evangelization of Italy. On occasion of his first visit to the Valleys in 1851, he passed a week mostly in the society of the general, and had the detail from his own lips of the methods he was pursuing for the elevation of the Church of the Vaudois. All through the Valleys he was revered as a father. His common appellation among them was “The Benefactor of the Vaudois.” 6 General Beckwlth: his Life and Labors, etc. By J.P. Meille, Pastor of the Waldensian Church at Turin. Page 26. Lond., 1873. 7 “Totius Italiae lumen.”

BOOK EIGHTH

CHAPTER - Millot, Elements of History, volume 4, p. 317; Lond., 1779. 2 Felice, History of the Protestants of France, volume 1, p. 61; Lond., 1853. 3 Fe1ice, volume 1, p. 45. 4 Ibid., volume 1, p. 44. 5 Millot, volume 4, pp. 317,318. 6 Abbe Anquetil, Histoire de France, Tom. 3, pp. 246—249; Paris. 1835. 7 Sleidan, book 19, p. 429. Beza, Hist. Ecclesiastes des Eglises Reformdes du Royaume de France, livr. 1, p. 30; Lille, 1841. Laval, Hist. of the Reformation in France, volume 1, book 1, page 55; Lond., 1737. 8 Davila, Historia delle Guerre Civili di Francia, livr. 1, p. 9; Lyons, 1641. Maimbourg, Hist. de Calvinisme, livr. 2, p. 118; Paris, 1682. 9 Davila, p. 14. 10 Laval, volume 1, pp. 70,71. 11 Thaunus, Hist., lib. 3. Laval, volume 1, p. 71. 12 Davila, lib.1, pp. 13,14. 13 Laval, volume 1, p. 73.

CHAPTER - Laval, volume 1, p. 73. 2 Beza. tom. 1, livr. 2, p. 50. 3 Beza, tom. 1, livr. 2, p. 51. Laval, volume 1, p. 76. 4 Laval, volume 1, p. 78. 5 Beza, tom. 1, pp. 51,52. 6 Ibid, tom. 1, p. 52. 7 Maimbourg, Hist. Calv., livr. 2, p. 94; Paris, 1682. 8 Ibid., livr. 2, pp. 94,95. Laval, volume 1, p. 80. 9 Laval, volume 1, p. 81. 10 Laval, volume 1, p. 82. Beza, tom. 1, p. 59. 11 Beza, tom. 1, p. 59. 12 Maimbourg, 1ivr. 2, p. 95. 13 Beza, tom. 1, pp. 62-64. 14 Laval, volume 1, pp. 83,84. 15 Beza, tom. 1, p. 72. Laval, volume 1, pp. 85,86 16 Havila, Hist. delle Guerre Civili di Francia, lib. 1, p. 13. 17 Laval, volume 2, p. 107. 18 Mezeray. Abr. Chr., tom. 4, p. 720. Laval, volume 1, p. 107. 19 Lava1, volume 1, pp. 109,110. 20 Beza, tom. 1, pp. 122,123. 21 Daytin, lib. 1, pp. 17,18. Laval, volume 1, p. 142. 22 Beza, tom. 1, p. 124.

CHAPTER - Flor. de Reemond, Hist. de la Naissance, etc., de l’Heresie de ce Siecle, lib. 7, p. 931. 2 Flor. de Raemond, lib. 7, p. 864. 3 Beta, tom. 1, p. 124. 4 Laval, volume 1, p. 146. Beza, tom. i., p. 125. 5 Beza, tom. 1, p. 135. 6 Beza, tom. 1, p. 108. 7 Lava,l, volume 1, p. 149. 8 Laval, volume 1, pp. 150-152—ex Vincent, Recherchos sur les Commencements de la Ref a< la Rochelle. 9 Beza, tom. 1, p. 109. 10 Felice, volume 1, p. 70. 11 Beza, tom. 1, pp. 109-118. Laval, volume 1, pp. 118-132. 12 Beza, tom. 1, pp. 118-121. Laval, volume 1, pp. 132-139. 13 Synodicon in Gallia Reformata, Introduction, 5, 6; Lond., 1692.

CHAPTER - Davilaj Hist. del. Guer. Civ. Franc., p. 20. 2 Davila, p. 19. 3 Davila, pp. 7,8. 4 Maimbourg, livr. 2, p. 123. Laval, volume 1, p. 170. 5 Ibid., livr. 2, p. 124. Laval, volume 1, p. 171. 6 Fe1ice, volume 1, p. 83. 7 Brantome, tom. 3, p. 204.

CHAPTER - Beza, livr. 3, p. 133. 2 Maimbourg, livr. 2, p. 121. 3 Beza, livr. 3, p. 156. Laval, volume 1, pp. 176-181. 4 Laval, volume 1, pp. 194,195. 5 Laval, volume 1, pp. 193,194. 6 Felice, volume 1, p. 91. 7 Beza, livr. 1, p. 145. 8 Ibid., livr. 1, p. 146. Laval, volume 1, p. 198. 9 Beza, livr. 1, p. 147. 10 Laval, volume 1, p. 200. Fe1ice, volume 1, p. 91. 11 Fe1ice, volume 1, p. 91. 12 Davila, livr. 1, p. 33. With Davila on this point agree Pasquier, De Thou, and D’Aubigne. 13 Bungener, Calvin’s Life, etc., p. 304; Calvin’s Letters, 4. 107. 14 Davila, livr. 1, p. 35. 15 Ibid., livr. 1, p. 36. Laval, volume 1, p. 223. 16 Laval, volume 1, p. 222. 17 Laval, volume 1, p. 226. 18 Guizot, volume 3, pp. 302,303. 19 Laval, volume 1, p. 234. Davila, lib. 1, p. 40. 20 Beza, livr. 3, pp. 162-166. Laval, volume 1, p. 236. 21 Revelation 16. 22 Beza, livr. 3, pp. 183,184. 23 Davila, livr. 2, pp. 47,48. 24 Beza, livr. 3, pp. 220-222. 25 Laval, volume 1, pp. 318,319. 26 Beza, livr. 3, p. 249. 27 Laval, volume 1, p. 338.

CHAPTER - The origin of this word has been much discussed and variously determined. In both France and Geneva the Protestants were called Huguenots. Laval tells us that each city in France had a word to denominate a bugbear, or hobgoblin. At Tours they had their King Hugo, who used, they said, every night to ride through the uninhabited places within and without the walls, and carry off those he met. And as the Protestants of Tours used to resort to these places at night to hold their meetings, they were here first of all in France called Huguenots. Beza, De Thou, and Pasquier agree in this etymology of the word. Others, and with more probability, derive it from the German word Eidgenossen, which the French corrupt into Eignots, and which signifies sworn confederates. It strengthens this supposition that the term was first of all applied to the sworn confederates of liberty in Geneva. Of this opinion are Maimbourg and Voltaire. 2 See Laval, for report of the speeches in the States-General (volume 1, pp. 384-424). 3 Laval, volume 1, p. 482. 4 Ibid. volume 1, pp. 484,485. 5 Fynes Moryson, Itinerary, part 1, p. 181: Lond., 1617. 6 See very lengthened accounts of the debates and whole proceedings of this Conference in Beza’s Histoire des Eglises Reformees au Royaume de France, tom. 1, pp. 308-390; Lille, 1841; and Laval’s History of the Reformation in France, volume 1, pp. 482-587; Lond., 1737. 7 The important part played by colporteurs in the evangelization of France is attested by an edict of Francis II, 1559, in which he attributes the troubles of his kingdom to “certain preachers from Geneva,” and also to “the malicious dispersion of condemned books brought from thence, which had infected those of the populace who, through want of knowledge and judgment, were unable to discern doctrines.” (Memoires de Conde, tom. 1, p. 9; Londres, 1743.)

CHAPTER - (Ewvres Completes de Bernard Palissy, par Paul-Antoine, Recepte Veritable, p. 108; Paris, 1844. 2 Lava1, volume 1, p. 604. 3 Davila, lib. 2, p. 78. 4 Laval, volume 1, p. 623. Fe1ice, volume 1, pp. 139,140. Bayle, Dict., art. Hopital, note 45. 5 Davila, lib. 2, p. 80. Felice, volume 2, p. 146. 6 Laval, volume 1, p. 625. 7 Davila, lib. 3, p. 86. 8 Crespin, Hist. des Martyrs, livr. 8, p. 615; Geneve, 1619. 9 Thaunus, Hist., lib. 29, p. 78. 10 Fe1ice, volume 1, p. 151. 11 Thaunus, Hist., lib. 29, p. 78. 12 Crespin, livr., 8, p. 616. 13 Fe1ice, volume 1, p. 153. 14 Laval, volume 1, p. 34. 15 Laval, volume 2, pp. 57,58. 16 Felice, volume 1, pp. 174-176. 17 Laval, volume 2, p. 42. 18 Memoires de Conde, tom. 1, p. 89. 19 Felice, volume 1, p. 163. 20 Ibid. 21 The terrible array of these edicts and outrages may be seen in Memoires de Conde, tom. 1, pp. 70-100. 22 Agrippa d’Aubigne, Univ. Hist., tom. 1, lib. 3, cap. 2.

CHAPTER - Laval, volume 2. p. 49. 2 Memoirs of Castlenau; Le Labereaur’s Additions-apud Laval, volume 2, pp. 59-64. 3 Gaberel, Histoire de l’Eglise de Geneve, tom. 1, pp. 352-354. 4 Laval, volume 1, p. 64. 5 Davila, lib. 3, p. 93. Mem. de Conde volume 3, pp. 222,319. 6 Laval, volume 2, pp. 71,72.

CHAPTER - Laval, volume 2, pp. 77,86. 2 It is a curious fact that the Franco-German war of 1870 divided France almost exactly as the first Huguenot war had done. The Loire became the boundary of the German conquests to the south, and the region of France beyond that river remained almost untouched by the German armies: the provinces that rallied round the Triumvirate in 1562, to fight the battle of Romanism, were exactly those that bore the brunt of the German arms in the campaign of 1870. 3 Felice, volume 1, p. 161. 4 Ibid. p. 162. Laval, volume 2, pp. 114,115. 5 Fe1ice, volume 1, p. 172. 6 Davila, lib. 3, p. 105. 7 Laval, volume 2, p. 171. 8 Mem. de Conde, tom. 1, p. 97. 9 Laval, volume 2, p. 194. Fe1ice, volume 1, p. 165. 10 Laval, volume 2, p. 182. 11 Brantome, volume 3, p. 112. Laval,volume 2, p. 221. Brown-ing, Hist. of the Huguenots, volume 1, p. 151; Lond., 1829. 12 Laval, volume 2, p. 225. 13 Ibid., volume 2, p. 224. Guizot, volume 3, p. 335. 14 Laval, volume 2, p. 234. 15 Felice, volume 1, p. 166. 16 Laval, volume 2, pp. 237, 238. 17 Mem. de Conde, tom. 1, p. 125. 18 Guizot, volume 3, p. 339. 19 Thaun., Hist., lib. 34, p. 234. Laval, volume 2, p. 235. 20 Laval, volume 2, p. 255. 21 Fe1ice, volume 1. p. 169.

CHAPTER - Davila, lib. 3, p. 147. 2 This chateau has a special and dreadful interest, and as the Author had an opportunity on his way to Spain, in 1869, to examine it, he may here be permitted to sketch the appearance of its exterior. It is situated on a low mound immediately adjoining the city ramparts, hard by the little harbor on which it looks down. The basement storey is loopholed for cannon and musketry, and the upper part is simply a two-story house in the style of the French chateau of the period, with two rows of small windows, with their white jalousies, and a roof of rusty brown tiles. The front is ornamented with two terminating round towers: the whole edifice being what doubtless Holyrood Palace, Edinburgh, was in the days of Queen Mary Stuart—that is, a quadrangular building with a castellated front. The place is now a barrack, but the French sentinel at the gate kindly gives permission for the visitor to inspect the interior. It is a small paved court, having a well in the center, shaded by two tall trees, while portions of the wall are clothed with a vine and a few flowering shrubs. Such is the aspect of this old house, neglected now, and abandoned to the occupancy of soldiers, but which in its time has received many a crowned head, and whose chief claim to glory or infamy must lie in this—that it is linked for ever with one of the greatest crimes of an age of great crimes. 3 De Thou, livr. 37 (volume 5, p. 35). 4 Davila, lib. 3, p. 145. 5 Ibid., lib. 3, p. 146. 6 Mem. de Tavannes, p. 282. 7 Maimbourg, Hist. du Calvinisme, livr. 5, p. 354.

CHAPTER - Davila, lib. 4, p. 168. 2 Ibid, lib. 4, pp. 173-175. Mezeray, tom. 5, p. 104. 3 Vie de Coliqny, p. 346. Davila, lib. 4, p. 193. Guizot, tom. 3, p. 353. 4 Davila, lib. 4, p. 196. 5 Ibid., lib. 4, p. 211.

CHAPTER - Davila, lib. 5, pp. 243,244. 2 Fe1ice, volume 1, p. 193. 3 Davila, lib. v., p. 253. 4 Cominciarono ad adoporarsi le machine destinate nell’ animo del Re, e della Reina condurre nella fete i principali Ugonotti.” (Davila, lib. 5, p. 254.) 5 Maimbourg, Hist. du Calvinisme, lib. 6, p. 453. 6 Felice, volume 1, pp. 195,196.

CHAPTER - Gaberel, volume 2, p. 311. 2 De Vita et Rebus Gestis Pii V, Pont. Maz. Auctore Io Antonio Gabutio, Novariensi Presbytero Congregationis Clericorum Regularium S. Pauli. Lib. 1, p. 5; Rome, 1605. 3 Ibid., lib. 1, p. 7. 4 Ibid., lib. 1, p. 8. 5 Gabutius, Vita Pii V, lib. 1, cap. 5. 6 Ibid., lib. 6, cap. 13-17. 7 Epp. Pii V a Goubau. The letters of Pius V were published at Antwerp in 1640, by Francis Goubau, Secretary to the Spanish Embassy at Rome. 8 Epp. Pii V a Goubau. This letter is dated 28th March, 1569. 9 “Ad internecionem usque.” 10 “Deletis omnibus.” 11 Edit. Goubau, livr. 3, p. 136. 12 These letters are dated 13th April, 1569. 13 Adriani (continuator of Guicciardini) drew his information from the Journal of Cosmo de Medici, who died in 1574. (Guizot, volume 3, p. 376.) 14 Memoires de Tavannes, p. 282. 15 Guizot, volume 3, p. 376. Noue, Discours Polit. et Milit., p. 65. 16 Guizot, volume 3, pp. 376,377.

CHAPTER - Davila, lib. 5, p. 254. 2 Memoires de Sully, tom. 1, livr. 1, p. 28; Londres, 1752. 3 Davila, lib. 5, p. 262. 4 Davila, lib. 5, p. 266. Davila says that she died on the fourth day. Sully says, “le cinquieme jour de sa maladie,” and that the reputed poisoner was a Florentine named Rene. perfumer to the Queen-mother. (Memoires, tom. 1, livr. 1, p. 53.) 5 Sully, tom. 1, livr. 1, p. 36. 6 Guizot, volume 3, p. 380. 7 Gabutius, Vita Pii V, lib. 4, cap. 10, p. 150; Romae, 1605. 8 Lettr. d’Ossat a< Roma, 1599. Besides the letters of Cardinal d’Ossat, ambassador of Henry IV at Rome, which place the facts given in the text beyond all reasonable doubt, there is also the work of Camillo Capilupi, published at Rome in October, 1572, entitled, Lo Stratagema di Carolo IX, Re di Francia, contra gli Ugonotti rebelli di Dio et suoi: descritto dal Signor Camillo Capilupi. See also Mendham. Life of Pius V, pp. 184-187; Lond., 1832. 9 Guizot, volume 3, p. 383. 10 Sully, tom. 1, livr. 1, pp. 37,38. 11 The Abbe Anquetil was the first, or among the first, to propound this theory of the massacre in the interests of the Church of Rome. He lays the blame entirely on Catherine, who was alarmed at the confidence her son placed in the admiral. The same theory has since been elaborately set forth by others, especially by the historian Lingard. The main evidence on which it rests is the statement of the Duke of Anjou to his physician Miron, on his journey to Poland, which first appeared in the Memoires d’Etat de Villeroy. That statement is exceedingly apocryphal. There is no proof that it ever was made by Anjou. The same is to be said of the reported conversation of Charles IX with his mother on their return from visiting Coligny. It is so improbable that we cannot believe it. Opposed to these we have the clear and decided testimony of all contemporary historians, Popish and Protestant, confirmed by a hundred facts. The interior mechanism of the plot is shrouded in mystery, but the result establishes premeditation. The several parts of this plan all coincide: each piece falls into its place, each actor does his part, and the one end aimed at is effected, so that we no more can doubt pre-arrangement than, to use Paley’s illustration, we can doubt design when we see a watch. If farther it is asked, Who is the arranger in this case? the argument of Cui bono? leaves only one answer possible.

CHAPTER - Sully, tom. 1, livr. 1, p. 43. 2 Gulzot, volume 3, p. 378. 3 Margaret is thought to have had a preference for the young Duke of Guise. 4 Platina, Vit. Sore. Pont., p. 300; Venetia, 1600. Both Platina and Gabutius have given us lives of Pius V; they are little else than a record of battles and bloodshed. 5 Sully, tom. 1, livr. 1, p. 54. 6 Brantome, volume 8, p. 184. 7 Davila, lib. 5, p. 269. 8 Maimbourg says that the former occupants were turned out to make room for the new-comers. (Hist. de Calvinisme, livr. 6, p. 469.) 9 Davila, livr. 5, p. 270. Mezeray. 10 Ag. d’Aubigne, Mem., p. 30. 11 Maimbourg, Livr. 6, p. 12 Davila, lib. 5, p. 271. 13 Perefixe, Hist. de Henri le Grand — Brantome, volume 1, p. 261.

CHAPTER - Maimbourg, livr. 6, p. 472. 2 De Thou, livr. 52. 3 Villeroy, volume 2, p. 88. 4 Sully, Memoires. tom. 1, livr. 1, p. 62. 5 Davila, Maimbourg, De Thou, and others, all agree in these facts.— “After having been subjected, in the course of three centuries, at one time to oblivion, and at others to diverse transferences, these sad relics of a great man, a great Christian, and a great patriot have been resting for the last two-and-twenty years in the very Castle of Chatillon-sur- Loing, his ancestors’ own domain having once more become the propertyof a relative of his family, the Duke of Luxembourg.” (Guizot, volume 3, p. 398; Lond., 1874.) 6 Davila, lib. 5, pp. 272,273. 7 Voltaire states in one of the notes to the Henriade, that he heard the Marquis de Tesse say that he had known an old man of ninety, who in his youth had acted as page to Charles IX, and Ioaded the carbine with which he shot his Protestant subjects. 8 Maimbourg, livr. 6, p. 478. Brantome, livr. 9, p. 427.—The arquebus is preserved in the museum of the Louvre. Two hundred and twenty years after the St. Bartholomew, Mirabeau brought it out and pointed it at the throne of Louis XVI— “visiting the iniquities of the fathers upon the children.” 9 Sully, tom. 1, livr, 10 Maimtmurg, livr. 6, p. 485. 11 Guizot, vol. 3, p. 405. 12 Sully, livr. 1, p. 74. De Thou, livr. 52,55. 13 Fenelon’s Despatches—apud Carte. 14 Gaberel, tom. 2, pp, 321,322. 15 McCrie, Life of Knox, vol. 2, p. 217. 16 De Thou informs us that the Cardinal of Lorraine, at that time in Rome, gave the messenger a thousand gold crowns. 17 Consiliorum ad rem datorum. The Author’s authority for this statement is a book in the Bodleian Library which contains an official account of the “Order of Solemn Procession made by the Sovereign Pontiff in the Eternal City of Rome, for the most happy destruction of the Huguenot party.” The book was printed “At Rome by the heirs of Antonio Blado, printers to the Chamber, 1572.” 18 When the Author was in the Library of the Vatican a few years ago, he observed that the inscriptions below Vasari’s frescoes had been removed. Other travelers have observed the same thing. On that account, the Author has thought right to give them in the text. 19 “Gaspar Coligny, the Admiral, is carried home wounded. In the Pontificate of Gregory XIII, 1572.” 20 “The slaughter of Coligny and his companions.” 21 “The king approves Coligny’s slaughter.” 22 “The slaughter of the Huguenots, 1572.”—The group before the exterminating angel consists of six figures; of which two are dead warriors, the third is dying, the fourth is trying to make his escape, a woman in the background is holding up her hands in an attitude of horror, and a figure draped as a priest is looking on. The letters F.P. are probably the initials of the artist, Frederic Bonzagna, called “Parmanensis,” from his being a native of Parma.

CHAPTER - See Laval, vol. 3, pp. 479-481. 2 Davila, lib. 5. 3 Maimbourg, lib. 6, p. 489. 4 Davila, lib, 5. 5 EXPLANATION OFTHE MEDALS. 1. St. Bartholomew Medal. (Described in text, p. 606.) 2. Hercules and the Hydra. Hercules, who represents Charles IX, says, Ne ferrum temnat simul ignibus obsto-viz., “If he does not fear the sword I will meet him with fire.” The hydra symbolises heresy, which, condemning the sword of justice, is to be assailed by war and the stake. 3. Hercules and the Columns. Hercules bore two columns plucked from the ground to be carried farther, even to the Indies; hence the words, Plus ultra—“Yet farther.” Hence the medal in honor of Charles IX with the motto, “He shall be greater than Hercules.” 4. Charles IX is seen on his throne; in his left hand the scepter of justice, in his right a sword twined round with palm, in sign of victory. Some heads and bodies lie at his feet. Around is the motto, “Valor against rebels.” Copies of these medals are in the possession of C. P. Stewart, Esq, M.A., who has kindly permitted engravings to be made of them for this work. 6 “Mourut de chagrin et de langueur en la fleur de son age.” (Maimbourg, lib. 6, p. 490.)

CHAPTER - Laval, vol. 4, p. 530. 2 Inventaire des Meubles de Catherine de Medicis. Par Edmond Bonnaffe Pages 3,4. Paris, 1874. (From old MS. in Bib. Nationale.)