THE FIRST BOOK OF MOSES (GENESIS)
INTRODUCTION
Contents, Design, and Plan of the Book of Genesis The first book of Moses, which has the superscription tyviare in the original, Ge>nesiv Ko>smou in the Cod. Alex. of the LXX, and is called liber creationis by the Rabbins, has received the name of Genesis from its entire contents. Commencing with the creation of the heaven and the earth, and concluding with the death of the patriarchs Jacob and Joseph, this book supplies us with information with regard not only to the first beginnings and earlier stages of the world and of the human race, but also to those of the divine institutions which laid the foundation for the kingdom of God.
Genesis commences with the creation of the world, because the heavens and the earth form the appointed sphere, so far as time and space are concerned, for the kingdom of God; because God, according to His eternal counsel, appointed the world to be the scene both for the revelation of His invisible essence, and also for the operations of His eternal love within and among His creatures; and because in the beginning He created the world to be and to become the kingdom of God. The creation of the heaven and the earth, therefore, receives as its centre, paradise; and in paradise, man, created in the image of God, is the head and crown of all created beings.
The history of the world and of the kingdom of God begins with him. His fall from God brought death and corruption into the whole creation (Genesis 3:17ff.; Romans 8:19ff.); his redemption from the fall will be completed in and with the glorification of the heavens and the earth (Isaiah 65:17; 66:22; 2 Peter 3:13; Rev 21:1). By sin, men have departed and separated themselves from God; but God, in His infinite mercy, has not cut himself off from men, His creatures. Not only did He announce redemption along with punishment immediately after the fall, but from that time forward He continued to reveal Himself to them, that He might draw them back to Himself, and lead them from the path of destruction to the way of salvation. And through these operations of God upon the world in theophanies, or revelations by word and deed, the historical development of the human race became a history of the plan of salvation. The book of Genesis narrates that history in broad, deep, comprehensive sketches, from its first beginning to the time of the patriarchs, whom God chose from among the nations of the earth to be the bearers of salvation for the entire world. This long space of 2300 years (from Adam to the flood, 1656; to the entrance of Abram into Canaan, 365; to Joseph’s death, 285; in all, 2306 years) is divisible into two periods. The first period embraces the development of the human race from its first creation and fall to its dispersion over the earth, and the division of the one race into many nations, with different languages (2:4-11:26); and is divided by the flood into two distinct ages, which we may call the primeval age and the preparatory age. All that is related of the primeval age, from Adam to Noah, is the history of the fall; the mode of life, and longevity of the two families which descended from the two sons of Adam; and the universal spread of sinful corruption in consequence of the intermarriage of these two families, who differed so essentially in their relation to God (2:4-6:8).
The primeval history closes with the flood, in which the old world perished (6:9-8:19). Of the preparatory age, from Noah to Terah the father of Abraham, we have an account of the covenant which God made with Noah, and of Noah’s blessing and curse; the genealogies of the families and tribes which descended from his three sons; an account of the confusion of tongues, and the dispersion of the people; and the genealogical table from Shem to Terah (8:20-11:26).
The second period consists of the patriarchal era. From this we have an elaborate description of the lives of the three patriarchs of Israel, the family chosen to be the people of God, from the call of Abraham to the death of Joseph (11:27-50). Thus the history of humanity is gathered up into the history of the one family, which received the promise, that God would multiply it into a great people, or rather into a multitude of peoples, would make it a blessing to all the families of the earth, and would give it the land of Canaan for an everlasting possession.
This general survey will suffice to bring out the design of the book of Genesis, viz., to relate the early history of the Old Testament kingdom of God. By a simple and unvarnished description of the development of the world under the guidance and discipline of God, it shows how God, as the preserver and governor of the world, dealt with the human race which He had created in His own image, and how, notwithstanding their fall and through the misery which ensued, He prepared the way for the fulfillment of His original design, and the establishment of the kingdom which should bring salvation to the world. Whilst by virtue of the blessing bestowed in their creation, the human race was increasing from a single pair to families and nations, and peopling the earth; God stemmed the evil, which sin had introduced, by words and deeds, by the announcement of His will in commandments, promises, and threats, and by the infliction of punishments and judgments upon the despisers of His mercy.
Side by side with the law of expansion from the unity of a family to the plurality of nations, there was carried on from the very first a law of separation between the ungodly and those that feared God, for the purpose of preparing and preserving a holy seed for the rescue and salvation of the whole human race. This double law is the organic principle which lies at the root of all the separations, connections, and dispositions which constitute the history of the book of Genesis. In accordance with the law of reproduction, which prevails in the preservation and increase of the human race, the genealogies show the historical bounds within which the persons and events that marked the various epochs are confined; whilst the law of selection determines the arrangement and subdivision of such historical materials as are employed.
So far as the plan of the book is concerned, the historical contents are divided into ten groups, with the uniform heading, “These are the generations” (with the exception of 5:1: “This is the book of the generations”); the account of the creation forming the substratum of the whole. These groups consist of the Tholedoth: hd;l]wOT 1. of the heavens and the earth (Genesis 2:4-4:26); 2. of Adam (5:1-6:8); 3. of Noah (6:9- 9:29); 4. of Noah’s sons (10:1-11:9); 5. of Shem (11:10-26); 6. of Terah (11:27-25:11); 7. of Ishmael (25:12-18); 8. of Isaac (25:19-35:29); 9. of Esau (26); and 10. of Jacob (37-50). There are five groups in the first period, and five in the second. Although, therefore, the two periods differ considerably with regard to their scope and contents, in their historical importance to the book of Genesis they are upon a par; and the number ten stamps upon the entire book, or rather upon the early history of Israel recorded in the book, the character of completeness.
This arrangement flowed quite naturally from the contents and purport of the book. The two periods, of which the early history of the kingdom of God in Israel consists, evidently constitute two great divisions, so far as their internal character is concerned. All that is related of the first period, from Adam to Terah, is obviously connected, no doubt, with the establishment of the kingdom of God in Israel, but only in a remote degree.
The account of paradise exhibits the primary relation of man to God and his position in the world. In the fall, the necessity is shown for the interposition of God to rescue the fallen. In the promise which followed the curse of transgression, the first glimpse of redemption is seen. The division of the descendants of Adam into a God-fearing and an ungodly race exhibits the relation of the whole human race to God. The flood prefigures the judgment of God upon the ungodly; and the preservation and blessing of Noah, the protection of the godly from destruction.
And lastly, in the genealogy and division of the different nations on the one hand, and the genealogical table of Shem on the other, the selection of one nation is anticipated to be the recipient and custodian of the divine revelation. The special preparations for the training of this nation commence with the call of Abraham, and consist of the care bestowed upon Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and their posterity, and of the promises which they received. The leading events in the first period, and the prominent individuals in the second, also furnished, in a simple and natural way, the requisite points of view for grouping the historical materials of each under a fivefold division. The proof of this will be found in the exposition. Within the different groups themselves the arrangement adopted is this: the materials are arranged and distributed according to the law of divine selection; the families which branched off from the main line are noticed first of all; and when they have been removed from the general scope of the history, the course of the main line is more elaborately described, and the history itself is carried forward.
According to this plan, which is strictly adhered to, the history of Cain and his family precedes that of Seth and his posterity; the genealogy of Japhet and Ham stands before that of Shem; the history of Ishmael and Esau, before that of Isaac and Jacob; and the death of Terah, before the call and migration of Abraham to Canaan. In this regularity of composition, according to a settled plan, the book of Genesis may clearly be seen to be the careful production of one single author, who looked at the historical development of the human race in the light of divine revelation, and thus exhibited it as a complete and well arranged introduction to the history of the Old Testament kingdom of God. THE CREATION OF THE WORLD The account of the creation, its commencement, progress, and completion, bears the marks, both in form and substance, of a historical document in which it is intended that we should accept as actual truth, not only the assertion that God created the heavens, and the earth, and all that lives and moves in the world, but also the description of the creation itself in all its several stages. If we look merely at the form of this document, its place at the beginning of the book of Genesis is sufficient to warrant the expectation that it will give us history, and not fiction, or human speculation. As the development of the human family has been from the first a historical fact, and as man really occupies that place in the world which this record assigns him, the creation of man, as well as that of the earth on which, and the heaven for which, he is to live, must also be a work of God, i.e., a fact of objective truth and reality.
The grand simplicity of the account is in perfect harmony with the fact. “The whole narrative is sober, definite, clear, and concrete. The historical events described contain a rich treasury of speculative thoughts and poetical glory; but they themselves are free from the influence of human invention and human philosophizing” (Delitzsch).
This is also true of the arrangement of the whole. The work of creation does not fall, as Herder and others maintain, into two triads of days, with the work of the second answering to that of the first. For although the creation of the light on the first day seems to correspond to that of the light-bearing stars on the fourth, there is no reality in the parallelism which some discover between the second and third days on the one hand, and the third and fourth on the other. On the second day the firmament or atmosphere is formed; on the fifth, the fish and fowl.
On the third, after the sea and land are separated, the plants are formed; on the sixth, the animals of the dry land and man. Now, if the creation of the fowls which fill the air answers to that of the firmament, the formation of the fish as the inhabitants of the waters ought to be assigned to the sixth day, and not to the fifth, as being parallel to the creation of the seas. The creation of the fish and fowl on the same day is an evident proof that a parallelism between the first three days of creation and the last three is not intended, and does not exist. Moreover, if the division of the work of creation into so many days had been the result of human reflection; the creation of man, who was appointed lord of the earth, would certainly not have been assigned to the same day as that of the beasts and reptiles, but would have been kept distinct from the creation of the beasts, and allotted to the seventh day, in which the creation was completed-a meaning which Richers and Keerl have actually tried to force upon the text of the Bible. In the different acts of creation we perceive indeed an evident progress from the general to the particular, from the lower to the higher orders of creatures, or rather a steady advance towards more and more concrete forms. But on the fourth day this progress is interrupted in a way which we cannot explain. In the transition from the creation of the plants to that of sun, moon, and stars, it is impossible to discover either a “well-arranged and constant progress,” or “a genetic advance,” since the stars are not intermediate links between plants and animals, and, in fact, have no place at all in the scale of earthly creatures.
If we pass on to the contents of our account of the creation, they differ as widely from all other cosmogonies as truth from fiction. Those of heathen nations are either hylozoistical, deducing the origin of life and living beings from some primeval matter; or pantheistical, regarding the whole world as emanating from a common divine substance; or mythological, tracing both gods and men to a chaos or world-egg. They do not even rise to the notion of a creation, much less to the knowledge of an almighty God, as the Creator of all things. f1 Even in the Etruscan and Persian myths, which correspond so remarkably to the biblical account that they must have been derived from it, the successive acts of creation are arranged according to the suggestions of human probability and adaptation. f2 In contrast with all these mythical inventions, the biblical account shines out in the clear light of truth, and proves itself by its contents to be an integral part of the revealed history, of which it is accepted as the pedestal throughout the whole of the sacred Scriptures. This is not the case with the Old Testament only; but in the New Testament also it is accepted and taught by Christ and the apostles as the basis of the divine revelation. The select only a few from the many passages of the Old and New Testaments, in which God is referred to as the Creator of the heavens and the earth, and the almighty operations of the living God in the world are based upon the fact of its creation: In Exodus 20:9-11; 31:12-17, the command to keep the Sabbath is founded upon the fact that God rested on the seventh day, when the work of creation was complete; and in Psalm 8 and 104, the creation is depicted as a work of divine omnipotence in close adherence to the narrative before us. From the creation of man, as described in Genesis 1:27 and 2:24, Christ demonstrates the indissoluble character of marriage as a divine ordinance (Matthew 19:4-6); Peter speaks of the earth as standing out of the water and in the water by the word of God (2 Peter 3:5); and the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, “starting from Genesis 2:2, describes it as the motive principle of all history, that the Sabbath of God is to become the Sabbath of the creature” (Delitzsch).
The biblical account of the creation can also vindicate its claim to be true and actual history, in the presence of the doctrines of philosophy and the established results of natural science. So long, indeed, as philosophy undertakes to construct the universe from general ideas, it will be utterly unable to comprehend the creation; but ideas will never explain the existence of things. Creation is an act of the personal God, not a process of nature, the development of which can be traced to the laws of birth and decay that prevail in the created world. But the work of God, as described in the history of creation, is in perfect harmony with the correct notions of divine omnipotence, wisdom and goodness. The assertion, so frequently made, that the course of the creation takes its form from the Hebrew week, which was already in existence, and the idea of God’s resting on the seventh day, from the institution of the Hebrew Sabbath, is entirely without foundation.
There is no allusion in Genesis 2:2-3 to the Sabbath of the Israelites; and the week of seven days is older than the Sabbath of the Jewish covenant.
Natural research, again, will never explain the origin of the universe, or even of the earth; for the creation lies beyond the limits of the territory within its reach. By all modest naturalists, therefore, it is assumed that the origin of matter, or of the original material of the world, was due to an act of divine creation. But there is no firm ground for the conclusion which they draw, on the basis of this assumption, with regard to the formation or development of the world from its first chaotic condition into a fit abode for man. All the theories which have been adopted, from Descartes to the present day, are not the simple and well-established inductions of natural science founded upon careful observation, but combinations of partial discoveries empirically made, with speculative ideas of very questionable worth.
The periods of creation, which modern geology maintains with such confidence, that not a few theologians have accepted them as undoubted and sought to bring them into harmony with the scriptural account of the creation, if not to deduce them from the Bible itself, are inferences partly from the successive strata which compose the crust of the earth, and partly from the various fossil remains of plants and animals to be found in those strata. The former are regarded as proofs of successive formation; and from the difference between the plants and animals found in a fossil state and those in existence now, the conclusion is drawn, that their creation must have preceded the present formation, which either accompanied or was closed by the advent of man. But it is not difficult to see that the former of these conclusions could only be regarded as fully established, if the process by which the different strata were formed were clearly and fully known, or if the different formations were always found lying in the same order, and could be readily distinguished from one another.
But with regard to the origin of the different species of rock, geologists, as is well known, are divided into two contending schools: the Neptunists, who attribute all the mountain formations to deposit in water; and the Plutonists, who trace all the non-fossiliferous rocks to the action of heat.
According to the Neptunists, the crystalline rocks are the earliest or primary formations; according to the Plutonists, the granite burst through the transition and stratified rocks, and were driven up from within the earth, so that they are of later date. But neither theory is sufficient to account in this mechanical way for all the phenomena connected with the relative position of the rocks; consequently, a third theory, which supposes the rocks to be the result of chemical processes, is steadily gaining ground.
Now if the rocks, both crystalline and stratified, were formed, not in any mechanical way, but by chemical processes, in which, besides fire and water, electricity, galvanism, magnetism, and possibly other forces at present unknown to physical science were at work; the different formations may have been produced contemporaneously and laid one upon another.
Till natural science has advanced beyond mere opinion and conjecture, with regard to the mode in which the rocks were formed and their positions determined; there can be no ground for assuming that conclusions drawn from the successive order of the various strata, with regard to the periods of their formation, must of necessity be true. This is the more apparent, when we consider, on the one hand, that even the principal formations (the primary, transitional, stratified, and tertiary), not to mention the subdivisions of which each of these is composed, do not always occur in the order laid down in the system, but in not a few instances the order is reversed, crystalline primary rocks lying upon transitional, stratified, and tertiary formations (granite, syenite, gneiss, etc., above both Jura-limestone and chalk); and, on the other hand, that not only do the different leading formations and their various subdivisions frequently shade off into one another so imperceptibly, that no boundary line can be drawn between them and the species distinguished by oryctognosis are not sharply and clearly defined in nature, but that, instead of surrounding the entire globe, they are all met with in certain localities only, whilst whole series of intermediate links are frequently missing, the tertiary formations especially being universally admitted to be only partial.
The second of these conclusions also stands or falls with the assumptions on which they are founded, viz., with the three propositions: (1) that each of the fossiliferous formations contains an order of plants and animals peculiar to itself; (2) that these are so totally different from the existing plants and animals, that the latter could not have sprung from them; (3) that no fossil remains of man exist of the same antiquity as the fossil remains of animals.
Not one of these can be regarded as an established truth, or as the unanimously accepted result of geognosis. The assertion so often made as an established fact, that the transition rocks contain none but fossils of the lower orders of plants and animals, that mammalia are first met with in the Trias, Jura, and chalk formations, and warm-blooded animals in the tertiary rocks, has not been confirmed by continued geognostic researches, but is more and more regarded as untenable.
Even the frequently expressed opinion, that in the different forms of plants and animals of the successive rocks there is a gradual and to a certain extent progressive development of the animal and vegetable world, has not commanded universal acceptance. Numerous instances are known, in which the remains of one and the same species occur not only in two, but in several successive formations, and there are some types that occur in nearly all. And the widely spread notion, that the fossil types are altogether different from the existing families of plants and animals, is one of the unscientific exaggerations of actual facts. All the fossil plants and animals can be arranged in the orders and classes of the existing flora and fauna.
Even with regard to the genera there is no essential difference, although many of the existing types are far inferior in size to the forms of the old world. It is only the species that can be shown to differ, either entirely or in the vast majority of cases, from species in existence now. But even if all the species differed, which can by no means be proved, this would be no valid evidence that the existing plants and animals had not sprung from those that have passed away, so long as natural science is unable to obtain any clear insight into the origin and formation of species, and the question as to the extinction of a species or its transition into another has met with no satisfactory solution. Lastly, even now the occurrence of fossil human bones among those of animals that perished at least before the historic age, can no longer be disputed, although Central Asia, the cradle of the human race, has not yet been thoroughly explored by palaeontologists.
If then the premises from which the geological periods have been deduced are of such a nature that not one of them is firmly established, the different theories as to the formation of the earth also rest upon two questionable assumptions, viz., (1) that the immediate working of God in the creation was restricted to the production of the chaotic matter, and that the formation of this primary matter into a world peopled by innumerable organisms and living beings proceeded according to the laws of nature, which have been discovered by science as in force in the existing world; and (2) that all the changes, which the world and its inhabitants have undergone since the creation was finished, may be measured by the standard of changes observed in modern times, and still occurring from time to time.
But the Bible actually mentions two events of the primeval age, whose effect upon the form of the earth and the animal and vegetable world no natural science can explain. We refer to the curse pronounced upon the earth in consequence of the fall of the progenitors of our race, by which even the animal world was made subject to fqora> (Genesis 3:17, and Romans 8:20); and the flood, by which the earth was submerged even to the tops of the highest mountains, and all the living beings on the dry land perished, with the exception of those preserved by Noah in the ark. Hence, even if geological doctrines do contradict the account of the creation contained in Genesis, they cannot shake the credibility of the Scriptures.
But if the biblical account of the creation has full claim to be regarded as historical truth, the question arises, whence it was obtained. The opinion that the Israelites drew it from the cosmogony of this or the other ancient people, and altered it according to their own religious ideas, will need no further refutation, after what we have said respecting the cosmogonies of other nations. Whence then did Israel obtain a pure knowledge of God, such as we cannot find in any heathen nation, or in the most celebrated of the wise men of antiquity, if not from divine revelation? This is the source from which the biblical account of the creation springs. God revealed it to men-not first to Moses or Abraham, but undoubtedly to the first men, since without this revelation they could not have understood either their relation to God or their true position in the world. The account contained in Genesis does not lie, as Hofmann says, “within that sphere which was open to man through his historical nature, so that it may be regarded as the utterance of the knowledge possessed by the first man of things which preceded his own existence, and which he might possess, without needing any special revelation, if only the present condition of the world lay clear and transparent before him.”
By simple intuition the first man might discern what nature had effected, viz., the existing condition of the world, and possibly also its causality, but not the fact that it was created in six days, or the successive acts of creation, and the sanctification of the seventh day. Our record contains not merely religious truth transformed into history, but the true and actual history of a work of God, which preceded the existence of man, and to which he owes his existence. Of this work he could only have obtained his knowledge through divine revelation, by the direct instruction of God. Nor could he have obtained it by means of a vision. The seven days’ works are not so many “prophetico-historical tableaux,” which were spread before the mental eye of the seer, whether of the historian or the first man. The account before us does not contain the slightest marks of a vision, is no picture of creation, in which every line betrays the pencil of a painter rather than the pen of a historian, but is obviously a historical narrative, which we could no more transform into a vision than the account of paradise or of the fall. As God revealed Himself to the first man not in visions, but by coming to him in a visible form, teaching him His will, and then after his fall announcing the punishment (Genesis 2:16-17; 3:9ff.); as He talked with Moses “face to face, as a man with his friend,” “mouth to mouth,” not in vision or dream: so does the written account of the Old Testament revelation commence, not with visions, but with actual history. The manner in which God instructed the first men with reference to the creation must be judged according to the intercourse carried on by Him, as Creator and Father, with these His creatures and children. What God revealed to them upon this subject, they transmitted to their children and descendants, together with everything of significance and worth that they had experienced and discovered for themselves. This tradition was kept in faithful remembrance by the family of the godly; and even in the confusion of tongues it was not changed in its substance, but simply transferred into the new form of the language spoken by the Semitic tribes, and thus handed down from generation to generation along with the knowledge and worship of the true God, until it became through Abraham the spiritual inheritance of the chosen race. Nothing certain can be decided as to the period when it was committed to writing; probably some time before Moses, who inserted it as a written record in the Thorah of Israel.
GENESIS. 1:1
Verse 1. “In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth.” — Heaven and earth have not existed from all eternity, but had a beginning; nor did they arise by emanation from an absolute substance, but were created by God. This sentence, which stands at the head of the records of revelation, is not a mere heading, nor a summary of the history of the creation, but a declaration of the primeval act of God, by which the universe was called into being. That this verse is not a heading merely, is evident from the fact that the following account of the course of the creation commences with w (and), which connects the different acts of creation with the fact expressed in v. 1, as the primary foundation upon which they rest. tyviare (in the beginning) is used absolutely, like en arch> in John 1:1, and tyviare in Isaiah 46:10. The following clause cannot be treated as subordinate, either by rendering it, “in the beginning when God created..., the earth was,” etc., or “in the beginning when God created...(but the earth was then a chaos, etc.), God said, Let there be light” (Ewald and Bunsen). The first is opposed to the grammar of the language, which would require v. 2 to commence with xr,a, hy;h; ; the second to the simplicity of style which pervades the whole chapter, and to which so involved a sentence would be intolerable, apart altogether from the fact that this construction is invented for the simple purpose of getting rid of the doctrine of a creatio ex nihilo, which is so repulsive to modern Pantheism. tyviare in itself is a relative notion, indicating the commencement of a series of things or events; but here the context gives it the meaning of the very first beginning, the commencement of the world, when time itself began. The statement, that in the beginning God created the heaven and the earth, not only precludes the idea of the eternity of the world a parte ante, but shows that the creation of the heaven and the earth was the actual beginning of all things.
The verb ar;B; , indeed, to judge from its use in Joshua 17:15,18, where it occurs in the Piel (to hew out), means literally “to cut, or new,” but in Kal it always means to create, and is only applied to a divine creation, the production of that which had no existence before. It is never joined with an accusative of the material, although it does not exclude a pre-existent material unconditionally, but is used for the creation of man (v. 27; Genesis 5:1-2), and of everything new that God creates, whether in the kingdom of nature (Numbers 16:30) or of that of grace (Exodus 34:10; Psalm 51:10, etc.). In this verse, however, the existence of any primeval material is precluded by the object created: “the heaven and the earth.” This expression is frequently employed to denote the world, or universe, for which there was no single word in the Hebrew language; the universe consisting of a twofold whole, and the distinction between heaven and earth being essentially connected with the notion of the world, the fundamental condition of its historical development (vid., Genesis 14:19,22; Exodus 31:17).
In the earthly creation this division is repeated in the distinction between spirit and nature; and in man, as the microcosm, in that between spirit and body. Through sin this distinction was changed into an actual opposition between heaven and earth, flesh and spirit; but with the complete removal of sin, this opposition will cease again, though the distinction between heaven and earth, spirit and body, will remain, in such a way, however, that the earthly and corporeal will be completely pervaded by the heavenly and spiritual, the new Jerusalem coming down from heaven to earth, and the earthly body being transfigured into a spiritual body (Rev 21:1-2; 1 Cor 15:35ff.). Hence, if in the beginning God created the heaven and the earth, “there is nothing belonging to the composition of the universe, either in material or form, which had an existence out of God prior to this divine act in the beginning” (Delitzsch).
This is also shown in the connection between our verse and the one which follows: “and the earth was without form and void,” not before, but when, or after God created it. From this it is evident that the void and formless state of the earth was not uncreated, or without beginning. At the same time it is obvious from the creative acts which follow (vv. 3-18), that the heaven and earth, as God created them in the beginning, were not the wellordered universe, but the world in its elementary form; just as Euripides applies the expression ourano’s kai’ gai’a to the undivided mass ( morfh> mi>a ), which was afterwards formed into heaven and earth.
GENESIS. 1:2-5
The First Day.
Though treating of the creation of the heaven and the earth, the writer, both here and in what follows, describes with minuteness the original condition and progressive formation of the earth alone, and says nothing more respecting the heaven than is actually requisite in order to show its connection with the earth. He is writing for inhabitants of the earth, and for religious ends; not to gratify curiosity, but to strengthen faith in God, the Creator of the universe. What is said in v. 2 of the chaotic condition of the earth, is equally applicable to the heaven, “for the heaven proceeds from the same chaos as the earth.” “And the earth was (not became) waste and void.” The alliterative nouns tohu vabohu, the etymology of which is lost, signify waste and empty (barren), but not laying waste and desolating. Whenever they are used together in other places (Isaiah 34:11; Jeremiah 4:23), they are taken from this passage; but tohu alone is frequently employed as synonymous with ˆyiaæ , non-existence, and lb,h, , nothingness (Isaiah 40:17,23; 49:4). The coming earth was at first waste and desolate, a formless, lifeless mass, rudis indigestaque moles, hu’lee a’morfos (Wisdom 11:17) or ca>ov . “And darkness was upon the face of the deep.” µwOhT] , from µWh , to roar, to rage, denotes the raging waters, the roaring waves (Psalm 42:7) or flood (Exodus 15:5; Deuteronomy 8:7); and hence the depths of the sea (Job 28:14; 38:16), and even the abyss of the earth (Psalm 71:20). As an old traditional word, it is construed like a proper name without an article (Ewald, Gramm.). The chaotic mass in which the earth and the firmament were still undistinguished, unformed, and as it were unborn, was a heaving deep, an abyss of waters ( a>bussov , LXX), and this deep was wrapped in darkness. But it was in process of formation, for the Spirit of God moved upon the waters, jæWr (breath) denotes wind and spirit, like pneu>ma from pne>w . Ruach Elohim is not a breath of wind caused by God (Theodoret, etc.), for the verb does not suit this meaning, but the creative Spirit of God, the principle of all life (Psalm 33:6; 104:30), which worked upon the formless, lifeless mass, separating, quickening, and preparing the living forms, which were called into being by the creative words that followed. rchp in the Piel is applied to the hovering and brooding of a bird over its young, to warm them, and develop their vital powers (Deuteronomy 32:11). In such a way as this the Spirit of God moved upon the deep, which had received at its creation the germs of all life, to fill them with vital energy by His breath of life. The three statements in our verse are parallel; the substantive and participial construction of the second and third clauses rests upon the whyth of the first. All three describe the condition of the earth immediately after the creation of the universe. This suffices to prove that the theosophic speculation of those who “make a gap between the first two verses, and fill it with a wild horde of evil spirits and their demoniacal works, is an arbitrary interpolation” (Ziegler).
Verse 3. The word of God then went forth to the primary material of the world, now filled with creative powers of vitality, to call into being, out of the germs of organization and life which it contained, and in the order preordained by His wisdom, those creatures of the world, which proclaim, as they live and move, the glory of their Creator (Psalm 8). The work of creation commences with the words, “and God said.” The words which God speaks are existing things. “He speaks, and it is done; He commands, and it stands fast.” These words are deeds of the essential Word, the lo>gov , by which “all things were made.” Speaking is the revelation of thought; the creation, the realization of the thoughts of God, a freely accomplished act of the absolute Spirit, and not an emanation of creatures from the divine essence. The first thing created by the divine Word was “light,” the elementary light, or light-material, in distinction from the “lights,” or light-bearers, bodies of light, as the sun, moon, and stars, created on the fourth day, are called. It is now a generally accepted truth of natural science, that the light does not spring from the sun and stars, but that the sun itself is a dark body, and the light proceeds from an atmosphere which surrounds it. Light was the first thing called forth, and separated from the dark chaos by the creative mandate, “Let there be,” — the first radiation of the life breathed into it by the Spirit of God, inasmuch as it is the fundamental condition of all organic life in the world, and without light and the warmth which flows from it no plant or animal could thrive.
Verse 4. The expression in v. 4, “God saw the light that it was good,” for “God saw that the light was good,” according to a frequently recurring antiptosis (cf. Genesis 6:2; 12:14; 13:10), is not an anthropomorphism at variance with enlightened thoughts of God; for man’s seeing has its type in God’s, and God’s seeing is not a mere expression of the delight of the eye or of pleasure in His work, but is of the deepest significance to every created thing, being the seal of the perfection which God has impressed upon it, and by which its continuance before God and through God is determined. The creation of light, however, was no annihilation of darkness, no transformation of the dark material of the world into pure light, but a separation of the light from the primary matter, a separation which established and determined that interchange of light and darkness, which produces the distinction between day and night.
Verse 5. Hence it is said in v. 5, “God called the light Day, and the darkness Night;” for, as Augustine observes, “all light is not day, nor all darkness night; but light and darkness alternating in a regular order constitute day and night.” None but superficial thinkers can take offence at the idea of created things receiving names from God. The name of a thing is the expression of its nature. If the name be given by man, it fixes in a word the impression which it makes upon the human mind; but when given by God, it expresses the reality, what the thing is in God’s creation, and the place assigned it there by the side of other things. “Thus evening was and morning was one day.” dj;a, (one), like eiJ>v and unus, is used at the commencement of a numerical series for the ordinal primus (cf. Genesis 2:11; 4:19; 8:5,15). Like the numbers of the days which follow, it is without the article, to show that the different days arose from the constant recurrence of evening and morning. It is not till the sixth and last day that the article is employed (v. 31), to indicate the termination of the work of creation upon that day. It is to be observed, that the days of creation are bounded by the coming of evening and morning. The first day did not consist of the primeval darkness and the origination of light, but was formed after the creation of the light by the first interchange of evening and morning. The first evening was not the gloom, which possibly preceded the full burst of light as it came forth from the primary darkness, and intervened between the darkness and full, broad daylight.
It was not till after the light had been created, and the separation of the light from the darkness had taken place, that evening came, and after the evening the morning; and this coming of evening (lit., the obscure) and morning (the breaking) formed one, or the first day. It follows from this, that the days of creation are not reckoned from evening to evening, but from morning to morning. The first day does not fully terminate till the light returns after the darkness of night; it is not till the break of the new morning that the first interchange of light and darkness is completed, and a heemeronu’ktion has passed. The rendering, “out of evening and morning there came one day,” is at variance with grammar, as well as with the actual fact. With grammar, because such a thought would require dj;a, µwOy ; and with fact, because the time from evening to morning does not constitute a day, but the close of a day.
The first day commenced at the moment when God caused the light to break forth from the darkness; but this light did not become a day, until the evening had come, and the darkness which set in with the evening had given place the next morning to the break of day. Again, neither the words `br,[, hy;h; rq,Bo hy;h; , nor the expression rq,Bo `br,[, , evening-morning (= day), in Dan 8:14, corresponds to the Greek nucqh>meron , for morning is not equivalent to day, nor evening to night. The reckoning of days from evening to evening in the Mosaic law (Leviticus 23:32), and by many ancient tribes (the pre-Mohammedan Arabs, the Athenians, Gauls, and Germans), arose not from the days of creation, but from the custom of regulating seasons by the changes of the moon. But if the days of creation are regulated by the recurring interchange of light and darkness, they must be regarded not as periods of time of incalculable duration, of years or thousands of years, but as simple earthly days.
It is true the morning and evening of the first three days were not produced by the rising and setting of the sun, since the sun was not yet created; but the constantly recurring interchange of light and darkness, which produced day and night upon the earth, cannot for a moment be understood as denoting that the light called forth from the darkness of chaos returned to that darkness again, and thus periodically burst forth and disappeared. The only way in which we can represent it to ourselves, is by supposing that the light called forth by the creative mandate, “Let there be,” was separated from the dark mass of the earth, and concentrated outside or above the globe, so that the interchange of light and darkness took place as soon as the dark chaotic mass began to rotate, and to assume in the process of creation the form of a spherical body. The time occupied in the first rotations of the earth upon its axis cannot, indeed, be measured by our hour-glass; but even if they were slower at first, and did not attain their present velocity till the completion of our solar system, this would make no essential difference between the first three days and the last three, which were regulated by the rising and setting of the sun. f3 GENESIS 1:6-8 The Second Day.
When the light had been separated from the darkness, and day and night had been created, there followed upon a second fiat of the Creator, the division of the chaotic mass of waters through the formation of the firmament, which was placed as a wall of separation ldæB; in the midst of the waters, and divided them into upper and lower waters. [æyqir; , from [qær; to stretch, spread out, then beat or tread out, means expansum, the spreading out of the air, which surrounds the earth as an atmosphere.
According to optical appearance, it is described as a carpet spread out above the earth (Psalm 54:2), a curtain (Isaiah 40:22), a transparent work of sapphire (Exodus 24:10), or a molten looking-glass (Job 37:18); but there is nothing in these poetical similes to warrant the idea that the heavens were regarded as a solid mass, a sidh>reon , or ca>lkeon or polu’chalkon, such as Greek poets describe. The [æyqir; (rendered Veste by Luther, after the stere>wma of the LXX and firmamentum of the Vulgate) is called heaven in v. 8, i.e., the vault of heaven, which stretches out above the earth. The waters under the firmament are the waters upon the globe itself; those above are not ethereal waters F4 beyond the limits of the terrestrial atmosphere, but the waters which float in the atmosphere, and are separated by it from those upon the earth, the waters which accumulate in clouds, and then bursting these their bottles, pour down as rain upon the earth.
For, according to the Old Testament representation, whenever it rains heavily, the doors or windows of heaven are opened (Genesis 7:11-12; Psalm 78:23, cf. 2 Kings 7:2,19; Isaiah 24:18). It is in (or with) the upper waters that God layeth the beams of His chambers, from which He watereth the hills (Ps. 54:3,13), and the clouds are His tabernacle (Job 36:29). If, therefore, according to this conception, looking from an earthly point of view, the mass of water which flows upon the earth in showers of rain is shut up in heaven (cf. Genesis 8:2), it is evident that it must be regarded as above the vault which spans the earth, or, according to the words of Psalm 148:4, “above the heavens.” f5 GENESIS 1:9-13 The Third Day.
The work of this day was twofold, yet closely connected. At first the waters beneath the heavens, i.e., those upon the surface of the earth, were gathered together, so that the dry ( hc;B;yæ , the solid ground) appeared. In what way the gathering of the earthly waters in the sea and the appearance of the dry land were effected, whether by the sinking or deepening of places in the body of the globe, into which the water was drawn off, or by the elevation of the solid ground, the record does not inform us, since it never describes the process by which effects are produced. It is probable, however, that the separation was caused both by depression and elevation.
With the dry land the mountains naturally arose as the headlands of the mainland. But of this we have no physical explanations, either in the account before us, or in the poetical description of the creation in Psalm 54.
Even if we render Ps. 54:8, “the mountains arise, and they (the waters) descend into the valleys, to the place which Thou (Jehovah) hast founded for them,” we have no proof, in this poetical account, of the elevationtheory of geology, since the psalmist is not speaking as a naturalist, but as a sacred poet describing the creation on the basis of Genesis 1. “The dry” God called Earth, and “the gathering of the waters,” i.e., the place into which the waters were collected, He called Sea. µy; , an intensive rather than a numerical plural, is the great ocean, which surrounds the mainland on all sides, so that the earth appears to be founded upon seas (Psalm 24:2). Earth and sea are the two constituents of the globe, by the separation of which its formation was completed. The “seas” include the rivers which flow into the ocean, and the lakes which are as it were “detached fragments” of the ocean, though they are not specially mentioned here.
By the divine act of naming the two constituents of the globe, and the divine approval which follows, this work is stamped with permanency; and the second act of the third day, the clothing of the earth with vegetation, is immediately connected with it. At the command of God “the earth brought forth green ( av,D, ), seed yielding herb ( bc,[æ ), and fruit-bearing fruit-trees ( yrip] `x[e ).” These three classes embrace all the productions of the vegetable kingdom. av,D, , lit., the young, tender green, which shoots up after rain and covers the meadows and downs (2 Samuel 23:4; Job 38:27; Joel 2:22; Psalm 23:2), is a generic name for all grasses and cryptogamous plants. `bc,[, , with the epithet [ræz, [ræz; , yielding or forming seed, is used as a generic term for all herbaceous plants, corn, vegetables, and other plants by which seed-pods are formed. pry `ts: not only fruit-trees, but all trees and shrubs, bearing fruit in which there is a seed according to its kind, i.e., fruit with kernels. xr,a, `l[æ (upon the earth) is not to be joined to “fruittree,” as though indicating the superior size of the trees which bear seed above the earth, in distinction from vegetables which propagate their species upon or in the ground; for even the latter bear their seed above the earth.
It is appended to av;D; , as a more minute explanation: the earth is to bring forth grass, herb, and trees, upon or above the ground, as an ornament or covering for it. ˆymi (after its kind), from ˆymi species, which is not only repeated in v. 12 in its old form ˆymi in the case of the fruit-tree, but is also appended to the herb. It indicates that the herbs and trees sprang out of the earth according to their kinds, and received, together with power to bear seed and fruit, the capacity to propagate and multiply their own kind. In the case of the grass there is no reference either to different kinds, or to the production of seed, inasmuch as in the young green grass neither the one nor the other is apparent to the eye. Moreover, we must not picture the work of creation as consisting of the production of the first tender germs which were gradually developed into herbs, shrubs, and trees; on the contrary, we must regard it as one element in the miracle of creation itself, that at the word of God not only tender grasses, but herbs, shrubs, and trees, sprang out of the earth, each ripe for the formation of blossom and the bearing of seed and fruit, without the necessity of waiting for years before the vegetation created was ready to blossom and bear fruit. Even if the earth was employed as a medium in the creation of the plants, since it was God who caused it to bring them forth, they were not the product of the powers of nature, generatio aequivoca in the ordinary sense of the word, but a work of divine omnipotence, by which the trees came into existence before their seed, and their fruit was produced in full development, without expanding gradually under the influence of sunshine and rain.
GENESIS. 1:14-19
The Fourth Day.
After the earth had been clothed with vegetation, and fitted to be the abode of living beings, there were created on the fourth day the sun, moon, and stars, heavenly bodies in which the elementary light was concentrated, in order that its influence upon the earthly globe might be sufficiently modified and regulated for living beings to exist and thrive beneath its rays, in the water, in the air, and upon the dry land. At the creative word of God the bodies of light came into existence in the firmament, as lamps. On hy;h; , the singular of the predicate before the plural of the subject, in v. 14; Genesis 5:23; 9:29, etc., vid., Gesenius, Heb. Gr. §147. laæy; , bodies of light, light-bearers, then lamps. These bodies of light received a threefold appointment: (1) They were “to divide between the day and the night,” of, according to v. 18, between the light and the darkness, in other words, to regulate from that time forward the difference, which had existed ever since the creation of light, between the night and the day. (2) They were to be (or serve: hy;h; after an imperative has the force of a command) (a) for signs (sc., for the earth), partly as portents of extraordinary events (Matthew 2:2; Luke 21:25) and divine judgments (Joel 2:30; Jeremiah 10:2; Matthew 24:29), partly as showing the different quarters of the heavens, and as prognosticating the changes in the weather; (b) for seasons, or for fixed, definite times ( µydi[\wOm , from d[y to fix, establish)-not for festal seasons merely, but “to regulate definite points and periods of time, by virtue of their periodical influence upon agriculture, navigation, and other human occupations, as well as upon the course of human, animal, and vegetable life (e.g., the breeding time of animals, and the migrations of birds, Jeremiah 8:7, etc.); (c) for days and years, i.e., for the division and calculation of days and years. The grammatical construction will not allow the clause to be rendered as a Hendiadys, viz., “as signs for definite times and for days and years,” or as signs both for the times and also for days and years. (3) They were to serve as lamps upon the earth, i.e., to pour out their light, which is indispensable to the growth and health of every creature. That this, the primary object of the lights, should be mentioned last, is correctly explained by Delitzsch: “From the astrological and chronological utility of the heavenly bodies, the record ascends to their universal utility which arises from the necessity of light for the growth and continuance of everything earthly.” This applies especially to the two great lights which were created by God and placed in the firmament; the greater to rule the day, the lesser to rule the night. “The great” and “the small” in correlative clauses are to be understood as used comparatively (cf. Gesenius, §119, 1).
That the sun and moon were intended, was too obvious to need to be specially mentioned. It might appear strange, however, that these lights should not receive names from God, like the works of the first three days.
This cannot be attributed to forgetfulness on the part of the author, as Tuch supposes. As a rule, the names were given by God only to the greater sections into which the universe was divided, and not to individual bodies (either plants or animals). The man and the woman are the only exceptions (Genesis 5:2). The sun and moon are called great, not in comparison with the earth, but in contrast with the stars, according to the amount of light which shines from them upon the earth and determines their rule over the day and night; not so much with reference to the fact, that the stronger light of the sun produces the daylight, and the weaker light of the moon illumines the night, as to the influence which their light exerts by day and night upon all nature, both organic and inorganic-an influence generally admitted, but by no means fully understood. In this respect the sun and moon are the two great lights, the stars small bodies of light; the former exerting great, the latter but little, influence upon the earth and its inhabitants.
This truth, which arises from the relative magnitude of the heavenly bodies, or rather their apparent size as seen from the earth, is not affected by the fact that from the standpoint of natural science many of the stars far surpass both sun and moon in magnitude. Nor does the fact, that in our account, which was written for inhabitants of the earth and for religious purposes, it is only the utility of the sun, moon, and stars to the inhabitants of the earth that is mentioned, preclude the possibility of each by itself, and all combined, fulfilling other purposes in the universe of God. And not only is our record silent, but God Himself made no direct revelation to man on this subject; because astronomy and physical science, generally, neither lead to godliness, nor promise peace and salvation to the soul. Belief in the truth of this account as a divine revelation could only be shaken, if the facts which science has discovered as indisputably true, with regard to the number, size, and movements of the heavenly bodies, were irreconcilable with the biblical account of the creation.
But neither the innumerable host nor the immeasurable size of many of the heavenly bodies, nor the almost infinite distance of the fixed stars from our earth and the solar system, warrants any such assumption. Who can set bounds to the divine omnipotence, and determine what and how much it can create in a moment? The objection, that the creation of the innumerable and immeasurably great and distant heavenly bodies in one day, is so disproportioned to the creation of this one little globe in six days, as to be irreconcilable with our notions of divine omnipotence and wisdom, does not affect the Bible, but shows that the account of the creation has been misunderstood. We are not taught here that on one day, viz., the fourth, God created all the heavenly bodies out of nothing, and in a perfect condition; on the contrary, we are told that in the beginning God created the heaven and the earth, and on the fourth day that He made the sun, the moon, and the stars (planets, comets, and fixed stars) in the firmament, to be lights for the earth. According to these distinct words, the primary material, not only of the earth, but also of the heaven and the heavenly bodies, was created in the beginning. If, therefore, the heavenly bodies were first made or created on the fourth day, as lights for the earth, in the firmament of heaven; the words can have no other meaning than that their creation was completed on the fourth day, just as the creative formation of our globe was finished on the third; that the creation of the heavenly bodies therefore proceeded side by side, and probably by similar stages, with that of the earth, so that the heaven with its stars was completed on the fourth day. Is this representation of the work of creation, which follows in the simplest way from the word of God, at variance with correct ideas of the omnipotence and wisdom of God? Could not the Almighty create the innumerable host of heaven at the same time as the earthly globe?
Or would Omnipotence require more time for the creation of the moon, the planets, and the sun, or of Orion, Sirius, the Pleiades, and other heavenly bodies whose magnitude has not yet been ascertained, than for the creation of the earth itself? Let us beware of measuring the works of Divine Omnipotence by the standard of human power. The fact, that in our account the gradual formation of the heavenly bodies is not described with the same minuteness as that of the earth; but that, after the general statement in v. 1 as to the creation of the heavens, all that is mentioned is their completion on the fourth day, when for the first time they assumed, or were placed in, such a position with regard to the earth as to influence its development; may be explained on the simple ground that it was the intention of the sacred historian to describe the work of creation from the standpoint of the globe: in other words, as it would have appeared to an observer from the earth, if there had been one in existence at the time. For only from such a standpoint could this work of God be made intelligible to all men, uneducated as well as learned, and the account of it be made subservient to the religious wants of all. f6 GENESIS 1:20-23 The Fifth Day. “God said: Let the waters swarm with swarms, with living beings, and let birds fly above the earth in the face (the front, i.e., the side turned towards the earth) of the firmament.” xræv; and `ãW[ are imperative. Earlier translators, on the contrary, have rendered the latter as a relative clause, after the peteina> peto>mena of the LXX, “and with birds that fly;” thus making the birds to spring out of the water, in opposition to Genesis 2:19.
Even with regard to the element out of which the water animals were created the text is silent; for the assertion that xræv; is to be understood “with a causative colouring” is erroneous, and is not sustained by Exodus 8:3 or Psalm 105:30. The construction with the accusative is common to all verbs of multitude. xr,v, and xræv; , to creep and swarm, is applied, “without regard to size, to those animals which congregate together in great numbers, and move about among one another.” yjæ vp,n, , anima viva, living soul, animated beings (vid., Genesis 2:7), is in apposition to xr,v, , “swarms consisting of living beings.”
The expression applies not only to fishes, but to all water animals from the greatest to the least, including reptiles, etc. In carrying out His word, God created (v. 21) the great “tanninim,” — lit., the long-stretched, from taanan, to stretch-whales, crocodiles, and other sea-monsters; and “all moving living beings with which the waters swarm after their kind, and all (every) winged fowl after its kind.” That the water animals and birds of every kind were created on the same day, and before the land animals, cannot be explained on the ground assigned by early writers, that there is a similarity between the air and the water, and a consequent correspondence between the two classes of animals. For in the light of natural history the birds are at all events quite as near to the mammalia as to the fishes; and the supposed resemblance between the fins of fishes and the wings of birds, is counterbalanced by the no less striking resemblance between birds and land animals, viz., that both have feet.
The real reason is rather this, that the creation proceeds throughout from the lower to the higher; and in this ascending scale the fishes occupy to a great extent a lower place in the animal economy than birds, and both water animals and birds a lower place than land animals, more especially the mammalia. Again, it is not stated that only a single pair was created of each kind; on the contrary, the words, “let the waters swarm with living beings,” seem rather to indicate that the animals were created, not only in a rich variety of genera and species, but in large numbers of individuals. The fact that but one human being was created at first, by no means warrants the conclusion that the animals were created singly also; for the unity of the human race has a very different signification from that of the so-called animal species. — (v. 22). As animated beings, the water animals and fowls are endowed, through the divine blessing, with the power to be fruitful and multiply. The word of blessing was the actual communication of the capacity to propagate and increase in numbers.
GENESIS. 1:24-31
The Sixth Day.
Sea and air are filled with living creatures; and the word of God now goes forth to the earth, to produce living beings after their kind. These are divided into three classes. hm;heB] , cattle, from µyrit;a\ ], mutum, brutum esse, generally denotes the larger domesticated quadrupeds (e.g., Genesis 47:18; Exodus 13:12, etc.), but occasionally the larger land animals as a whole. cm,r, (the creeping) embraces the smaller land animals, which move either without feet, or with feet that are scarcely perceptible, viz., reptiles, insects, and worms. In v. 25 they are distinguished from the race of water reptiles by the term hm;d;a xr,a, yjæ (the old form of the construct state, for xr,a, yjæ ), the beast of the earth, i.e., the freely roving wild animals. “After its kind:” this refers to all three classes of living creatures, each of which had its peculiar species; consequently in v. 25, where the word of God is fulfilled, it is repeated with every class. This act of creation, too, like all that precede it, is shown by the divine word “good” to be in accordance with the will of God. But the blessing pronounced is omitted, the author hastening to the account of the creation of man, in which the work of creation culminated. The creation of man does not take place through a word addressed by God to the earth, but as the result of the divine decree, “We will make man in Our image, after our likeness,” which proclaims at the very outset the distinction and pre-eminence of man above all the other creatures of the earth. The plural “We” was regarded by the fathers and earlier theologians almost unanimously as indicative of the Trinity: modern commentators, on the contrary, regard it either as pluralis majestatis; or as an address by God to Himself, the subject and object being identical; or as communicative, an address to the spirits or angels who stand around the Deity and constitute His council.
The last is Philo’s explanation: diale>getai oJ tw>n oJ>lwn path>r tai>v eJautou> duna>mesin duna>meiv = angels). But although such passages as Kings 22:19ff., Psalm 89:8, and Dan 10, show that God, as King and Judge of the world, is surrounded by heavenly hosts, who stand around His throne and execute His commands, the last interpretation founders upon this rock: either it assumes without sufficient scriptural authority, and in fact in opposition to such distinct passages as Genesis 2:7,22; Isaiah 40:13 seq., Genesis 44:24, that the spirits took part in the creation of man; or it reduces the plural to an empty phrase, inasmuch as God is made to summon the angels to cooperate in the creation of man, and then, instead of employing them, is represented as carrying out the work alone.
Moreover, this view is irreconcilable with the words “in our image, after our likeness;” since man was created in the image of God alone (v. 27; Genesis 5:1), and not in the image of either the angels, or God and the angels.
A likeness to the angels cannot be inferred from Hebrews 2:7, or from Luke 20:36. Just as little ground is there for regarding the plural here and in other passages (Genesis 3:22; 11:7; Isaiah 6:8; 41:22) as reflective, an appeal to self; since the singular is employed in such cases as these, even where God Himself is preparing for any particular work (cf. Genesis 2:18; Psalm 12:5; Isaiah 33:10). No other explanation is left, therefore, than to regard it as pluralis majestatis,-an interpretation which comprehends in its deepest and most intensive form (God speaking of Himself and with Himself in the plural number, not reverentiae causa, but with reference to the fullness of the divine powers and essences which He possesses) the truth that lies at the foundation of the trinitarian view, viz., that the potencies concentrated in the absolute Divine Being are something more than powers and attributes of God; that they are hypostases, which in the further course of the revelation of God in His kingdom appeared with more and more distinctness as persons of the Divine Being. On the words “in our image, after our likeness” modern commentators have correctly observed, that there is no foundation for the distinction drawn by the Greek, and after them by many of the Latin Fathers, between eikw>n (imago) and oJmoi>wsiv (similitudo), the former of which they supposed to represent the physical aspect of the likeness to God, the latter the ethical; but that, on the contrary, the older Lutheran theologians were correct in stating that the two words are synonymous, and are merely combined to add intensity to the thought: “an image which is like Us” (Luther); since it is no more possible to discover a sharp or well-defined distinction in the ordinary use of the words between µl,x, and tWmD] , than between b] and k] . µl,x, , from lxe , lit., a shadow, hence sketch, outline, differs no more from tWmD] , likeness, portrait, copy, than the German words Umriss or Abriss (outline or sketch) from Bild or Abbild (likeness, copy). b] and k] are also equally interchangeable, as we may see from a comparison of this verse with Genesis 5:1 and 3. (Compare also Leviticus 6:4 with Leviticus 27:12, and for the use of b] to denote a norm, or sample, Exodus 25:40; 30:32,37, etc.) There is more difficulty in deciding in what the likeness to God consisted. Certainly not in the bodily form, the upright position, or commanding aspect of the man, since God has no bodily form, and the man’s body was formed from the dust of the ground; nor in the dominion of man over nature, for this is unquestionably ascribed to man simply as the consequence or effluence of his likeness to God. Man is the image of God by virtue of his spiritual nature. of the breath of God by which the being, formed from the dust of the earth, became a living soul. f7 The image of God consists, therefore, in the spiritual personality of man, though not merely in unity of self-consciousness and self-determination, or in the fact that man was created a consciously free Ego; for personality is merely the basis and form of the divine likeness, not its real essence. This consists rather in the fact, that the man endowed with free self-conscious personality possesses, in his spiritual as well as corporeal nature, a creaturely copy of the holiness and blessedness of the divine life. This concrete essence of the divine likeness was shattered by sin; and it is only through Christ, the brightness of the glory of God and the expression of His essence (Hebrews 1:3), that our nature is transformed into the image of God again (Colossians 3:10; Ephesians 4:24). “And they ( µd;a; , a generic term for men) shall have dominion over the fish,” etc. There is something striking in the introduction of the expression “and over all the earth,” after the different races of animals have been mentioned, especially as the list of races appears to be proceeded with afterwards. If this appearance were actually the fact, it would be impossible to escape the conclusion that the text is faulty, and that yjæ has fallen out; so that the reading should be, “and over all the wild beasts of the earth,” as the Syriac has it. But as the identity of “every creeping thing that creepeth upon the earth” ( xr,a, ) with “every thing that creepeth upon the ground” ( hmdah ) in v. 25 is not absolutely certain; on the contrary, the change in expression indicates a difference of meaning; and as the Masoretic text is supported by the oldest critical authorities (LXX, Sam., Onk.), the Syriac rendering must be dismissed as nothing more than a conjecture, and the Masoretic text be understood in the following manner. The author passes on from the cattle to the entire earth, and embraces all the animal creation in the expression, “every moving thing (kl-hrms) that moveth upon the earth,” just as in v. 28, “every living thing cmær; upon the earth.” According to this, God determined to give to the man about to be created in His likeness the supremacy, not only over the animal world, but over the earth itself; and this agrees with the blessing in v. 28, where the newly created man is exhorted to replenish the earth and subdue it; whereas, according to the conjecture of the Syriac, the subjugation of the earth by man would be omitted from the divine decree. — V. 27. In the account of the accomplishment of the divine purpose the words swell into a jubilant song, so that we meet here for the first time with a parallelismus membrorum, the creation of man being celebrated in three parallel clauses.
The distinction drawn between tae (in the image of God created He him) and tae (as man and woman created He them) must not be overlooked.
The word tae , which indicates that God created the man and woman as two human beings, completely overthrows the idea that man was at first androgynous (cf. Genesis 2:18ff.). By the blessing in v. 28, God not only confers upon man the power to multiply and fill the earth, as upon the beasts in v. 22, but also gives him dominion over the earth and every beast.
In conclusion, the food of both man and beast is pointed out in vv. 29, 30, exclusively from the vegetable kingdom. Man is to eat of “every seedbearing herb on the face of all the earth, and every tree on which there are fruits containing seed,” consequently of the productions of both field and tree, in other words, of corn and fruit; the animals are to eat of “every green herb,” i.e., of vegetables or green plants, and grass.
From this it follows, that, according to the creative will of God, men were not to slaughter animals for food, nor were animals to prey upon one another; consequently, that the fact which now prevails universally in nature and the order of the world, the violent and often painful destruction of life, is not a primary law of nature, nor a divine institution founded in the creation itself, but entered the world along with death at the fall of man, and became a necessity of nature through the curse of sin. It was not till after the flood, that men received authority from God to employ the flesh of animals as well as the green herb as food (Genesis 9:3); and the fact that, according to the biblical view, no carnivorous animals existed at the first, may be inferred from the prophetic announcements in Isaiah 11:6-8; 65:25, where the cessation of sin and the complete transformation of the world into the kingdom of God are described as being accompanied by the cessation of slaughter and the eating of flesh, even in the case of the animal kingdom.
With this the legends of the heathen world respecting the golden age of the past, and its return at the end of time, also correspond (cf. Gesenius on Isaiah 11:6-8). It is true that objections have been raised by natural historians to this testimony of Scripture, but without scientific ground. For although at the present time man is fitted by his teeth and alimentary canal for the combination of vegetable and animal food; and although the law of mutual destruction so thoroughly pervades the whole animal kingdom, that not only is the life of one sustained by the death of another, but “as the graminivorous animals check the overgrowth of the vegetable kingdom, so the excessive increase of the former is restricted by the beasts of prey, and of these again by the destructive implements of man;” and although, again, not only beasts of prey, but evident symptoms of disease are met with among the fossil remains of the aboriginal animals: all these facts furnish no proof that the human and animal races were originally constituted for death and destruction, or that disease and slaughter are older than the fall.
For, to reply to the last objection first, geology has offered no conclusive evidence of its doctrine, that the fossil remains of beasts of prey and bones with marks of disease belong to a pre-Adamite period, but has merely inferred it from the hypothesis already mentioned (pp. 25, 26) of successive periods of creation. Again, as even in the present order of nature the excessive increase of the vegetable kingdom is restrained, not merely by the graminivorous animals, but also by the death of the plants themselves through the exhaustion of their vital powers; so the wisdom of the Creator could easily have set bounds to the excessive increase of the animal world, without requiring the help of huntsmen and beasts of prey, since many animals even now lose their lives by natural means, without being slain by men or eaten by beasts of prey. The teaching of Scripture, that death entered the world through sin, merely proves that the human race was created for eternal life, but by no means necessitates the assumption that the animals were also created for endless existence.
As the earth produced them at the creative word of God, the different individuals and generations would also have passed away and returned to the bosom of the earth, without violent destruction by the claws of animals or the hand of man, as soon as they had fulfilled the purpose of their existence. The decay of animals is a law of nature established in the creation itself, and not a consequence of sin, or an effect of the death brought into the world by the sin of man. At the same time, it was so far involved in the effects of the fall, that the natural decay of the different animals was changed into a painful death or violent end. Although in the animal kingdom, as it at present exists, many varieties are so organized that they live exclusively upon the flesh of other animals, which they kill and devour; this by no means necessitates the conclusion, that the carnivorous beasts of prey were created after the fall, or the assumption that they were originally intended to feed upon flesh, and organized accordingly.
If, in consequence of the curse pronounced upon the earth after the sin of man, who was appointed head and lord of nature, the whole creation was subjected to vanity and the bondage of corruption (Romans 8:20ff.); this subjection might have been accompanied by a change in the organization of the animals, though natural science, which is based upon the observation and combination of things empirically discovered, could neither demonstrate the fact nor explain the process. And if natural science cannot boast that in any one of its many branches it has discovered all the phenomena connected with the animal and human organism of the existing world, how could it pretend to determine or limit the changes through which this organism may have passed in the course of thousands of years?
The creation of man and his installation as ruler on the earth brought the creation of all earthly beings to a close (v. 31). God saw His work, and behold it was all very good; i.e., everything perfect in its kind, so that every creature might reach the goal appointed by the Creator, and accomplish the purpose of its existence. By the application of the term “good” to everything that God made, and the repetition of the word with the emphasis “very” at the close of the whole creation, the existence of anything evil in the creation of God is absolutely denied, and the hypothesis entirely refuted, that the six days’ work merely subdued and fettered an ungodly, evil principle, which had already forced its way into it. The sixth day, as being the last, is distinguished above all the rest by the yVivi µwOy “a day, the sixth” (Gesenius, §111, 2a). GENESIS 2:1-3 The Sabbath of Creation. “Thus the heavens and the earth were finished, and all the host of them.” ab;x; here denotes the totality of the beings that fill the heaven and the earth: in other places (see especially Neh 9:6) it is applied to the host of heaven, i.e., the stars (Deuteronomy 4:19; 17:3), and according to a still later representation, to the angels also (1 Kings 22:19; Isaiah 24:21; Neh 9:6; Psalm 148:2). These words of v. 1 introduce the completion of the work of creation, and give a greater definiteness to the announcement in vv. 2, 3, that on the seventh day God ended the work which He had made, by ceasing to create, and blessing the day and sanctifying it. The completion or finishing ( hl;K; ) of the work of creation on the seventh day (not on the sixth, as the LXX, Sam., and Syr. erroneously render it) can only be understood by regarding the clauses vv. 2b and 3, which are connected with wykl by w consec. as containing the actual completion, i.e., by supposing the completion to consist, negatively in the cessation of the work of creation, and positively in the blessing and sanctifying of the seventh day.
The cessation itself formed part of the completion of the work (for this meaning of tbæv; vid., Genesis 8:22; Job 32:1, etc.). As a human artificer completes his work just when he has brought it up to his ideal and ceases to work upon it, so in an infinitely higher sense, God completed the creation of the world with all its inhabitants by ceasing to produce anything new, and entering into the rest of His all-sufficient eternal Being, from which He had come forth, as it were, at and in the creation of a world distinct from His own essence. Hence ceasing to create is called resting (nuwach) in Exodus 20:11, and being refreshed (yinaapeesh) in Exodus 31:17. The rest into which God entered after the creation was complete, had its own reality “in the reality of the work of creation, in contrast with which the preservation of the world, when once created, had the appearance of rest, though really a continuous creation” (Ziegler, p. 27).
This rest of the Creator was indeed “the consequence of His selfsatisfaction in the now united and harmonious, though manifold whole;” but this self-satisfaction of God in His creation, which we call His pleasure in His work, was also a spiritual power, which streamed forth as a blessing upon the creation itself, bringing it into the blessedness of the rest of God and filling it with His peace. This constitutes the positive element in the completion which God gave to the work of creation, by blessing and sanctifying the seventh day, because on it He found rest from the work which He by making ( `hc;[; faciendo: cf. Ewald, §280d) had created. The divine act of blessing was a real communication of powers of salvation, grace, and peace; and sanctifying was not merely declaring holy, but “communicating the attribute of holy,” “placing in a living relation to God, the Holy One, raising to a participation in the pure clear light of the holiness of God.” On vwOdq; see Exodus 19:6.
The blessing and sanctifying of the seventh day had regard, no doubt, to the Sabbath, which Israel as the people of God was afterwards to keep; but we are not to suppose that the theocratic Sabbath was instituted here, or that the institution of that Sabbath was transferred to the history of the creation. On the contrary, the Sabbath of the Israelites had a deeper meaning, founded in the nature and development of the created world, not for Israel only, but for all mankind, or rather for the whole creation. As the whole earthly creation is subject to the changes of time and the law of temporal motion and development; so all creatures not only stand in need of definite recurring periods of rest, for the sake of recruiting their strength and gaining new power for further development, but they also look forward to a time when all restlessness shall give place to the blessed rest of the perfect consummation.
To this rest the resting of God ( hJ kata>pausiv ) points forward; and to this rest, this divine sabbatismo>v (Hebrews 4:9), shall the whole world, especially man, the head of the earthly creation, eventually come. For this God ended His work by blessing and sanctifying the day when the whole creation was complete. In connection with Hebrews 4, some of the fathers have called attention to the fact, that the account of the seventh day is not summed up, like the others, with the formula “evening was and morning was;” thus, e.g., Augustine writes at the close of his confessions: dies septimus sine vespera est nec habet occasum, quia sanctificasti eum ad permansionem sempiternam. But true as it is that the Sabbath of God has no evening, and that the sabbatismo>v , to which the creature is to attain at the end of his course, will be bounded by no evening, but last for ever; we must not, without further ground, introduce this true and profound idea into the seventh creation-day. We could only be warranted in adopting such an interpretation, and understanding by the concluding day of the work of creation a period of endless duration, on the supposition that the six preceding days were so many periods in the world’s history, which embraced the time from the beginning of the creation to the final completion of its development. But as the six creation-days, according to the words of the text, were earthly days of ordinary duration, we must understand the seventh in the same way; and that all the more, because in every passage, in which it is mentioned as the foundation of the theocratic Sabbath, it is regarded as an ordinary day (Exodus 20:11; 31:17). We must conclude, therefore, that on the seventh day, on which God rested from His work, the world also, with all its inhabitants, attained to the sacred rest of God; that the kata>pausiv and sabbatismo>v of God were made a rest and sabbatic festival for His creatures, especially for man; and that this day of rest of the new created world, which the forefathers of our race observed in paradise, as long as they continued in a state of innocence and lived in blessed peace with their God and Creator, was the beginning and type of the rest to which the creation, after it had fallen from fellowship with God through the sin of man, received a promise that it should once more be restored through redemption, at its final consummation.
I. HISTORY OF THE HEAVENS AND THE EARTH
Contents and Heading
GENESIS 2:4
The historical account of the world, which commences at the completion of the work of creation, is introduced as the “History of the heavens and the earth,” and treats in three sections, (a) of the original condition of man in paradise (Genesis 2:5-25); (b) of the fall (ch. 3); (c) of the division of the human race into two widely different families, so far as concerns their relation to God (ch. 4).
The words, “these are the tholedoth of the heavens and the earth when they were created,” form the heading to what follows. This would never have been disputed, had not preconceived opinions as to the composition of Genesis obscured the vision of commentators. The fact that in every other passage, in which the formula “these (and these) are the tholedoth” occurs (viz., ten times in Genesis; also in Numbers 3:1; Ruth 4:18; 1 Chronicles 1:29), it is used as a heading, and that in this passage the true meaning of hd;l]wOT precludes the possibility of its being an appendix to what precedes, fully decides the question. The word hd;l]wOT, which is only used in the plural, and never occurs except in the construct state or with suffixes, is a Hiphil noun from dlæy; , and signifies literally the generation or posterity of any one, then the development of these generations or of his descendants; in other words, the history of those who are begotten or the account of what happened to them and what they performed.
In no instance whatever is it the history of the birth or origin of the person named in the genitive, but always the account of his family and life.
According to this use of the word, we cannot understand by the tholedoth of the heavens and the earth the account of the origin of the universe, since according to the biblical view the different things which make up the heavens and the earth can neither be regarded as generations or products of cosmogonic and geogonic evolutions, nor be classed together as the posterity of the heavens and the earth. All the creatures in the heavens and on earth were made by God, and called into being by His word, notwithstanding the fact that He caused some of them to come forth from the earth. Again, as the completion of the heavens and the earth with all their host has already been described in Genesis 2:1-3, we cannot understand by “the heavens and the earth,” in v. 4, the primary material of the universe in its elementary condition (in which case the literal meaning of dlæy; would be completely relinquished, and the “tholedoth of the heavens and the earth” be regarded as indicating this chaotic beginning as the first stage in a series of productions), but the universe itself after the completion of the creation, at the commencement of the historical development which is subsequently described.
This places its resemblance to the other sections, commencing with “these are the generations,” beyond dispute. Just as the tholedoth of Noah, for example, do not mention his birth, but contain his history and the birth of his sons; so the tholedoth of the heavens and the earth do not describe the origin of the universe, but what happened to the heavens and the earth after their creation. ar;B; does not preclude this, though we cannot render it “after they were created.” For even if it were grammatically allowable to resolve the participle into a pluperfect, the parallel expressions in Genesis 5:1-2, would prevent our doing so. As “the day of their creation” mentioned there, is not a day after the creation of Adam, but the day on which he was created; the same words, when occurring here, must also refer to a time when the heavens and the earth were already created: and just as in Genesis 5:1 the creation of the universe forms the starting-point to the account of the development of the human race through the generations of Adam, and is recapitulated for that reason; so here the creation of the universe is mentioned as the starting-point to the account of its historical development, because this account looks back to particular points in the creation itself, and describes them more minutely as the preliminaries to the subsequent course of the world. hbr’m is explained by the clause, “in the day that Jehovah God created the earth and the heavens.” Although this clause is closely related to what follows, the simplicity of the account prevents our regarding it as the protasis of a period, the apodosis of which does not follow till v. 5 or even v. 7.
The former is grammatically impossible, because in v. 5 the noun stands first, and not the verb, as we should expect in such a case (cf. Genesis 3:5).
The latter is grammatically tenable indeed, since vv. 5, 6, might be introduced into the main sentence as conditional clauses; but it is not probable, inasmuch as we should then have a parenthesis of most unnatural length. The clause must therefore be regarded as forming part of the heading. There are two points here that are worthy of notice: first, the unusual combination, “earth and heaven,” which only occurs in Psalm 148:13, and shows that the earth is the scene of the history about to commence, which was of such momentous importance to the whole world; and secondly, the introduction of the nameJEHOVAH in connection with\parELOHIM. That the hypothesis, which traces the interchange in the two names in Genesis to different documents, does not suffice to explain the occurrence of Jehovah Elohim in Genesis 2:4-3:24, even the supporters of this hypothesis cannot possibly deny.
Not only is God called Elohim alone in the middle of this section, viz., in the address to the serpent, a clear proof that the interchange of the names has reference to their different significations; but the use of the double name, which occurs here twenty times though rarely met with elsewhere, is always significant. In the Pentateuch we only find it in Exodus 9:30; in the other books of the Old Testament, in 2 Sam. 7:22,25; 1 Chr. 17:16-17; 2 Chr. 4:41-42; Ps. 84:8,11; and Psalm 50:1, where the order is reversed; and in every instance it is used with peculiar emphasis, to give prominence to the fact that Jehovah is truly Elohim, whilst in Psalm 50:1 the Psalmist advances from the general name El and Elohim to Jehovah, as the personal name of the God of Israel. In this section the combination Jehovah Elohim is expressive of the fact, that Jehovah is God, or one with Elohim. Hence Elohim is placed after Jehovah. For the constant use of the double name is not intended to teach that Elohim who created the world was Jehovah, but that Jehovah, who visited man in paradise, who punished him for the transgression of His command, but gave him a promise of victory over the tempter, was Elohim, the same God, who created the heavens and the earth.
The two names may be distinguished thus: Elohim, the plural of HæwOla’ , which is only used in the loftier style of poetry, is an infinitive noun from `hl;[; to fear, and signifies awe, fear, then the object of fear, the highest Being to be feared, like djæpæ , which is used interchangeably with it in Genesis 31:42,53, and ar;wOm in Psalm 76:12 (cf. Isaiah 8:12-13). The plural is not used for the abstract, in the sense of divinity, but to express the notion of God in the fulness and multiplicity of the divine powers. It is employed both in a numerical, and also in an intensive sense, so that Elohim is applied to the (many) gods of the heathen as well as to the one true God, in whom the highest and absolute fulness of the divine essence is contained. In this intensive sense Elohim depicts the one true God as the infinitely great and exalted One, who created the heavens and the earth, and who preserves and governs every creature. According to its derivation, however, it is object rather than subject, so that in the plural form the concrete unity of the personal God falls back behind the wealth of the divine potencies which His being contains. In this sense, indeed, both in Genesis and the later, poetical, books, Elohim is used without the article, as a proper name for the true God, even in the mouth of the heathen (1 Samuel 4:7); but in other places, and here and there in Genesis, it occurs as an appellative with the article, by which prominence is given to the absoluteness of personality of God (Genesis 5:22; 6:9, etc.).
The name Jehovah, on the other hand, was originally a proper name, and according to the explanation given by God Himself to Moses (Exodus 3:14-15), was formed from the imperfect of the verb hy;h; = hy;h; . God calls Himself hy;h; rv,a hy;h; , then more briefly hy;h; , and then again, by changing the first person into the third, hwO;hy] . From the derivation of this name from the imperfect, it follows that it was either pronounced yahawaah or hwO;hy] , and had come down from the pre-Mosaic age; for the form hy;h; had been forced out of the spoken language by hy;h; even in Moses’ time. The Masoretic pointing hwO;hy] belongs to a time when the Jews had long been afraid to utter this name at all, and substituted wn;doa , the vowels of which therefore were placed as Keri, the word to be read, under the Kethib hwO;hy] , unless hwO;hy] stood in apposition to wn;doa , in which case the word was read µyhila’ and pointed yehiowh (a pure monstrosity.) f8 This custom, which sprang from a misinterpretation of Leviticus 24:16, appears to have originated shortly after the captivity. Even in the canonical writings of this age the name Jehovah was less and less employed, and in the Apocrypha and the Septuagint version oJ Ku>riov (the Lord) is invariably substituted, a custom in which the New Testament writers follow the LXX (vid., Oehler).
If we seek for the meaning of hwO;hy] , the expression ‘hyh ‘shr ‘hyh, in Exodus 3:14, is neither to be rendered e>somai oJ>v e>somai (Aq., Theodt.), “I shall be that I shall be” (Luther), nor “I shall be that which I will or am to be” (M. Baumgarten). Nor does it mean, “He who will be because He is Himself, the God of the future” (Hoffmann). For in names formed from the third person imperfect, the imperfect is not a future, but an aorist.
According to the fundamental signification of the imperfect, names so formed point out a person as distinguished by a frequently or constantly manifested quality, in other words, they express a distinctive characteristic (vid., Ewald, §136; Genesis 25:26; 27:36, also 16:11 and 21:6). The Vulgate gives it correctly: ego sum qui sum, “I am who I am.” “The repetition of the verb in the same form, and connected only by the relative, signifies that the being or act of the subject expressed in the verb is determined only by the subject itself” (Hofmann).
The verb hy;h; signifies “to be, to happen, to become;” but as neither happening nor becoming is applicable to God, the unchangeable, since the pantheistic idea of a becoming God is altogether foreign to the Scriptures, we must retain the meaning “to be;” not forgetting, however, that as the Divine Being is not a resting, or, so to speak, a dead being, but is essentially living, displaying itself as living, working upon creation, and moving in the world, the formation of hwO;hy] from the imperfect precludes the idea of abstract existence, and points out the Divine Being as moving, pervading history, and manifesting Himself in the world. So far then as the words hyha rva hyha are condensed into a proper name in hwO;hy] , and God, therefore, “is He who is,” inasmuch as in His being, as historically manifested, He is the self-determining one, the nameJEHOVAH, which we have retained as being naturalized in the ecclesiastical phraseology, though we are quite in ignorance of its correct pronunciation, “includes both the absolute independence of God in His historical movements,” and “the absolute constancy of God, or the fact that in everything, in both words and deeds, He is essentially in harmony with Himself, remaining always consistent” (Oehler).
The “I am who am,” therefore, is the absolute I, the absolute personality, moving with unlimited freedom; and in distinction from Elohim (the Being to be feared), He is the personal God in His historical manifestation, in which the fulness of the Divine Being unfolds itself to the world. This movement of the person God in history, however, has reference to the realization of the great purpose of the creation, viz., the salvation of man.
Jehovah therefore is the God of the history of salvation. This is not shown in the etymology of the name, but in its historical expansion. It was as\parJEHOVAH that God manifested Himself to Abram (Genesis 15:7), when He made the covenant with him; and as this name was neither derived from an attribute of God, nor from a divine manifestation, we must trace its origin to a revelation from God, and seek it in the declaration to Abram, “I am Jehovah.” Just as Jehovah here revealed Himself to Abram as the God who led him out of Ur of the Chaldees, to give him the land of Canaan for a possession, and thereby described Himself as the author of all the promises which Abram received at his call, and which were renewed to him and to his descendants, Isaac and Jacob; so did He reveal Himself to Moses (Exodus 3) as the God of his fathers, to fulfil His promise to their seed, the people of Israel. Through these revelations Jehovah became a proper name for the God, who was working out the salvation of fallen humanity; and in this sense, not only is it used proleptically at the call of Abram (ch. 12), but transferred to the primeval times, and applied to all the manifestations and acts of God which had for their object the rescue of the human race from its fall, as well as to the special plan inaugurated in the call of Abram. The preparation commenced in paradise. To show this, Moses has introduced the name Jehovah into the history in the present chapter, and has indicated the identity of Jehovah with Elohim, not only by the constant association of the two names, but also by the fact that in the heading (v. 4b) he speaks of the creation described in ch. 1 as the work ofJEHOVAH ELOHIM.
PARADISE.
GENESIS. 2:5-6
The account in vv. 5-25 is not a second, complete and independent history of the creation, nor does it contain mere appendices to the account in ch. 1; but it describes the commencement of the history of the human race. This commencement includes not only a complete account of the creation of the first human pair, but a description of the place which God prepared for their abode, the latter being of the highest importance in relation to the self-determination of man, with its momentous consequences to both earth and heaven. Even in the history of the creation man takes precedence of all other creatures, as being created in the image of God and appointed lord of all the earth, though he is simply mentioned there as the last and highest link in the creation. To this our present account is attached, describing with greater minuteness the position of man in the creation, and explaining the circumstances which exerted the greatest influence upon his subsequent career.
These circumstances were-the formation of man from the dust of the earth and the divine breath of life; the tree of knowledge in paradise; the formation of the woman, and the relation of the woman to the man. Of these three elements, the first forms the substratum to the other two.
Hence the more exact account of the creation of Adam is subordinated to, and inserted in, the description of paradise (v. 7). In vv. 5 and 6, with which the narrative commences, there is an evident allusion to paradise: “And as yet there was (arose, grew) no shrub of the field upon the earth, and no herb of the field sprouted; for Jehovah El had not caused it to rain upon the earth, and there was no man to till the ground; and a mist arose from the earth and watered the whole surface of the ground.” hy;h; in parallelism with tsaamach means to become, to arise, to proceed. Although the growth of the shrubs and sprouting of the herbs are represented here as dependent upon the rain and the cultivation of the earth by man, we must not understand the words as meaning that there was neither shrub nor herb before the rain and dew, or before the creation of man, and so draw the conclusion that the creation of the plants occurred either after or contemporaneously with the creation of man, in direct contradiction to Genesis 1:11-12.
The creation of the plants is not alluded to here at all, but simply the planting of the garden in Eden. The growing of the shrubs and sprouting of the herbs is different from the creation or first production of the vegetable kingdom, and relates to the growing and sprouting of the plants and germs which were called into existence by the creation, the natural development of the plants as it had steadily proceeded ever since the creation. This was dependent upon rain and human culture; their creation was not. Moreover, the shrub and herb of the field do not embrace the whole of the vegetable productions of the earth. It is not a fact that the field is used in the second section in the same sense as the earth in the first.” hd,c; is not “the widespread plain of the earth, the broad expanse of land,” but a field of arable land, soil fit for cultivation, which forms only a part of the “earth” or “ground.”
Even the “beast of the field” in v. 19 and Genesis 3:1 is not synonymous with the “beast of the earth” in Genesis 1:24-25, but is a more restricted term, denoting only such animals as live upon the field and are supported by its produce, whereas the “beast of the earth” denotes all wild beasts as distinguished from tame cattle and reptiles. In the same way, the “shrub of the field” consists of such shrubs and tree-like productions of the cultivated land as man raises for the sake of their fruit, and the “herb of the field,” all seed-producing plants, both corn and vegetables, which serve as food for man and beast. — The mist ( dae , vapour, which falls as rain, Job 36:27) is correctly regarded by Delitzsch as the creative beginning of the rain ( rfæm; ) itself, from which we may infer, therefore, that it rained before the flood.
GENESIS. 2:7
“Then Jehovah God formed man from dust of the ground.” `rp;[; is the accusative of the material employed (Ewald and Gesenius). The Vav consec. imperf. in vv. 7, 8, 9, does not indicate the order of time, or of thought; so that the meaning is not that God planted the garden in Eden after He had created Adam, nor that He caused the trees to grow after He had planted the garden and placed the man there. The latter is opposed to v. 15; the former is utterly improbable. The process of man’s creation is described minutely here, because it serves to explain his relation to God and to the surrounding world. He was formed from dust (not de limo terrae, from a clod of the earth, for `rp;[; is not a solid mass, but the finest part of the material of the earth), and into his nostril a breath of life was breathed, by which he became an animated being. Hence the nature of man consists of a material substance and an immaterial principle of life. “The breath of life,” i.e., breath producing life, does not denote the spirit by which man is distinguished form the animals, or the soul of man from that of the beasts, but only the life-breath (vid., 1 Kings 17:17).
It is true, hm;v;n] generally signifies the human soul, but in Genesis 7:22 µyyijæ jæWrAtmæv]ni is used of men and animals both; and should any one explain this, on the ground that the allusion is chiefly to men, and the animals are connected per zeugma, or should he press the ruach attached, and deduce from this the use of neshamah in relation to men and animals, there are several passages in which neshamah is synonymous with ruach (e.g., Isaiah 42:5; Job 32:8; 33:4), or yjæ jæWr applied to animals (Genesis 6:17; 7:15), or again neshamah used as equivalent to nephesh (e.g., (Joshua 10:40, cf. vv. 28, 30, 32). For neshamah, the breathing, pnoh> , is “the ruach in action” (Auberlen). Beside this, the man formed from the dust became, through the breathing of the “breath of life,” a yjæ vp,n, , an animated, and as such a living being; an expression which is also applied to fishes, birds, and land animals (Genesis 1:20-21,24,30), and there is no proof of preeminence on the part of man. As yjæ vp,n, , psuch> zw>sa , does not refer to the soul merely, but to the whole man as an animated being, so hm;v;n] does not denote the spirit of man as distinguished from body and soul. On the relation of the soul to the spirit of man nothing can be gathered from this passage; the words, correctly interpreted, neither show that the soul is an emanation, an exhalation of the human spirit, nor that the soul was created before the spirit and merely received its life from the latter.
The formation of man from dust and the breathing of the breath of life we must not understand in a mechanical sense, as if God first of all constructed a human figure from dust, and then, by breathing His breath of life into the clod of earth which he had shaped into the form of a man, made it into a living being. The words are to be understood theoprepoo’s. By an act of divine omnipotence man arose from the dust; and in the same moment in which the dust, by virtue of creative omnipotence, shaped itself into a human form, it was pervaded by the divine breath of life, and created a living being, so that we cannot say the body was earlier than the soul. The dust of the earth is merely the earthly substratum, which was formed by the breath of life from God into an animated, living, self-existent being. When it is said, “God breathed into his nostril the breath of life,” it is evident that this description merely gives prominence to the peculiar sign of life, viz., breathing; since it is obvious, that what God breathed into man could not be the air which man breathes; for it is not that which breathes, but simply that which is breathed.
Consequently, breathing into the nostril can only mean, that “God, through His own breath, produced and combined with the bodily form that principle of life, which was the origin of all human life, and which constantly manifests its existence in the breath inhaled and exhaled through the nose” (Delitzsch, Psychol. p. 62). Breathing, however, is common to both man and beast; so that this cannot be the sensuous analogon of the supersensuous spiritual life, but simply the principle of the physical life of the soul. Nevertheless the vital principle in man is different from that in the animal, and the human soul from the soul of the beast. This difference is indicated by the way in which man received the breath of life from God, and so became a living soul. “The beasts arose at the creative word of God, and no communication of the spirit is mentioned even in Genesis 2:19; the origin of their soul was coincident with that of their corporeality, and their life was merely the individualization of the universal life, with which all matter was filled in the beginning by the Spirit of God.
On the other hand, the human spirit is not a mere individualization of the divine breath which breathed upon the material of the world, or of the universal spirit of nature; nor is his body merely a production of the earth when stimulated by the creative word of God. The earth does not bring forth his body, but God Himself puts His hand to the work and forms him; nor does the life already imparted to the world by the Spirit of God individualize itself in him, but God breathes directly into the nostrils of the one man, in the whole fulness of His personality, the breath of life, that in a manner corresponding to the personality of God he may become a living soul” (Delitzsch). This was the foundation of the pre-eminence of man, of his likeness to God and his immortality; for by this he was formed into a personal being, whose immaterial part was not merely soul, but a soul breathed entirely by God, since spirit and soul were created together through the inspiration of God. As the spiritual nature of man is described simply by the act of breathing, which is discernible by the senses, so the name which God gives him (Genesis 5:2) is founded upon the earthly side of his being: ADAM, from hmda (adamah), earth, the earthly element, like homo from humus, or from cama> camai> cama>qen , to guard him from self-exaltation, not from the red colour of his body, since this is not a distinctive characteristic of man, but common to him and to many other creatures. The name man (Mensch), on the other hand, from the Sanskrit mânuscha, manuschja, from man to think, manas = mens, expresses the spiritual inwardness of our nature.
GENESIS. 2:8-9
The abode, which God prepared for the first man, was a “garden in Eden,” also called “the garden of Eden” (v. 15; Genesis 3:23-24; Joel 2:3), or Eden (Isaiah 51:3; Ezekiel 28:13; 31:9). Eden ( `ˆd,[e , i.e., delight) is the proper name of a particular district, the situation of which is described in v. 10ff.; but it must not be confounded with the Eden of Assyria (2 Kings 19:12, etc.) and Coelesyria (Amos 1:5), which is written with double seghol. The garden (lit., a place hedged round) was to the east, i.e., in the eastern portion, and is generally called Paradise from the Septuagint version, in which the word is rendered para>deisov . This word, according to Spiegel, was derived from the Zendic pairi-daêza, a hedging round, and passed into the Hebrew in the form sDer]pæ (Song 4:13; Eccl 2:5; Neh 2:8), a park, probably through the commercial relations which Solomon established with distant countries. In the garden itself God caused all kinds of trees to grow out of the earth; and among them were tow, which were called “the tree of life” and “the tree of knowledge of good and evil,” on account of their peculiar significance in relation to man (see v. 16 and Genesis 3:22). t[æDæ , an infinitive, as Jeremiah 22:16 shows, has the article here because the phrase [ræ bwOf t[æDæ is regarded as one word, and in Jeremiah from the nature of the predicate.
GENESIS. 2:10-14
“And there was a river going out of Eden, to water the garden; and from thence it divided itself, and became four heads;” i.e., the stream took its rise in Eden, flowed through the garden to water it, and on leaving the garden was divided into four heads or beginnings of rivers, that is, into four arms or separate streams. For this meaning of varo see Ezekiel 16:25; Lam 2:19. Of the four rivers whose names are given to show the geographical situation of paradise, the last two are unquestionably Tigris and Euphrates.
Hiddekel occurs in Dan 10:4 as the Hebrew name for Tigris; in the inscriptions of Darius it is called Tigrâ (or the arrow, according to Strabo, Pliny, and Curtius), from the Zendic tighra, pointed, sharp, from which probably the meaning stormy (rapidus Tigris, Hor. Carm. 4, 14, 46) was derived. It flows before ( hm;d]qi ), in front of, Assyria, not to the east of Assyria; for the province of Assyria, which must be intended here, was on the eastern side of the Tigris: moreover, neither the meaning, “to the east of,” nor the identity of hm;d]qi and µd,q, has been, or can be, established from Genesis 4:16; 1 Samuel 13:5, or Ezekiel 39:11, which are the only other passages in which the word occurs, as Ewald himself acknowledges.
P’rath, which was not more minutely described because it was so generally known, is the Euphrates; in old Persian, Ufrâta, according to Delitzsch, or the good and fertile stream; Ufrâtu, according to Spiegler, or the wellprogressing stream. According to the present condition of the soil, the sources of the Euphrates and Tigris are not so closely connected that they could be regarded as the commencements of a common stream which has ceased to exist. The main sources of the Tigris, it is true, are only paces from the Euphrates, but they are to the north of Diarbekr, in a range of mountains which is skirted on three sides by the upper course of the Euphrates, and separates them from this river. We must also look in the same country, the highlands of Armenia, for the other two rivers, if the description of paradise actually rests upon an ancient tradition, and is to be regarded as something more than a mythical invention of the fancy.
The name Phishon sounds like the Phasis of the ancients, with which Reland supposed it to be identical; and Chavilah like Cholchis, the wellknown gold country of the ancients. But the Fa’sis ho Ko’lchos (Herod. 4, 37, 45) takes its rise in the Caucasus, and not in Armenia. A more probable conjecture, therefore, points to the Cyrus of the ancients, which rises in Armenia, flows northwards to a point not far from the eastern border of Colchis, and then turns eastward in Iberia, from which it flows in a southeasterly direction to the Caspian Sea. The expression, “which compasseth the whole land of Chavilah,” would apply very well to the course of this river from the eastern border of Colchis; for cbb does not necessarily signify to surround, but to pass through with different turns, or to skirt in a semi-circular form, and Chavilah may have been larger than modern Colchis. It is not a valid objection to this explanation, that in every other place Chavilah is a district of Southern Arabia. The identity of this Chavilah with the Chavilah of the Joktanites (Genesis 10:29; 25:18; Samuel 15:7) or of the Cushites (Genesis 10:7; 1 Chronicles 1:9) is disproved not only by the article used here, which distinguishes it from the other, but also by the description of it as land where gold, bdolach, and the shohamstone are found; a description neither requisite nor suitable in the case of the Arabian Chavilah, since there productions are not to be met with there. This characteristic evidently shows that the Chavilah mentioned here was entirely distinct from the other, and a land altogether unknown to the Iraelites.
What we are to understand by jlædoB] is uncertain. There is no certain ground for the meaning “pearls,” given in Saad. and the later Rabbins, and adopted by Bochart and others. The rendering bde’lla or bde’llion, bdellium, a vegetable gum, of which Cioscorus says, ohi de’ ma’delkon ohi de’ bolcho’n kalou’si, and Pliny, “alii brochon appellant, alii malacham, alii maldacon,” is favoured by the similarity in the name; but, on the other side, there is the fact that Pliny describes this gum as nigrum and hadrobolon, and Dioscorus as hupope’lion (blackish), which does not agree with Numbers 11:7, where the appearance of the white grains of the manna is compared to that of bdolach. — The stone shoham, according to most of the early versions, is probably the beryl, which is most likely the stone intended by the LXX ( oJ li>qov oJ pra>sinov , the leek-green stone), as Pliny, when speaking of beryls, describes those as probatissimi, qui viriditatem puri maris imitantur; but according to others it is the onyx or sardonyx (vid., Ges. s.v.). f9 The Gihon (from guwach to break forth) is the Araxes, which rises in the neighbourhood of the Euphrates, flows from west to east, joins the Cyrus, and falls with it into the Caspian Sea. The name corresponds to the Arabic Jaihun, a name given by the Arabians and Persians to several large rivers.
The land of Cush cannot, of course, be the later Cush, or Ethiopia, but must be connected with the Asiatic Cossai’a, which reached to the Caucasus, and to which the Jews (of Shirwan) still give this name. But even though these four streams do not now spring from one source, but on the contrary their sources are separated by mountain ranges, this fact does not prove that the narrative before us is a myth. Along with or since the disappearance of paradise, that part of the earth may have undergone such changes that the precise locality can no longer be determined with certainty. f10 GENESIS 2:15-17 After the preparation of the garden in Eden God placed the man there, to dress it and to keep it. WhjeyNiyæ not merely expresses removal thither, but the fact that the man was placed there to lead a life of repose, not indeed in inactivity, but in fulfilment of the course assigned him, which was very different from the trouble and restlessness of the weary toil into which he was plunged by sin. In paradise he was to dress (colere) the garden; for the earth was meant to be tended and cultivated by man, so that without human culture, plants and even the different varieties of corn degenerate and grow wild. Cultivation therefore preserved ( rmæv; to keep) the divine plantation, not merely from injury on the part of any evil power, either penetrating into, or already existing in the creation, but also from running wild through natural degeneracy. As nature was created for man, it was his vocation not only to ennoble it by his work, to make it subservient to himself, but also to raise it into the sphere of the spirit and further its glorification.
This applied not merely to the soil beyond the limits of paradise, but to the garden itself, which, although the most perfect portion of the terrestrial creation, was nevertheless susceptible of development, and which was allotted to man, in order that by his care and culture he might make it into a transparent mirror of the glory of the Creator. — Here too the man was to commence his own spiritual development. To this end God had planted two trees in the midst of the garden of Eden; the one to train his spirit through the exercise of obedience to the word of God, the other to transform his earthly nature into the spiritual essence of eternal life. These trees received their names from their relation to man, that is to say, from the effect which the eating of their fruit was destined to produce upon human life and its development. The fruit of the tree of life conferred the power of eternal, immortal life; and the tree of knowledge was planted, to lead men to the knowledge of good and evil.
The knowledge of good and evil was no mere experience of good and ill, but a moral element in that spiritual development, through which the man created in the image of God was to attain to the filling out of that nature, which had already been planned in the likeness of God. For not to know what good and evil are, is a sign of either the immaturity of infancy (Deuteronomy 1:39), or the imbecility of age (2 Samuel 19:35); whereas the power to distinguish good and evil is commended as the gift of a king (1 Kings 3:9) and the wisdom of angels (2 Samuel 14:17), and in the highest sense is ascribed to God Himself (Genesis 3:5,22). Why then did God prohibit man from eating of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, with the threat that, as soon as he ate thereof, he would surely die? (The inf. abs. before the finite verb intensifies the latter: vid., Ewald, §312a). Are we to regard the tree as poisonous, and suppose that some fatal property resided in the fruit?
A supposition which so completely ignores the ethical nature of sin is neither warranted by the antithesis, nor by what is said in Genesis 3:22 of the tree of life, nor by the fact that the eating of the forbidden fruit was actually the cause of death. Even in the case of the tree of life, the power is not to be sought in the physical character of the fruit. No earthly fruit possesses the power to give immortality to the life which it helps to sustain. Life is not rooted in man’s corporeal nature; it was in his spiritual nature that it had its origin, and from this it derives its stability and permanence also. It may, indeed, be brought to an end through the destruction of the body; but it cannot be exalted to perpetual duration, i.e., to immortality, through its preservation and sustenance. And this applies quite as much to the original nature of man, as to man after the fall. A body formed from earthly materials could not be essentially immortal: it would of necessity either be turned to earth, and fall into dust again, or be transformed by the spirit into the immortality of the soul.
The power which transforms corporeality into immortality is spiritual in its nature, and could only be imparted to the earthly tree or its fruit through the word of God, through a special operation of the Spirit of God, an operation which we can only picture to ourselves as sacramental in its character, rendering earthly elements the receptacles and vehicles of celestial powers. God had given such a sacramental nature and significance to the two trees in the midst of the garden, that their fruit could and would produce supersensual, mental, and spiritual effects upon the nature of the first human pair. The tree of life was to impart the power of transformation into eternal life. The tree of knowledge was to lead man to the knowledge of good and evil; and, according to the divine intention, this was to be attained through his not eating of its fruit. This end was to be accomplished, not only by his discerning in the limit imposed by the prohibition the difference between that which accorded with the will of God and that which opposed it, but also by his coming eventually, through obedience to the prohibition, to recognise the fact that all that is opposed to the will of God is an evil to be avoided, and, through voluntary resistance to such evil, to the full development of the freedom of choice originally imparted to him into the actual freedom of a deliberate and selfconscious choice of good.
By obedience to the divine will he would have attained to a godlike knowledge of good and evil, i.e., to one in accordance with his own likeness to God. He would have detected the evil in the approaching tempter; but instead of yielding to it, he would have resisted it, and thus have made good his own property acquired with consciousness and of his own free-will, and in this way by proper self-determination would gradually have advanced to the possession of the truest liberty. But as he failed to keep this divinely appointed way, and ate the forbidden fruit in opposition to the command of God, the power imparted by God to the fruit was manifested in a different way. He learned the difference between good and evil from his own guilty experience, and by receiving the evil into his own soul, fell a victim to the threatened death. Thus through his own fault the tree, which should have helped him to attain true freedom, brought nothing but the sham liberty of sin, and with it death, and that without any demoniacal power of destruction being conjured into the tree itself, or any fatal poison being hidden in its fruit.
GENESIS. 2:18-22
Creation of the Woman.
As the creation of the man is introduced in Genesis 1:26-27, with a divine decree, so here that of the woman is preceded by the divine declaration, It is not good that the man should be alone; I will make him dg,n, `rz,[e , a help of his like: “ i.e., a helping being, in which, as soon as he sees it, he may recognise himself” (Delitzsch). Of such a help the man stood in need, in order that he might fulfil his calling, not only to perpetuate and multiply his race, but to cultivate and govern the earth. To indicate this, the general word kngdw `zr is chosen, in which there is an allusion to the relation of the sexes. To call out this want, God brought the larger quadrupeds and birds to the man, “to see what he would call them ( ttæK; lit., each one); and whatsoever the man might call every living being should be its name.” The time when this took place must have been the sixth day, on which, according to Genesis 1:27, the man and woman were created: and there is no difficulty in this, since it would not have required much time to bring the animals to Adam to see what he would call them, as the animals of paradise are all we have to think of; and the deep sleep into which God caused the man to fall, till he had formed the woman from his rib, need not have continued long.
In Genesis 1:27 the creation of the woman is linked with that of the man; but here the order of sequence is given, because the creation of the woman formed a chronological incident in the history of the human race, which commences with the creation of Adam. The circumstance that in v. 19 the formation of the beasts and birds is connected with the creation of Adam by the imperf. c. w consec., constitutes to objection to the plan of creation given in ch. 1. The arrangement may be explained on the supposition, that the writer, who was about to describe the relation of man to the beasts, went back to their creation, in the simple method of the early Semitic historians, and placed this first instead of making it subordinate; so that our modern style of expressing the same thought would be simply this: “God brought to Adam the beasts which He had formed.” f11 Moreover, the allusion is not to the creation of all the beasts, but simply to that of the beasts living in the field (game and tame cattle), and of the fowls of the air-to beasts, therefore, which had been formed like man from the earth, and thus stood in a closer relation to him than water animals or reptiles. For God brought the animals to Adam, to show him the creatures which were formed to serve him, that He might see what he would call them. Calling or naming presupposes acquaintance. Adam is to become acquainted with the creatures, to learn their relation to him, and by giving them names to prove himself their lord. God does not order him to name them; but by bringing the beasts He gives him an opportunity of developing that intellectual capacity which constitutes his superiority to the animal world. “The man sees the animals, and thinks of what they are and how they look; and these thoughts, in themselves already inward words, take the form involuntarily of audible names, which he utters to the beasts, and by which he places the impersonal creatures in the first spiritual relation to himself, the personal being” (Delitzsch).
Language, as W. v. Humboldt says, is “the organ of the inner being, or rather the inner being itself as it gradually attains to inward knowledge and expression.” It is merely thought cast into articulate sounds or words. The thoughts of Adam with regard to the animals, to which he gave expression in the names that he gave them, we are not to regard as the mere results of reflection, or of abstraction from merely outward peculiarities which affected the senses; but as a deep and direct mental insight into the nature of the animals, which penetrated far deeper than such knowledge as is the simple result of reflecting and abstracting thought. The naming of the animals, therefore, led to this result, that there was not found a help meet for man. Before the creation of the woman we must regard the man (Adam) as being “neither male, in the sense of complete sexual distinction, nor androgynous as though both sexes were combined in the one individual created at the first, but as created in anticipation of the future, with a preponderant tendency, a male in simple potentiality, out of which state he passed, the moment the woman stood by his side, when the mere potentia became an actual antithesis” (Ziegler).
Then God caused a deep sleep to fall upon the man (v. 21). hm;Der]Tæ , a deep sleep, in which all consciousness of the outer world and of one’s own existence vanishes. Sleep is an essential element in the nature of man as ordained by God, and is quite as necessary for man as the interchange of day and night for all nature besides. But this deep sleep was different from natural sleep, and God caused it to fall upon the man by day, that He might create the woman out of him. “Everything out of which something new is to spring, sinks first of all into such a sleep” (Ziegler). [l;xe means the side, and, as a portion of the human body, the rib. The correctness of this meaning, which is given by all the ancient versions, is evident from the words, “God took one of his tw[lx ,” which show that the man had several of them. “And closed up flesh in the place thereof;” i.e., closed the gap which had been made, with flesh which He put in the place of the rib.
The woman was created, not of dust of the earth, but from a rib of Adam, because she was formed for an inseparable unity and fellowship of life with the man, and the mode of her creation was to lay the actual foundation for the moral ordinance of marriage. As the moral idea of the unity of the human race required that man should not be created as a genus or plurality, so the moral relation of the two persons establishing the unity of the race required that man should be created first, and then the woman from the body of the man. By this the priority and superiority of the man, and the dependence of the woman upon the man, are established as an ordinance of divine creation.
This ordinance of God forms the root of that tender love with which the man loves the woman as himself, and by which marriage becomes a type of the fellowship of love and life, which exists between the Lord and His Church (Eph. 6:32). If the fact that the woman was formed from a rib, and not from any other part of the man, is significant; all that we can find in this is, that the woman was made to stand as a helpmate by the side of the man, not that there was any allusion to conjugal love as founded in the heart; for the text does not speak of the rib as one which was next the heart. The word hn;B; is worthy of note: from the rib of the man God builds the female, through whom the human race is to be built up by the male (Genesis 16:2; 30:3).
GENESIS. 2:23-25
The design of God in the creation of the woman is perceived by Adam, as soon as he awakes, when the woman is brought to him by God. Without a revelation from God, he discovers in the woman “bone of his bones and flesh of his flesh.” The words, “this is now ( µ[æpæ lit., this time) bone of my bones,” etc., are expressive of joyous astonishment at the suitable helpmate, whose relation to himself he describes in the words, “she shall be called Woman, for she is taken out of man.” hV;ai is well rendered by Luther, “Männin” (a female man), like the old Latin vira from vir. The words which follow, “therefore shall a man leave his father and his mother, and shall cleave unto his wife, and they shall become one flesh,” are not to be regarded as Adam’s, first on account of the `al-keen, which is always used in Genesis, with the exception of Genesis 20:6; 42:21, to introduce remarks of the writer, either of an archaeological or of a historical character, and secondly, because, even if Adam on seeing the woman had given prophetic utterance to his perception of the mystery of marriage, he could not with propriety have spoken of father and mother.
They are the words of Moses, written to bring out the truth embodied in the fact recorded as a divinely appointed result, to exhibit marriage as the deepest corporeal and spiritual unity of man and woman, and to hold up monogamy before the eyes of the people of Israel as the form of marriage ordained by God. But as the words of Moses, they are the utterance of divine revelation; and Christ could quote them, therefore, as the word of God (Matthew 19:5). By the leaving of father and mother, which applies to the woman as well as to the man, the conjugal union is shown to be a spiritual oneness, a vital communion of heart as well as of body, in which it finds its consummation. This union is of a totally different nature from that of parents and children; hence marriage between parents and children is entirely opposed to the ordinance of God. Marriage itself, notwithstanding the fact that it demands the leaving of father and mother, is a holy appointment of God; hence celibacy is not a higher or holier state, and the relation of the sexes for a pure and holy man is a pure and holy relation.
This is shown in v. 25: “They were both naked ( `µwOr[; , with dagesh in the m, is an abbreviated form of `µroy[e Genesis 3:7, from `rW[ to strip), the man and his wife, and were not ashamed.” Their bodies were sanctified by the spirit, which animated them. Shame entered first with sin, which destroyed the normal relation of the spirit to the body, exciting tendencies and lusts which warred against the soul, and turning the sacred ordinance of God into sensual impulses and the lust of the flesh.
THE FALL.
GENESIS. 3:1-8
The man, whom God had appointed lord of the earth and its inhabitants, was endowed with everything requisite for the development of his nature and the fulfilment of his destiny. In the fruit of the trees of the garden he had food for the sustenance of his life; in the care of the garden itself, a field of labour for the exercise of his physical strength; in the animal and vegetable kingdom, a capacious region for the expansion of his intellect; in the tree of knowledge, a positive law for the training of his moral nature; and in the woman associated with him, a suitable companion and help. In such circumstances as these he might have developed both his physical and spiritual nature in accordance with the will of God. But a tempter approached him from the midst of the animal world, and he yielded to the temptation to break the command of God. The serpent is said to have been the tempter. But to any one who reads the narrative carefully in connection with the previous history of the creation, and bears in mind that man is there described as exalted far above all the rest of the animal world, not only by the fact of his having been created in the image of God and invested with dominion over all the creatures of the earth, but also because God breathed into him the breath of life, and no help meet for him was found among the beasts of the field, and also that this superiority was manifest in the gift of speech, which enabled him to give names to all the rest-a thing which they, as speechless, were unable to perform-it must be at once apparent that it was not from the serpent, as a sagacious and crafty animal, that the temptation proceeded, but that the serpent was simply the tool of that evil spirit, who is met with in the further course of the world’s history under the name of Satan (the opponent), or the Devil ( oJ dia>bolov , the slanderer or accuser). f13 When the serpent, therefore, is introduced as speaking, and that just as if it had been entrusted with the thoughts of God Himself, the speaking must have emanated, not from the serpent, but from a superior spirit, which had taken possession of the serpent for the sake of seducing man. This fact, indeed, is not distinctly stated in the canonical books of the Old Testament; but that is simply for the same educational reason which led Moses to transcribe the account exactly as it had been handed down, in the pure objective form of an outward and visible occurrence, and without any allusion to the causality which underlay the external phenomenon, viz., not so much to oppose the tendency of contemporaries to heathen superstition and habits of intercourse with the kingdom of demons, as to avoid encouraging the disposition to transfer the blame to the evil spirit which tempted man, and thus reduce sin to a mere act of weakness.
But we find the fact distinctly alluded to in the book of Wisdom 2:24; and not only is it constantly noticed in the rabbinical writings, where the prince of the evil spirits is called the old serpent, or the serpent, with evident reference to this account, but it was introduced at a very early period into Parsism also. It is also attested by Christ and His apostles (John 8:44; Cor 11:3 and 14; Romans 16:20; Rev 12:9; 20:2), and confirmed by the temptation of our Lord. The temptation of Christ is the counterpart of that of Adam. Christ was tempted by the devil, not only like Adam, but because Adam had been tempted and overcome, in order that by overcoming the tempter He might wrest from the devil that dominion over the whole race which he had secured by his victory over the first human pair. The tempter approached the Saviour openly; to the first man he came in disguise. The serpent is not a merely symbolical term applied to Satan; nor was it only the form which Satan assumed; but it was a real serpent, perverted by Satan to be the instrument of his temptation (vv. 1 and 14). The possibility of such a perversion, or of the evil spirit using an animal for his own purposes, is not to be explained merely on the ground of the supremacy of spirit over nature, but also from the connection established in the creation itself between heaven and earth; and still more, from the position originally assigned by the Creator to the spirits of heaven in relation to the creatures of earth. The origin, force, and limits of this relation it is impossible to determine a priori, or in any other way than from such hints as are given in the Scriptures; so that there is no reasonable ground for disputing the possibility of such an influence. Notwithstanding his self-willed opposition to God, Satan is still a creature of God, and was created a good spirit; although, in proud self-exaltation, he abused the freedom essential to the nature of a superior spirit to purposes of rebellion against his Maker. He cannot therefore entirely shake off his dependence upon God. And this dependence may possibly explain the reason, why he did not come “disguised as an angel of light” to tempt our first parents to disobedience, but was obliged to seek the instrument of his wickedness among the beasts of the field.
The trial of our first progenitors was ordained by God, because probation was essential to their spiritual development and self-determination. But as He did not desire that they should be tempted to their fall, He would not suffer Satan to tempt them in a way which should surpass their human capacity. The tempted might therefore have resisted the tempter. If, instead of approaching them in the form of a celestial being, in the likeness of God, he came in that of a creature, not only far inferior to God, but far below themselves, they could have no excuse for allowing a mere animal to persuade them to break the commandment of God. For they had been made to have dominion over the beasts, and not to take their own law from them. Moreover, the fact that an evil spirit was approaching them in the serpent, could hardly be concealed from them. Its speaking alone must have suggested that; for Adam had already become acquainted with the nature of the beasts, and had not found one among them resembling himself-not one, therefore, endowed with reason and speech. The substance of the address, too, was enough to prove that it was no good spirit which spake through the serpent, but one at enmity with God. Hence, when they paid attention to what he said, they were altogether without excuse.
Verse 1-5. “The serpent was more subtle than all the beasts of the field, which Jehovah God had made.” — The serpent is here described not only as a beast, but also as a creature of God; it must therefore have been good, like everything else that He had made. Subtilty was a natural characteristic of the serpent (Matthew 10:16), which led the evil one to select it as his instrument. Nevertheless the predicate `µWr[; is not used here in the good sense of fro>nimov (LXX), prudens, but in the bad sense of panou>rgov , callidus. For its subtilty was manifested as the craft of a tempter to evil, in the simple fact that it was to the weaker woman that it turned; and cunning was also displayed in what it said: “Hath God indeed said, Ye shall not eat of all the trees of the garden?” yKi ãaæ is an interrogative expressing surprise (as in 1 Samuel 23:3; 2 Samuel 4:11): “Is it really the fact that God has prohibited you from eating of all the trees of the garden?”
The Hebrew may, indeed, bear the meaning, “hath God said, ye shall not eat of every tree?” but from the context, and especially the conjunction, it is obvious that the meaning is, “ye shall not eat of any tree.” The serpent calls God by the name of Elohim alone, and the woman does the same. In this more general and indefinite name the personality of the living God is obscured. To attain his end, the tempter felt it necessary to change the living personal God into a merely general numen divinium, and to exaggerate the prohibition, in the hope of exciting in the woman’s mind partly distrust of God Himself, and partly a doubt as to the truth of His word. And his words were listened to. Instead of turning away, the woman replied, “We may eat of the fruit of the trees of the garden; but of the fruit of the tree which is in the midst of the garden, God hath said, Ye shall not eat of it, neither shall ye touch it, lest ye die.” She was aware of the prohibition, therefore, and fully understood its meaning; but she added, “neither shall ye touch it,” and proved by this very exaggeration that it appeared too stringent even to her, and therefore that her love and confidence towards God were already beginning to waver.
Here was the beginning of her fall: “for doubt is the father of sin, and skepsis the mother of all transgression; and in this father and this mother, all our present knowledge has a common origin with sin” (Ziegler). From doubt, the tempter advances to a direct denial of the truth of the divine threat, and to a malicious suspicion of the divine love (vv. 4, 5). “Ye will by no means die” ( alo is placed before the infinitive absolute, as in Psalm 49:8 and Amos 9:8; for the meaning is not, “he will not die;” but, ye will positively not die). “But God doth know that in the day ye eat thereof, your eyes will be opened, and ye will be like God, knowing good and evil.” That is to say, it is not because the fruit of the tree will injure you that God has forbidden you to eat it, but from ill-will and envy, because He does not wish you to be like Himself. “A truly satanic double entendre, in which a certain agreement between truth and untruth is secured!” By eating the fruit, man did obtain the knowledge of good and evil, and in this respect became like God (vv. 7 and 22). This was the truth which covered the falsehood “ye shall not die,” and turned the whole statement into a lie, exhibiting its author as the father of lies, who abides not in the truth (John 8:44). For the knowledge of good and evil, which man obtains by going into evil, is as far removed from the true likeness of God, which he would have attained by avoiding it, as the imaginary liberty of a sinner, which leads into bondage to sin and ends in death, is from the true liberty of a life of fellowship with God.
Verse 6. The illusive hope of being like God excited a longing for the forbidden fruit. “The woman saw that the tree was good for food, and that it was a pleasure to the eyes, and to be desired to make one wise ( lkæc; signifies to gain or show discernment or insight); and she took of its fruit and ate, and gave to her husband by her (who was present), and he did eat.” As distrust of God’s command leads to a disregard of it, so the longing for a false independence excites a desire for the seeming good that has been prohibited; and this desire is fostered by the senses, until it brings forth sin. Doubt, unbelief, and pride were the roots of the sin of our first parents, as they have been of all the sins of their posterity. The more trifling the object of their sin seems to have been, the greater and more difficult does the sin itself appear; especially when we consider that the first men “stood in a more direct relation to God, their Creator, than any other man has ever done, that their hearts were pure, their discernment clear, their intercourse with God direct, that they were surrounded by gifts just bestowed by Him, and could not excuse themselves on the ground of any misunderstanding of the divine prohibition, which threatened them with the loss of life in the event of disobedience” (Delitzsch). Yet not only did the woman yield to the seductive wiles of the serpent, but even the man allowed himself to be tempted by the woman.
Verse 7-8. “Then the eyes of them both were opened” (as the serpent had foretold: but what did they see?), “and they knew that they were naked.”
They had lost “that blessed blindness, the ignorance of innocence, which knows nothing of nakedness” (Ziegler). The discovery of their nakedness excited shame, which they sought to conceal by an outward covering. “They sewed fig-leaves together, and made themselves aprons.” The word ˆaeT] always denotes the fig-tree, not the pisang (Musa paradisiaca), nor the Indian banana, whose leaves are twelve feet long and two feet broad, for there would have been no necessity to sew them together at all. rwOgj , perizw>mata , are aprons, worn round the hips. It was here that the consciousness of nakedness first suggested the need of covering, not because the fruit had poisoned the fountain of human life, and through some inherent quality had immediately corrupted the reproductive powers of the body (as Hoffmann and Baumgarten suppose), nor because any physical change ensued in consequence of the fall; but because, with the destruction of the normal connection between soul and body through sin, the body ceased to be the pure abode of a spirit in fellowship with God, and in the purely natural state of the body the consciousness was produced not merely of the distinction of the sexes, but still more of the worthlessness of the flesh; so that the man and woman stood ashamed in each other’s presence, and endeavoured to hide the disgrace of their spiritual nakedness, by covering those parts of the body through which the impurities of nature are removed.
That the natural feeling of shame, the origin of which is recorded here, had its root, not in sensuality or any physical corruption, but in the consciousness of guilt or shame before God, and consequently that it was the conscience which was really at work, is evident from the fact that the man and his wife hid themselves from Jehovah God among the trees of the garden, as soon as they heard the sound of His footsteps. hwO;hy] lwOq (the voice of Jehovah, v. 8) is not the voice of God speaking or calling, but the sound of God walking, as in 2 Samuel 5:24; 1 Kings 14:6, etc. — In the cool of the day (lit., in the wind of the day), i.e., towards the evening, when a cooling wind generally blows. The men have broken away from God, but God will not and cannot leave them alone. He comes to them as one man to another. This was the earliest form of divine revelation. God conversed with the first man in a visible shape, as the Father and Instructor of His children.
He did not adopt this mode for the first time after the fall, but employed it as far back as the period when He brought the beasts to Adam, and gave him the woman to be his wife (Genesis 2:19,22). This human mode of intercourse between man and God is not a mere figure of speech, but a reality, having its foundation in the nature of humanity, or rather in the fact that man was created in the image of God, but not in the sense supposed by Jakobi, that “God theomorphised when creating man, and man therefore necessarily anthropomorphises when he thinks of God.” The anthropomorphies of God have their real foundation in the divine condescension which culminated in the incarnation of God in Christ. They are to be understood, however, as implying, not that corporeality, or a bodily shape, is an essential characteristic of God, but that God having given man a bodily shape, when He created him in His own image, revealed Himself in a manner suited to his bodily senses, that He might thus preserve him in living communion with Himself.
GENESIS. 3:9-13
The man could not hide himself from God. “Jehovah God called unto Adam, and said unto him, Where art thou?” Not that He was ignorant of his hiding-place, but to bring him to a confession of his sin. And when Adam said that he had hidden himself through fear of his nakedness, and thus sought to hide the sin behind its consequences, his disobedience behind the feeling of shame; this is not to be regarded as a sign of peculiar obduracy, but easily admits of a psychological explanation, viz., that at the time he actually thought more of his nakedness and shame than of his transgression of the divine command, and his consciousness of the effects of his sin was keener than his sense of the sin itself. To awaken the latter God said, “Who told thee that thou wast naked?” and asked him whether he had broken His command. He could not deny that he had, but sought to excuse himself by saying, that the woman whom God gave to be with him had given him of the tree. When the woman was questioned, she pleaded as her excuse, that the serpent had beguiled her (or rather deceived her, exapa’teesen, 2 Cor 11:3). In offering these excuses, neither of them denied the fact. But the fault in both was, that they did not at once smite upon their breasts. “It is so still; the sinner first of all endeavours to throw the blame upon others as tempters, and then upon circumstances which God has ordained.”
GENESIS. 3:14-15
The sentence follows the examination, and is pronounced first of all upon the serpent as the tempter: “Because thou hast done this, thou art cursed before all cattle, and before every beast of the field.” ˆmi , literally out of the beasts, separate from them (Deuteronomy 14:2; Judges 5:24), is not a comparative signifying more than, nor does it mean by; for the curse did not proceed from the beasts, but from God, and was not pronounced upon all the beasts, but upon the serpent alone. The kti>siv , it is true, including the whole animal creation, has been “made subject to vanity” and “the bondage of corruption,” in consequence of the sin of man (Romans 8:20-21); yet this subjection is not to be regarded as the effect of the curse, which was pronounced upon the serpent, having fallen upon the whole animal world, but as the consequence of death passing from man into the rest of the creation, and thoroughly pervading the whole.
The creation was drawn into the fall of man, and compelled to share its consequences, because the whole of the irrational creation was made for man, and made subject to him as its head; consequently the ground was cursed for man’s sake, but not the animal world for the serpent’s sake, or even along with the serpent. The curse fell upon the serpent for having tempted the woman, according to the same law by which not only a beast which had injured a man was ordered to be put to death (Genesis 9:5; Exodus 21:28-29), but any beast which had been the instrument of an unnatural crime was to be slain along with the man (Leviticus 20:15-16); not as though the beast were an accountable creature, but in consequence of its having been made subject to man, not to injure his body or his life, or to be the instrument of his sin, but to subserve the great purpose of his life. “Just as a loving father,” as Chrysostom says, “when punishing the murderer of his son, might snap in two the sword or dagger with which the murder had been committed.”
The proof, therefore, that the serpent was merely the instrument of an evil spirit, does not lie in the punishment itself, but in the manner in which the sentence was pronounced. When God addressed the animal, and pronounced a curse upon it, this presupposed that the curse had regard not so much to the irrational beast as to the spiritual tempter, and that the punishment which fell upon the serpent was merely a symbol of his own.
The punishment of the serpent corresponded to the crime. It had exalted itself above the man; therefore upon its belly it should go, and dust it should eat all the days of its life. If these words are not to be robbed of their entire meaning, they cannot be understood in any other way than as denoting that the form and movements of the serpent were altered, and that its present repulsive shape is the effect of the curse pronounced upon it, though we cannot form any accurate idea of its original appearance. Going upon the belly (= creeping, Leviticus 11:42) was a mark of the deepest degradation; also the eating of dust, which is not to be understood as meaning that dust was to be its only food, but that while crawling in the dust it would also swallow dust (cf. Micah 7:17; Isaiah 49:23). Although this punishment fell literally upon the serpent, it also affected the tempter if a figurative or symbolical sense. He became the object of the utmost contempt and abhorrence; and the serpent still keeps the revolting image of Satan perpetually before the eye. This degradation was to be perpetual. “While all the rest of creation shall be delivered from the fate into which the fall has plunged it, according to Isaiah 65:25, the instrument of man’s temptation is to remain sentenced to perpetual degradation in fulfilment of the sentence, ‘all the days of thy life.’ and thus to prefigure the fate of the real tempter, for whom there is no deliverance” (Hengstenberg, Christology Genesis 1:15). — The presumption of the tempter was punished with the deepest degradation; and in like manner his sympathy with the woman was to be turned into eternal hostility (v. 15).
God established perpetual enmity, not only between the serpent and the woman, but also between the serpent’s and the woman’s seed, i.e., between the human and the serpent race. The seed of the woman would crush the serpent’s head, and the serpent crush the heel of the woman’s seed. The meaning, terere, conterere, is thoroughly established by the Chald., Syr., and Rabb. authorities, and we have therefore retained it, in harmony with the word suntri>bein in Romans 16:20, and because it accords better and more easily with all the other passages in which the word occurs, than the rendering inhiare, to regard with enmity, which is obtained from the combination of ãWv with ãaæv; . The verb is construed with a double accusative, the second giving greater precision to the first (vid., Ges. §139, note, and Ewald, §281). The same word is used in connection with both head and heel, to show that on both sides the intention is to destroy the opponent; at the same time, the expressions head and heel denote a majus and minus, or, as Calvin says, superius et inferius.
This contrast arises from the nature of the foes. The serpent can only seize the heel of the man, who walks upright; whereas the man can crush the head of the serpent, that crawls in the dust. But this difference is itself the result of the curse pronounced upon the serpent, and its crawling in the dust is a sign that it will be defeated in its conflict with man. However pernicious may be the bite of a serpent in the heel when the poison circulates throughout the body (Genesis 49:17), it is not immediately fatal and utterly incurable, like the cursing of a serpent’s head.
But even in this sentence there is an unmistakable allusion to the evil and hostile being concealed behind the serpent. That the human race should triumph over the serpent, was a necessary consequence of the original subjection of the animals to man. When, therefore, God not merely confines the serpent within the limits assigned to the animals, but puts enmity between it and the woman, this in itself points to a higher, spiritual power, which may oppose and attack the human race through the serpent, but will eventually be overcome. Observe, too, that although in the first clause the seed of the serpent is opposed to the seed of the woman, in the second it is not over the seed of the serpent but over the serpent itself that the victory is said to be gained. It, i.e., the seed of the woman will crush thy head, and thou (not thy seed) wilt crush its heel. Thus the seed of the serpent is hidden behind the unity of the serpent, or rather of the foe who, through the serpent, has done such injury to man.
This foe is Satan, who incessantly opposes the seed of the woman and bruises its heel, but is eventually to be trodden under its feet. It does not follow from this, however, apart from other considerations, that by the seed of the woman we are to understand one solitary person, one individual only. As the woman is the mother of all living (v. 20), her seed, to which the victory over the serpent and its seed is promised, must be the human race. But if a direct and exclusive reference to Christ appears to be exegetically untenable, the allusion in the word to Christ is by no means precluded in consequence. In itself the idea of [ræz, , the seed, is an indefinite one, since the posterity of a man may consist of a whole tribe or of one son only (Genesis 4:25; 21:12-13), and on the other hand, an entire tribe may be reduced to one single descendant and become extinct in him.
The question, therefore, who is to be understood by the “seed” which is to crush the serpent’s head, can only be answered from the history of the human race.
But a point of much greater importance comes into consideration here.
Against the natural serpent the conflict may be carried on by the whole human race, by all who are born of a woman, but not against Satan. As he is a fore who can only be met with spiritual weapons, none can encounter him successfully but such as possess and make use of spiritual arms. Hence the idea of the “seed” is modified by the nature of the foe. If we look at the natural development of the human race, Eve bore three sons, but only one of them, viz., Seth, was really the seed by whom the human family was preserved through the flood and perpetuated in Noah: so, again, of the three sons of Noah, Shem, the blessed of Jehovah, from whom Abraham descended, was the only one in whose seed all nations were to be blessed, and that not through Ishmael, but through Isaac alone. Through these constantly repeated acts of divine selection, which were not arbitrary exclusions, but were rendered necessary by differences in the spiritual condition of the individuals concerned, the “seed,” to which the victory over Satan was promised, was spiritually or ethically determined, and ceased to be co-extensive with physical descent.
This spiritual seed culminated in Christ, in whom the Adamitic family terminated, henceforward to be renewed by Christ as the second Adam, and restored by Him to its original exaltation and likeness to God. In this sense Christ is the seed of the woman, who tramples Satan under His feet, not as an individual, but as the head both of the posterity of the woman which kept the promise and maintained the conflict with the old serpent before His advent, and also of all those who are gathered out of all nations, are united to Him by faith, and formed into one body of which He is the head (Romans 16:20). On the other hand, all who have not regarded and preserved the promise, have fallen into the power of the old serpent, and are to be regarded as the seed of the serpent, whose head will be trodden under foot (Matthew 23:33; John 8:44; 1 John 3:8). If then the promise culminates in Christ, the fact that the victory over the serpent is promised to the posterity of the woman, not of the man, acquires this deeper significance, that as it was through the woman that the craft of the devil brought sin and death into the world, so it is also through the woman that the grace of God will give to the fallen human race the conqueror of sin, of death, and of the devil. And even if the words had reference first of all to the fact that the woman had been led astray by the serpent, yet in the fact that the destroyer of the serpent was born of a woman (without a human father) they were fulfilled in a way which showed that the promise must have proceeded from that Being, who secured its fulfilment not only in its essential force, but even in its apparently casual form.
GENESIS. 3:16-19
It was not till the prospect of victory had been presented, that a sentence of punishment was pronounced upon both the man and the woman on account of their sin. The woman, who had broken the divine command for the sake of earthly enjoyment, was punished in consequence with the sorrows and pains of pregnancy and childbirth. “I will greatly multiply ( hb;r; is the inf. abs. for hb;r; , which had become an adverb: vid., Ewald, §240c, as in Genesis 16:10 and 22:17) thy sorrow and thy pregnancy: in sorrow thou shalt bring forth children.” As the increase of conceptions, regarded as the fulfilment of the blessing to “be fruitful and multiply” (1:28), could be no punishment, ˆwOrhe must be understood as in apposition to `ˆboX;[i thy sorrow (i.e., the sorrows peculiar to a woman’s life), and indeed (or more especially) thy pregnancy (i.e., the sorrows attendant upon that condition).
The sentence is not rendered more lucid by the assumption of a hendiadys. “That the woman should bear children was the original will of God; but it was a punishment that henceforth she was to bear them in sorrow, i.e., with pains which threatened her own life as well as that of the child” (Delitzsch). The punishment consisted in an enfeebling of nature, in consequence of sin, which disturbed the normal relation between body and soul. — The woman had also broken through her divinely appointed subordination to the man; she had not only emancipated herself from the man to listen to the serpent, but had led the man into sin. For that, she was punished with a desire bordering upon disease ( hq;WvT] from qWv to run, to have a violent craving for a thing), and with subjection to the man. “And he shall rule over thee.” Created for the man, the woman was made subordinate to him from the very first; but the supremacy of the man was not intended to become a despotic rule, crushing the woman into a slave, which has been the rule in ancient and modern Heathenism, and even in Mahometanism also-a rule which was first softened by the sin-destroying grace of the Gospel, and changed into a form more in harmony with the original relation, viz., that of a rule on the one hand, and subordination on the other, which have their roots in mutual esteem and love.
Verse 17-19. “And unto Adam:” the noun is here used for the first time as a proper name without the article. In Genesis 1:26 and 2:5,20, the noun is appellative, and there are substantial reasons for the omission of the article.
The sentence upon Adam includes a twofold punishment: first the cursing of the ground, and secondly death, which affects the woman as well, on account of their common guilt. By listening to his wife, when deceived by the serpent, Adam had repudiated his superiority to the rest of creation. As a punishment, therefore, nature would henceforth offer resistance to his will. By breaking the divine command, he had set himself above his Maker, death would therefore show him the worthlessness of his own nature. “Cursed be the ground for thy sake; in sorrow shalt thou eat it (the ground by synecdoche for its produce, as in Isaiah 1:7) all the days of thy life: thorns and thistles shall it bring forth to thee, and thou shalt eat the herb of the field.” The curse pronounced on man’s account upon the soil created for him, consisted in the fact, that the earth no longer yielded spontaneously the fruits requisite for his maintenance, but the man was obliged to force out the necessaries of life by labour and strenuous exertion.
The herb of the field is in contrast with the trees of the garden, and sorrow with the easy dressing of the garden. We are not to understand, however, that because man failed to guard the good creation of God from the invasion of the evil one, a host of demoniacal powers forced their way into the material world to lay it waste and offer resistance to man; but because man himself had fallen into the power of the evil one, therefore God cursed the earth, not merely withdrawing the divine powers of life which pervaded Eden, but changing its relation to man. As Luther says, “primum in eo, quod illa bona non fert quae tulisset, si homo non esset lapsus, deinde in eo quoque, quod multa noxia fert quae non tulisset, sicut sunt infelix lolium, steriles avenae, zizania, urticae, spincae, tribuli, adde venena, noxias bestiolas, et si qua sunt alia hujus generis.” But the curse reached much further, and the writer has merely noticed the most obvious aspect. f16 The disturbance and distortion of the original harmony of body and soul, which sin introduced into the nature of man, and by which the flesh gained the mastery over the spirit, and the body, instead of being more and more transformed into the life of the spirit, became a prey to death, spread over the whole material world; so that everywhere on earth there were to be seen wild and rugged wastes, desolation and ruin, death and corruption, or mataio>thv and fqora> (Romans 8:20-21). Everything injurious to man in the organic, vegetable and animal creation, is the effect of the curse pronounced upon the earth for Adam’s sin, however little we may be able to explain the manner in which the curse was carried into effect; since our view of the causal connection between sin and evil even in human life is very imperfect, and the connection between spirit and matter in nature generally is altogether unknown. In this causal link between sin and the evils in the world, the wrath of God on account of sin was revealed; since, as soon as the creation ( pa>sa hJ kti>siv , Romans 8:22) had been wrested through man from its vital connection with its Maker, He gave it up to its own ungodly nature, so that whilst, on the one hand, it has been abused by man for the gratification of his own sinful lusts and desires, on the other, it has turned against man, and consequently many things in the world and nature, which in themselves and without sin would have been good for him, or at all events harmless, have become poisonous and destructive since his fall. For in the sweat of his face man is to eat his bread ( µj,l, the bread-corn which springs from the earth, as in Job 28:5; Psalm 104:14) until he return to the ground. Formed out of the dust, he shall return to dust again.
This was the fulfilment of the threat, “In the day thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die,” which began to take effect immediately after the breach of the divine command; for not only did man then become mortal, but he also actually came under the power of death, received into his nature the germ of death, the maturity of which produced its eventual dissolution into dust.
The reason why the life of the man did not come to an end immediately after the eating of the forbidden fruit, was not that “the woman had been created between the threat and the fall, and consequently the fountain of human life had been divided, the life originally concentrated in one Adam shared between man and woman, by which the destructive influence of the fruit was modified or weakened.” (v. Hoffmann), but that the mercy and long-suffering of God afforded space for repentance, and so controlled and ordered the sin of men and the punishment of sin, as to render them subservient to the accomplishment of His original purpose and the glorification of His name.
GENESIS. 3:20-21
As justice and mercy were combined in the divine sentence; justice in the fact that God cursed the tempter alone, and only punished the tempted with labour and mortality, mercy in the promise of eventual triumph over the serpent: so God also displayed His mercy to the fallen, before carrying the sentence into effect. It was through the power of divine grace that Adam believed the promise with regard to the woman’s seed, and manifested his faith in the name which he gave to his wife. hW;jæ Eve, an old form of yjæ , signifying life ( zwh> , LXX), or life-spring, is a substantive, and not a feminine adjective meaning “the living one,” nor an abbreviated form of m¦chauwaah, from chiuwaah = hy;j; (Genesis 19:32,34), the life-receiving one. This name was given by Adam to his wife, “because,” as the writer explains with the historical fulfilment before his mind, “she became the mother of all living,” i.e., because the continuance and life of his race were guaranteed to the man through the woman.
God also displayed His mercy by clothing the two with coats of skin, i.e., the skins of beasts. The words, “God made coats,” are not to be interpreted with such bare literality, as that God sewed the coats with His own fingers; they merely affirm “that man’s first clothing was the work of God, who gave the necessary directions and ability” (Delitzsch). By this clothing, God imparted to the feeling of shame the visible sign of an awakened conscience, and to the consequent necessity for a covering to the bodily nakedness, the higher work of a suitable discipline for the sinner.
By selecting the skins of beasts for the clothing of the first men, and therefore causing the death or slaughter of beasts for that purpose, He showed them how they might use the sovereignty they possessed over the animals for their own good, and even sacrifice animal life for the preservation of human; so that this act of God laid the foundation for the sacrifices, even if the first clothing did not prefigure our ultimate “clothing upon” (2 Cor 5:4), nor the coats of skins the robe of righteousness.
GENESIS. 3:22-24
Clothed in this sign of mercy, the man was driven out of paradise, to bear the punishment of his sin. The words of Jehovah, “The man is become as one of Us, to know good and evil,” contain no irony, as though man had exalted himself to a position of autonomy resembling that of God; for “irony at the expense of a wretched tempted soul might well befit Satan, but not the Lord.” Likeness to God is predicated only with regard to the knowledge of good and evil, in which the man really had become like God.
In order that, after the germ of death had penetrated into his nature along with sin, he might not “take also of the tree of life, and eat and live for ever ( yjæ contracted from yjæ = hy;j; , as in Genesis 5:5; 1 Samuel 20:31), God sent him forth from the garden of Eden.” With jlæv; (sent him forth) the narrative passes over from the words to the actions of God. From the µGæ (also) it follows that the man had not yet eaten of the tree of life. Had he continued in fellowship with God by obedience to the command of God, he might have eaten of it, for he was created for eternal life. But after he had fallen through sin into the power of death, the fruit which produced immortality could only do him harm. For immortality in a state of sin is not the zwh> aiw>niov , which God designed for man, but endless misery, which the Scriptures call “the second death” (Rev 2:11; 20:6,14; 21:8). The expulsion from paradise, therefore, was a punishment inflicted for man’s good, intended, while exposing him to temporal death, to preserve him from eternal death. To keep the approach to the tree of life, “God caused cherubim to dwell (to encamp) at the east (on the eastern side) of the garden, and the (i.e., with the) flame of the sword turning to and fro” ( Ëpæh; , moving rapidly). The word bWrK] cherub has no suitable etymology in the Semitic, but is unquestionably derived from the same root as the Greek gru>pv or grupe>v , and has been handed down from the forefathers of our race, though the primary meaning can no longer be discovered.
The Cherubim, however, are creatures of a higher world, which are represented as surrounding the throne of God, both in the visions of Ezekiel (Ezekiel 1:22ff., Genesis 10:1) and the Revelation of John (John 4:6); not, however, as throne-bearers or throne-holders, or as forming the chariot of the throne, but as occupying the highest place as living beings ( yjæ , zw>a ) in the realm of spirits, standing by the side of God as the heavenly King when He comes to judgment, and proclaiming the majesty of the Judge of the world. In this character God stationed them on the eastern side of paradise, not “to inhabit the garden as the temporary representatives of man,” but “to keep the way of the tree of life,” i.e., to render it impossible for man to return to paradise, and eat of the tree of life. Hence there appeared by their side the flame of a sword, apparently in constant motion, cutting hither and thither, representing the devouring fire of the divine wrath, and showing the cherubim to be ministers of judgment.
With the expulsion of man from the garden of Eden, paradise itself vanished from the earth. God did not withdraw from the tree of life its supernatural power, nor did He destroy the garden before their eyes, but simply prevented their return, to show that it should be preserved until the time of the end, when sin should be rooted out by the judgment, and death abolished by the Conqueror of the serpent (1 Cor 15:26), and when upon the new earth the tree of life should flourish again in the heavenly Jerusalem, and bear fruit for the redeemed (Rev 20 and 21). THE SONS OF THE FIRST MAN.
GENESIS. 4:1-8
The propagation of the human race did not commence till after the expulsion from paradise. Generation in man is an act of personal free-will, not a blind impulse of nature, and rests upon a moral self-determination. It flows from the divine institution of marriage, and is therefore knowing ( [dæy; ) the wife. — At the birth of the first son Eve exclaimed with joy, “I have gotten ( hn;q; ) a man with Jehovah;” wherefore the child received the name Cain ( ˆyiqæ from ˆWq = hn;q; , kta>sqai ). So far as the grammar is concerned, the expression hwO;jiAta, might be rendered, as in apposition to vyai , “a man, the Lord” (Luther), but the sense would not allow it. For even if we could suppose the faith of Eve in the promised conqueror of the serpent to have been sufficiently alive for this, the promise of God had not given her the slightest reason to expect that the promised seed would be of divine nature, and might be Jehovah, so as to lead her to believe that she had given birth to Jehovah now. tae is a preposition in the sense of helpful association, as in Genesis 21:20; 39:2,21, etc. That she sees in the birth of this son the commencement of the fulfilment of the promise, and thankfully acknowledges the divine help in this display of mercy, is evident from the name Jehovah, the God of salvation. The use of this name is significant.
Although it cannot be supposed that Eve herself knew and uttered this name, since it was not till a later period that it was made known to man, and it really belongs to the Hebrew, which was not formed till after the division of tongues, yet it expresses the feeling of Eve on receiving this proof of the gracious help of God.
Verse 2-7. But her joy was soon overcome by the discovery of the vanity of this earthly life. This is expressed in the name Abel, which was given to the second son ( lb,h, , in pause lb,h, , i.e., nothingness, vanity), whether it indicated generally a feeling of sorrow on account of his weakness, or was a prophetic presentiment of his untimely death. The occupation of the sons is noticed on account of what follows. “Abel was a keeper of sheep, but Cain was a tiller of the ground.” Adam had, no doubt, already commenced both occupations, and the sons selected each a different department. God Himself had pointed out both to Adam-the tilling of the ground by the employment assigned him in Eden, which had to be changed into agriculture after his expulsion; and the keeping of cattle in the clothing that He gave him (Genesis 3:21). Moreover, agriculture can never be entirely separated from the rearing of cattle; for a man not only requires food, but clothing, which is procured directly from the hides and wool of tame animals.
In addition to this, sheep do not thrive without human protection and care, and therefore were probably associated with man from the very first. The different occupations of the brothers, therefore, are not to be regarded as a proof of the difference in their dispositions. This comes out first in the sacrifice, which they offered after a time to God, each one from the produce of his vocation. — “In process of time” (lit., at the end of days, i.e., after a considerable lapse of time: for this use of µwOy cf. Genesis 40:4; Numbers 9:2) Cain brought of the fruit of the ground a gift ( hj;n]mi ) to the Lord; and Abel, he also brought of the firstlings of his flock, and indeed (vav in an explanatory sense, vid., Ges. §155, 1) of their fat,” i.e., the fattest of the firstlings, and not merely the first good one that came to hand. chalaabiym are not the fat portions of the animals, as in the Levitical law of sacrifice.
This is evident from the fact, that the sacrifice was not connected with a sacrificial meal, and animal food was not eaten at this time. That the usage of the Mosaic law cannot determine the meaning of this passage, is evident from the word minchah, which is applied in Leviticus to bloodless sacrifices only, whereas it is used here in connection with Abel’s sacrifice. “And Jehovah looked upon Abel and his gift; and upon Cain and his gift He did not look.” The look of Jehovah was in any case a visible sign of satisfaction. It is a common and ancient opinion that fire consumed Abel’s sacrifice, and thus showed that it was graciously accepted. Theodotion explains the words by kai’ enepu’risen ho Theo’s. But whilst this explanation has the analogy of Leviticus 9:24 and Judges 6:21 in its favour, it does not suit the words, “upon Abel and his gift.” The reason for the different reception of the two offerings was the state of mind towards God with which they were brought, and which manifested itself in the selection of the gifts.
Not, indeed, in the fact that Abel brought a bleeding sacrifice and Cain a bloodless one; for this difference arose from the difference in their callings, and each necessarily took his gift from the produce of his own occupation. It was rather in the fact that Abel offered the fattest firstlings of his flock, the best that he could bring; whilst Cain only brought a portion of the fruit of the ground, but not the first-fruits. By this choice Abel brought plei>ona qusi>an para> Ka>i>n , and manifested that disposition which is designated faith ( pi>stiv ) in Hebrews 11:4. The nature of this disposition, however, can only be determined from the meaning of the offering itself.
The sacrifices offered by Adam’s sons, and that not in consequence of a divine command, but from the free impulse of their nature as determined by God, were the first sacrifices of the human race. The origin of sacrifice, therefore, is neither to be traced to a positive command, nor to be regarded as a human invention. To form an accurate conception of the idea which lies at the foundation of all sacrificial worship, we must bear in mind that the first sacrifices were offered after the fall, and therefore presupposed the spiritual separation of man from God, and were designed to satisfy the need of the heart for fellowship with God. This need existed in the case of Cain, as well as in that of Abel; otherwise he would have offered no sacrifice at all, since there was no command to render it compulsory. Yet it was not the wish for forgiveness of sin which led Adam’s sons to offer sacrifice; for there is no mention of expiation, and the notion that Abel, by slaughtering the animal, confessed that he deserved death on account of sin, is transferred to this passage from the expiatory sacrifices of the Mosaic law.
The offerings were expressive of gratitude to God, to whom they owed all that they had; and were associated also with the desire to secure the divine favour and blessing, so that they are to be regarded not merely as thankofferings, but as supplicatory sacrifices, and as propitiatory also, in the wider sense of the word. In this the two offerings are alike. The reason why they were not equally acceptable to God is not to be sought, as Hofmann thinks, in the fact that Cain merely offered thanks “for the preservation of this present life,” whereas Abel offered thanks “for the forgiveness of sins,” or “for the sin-forgiving clothing received by man from the hand of God.” To take the nourishment of the body literally and the clothing symbolically in this manner, is an arbitrary procedure, by which the Scriptures might be made to mean anything we chose. The reason is to be found rather in the fact, that Abel’s thanks came from the depth of his heart, whilst Cain merely offered his to keep on good terms with God-a difference that was manifested in the choice of the gifts, which each one brought from the produce of his occupation. This choice shows clearly “that it was the pious feeling, through which the worshiper put his heart as it were into the gift, which made the offering acceptable to God” (Oehler); that the essence of the sacrifice was not the presentation of a gift to God, but that the offering was intended to shadow forth the dedication of the heart to God. At the same time, the desire of the worshipper, by the dedication of the best of his possessions to secure afresh the favour of God, contained the germ of that substitutionary meaning of sacrifice, which was afterwards expanded in connection with the deepening and heightening of the feeling of sin into a desire for forgiveness, and led to the development of the idea of expiatory sacrifice. — On account of the preference shown to Abel, “it burned Cain sore (the subject, ‘wrath,’ is wanting, as it frequently is in the case of hr;j; , cf.
Genesis 18:30,32; 31:36, etc.), and his countenance fell” (an indication of his discontent and anger: cf. Jeremiah 3:12; Job 29:24). God warned him of giving way to this, and directed his attention to the cause and consequences of his wrath. “Why art thou wroth, and why is thy countenance fallen?” The answer to this is given in the further question, “Is there not, if thou art good, a lifting up” (sc., of the countenance)? It is evident from the context, and the antithesis of falling and lifting up ( lpæn; and ac;n; ), that µynip; must be supplied after taec] . By this God gave him to understand that his look was indicative of evil thoughts and intentions; for the lifting up of the countenance, i.e., a free, open look, is the mark of a good conscience (Job 11:15). “But if thou art not good, sin lieth before the door, and its desire is to thee (directed towards thee); but thou shouldst rule over it.” The fem. ha;F;jæ is construed as a masculine, because, with evident allusion to the serpent, sin is personified as a wild beast, lurking at the door of the human heart, and eagerly desiring to devour his soul (1 Peter 5:8). bfæy; , to make good, signifies here not good action, the performance of good in work and deed, but making the disposition good, i.e., directing the heart to what is good.
Cain is to rule over the sin which is greedily desiring him, by giving up his wrath, not indeed that sin may cease to lurk for him, but that the lurking evil foe may obtain no entrance into his heart. There is no need to regard the sentence as interrogative, “Wilt thou, indeed, be able to rule over it?” (Ewald), nor to deny the allusion in µyrit;a to the lurking sin, as Delitzsch does. The words do not command the suppression of an inward temptation, but resistance to the power of evil as pressing from without, by hearkening to the word which God addressed to Cain in person, and addresses to us through the Scriptures. There is nothing said here about God appearing visibly; but this does not warrant us in interpreting either this or the following conversation as a simple process that took place in the heart and conscience of Cain. It is evident from vv. 14 and 16 that God did not withdraw His personal presence and visible intercourse from men, as soon as He had expelled them from the garden of Eden. “God talks to Cain as to a wilful child, and draws out of him what is sleeping in his heart, and lurking like a wild beast before his door. And what He did to Cain He does to every one who will but observe his own heart, and listen to the voice of God” (Herder). But Cain paid no need to the divine warning.
Verse 8. He “said to his brother Abel.” What he said is not stated. We may either supply “it,” viz., what God had just said to him, which would be grammatically admissible, since rmæa; is sometimes followed by a simple accusative (Genesis 22:3; 44:16), and this accusative has to be supplied from the context (as in Exodus 19:25); or we may supply from what follows some such expressions as “let us go into the field,” as the LXX, Sam., Jonathan, and others have done. This is also allowable, so that we need not imagine a gap in the text, but may explain the construction as in Genesis 3:22-23, by supposing that the writer hastened on to describe the carrying out of what was said, without stopping to set down the words themselves. This supposition is preferable to the former, since it is psychologically most improbable that Cain should have related a warning to his brother which produced so little impression upon his own mind. In the field “Cain rose up against Abel his brother, and slew him.” Thus the sin of Adam had grown into fratricide in his son. The writer intentionally repeats again and again the words “his brother,” to bring clearly out the horror of the sin. Cain was the first man who let sin reign in him; he was “of the wicked one” (1 John 3:12). In him the seed of the woman had already become the seed of the serpent; and in his deed the real nature of the wicked one, as “a murderer from the beginning,” had come openly to light: so that already there had sprung up that contrast of two distinct seeds within the human race, which runs through the entire history of humanity.
GENESIS. 4:9-10
Defiance grows with sin, and punishment keeps pace with guilt. Adam and Eve fear before God, and acknowledge their sin; Cain boldly denies it, and in reply to the question, “Where is Abel thy brother?” declares, “I know not, am I my brother’s keeper?” God therefore charges him with his crime: “What hast thou done! voice of thy brother’s blood crying to Me from the earth.” The verb “crying” refers to the “blood,” since this is the principal word, and the voice merely expresses the adverbial idea of “aloud,” or “listen” (Ewald, §317d). µD; (drops of blood) is sometimes used to denote natural hemorrhage (Leviticus 12:4-5; 20:18); but is chiefly applied to blood shed unnaturally, i.e., to murder. “Innocent blood has no voice, it may be, that is discernible by human ears, but it has one that reaches God, as the cry of a wicked deed demanding vengeance” (Delitzsch). Murder is one of the sins that cry to heaven. “Primum ostendit Deus se de factis hominum cognoscere utcunque nullus queratur vel accuset; deinde sibi magis charam esse homonum vitam quam ut sanguinem innoxium impune effundi sinat; tertio curam sibi piorum esse non solum quamdiu vivunt sed etiam post mortem” (Calvin). Abel was the first of the saints, whose blood is precious in the sight of God (Psalm 116:15); and by virtue of his faith, he being dead yet speaketh through his blood which cried unto God (Hebrews 11:4).
GENESIS. 4:11-14
“And now (sc., because thou hast done this) be cursed from the earth.”
From: i.e., either away from the earth, driven forth so that it shall no longer afford a quiet resting-place (Gerlach, Delitzsch, etc.), or out of the earth, through its withdrawing its strength, and thus securing the fulfilment of perpetual wandering (Baumgarten, etc.). It is difficult to choose between the two; but the clause, “which hath opened her mouth,” etc. seems rather to favour the latter. Because the earth has been compelled to drink innocent blood, it rebels against the murderer, and when he tills it, withdraws its strength, so that the soil yields no produce; just as the land of Canaan is said to have spued out the Canaanites, on account of their abominations (Leviticus 18:28). In any case, the idea that “the soil, through drinking innocent blood, became an accomplice in the sin of murder,” has no biblical support, and is not confirmed by Isaiah 26:21 or Numbers 35:33.
The suffering of irrational creatures through the sin of man is very different from their participating in his sin. “A fugitive and vagabond ( dWn [æWn , i.e., banished and homeless) shalt thou be in the earth.” Cain is so affected by this curse, that his obduracy is turned into despair, “My sin,” he says in v. 13, “is greater than can be borne.” `ˆwO[; ac;n; signifies to take away and bear sin or guilt, and is used with reference both to God and man. God takes guilt away by forgiving it (Exodus 34:7); man carries it away and bears it, by enduring its punishment (cf. Numbers 5:31). Luther, following the ancient versions, has adopted the first meaning; but the context sustains the second: for Cain afterwards complains, not of the greatness of the sin, but only of the severity of the punishment. “Behold, Thou hast driven me out this day from the face of the earth, and from Thy face shall I be hid;...and it shall come to pass that every one that findeth me shall slay me.” The adamah, from the face of which the curse of Jehovah had driven Cain, was Eden (cf. v. 16), where he had carried on his agricultural pursuits, and where God had revealed His face, i.e., His presence, to the men after their expulsion from the garden; so that henceforth Cain had to wander about upon the wide world, homeless and far from the presence of God, and was afraid lest any one who found him might slay him.
By “every one that findeth me” we are not to understand omnis creatura, as though Cain had excited the hostility of all creatures, but every man; not in the sense, however, of such as existed apart from the family of Adam, but such as were aware of his crime, and knew him to be a murderer. For Cain is evidently afraid of revenge on the part of relatives of the slain, that is to say, of descendants of Adam, who were either already in existence, or yet to be born. Though Adam might not at this time have had “many grandsons and great-grandson,” yet according to v. 17 and Genesis 5:4, he had undoubtedly other children, who might increase in number, and sooner or later might avenge Abel’s death. For, that blood shed demands blood in return, “is a principle of equity written in the heart of every man; and that Cain should see that earth full of avengers is just like a murderer, who sees avenging spirits (Erinu’es) ready to torture him on every hand.”
GENESIS. 4:15
Although Cain expressed not penitence, but fear of punishment, God displayed His long-suffering and gave him the promise, “Therefore ( ˆKe not in the sense of ˆKe alo , but because it was the case, and there was reason for his complaint) whosoever slayeth Cain, vengeance shall be taken on him sevenfold.” qayin kaal-horeeg, is cas. absolut. as in Genesis 9:6; and µWq avenged, i.e., resented, punished, as Exodus 21:20-21. The mark which God put upon Cain is not to be regarded as a mark upon his body, as the Rabbins and others supposed, but as a certain sign which protected him from vengeance, though of what kind it is impossible to determine.
God granted him continuance of life, not because banishment from the place of God’s presence was the greatest possible punishment, or because the preservation of the human race required at that time that the lives of individuals should be spared-for God afterwards destroyed the whole human race, with the exception of one family-but partly because the tares were to grow with the wheat, and sin develop itself to its utmost extent, partly also because from the very first God determined to take punishment into His own hands, and protect human life from the passion and wilfulness of human vengeance.
GENESIS. 4:16-24
The family of the Cainites.
V. 16. The geographical situation of the land of Nod, in the front of Eden ( hm;d]qi , see Genesis 2:14), where Cain settled after his departure from the place or the land of the revealed presence of God (cf. Jonah 1:3), cannot be determined. The name Nod denotes a land of flight and banishment, in contrast with Eden, the land of delight, where Jehovah walked with men.
There Cain knew his wife. The text assumes it as self-evident that she accompanied him in his exile; also, that she was a daughter of Adam, and consequently a sister of Cain. The marriage of brothers and sisters was inevitable in the case of the children of the first men, if the human race was actually to descend from a single pair, and may therefore be justified in the face of the Mosaic prohibition of such marriages, on the ground that the sons and daughters of Adam represented not merely the family but the genus, and that it was not till after the rise of several families that the bands of fraternal and conjugal love became distinct from one another, and assumed fixed and mutually exclusive forms, the violation of which is sin. (Comp. Leviticus 18.) His son he named Hanoch (consecration), because he regarded his birth as a pledge of the renovation of his life.
For this reason he also gave the same name to the city which he built, inasmuch as its erection was another phase in the development of his family. The construction of a city by Cain will cease to surprise us, if we consider that at the commencement of its erection, centuries had already passed since the creation of man, and Cain’s descendants may by this time have increased considerably in numbers; also, that `ry[i does not necessarily presuppose a large town, but simply an enclosed space with fortified dwellings, in contradistinction to the isolated tents of shepherds; and lastly, that the words hn;B; hy;h; , “he was building,” merely indicate the commencement and progress of the building, but not its termination. It appears more surprising that Cain, who was to be a fugitive and a vagabond upon the earth, should have established himself in the land of Nod. This cannot be fully explained, either on the ground that he carried on the pursuits of agriculture, which lead to settled abodes, or that he strove against the curse.
In addition to both the facts referred to, there is also the circumstance, that the curse, “the ground shall not yield to thee her strength,” was so mollified by the grace of God, that Cain and his descendants were enabled to obtain sufficient food in the land of his settlement, though it was by dint of hard work and strenuous effort; unless, indeed, we follow Luther and understand the curse, that he should be a fugitive upon the earth, as relating to his expulsion from Eden, and his removal ad incertum locum et opus, non addita ulla vel promissione vel mandato, sicut avis quae in libero caelo incerta vagatur. The fact that Cain undertook the erection of a city, is also significant. Even if we do not regard this city as “the first foundationstone of the kingdom of the world, in which the spirit of the beast bears sway,” we cannot fail to detect the desire to neutralize the curse of banishment, and create for his family a point of unity, as a compensation for the loss of unity in fellowship with God, as well as the inclination of the family of Cain for that which was earthly.
The powerful development of the worldly mind and of ungodliness among the Cainites was openly displayed in Lamech, in the sixth generation. Of the intermediate links, the names only are given. (On the use of the passive with the accusative of the object in the clause “to Hanoch was born (they bore) Irad,” see Ges. §143, 1.) Some of these names resemble those of the Sethite genealogy, viz., Irad and Jared, Mehujael and Mahalaleel, Methusael and Methuselah, also Cain and Cainan; and the names Enoch and Lamech occur in both families. But neither the recurrence of similar names, nor even of the same names, warrants the conclusion that the two genealogical tables are simply different forms of one primary legend. For the names, though similar in sound, are very different in meaning. Irad probably signifies the townsman, Jared, descent, or that which has descended; Mehujael, smitten of God, and Mahalaleel, praise of God; Methusael, man of prayer, and Methuselah, man of the sword or of increase.
The repetition of the two names Enoch and Lamech even loses all significance, when we consider the different places which they occupy in the respective lines, and observe also that in the case of these very names, the more precise descriptions which are given so thoroughly establish the difference of character in the two individuals, as to preclude the possibility of their being the same, not to mention the fact, that in the later history the same names frequently occur in totally different families; e.g., Korah in the families of Levi (Exodus 6:21) and Esau (Genesis 36:5); Hanoch in those of Reuben (ch. 46:9) and Midian (ch. 25:4); Kenaz in those of Judah (Numbers 32:12) and Esau (Genesis 36:11). The identity and similarity of names can prove nothing more than that the two branches of the human race did not keep entirely apart from each other; a fact established by their subsequently intermarrying. — Lamech took two wives, and thus was the first to prepare the way for polygamy, by which the ethical aspect of marriage, as ordained by God, was turned into the lust of the eye and lust of the flesh.
The names of the women are indicative of sensual attractions: Adah, the adorned; and Zillah, either the shady or the tinkling. His three sons are the authors of inventions which show how the mind and efforts of the Cainites were directed towards the beautifying and perfecting of the earthly life.
Jabal (probably = jebul, produce) became the father of such as dwelt in tents, i.e., of nomads who lived in tents and with their flocks, getting their living by a pastoral occupation, and possibly also introducing the use of animal food, in disregard of the divine command (Genesis 1:29). Jubal (sound), the father of all such as handle the harp and pipe, i.e., the inventors of stringed and wind instruments. rwONKi a guitar or harp; `bg;W[ the shepherd’s reed or bagpipe. Tubal-Cain, “hammering all kinds of cutting things (the verb is to be construed as neuter) in brass and iron;” the inventor therefore of all kinds of edge-tools for working in metals: so that Cain, from qiyn to forge, is probably to be regarded as the surname which Tubal received on account of his inventions.
The meaning of Tubal is obscure; for the Persian Tupal, iron-scoria, can throw no light upon it, as it must be a much later word. The allusion to the sister of Tubal-Cain is evidently to be attributed to her name, Naamah, the lovely, or graceful, since it reflects the worldly mind of the Cainites. In the arts, which owed their origin to Lamech’s sons, this disposition reached its culminating point; and it appears in the form of pride and defiant arrogance in the song in which Lamech celebrates the inventions of Tubal-Cain (vv. 23, 24): “Adah and Zillah, hear my voice; ye wives of Lamech, hearken unto my speech: Men I slay for my wound, and young men for my stripes.
For sevenfold is Cain avenged, and Lamech seven and seventy-fold.” The perfect græh; is expressive not of a deed accomplished, but of confident assurance (Ges. §126, 4; Ewald, §135c); and the suffixes in hr;WBjæ and [xæp, are to be taken in a passive sense.
The idea is this: whoever inflicts a wound or stripe on me, whether man or youth, I will put to death; and for every injury done to my person, I will take ten times more vengeance than that with which God promised to avenge the murder of my ancestor Cain. In this song, which contains in its rhythm, its strophic arrangement of the thoughts, and its poetic diction, the germ of the later poetry, we may detect “that Titanic arrogance, of which the Bible says that its power is its god (Habakkuk 1:11), and that it carries its god, viz., its sword, in its hand (Job 12:6)” (Delitzsch). — According to these accounts, the principal arts and manufactures were invented by the Cainites, and carried out in an ungodly spirit; but they are not therefore to be attributed to the curse which rested upon the family. They have their roots rather in the mental powers with which man was endowed for the sovereignty and subjugation of the earth, but which, like all the other powers and tendencies of his nature, were pervaded by sin, and desecrated in its service. Hence these inventions have become the common property of humanity, because they not only may promote its intended development, but are to be applied and consecrated to this purpose for the glory of God.
GENESIS 4:25,26 The character of the ungodly family of Cainites was now fully developed in Lamech and his children. The history, therefore, turns from them, to indicate briefly the origin of the godly race. After Abel’s death a third son was born to Adam, to whom his mother gave the name of Seth ( tve , from tyvi , a present participle, the appointed one, the compensation); “for,” she said, “God hath appointed me another seed (descendant) for Abel, because Cain slew him.” The words “because Cain slew him” are not to be regarded as an explanatory supplement, but as the words of Eve; and yKi by virtue of the previous tjæTæ is to be understood in the sense of yKi tjæTæ . What Cain (human wickedness) took from her, that has Elohim (divine omnipotence) restored. Because of this antithesis she calls the giver Elohim instead of Jehovah, and not because her hopes had been sadly depressed by her painful experience in connection with the first-born.
Verse 26. “To Seth, to him also ( aWh µGæ , intensive, vid., Ges. §121, 3) there was born a son, and he called his name Enosh.” vwOna’ , from vnæa; to be weak, faint, frail, designates man from his frail and mortal condition (Psalm 8:4; 90:3; 103:15, etc.). In this name, therefore, the feeling and knowledge of human weakness and frailty were expressed (the opposite of the pride and arrogance displayed by the Canaanitish family); and this feeling led to God, to that invocation of the name of Jehovah which commenced under Enos. hwO;hy] µve ar;q; , literally to call in (or by) the name of Jehovah, is used for a solemn calling of the name of God. When applied to men, it denotes invocation (here and Genesis 12:8; 13:4, etc.); to God, calling out or proclaiming His name (Exodus 33:19; 34:5). The name of God signifies in general “the whole nature of God, by which He attests His personal presence in the relation into which He has entered with man, the divine self-manifestation, or the whole of that revealed side of the divine nature, which is turned towards man” (Oehler). We have here an account of the commencement of that worship of God which consists in prayer, praise, and thanksgiving, or in the acknowledgment and celebration of the mercy and help of Jehovah. While the family of Cainites, by the erection of a city, and the invention and development of worldly arts and business, were laying the foundation for the kingdom of this world; the family of the Sethites began, by united invocation of the name of God of grace, to found and to erect the kingdom of God.
II. HISTORY OF ADAM Generations from Adam to Noah.
GENESIS. 5:1-2
The origin of the human race and the general character of its development having been thus described, all that remained of importance to universal or sacred history, in connection with the progress of our race in the primeval age, was to record the order of the families (ch. 5) and the ultimate result of the course which they pursued (Genesis 6:1-8). — First of all, we have the genealogical table of Adam with the names of the first ten patriarchs, who were at the head of that seed of the woman by which the promise was preserved, viz., the posterity of the first pair through Seth, from Adam to the flood. We have also an account of the ages of these patriarchs before and after the birth of those sons in whom the line was continued; so that the genealogy, which indicates the line of development, furnishes at the same time a chronology of the primeval age. In the genealogy of the Cainites no ages are given, since this family, as being accursed by God, had no future history.
On the other hand, the family of Sethites, which acknowledged God, began from the time of Enos to call upon the name of the Lord, and was therefore preserved and sustained by God, in order that under the training of mercy and judgment the human race might eventually attain to the great purpose of its creation. The genealogies of the primeval age, to quote the apt words of M. Baumgarten, are “memorials, which bear testimony quite as much to the faithfulness of God in fulfilling His promise, as to the faith and patience of the fathers themselves.” This testimony is first placed in its true light by the numbers of the years. The historian gives not merely the age of each patriarch at the time of the birth of the first-born, by whom the line of succession was continued, but the number of years that he lived after that, and then the entire length of his life. Now if we add together the ages at the birth of the several first-born sons, and the hundred years between the birth of Shem and the flood, we find that the duration of the first period in the world’s history was 1656 years. We obtain a different result, however, from the numbers given by the LXX and the Samaritan version, which differ in almost every instance from the Hebrew text, both in ch. 5 and ch. 11 (from Shem to Terah), as will appear from the table on the following page. f17 The principal deviations from the Hebrew in the case of the other two texts are these: in ch. 5 the Samaritan places the birth of the first-born of Jared, Methuselah, and Lamech 100 years earlier, whilst the Septuagint places the birth of the first-born o Verse 1-2. The heading in v. 1 runs thus: “This is the book (sepher) of the generations (tholedoth) of Adam.” On tholedoth, see Genesis 2:4. Sepher is a writing complete in itself, whether it consist of one sheet or several, as for instance the “bill of divorcement” in Deuteronomy 24:1,3. The addition of the clause, “in the day that God created man,” etc., is analogous to Genesis 2:4; the creation being mentioned again as the starting point, because all the development and history of humanity was rooted there.
GENESIS. 5:3-32
As Adam was created in the image of God, so did he beget “in his own likeness, after his image;” that is to say, he transmitted the image of God in which he was created, not in the purity in which it came direct from God, but in the form given to it by his own self-determination, modified and corrupted by sin. The begetting of the son by whom the line was perpetuated (no doubt in every case the first-born), is followed by an account of the number of years that Adam and the other fathers lived after that, by the statement that each one begat (other) sons and daughters, by the number of years that he lived altogether, and lastly, by the assertion tWm “and he died.” This apparently superfluous announcement is “intended to indicate by its constant recurrence that death reigned from Adam downwards as an unchangeable law (vid., Romans 5:14). But against this background of universal death, the power of life was still more conspicuous. For the man did not die till he had propagated life, so that in the midst of the death of individuals the life of the race was preserved, and the hope of the seed sustained, by which the author of death should be overcome.”
In the case of one of the fathers indeed, viz., Enoch (vv. 21ff.), life had not only a different issue, but also a different form. Instead of the expression “and he lived,” which introduces in every other instance the length of life after the birth of the first-born, we find in the case of Enoch this statement, “he walked with God (Elohim);” and instead of the expression “and he died,” the announcement, “and he was not, for God (Elohim) took him.”
The phrase “walked with God,” which is only applied to Enoch and Noah (Genesis 6:9), denotes the most confidential intercourse, the closest communion with the personal God, a walking as it were by the side of God, who still continued His visible intercourse with men (vid., 3:8). It must be distinguished from “walking before God” (Genesis 17:1; 24:40, etc.), and “walking after God” (Deuteronomy 13:4), both which phrases are used to indicate a pious, moral, blameless life under the law according to the directions of the divine commands. The only other passage in which this expression “walk with God” occurs is Malachi 2:6, where it denotes not the piety of the godly Israelites generally, but the conduct of the priests, who stood in a closer relation to Jehovah under the Old Testament than the rest of the faithful, being permitted to enter the Holy Place, and hold direct intercourse with Him there, which the rest of the people could not do. The article in h’lhym gives prominence to the personality of Elohim, and shows that the expression cannot refer to intercourse with the spiritual world.
In Enoch, the seventh from Adam through Seth, godliness attained its highest point; whilst ungodliness culminated in Lamech, the seventh from Adam through Cain, who made his sword his god. Enoch, therefore, like Elijah, was taken away by God, and carried into the heavenly paradise, so that he did not see (experience) death (Hebrews 11:5); i.e., he was taken up from this temporal life and transfigured into life eternal, being exempted by God from the law of death and of return to the dust, as those of the faithful will be, who shall be alive at the coming of Christ to judgment, and who in like manner shall not taste of death and corruption, but be changed in a moment. There is no foundation for the opinion, that Enoch did not participate at his translation in the glorification which awaits the righteous at the resurrection. For, according to 1 Cor 15:20,23, it is not in glorification, but in the resurrection, that Christ is the first-fruits.
Now the latter presupposes death. Whoever, therefore, through the grace of God is exempted from death, cannot rise from the dead, but reaches afqarsi>a , or the glorified state of perfection, through being “changed” or “clothed upon” (2 Cor 5:4). This does not at all affect the truth of the statement in Romans 5:12,14. For the same God who has appointed death as the wages of sin, and given us, through Christ, the victory over death, possesses the power to glorify into eternal life an Enoch and an Elijah, and all who shall be alive at the coming of the Lord without chaining their glorification to death and resurrection. Enoch and Elijah were translated into eternal life with God without passing through disease, death, and corruption, for the consolation of believers, and to awaken the hope of a life after death. Enoch’s translation stands about half way between Adam and the flood, in the 987th year after the creation of Adam. Seth, Enos, Cainan, Mahalaleel, and Jared were still alive.
His son Methuselah and his grandson Lamech were also living, the latter being 113 years old. Noah was not yet born, and Adam was dead. His translation, in consequence of his walking with God, was “an example of repentance to all generations,” as the son of Sirach says (Ecclus. 44:16); and the apocryphal legend in the book of Enoch Genesis 1:9 represents him as prophesying of the coming of the Lord, to execute judgment upon the ungodly (Jude 14-15). In comparison with the longevity of the other fathers, Enoch was taken away young, before he had reached half the ordinary age, as a sign that whilst long life, viewed as a time for repentance and grace, is indeed a blessing from God, when the ills which have entered the world through sin are considered, it is also a burden and trouble which God shortens for His chosen. That the patriarchs of the old world felt the ills of this earthly life in all their severity, was attested by Lamech (vv. 28, 29), when he gave his son, who was born 69 years after Enoch’s translation, the name of Noah, saying, “This same shall comfort us concerning our work and the toil of our hands, because of the ground which the Lord hath cursed.”
Noah, jæwOnm; from nuwach to rest and jæWn to bring rest, is explained by µjæn; to comfort, in the sense of helpful and remedial consolation. Lamech not only felt the burden of his work upon the ground which God had cursed, but looked forward with a prophetic presentiment to the time when the existing misery and corruption would terminate, and a change for the better, a redemption from the curse, would come. This presentiment assumed the form of hope when his son was born; he therefore gave expression to it in his name. But his hope was not realized, at least not in the way that he desired. A change did indeed take place in the lifetime of Noah. By the judgment of the flood the corrupt race was exterminated, and in Noah, who was preserved because of his blameless walk with God, the restoration of the human race was secured; but the effects of the curse, though mitigated, were not removed; whilst a covenant sign guaranteed the preservation of the human race, and therewith, by implication, his hope of the eventual removal of the curse (Genesis 9:8-17).
The genealogical table breaks off with Noah; all that is mentioned with reference to him being the birth of his three sons, when he was 500 years old (v. 32; see Genesis 11:10), without any allusion to the remaining years of his life-an indication of a later hand. “The mention of three sons leads to the expectation, that whereas hitherto the line has been perpetuated through one member alone, in the future each of the three sons will form a new beginning (vid., 9:18-19; 10:1).” — M. Baumgarten. MARRIAGE OF THE SONS OF GOD AND THE DAUGHTERS OF MEN GENESIS 6:1-8 The genealogies in ch. 4 and 5, which trace the development of the human race through two fundamentally different lines, headed by Cain and Seth, are accompanied by a description of their moral development, and the statement that through marriages between the “sons of God” (Elohim) and the “daughters of men,” the wickedness became so great, that God determined to destroy the men whom He had created. This description applies to the whole human race, and presupposes the intercourse or marriage of the Cainites with the Sethites.
Verse 1-2. relates to the increase of men generally ( µd;a; , without any restriction), i.e., of the whole human race; and whilst the moral corruption is represented as universal, the whole human race, with the exception of Noah, who found grace before God (v. 8), is described as ripe for destruction (vv. 3 and 5-8). To understand this section, and appreciate the causes of this complete degeneracy of the race, we must first obtain a correct interpretation of the expressions “sons of God” (h’lhym bny) and “daughters of men” ( µdoa’ tBæ ). Three different views have been entertained from the very earliest times: the “sons of God” being regarded as (a) the sons of princes, (b) angels, (c) the Sethites or godly men; and the “daughters of men,” as the daughters (a) of people of the lower orders, (b) of mankind generally, (c) of the Cainites, or of the rest of mankind as contrasted with the godly or the children of God. Of these three views, the first, although it has become the traditional one in orthodox rabbinical Judaism, may be dismissed at once as not warranted by the usages of the language, and as altogether unscriptural.
The second, on the contrary, may be defended on two plausible grounds: first, the fact that the “sons of God,” in Job 1:6; 2:1, and 38:7, and in Dan 3:25, are unquestionably angels (also lyiaæ ˆBe in Psalm 29:1 and 89:7); and secondly, the antithesis, “sons of God” and “daughters of men.” Apart from the context and tenor of the passage, these two points would lead us most naturally to regard the “sons of God” as angels, in distinction from men and the daughters of men. But this explanation, though the first to suggest itself, can only lay claim to be received as the correct one, provided the language itself admits of no other. Now that is not the case.
For it is not to angels only that the term “sons of Elohim,” or “sons of Elim,” is applied; but in Psalm 73:15, in an address to Elohim, the godly are called “the generation of Thy sons,” i.e., sons of Elohim; in Deuteronomy 32:5 the Israelites are called His (God’s) sons, and in Hosea 1:10, “sons of the living God;” and in Psalm 80:17, Israel is spoken of as the son, whom Elohim has made strong.
These passages show that the expression “sons of God” cannot be elucidated by philological means, but must be interpreted by theology alone. Moreover, even when it is applied to the angels, it is questionable whether it is to be understood in a physical or ethical sense. The notion that “it is employed in a physical sense as nomen naturae, instead of angels as nomen officii, and presupposes generation of a physical kind,” we must reject as an unscriptural and gnostic error. According to the scriptural view, the heavenly spirits are creatures of God, and not begotten from the divine essence. Moreover, all the other terms applied to the angels are ethical in their character. But if the title “sons of God” cannot involve the notion of physical generation, it cannot be restricted to celestial spirits, but is applicable to all beings which bear the image of God, or by virtue of their likeness to God participate in the glory, power, and blessedness of the divine life-to men therefore as well as angels, since God has caused man to “want but little of Elohim,” or to stand but a little behind Elohim (Psalm 8:5), so that even magistrates are designated “Elohim, and sons of the Most High” (Psalm 82:6).
When Delitzsch objects to the application of the expression “sons of Elohim” to pious men, because, “although the idea of a child of God may indeed have pointed, even in the O.T., beyond its theocratic limitation to Israel (Exodus 4:22; Deuteronomy 14:1) towards a wider ethical signification (Psalm 73:15; Prov 14:26), yet this extension and expansion were not so completed, that in historical prose the terms ‘sons of God’ (for which ‘sons of Jehovah’ should have been used to prevent mistake), and ‘sons (or daughters) of men,’ could be used to distinguish the children of God and the children of the world,” — this argument rests upon the erroneous supposition, that the expression “sons of God” was introduced by Jehovah for the first time when He selected Israel to be the covenant nation. So much is true, indeed, that before the adoption of Israel as the first-born son of Jehovah (Exodus 4:22), it would have been out of place to speak of sons of Jehovah; but the notion is false, or at least incapable of proof, that there were not children of God in the olden time, long before Abraham’s call, and that, if there were, they could not have been called “sons of Elohim.” The idea was not first introduced in connection with the theocracy, and extended thence to a more universal signification.
It had its roots in the divine image, and therefore was general in its application from the very first; and it was not till God in the character of Jehovah chose Abraham and his seed to be the vehicles of salvation, and left the heathen nations to go their own way, that the expression received the specifically theocratic signification of “son of Jehovah,” to be again liberated and expanded into the more comprehensive idea of uiJoqesi>a tou> Qeou> (i.e., Elohim, not tou> kuri>ou = Jehovah), at the coming of Christ, the Saviour of all nations. If in the olden time there were pious men who, like Enoch and Noah, walked with Elohim, or who, even if they did not stand in this close priestly relation to God, made the divine image a reality through their piety and fear of God, then there were sons (children) of God, for whom the only correct appellation was “sons of Elohim,” since sonship to Jehovah was introduced with the call of Israel, so that it could only have been proleptically that the children of God in the old world could be called “sons of Jehovah.” But if it be still argued, that in mere prose the term “sons of God” could not have been applied to children of God, or pious men, this would be equally applicable to “sons of Jehovah.” On the other hand, there is this objection to our applying it to angels, that the pious, who walked with God and called upon the name of the Lord, had been mentioned just before, whereas no allusion had been made to angels, not even to their creation.
Again, the antithesis “sons of God” and “daughters of men” does not prove that the former were angels. It by no means follows, that because in v. µdoa’ denotes man as a genus, i.e., the whole human race, it must do the same in v. 2, where the expression “daughters of men” is determined by the antithesis “sons of God.” And with reasons existing for understanding by the sons of God and the daughters of men two species of the genus µdoa’ , mentioned in v. 1, no valid objection can be offered to the restriction of µdoa’ , through the antithesis Elohim, to all men with the exception of the sons of God; since this mode of expression is by no means unusual in Hebrew. “From the expression ‘daughters of men,’ “ as Dettinger observes, “it by no means follows that the sons of God were not men; any more than it follows from Jeremiah 32:20, where it is said that God had done miracles ‘in Israel, and among men,’ or from Isaiah 43:4, where God says He will give men for the Israelites, or from Judges 16:7, where Samson says, that if he is bound with seven green withs he shall be as weak as a man, for from Psalm 73:5, where it is said of the ungodly they are not in trouble as men, that the Israelites, or Samson, or the ungodly, were not men at all. In all these passages µd;a; (men) denotes the remainder of mankind in distinction from those who are especially named.”
Cases occur, too, even in simple prose, in which the same term is used, first in a general, and then directly afterwards in a more restricted sense.
We need cite only one, which occurs in Judg. In Genesis 19:30 reference is made to the coming of the children of Israel (i.e., of the twelve tribes) out of Egypt; and directly afterwards (Genesis 20:1-2) it is related that “all the children of Israel,” “all the tribes of Israel,” assembled together (to make war, as we learn from vv. 3ff., upon Benjamin); and in the whole account of the war, ch. 20 and 21, the tribes of Israel are distinguished from the tribe of Benjamin: so that the expression “tribes of Israel” really means the rest of the tribes with the exception of Benjamin. And yet the Benjamites were Israelites. Why then should the fact that the sons of God are distinguished from the daughters of men prove that the former could not be men? There is not force enough in these two objections to compel us to adopt the conclusion that the sons of God were angels.
The question whether the “sons of Elohim” were celestial or terrestrial sons of God (angels or pious men of the family of Seth) can only be determined from the context, and from the substance of the passage itself, that is to say, from what is related respecting the conduct of the sons of God and its results. That the connection does not favour the idea of their being angels, is acknowledged even by those who adopt this view. “It cannot be denied,” says Delitzsch, “that the connection of Genesis 6:1-8 with ch. 4 necessitates the assumption, that such intermarriages (of the Sethite and Cainite families) did take place about the time of the flood (cf.
Matthew 24:38; Luke 17:27); and the prohibition of mixed marriages under the law (Exodus 34:16; cf. Genesis 27:46; 28:1ff.) also favours the same idea.” But this “assumption” is placed beyond all doubt, by what is here related of the sons of God. In v. 2 it is stated that “the sons of God saw the daughters of men, that they were fair; and they took them wives of all which they chose,” i.e., of any with whose beauty they were charmed; and these wives bare children to them (v. 4). Now hV;ai jqæl; (to take a wife) is a standing expression throughout the whole of the Old Testament for the marriage relation established by God at the creation, and is never applied to pornei>a , or the simple act of physical connection. This is quite sufficient of itself to exclude any reference to angels. For Christ Himself distinctly states that the angels cannot marry (Matthew 22:30; Mark 12:25; cf. Luke 20:34ff.). And when Kurtz endeavours to weaken the force of these words of Christ, by arguing that they do not prove that it is impossible for angels so to fall from their original holiness as to sink into an unnatural state; this phrase has no meaning, unless by conclusive analogies, or the clear testimony of Scripture, it can be proved that the angels either possess by nature a material corporeality adequate to the contraction of a human marriage, or that by rebellion against their Creator they can acquire it, or that there are some creatures in heaven and on earth which, through sinful degeneracy, or by sinking into an unnatural state, can become possessed of the power, which they have not by nature, of generating and propagating their species. As man could indeed destroy by sin the nature which he had received from his Creator, but could not by his own power restore it when destroyed, to say nothing of implanting an organ or a power that was wanting before; so we cannot believe that angels, through apostasy from God, could acquire sexual power of which they had previously been destitute.
Verse 3. The sentence of God upon the “sons of God” is also appropriate to men only. “Jehovah said: My spirit shall not rule in men for ever; in their wandering they are flesh.” “The verb ˆyDi = ˆyDi signifies to rule (hence ˆwOda; the ruler), and to judge, as the consequence of ruling. jæWr is the divine spirit of life bestowed upon man, the principle of physical and ethical, natural and spiritual life. This His spirit God will withdraw from man, and thereby put an end to their life and conduct. ggæv; is regarded by many as a particle, compounded of b¦, sha a contraction of rv,a , and µGæ (also), used in the sense of quoniam, because, ( væB] = rv,a , as væ or v, = rv,a Judges 5:7; 6:17; Song of Sol. 1:7). But the objection to this explanation is, that the µGæ , “because he also is flesh,” introduces an incongruous emphasis into the clause.
We therefore prefer to regard shagaam as the inf. of ggæv; = hg;v; with the suffix: “in their erring (that of men) he (man as a genus) is flesh;” an explanation to which, to our mind, the extremely harsh change of number (they, he), is no objection, since many examples might be adduced of a similar change (vid., Hupfeld on Psalm 5:10). Men, says God, have proved themselves by their erring and straying to be flesh, i.e., given up to the flesh, and incapable of being ruled by the Spirit of God and led back to the divine goal of their life. rc;B; is used already in its ethical signification, like sa>rx in the New Testament, denoting not merely the natural corporeality of man, but his materiality as rendered ungodly by sin. “Therefore his days shall be 120 years:” this means, not that human life should in future never attain a greater age than 120 years, but that a respite of 120 years should still be granted to the human race.
This sentence, as we may gather from the context, was made known to Noah in his 480th year, to be published by him as “preacher of righteousness” (2 Peter 2:5) to the degenerate race. The reason why men had gone so far astray, that God determined to withdraw His spirit and give them up to destruction, was that the sons of God had taken wives of such of the daughters of men as they chose. Can this mean, because angels had formed marriages with the daughters of men? Even granting that such marriages, as being unnatural connections, would have led to the complete corruption of human nature; the men would in that case have been the tempted, and the real authors of the corruption would have been the angels. Why then should judgment fall upon the tempted alone? The judgments of God in the world are not executed with such partiality as this.
And the supposition that nothing is said about the punishment of the angels, because the narrative has to do with the history of man, and the spiritual world is intentionally veiled as much as possible, does not meet the difficulty.
If the sons of God were angels, the narrative is concerned not only with men, but with angels also; and it is not the custom of the Scriptures merely to relate the judgments which fall upon the tempted, and say nothing at all about the tempters. For the contrary, see Genesis 3:14ff. If the “sons of God” were not men, so as to be included in the term µd;a; , the punishment would need to be specially pointed out in their case, and no deep revelations of the spiritual world would be required, since these celestial tempters would be living with men upon the earth, when they had taken wives from among their daughters. The judgments of God are not only free from all unrighteousness, but avoid every kind of partiality. Verse 4. “The Nephilim were on the earth in those days, and also after that, when the sons of God came in unto the daughters of men, and they bare children to them: these are the heroes ( rwOBGi ) who from the olden time ( `µl;wO[ , as in Psalm 25:6; 1 Samuel 27:8) are the men of name” (i.e., noted, renowned or notorious men). lypin] , from lpæn; to fall upon (Job 1:15; Joshua 11:7), signifies the invaders (epipi’ptontes Aq., biai>oi Sym.).
Luther gives the correct meaning, “tyrants:” they were called Nephilim because they fell upon the people and oppressed them. f19 The meaning of the verse is a subject of dispute. To an unprejudiced mind, the words, as they stand, represent the Nephilim, who were on the earth in those days, as existing before the sons of God began to marry the daughters of men, and clearly distinguish them from the fruits of these marriages. hy;h; can no more be rendered “they became, or arose,” in this connection, than hy;h; in Genesis 1:2. hy;h; would have been the proper word. The expression “in those days” refers most naturally to the time when God pronounced the sentence upon the degenerate race; but it is so general and comprehensive a term, that it must not be confined exclusively to that time, not merely because the divine sentence was first pronounced after these marriages were contracted, and the marriages, if they did not produce the corruption, raised it to that fulness of iniquity which was ripe for the judgment, but still more because the words “after that” represent the marriages which drew down the judgment as an event that followed the appearance of the Nephilim. “The same were mighty men:” this might point back to the Nephilim; but it is a more natural supposition, that it refers to the children born to the sons of God. “These,” i.e., the sons sprung from those marriages, “are the heroes, those renowned heroes of old.”
Now if, according to the simple meaning of the passage, the Nephilim were in existence at the very time when the sons of God came in to the daughters of men, the appearance of the Nephilim cannot afford the slightest evidence that the “sons of God” were angels, by whom a family of monsters were begotten, whether demigods, daemons, or angel-men. f20 Verse 5-8. Now when the wickedness of man became great, and “every imagination of the thoughts of his heart was only evil the whole day,” i.e., continually and altogether evil, it repented God that He had made man, and He determined to destroy them. This determination and the motive assigned are also irreconcilable with the angel-theory. “Had the godless race, which God destroyed by the flood, sprung either entirely or in part from the marriage of angels to the daughters of men, it would no longer have been the race first created by God in Adam, but a grotesque product of the Adamitic factor created by God, and an entirely foreign and angelic factor” (Phil.). f21 The force of µjæn; , “it repented the Lord,” may be gathered from the explanatory `bxæ[; , “it grieved Him at His heart.” This shows that the repentance of God does not presuppose any variableness in His nature of His purposes. In this sense God never repents of anything (1 Samuel 15:29), “quia nihil illi inopinatum vel non praevisum accidit” (Calvin). The repentance of God is an anthropomorphic expression for the pain of the divine love at the sin of man, and signifies that “God is hurt no less by the atrocious sins of men than if they pierced His heart with mortal anguish” (Calvin). The destruction of all, “from man unto beast,” etc., is to be explained on the ground of the sovereignty of man upon the earth, the irrational creatures being created for him, and therefore involved in his fall.
This destruction, however, was not to bring the human race to an end. “Noah found grace in the eyes of the Lord.” In these words mercy is seen in the midst of wrath, pledging the preservation and restoration of humanity.
III. HISTORY OF NOAH The important relation in which Noah stands both to sacred and universal history, arises from the fact, that he found mercy on account of his blameless walk with God; that in him the human race was kept from total destruction, and he was preserved from the all-destroying flood, to found in his sons a new beginning to the history of the world. The piety of Noah, his preservation, and the covenant through which God appointed him the head of the human race, are the three main pints in this section. The first of these is dismissed in a very few words. The second, on the contrary, viz., the destruction of the old world by the flood, and the preservation of Noah, together with the animals enclosed in the ark, is circumstantially and elaborately described, “because this event included, on the one hand, a work of judgment and mercy of the greatest significance to the history of the kingdom of God” — a judgment of such universality and violence as will only be seen again in the judgment at the end of the world; and, on the other hand, an act of mercy which made the flood itself a flood of grace, and in that respect a type of baptism (1 Peter 3:21), and of life rising out of death. “Destruction ministers to preservation, immersion to purification, death to new birth; the old corrupt earth is buried in the flood, that out of this grave a new world may arise” (Delitzsch).
PREPARATION FOR THE FLOOD.
GENESIS. 6:9-22
Verse 9-22. Verses 9-12 contain a description of Noah and his contemporaries; vv. 13-22, the announcement of the purpose of God with reference to the flood.
Verse 9. “Noah, a righteous man, was blameless among his generations:” righteous in his moral relation to God; blameless ( te>leiov , integer) in his character and conduct. rwOD, geneai> , were the generations or families “which passed by Noah, the Nestor of his time.” His righteousness and integrity were manifested in his walking with God, in which he resembled Enoch (Genesis 5:22).
Verse 10-12. In vv. 10-12, the account of the birth of his three sons, and of the corruption of all flesh, is repeated. This corruption is represented as corrupting the whole earth and filling it with wickedness; and thus the judgment of the flood is for the first time fully accounted for. “The earth was corrupt before God (Elohim points back to the previous Elohim in v. 9),” it became so conspicuous to God, that He could not refrain from punishment. The corruption proceeded from the fact, that “all flesh” — i.e., the whole human race which had resisted the influence of the Spirit of God and become flesh (see v. 3)-”had corrupted its way.” The term “flesh” in v. 12 cannot include the animal world, since the expression, “corrupted its way,” is applicable to man alone. The fact that in v. 13 and 17 this term embraces both men and animals is no proof to the contrary, for the simple reason, that in v. 19 “all flesh” denotes the animal world only, an evident proof that the precise meaning of the word must always be determined from the context.
Verse 13. “The end of all flesh is come before Me.” lae awOB, when applied to rumours, invariably signifies “to reach the ear” (vid., Genesis 18:21; Exodus 3:9; Est 9:11); hence µynip; awOB in this case cannot mean a me constitutus est (Ges.). xqe , therefore, is not the end in the sense of destruction, but the end (extremity) of depravity or corruption, which leads to destruction. “For the earth has become full of wickedness µynip; ,” i.e., proceeding from them, “and I destroy them along with the earth.” Because all flesh had destroyed its way, it should be destroyed with the earth by God. The lex talionis is obvious here.
Verse 14-15. Noah was exempted from the extermination. He was to build an ark, in order that he himself, his family, and the animals might be preserved. hb;Te , which is only used here and in Exodus 2:3,5, where it is applied to the ark in which Moses was placed, is probably an Egyptian word: the LXX render it ki>bwtov here, and qi>bh in Exodus; the Vulgate arca, from which our word ark is derived. Gopher-wood (ligna bituminata; Jerome) is most likely cypress. The aJp leg gopher is related to kopeer, resin, and kupa>rissov ; it is no proof to the contrary that in later Hebrew the cypress is called berosh, for gopher belongs to the pre-Hebraic times.
The ark was to be made cells, i.e., divided into cells, ˆqe (lit., nests, niduli, mansiunculae), and pitched ( rpæK; denom. from rp,Ko ) within and without with copher, or asphalte (LXX a>sfaltov , Vulg. bitumen). On the supposition, which is a very probable one, that the ark was built in the form not of a ship, but of a chest, with flat bottom, like a floating house, as it was not meant for sailing, but merely to float upon the water, the dimensions, 300 cubits long, 50 broad, and 30 high, give a superficial area of 15,000 square cubits, and a cubic measurement of 450,000 cubits, probably to the ordinary standard, “after the elbow of a man” (Deuteronomy 3:11), i.e., measured from the elbow to the end of the middle finger.
Verse 16. “Light shalt thou make to the ark, and in a cubit from above shalt thou finish it.” As the meaning light for rhæxo is established by the word tsaahaarayim, “double-light” or mid-day, the passage can only signify that a hole or opening for light and air was to be so constructed as to reach within a cubit of the edge of the roof. A window only a cubit square could not possibly be intended; for rhæxo is not synonymous with ˆwOLjæ (Genesis 8:6), but signifies, generally, a space for light, or by which light could be admitted into the ark, and in which the window, or lattice for opening and shutting, could be fixed; though we can form no distinct idea of what the arrangement was. The door he was to place in the side; and to make “lower, second, and third (sc., cells),” i.e., three distinct stories. f22 Verse 17-21. Noah was to build this ark, because God was about to bring a flood upon the earth, and would save him, with his family, and one pair of every kind of animal. lWBmæ , (the flood), is an archaic word, coined expressly for the waters of Noah (Isaiah 54:9), and is used nowhere else except Psalm 29:10. xr,a, `l[æ µyimæ is in apposition to mabbul: “I bring the flood, waters upon the earth, to destroy all flesh, wherein is a living breath” (i.e., man and beast). With Noah, God made a covenant. On tyriB] see Genesis 15:18. As not only the human race, but the animal world also was to be preserved through Noah, he was to take with him into the ark his wife, his sons and their wives, and of every living thing, of all flesh, two of every sort, a male and a female, to keep them alive; also all kinds of food for himself and family, and for the sustenance of the beasts.
Verse 22. “Thus did Noah, according to all that God commanded him” (with regard to the building of the ark). Cf. Hebrews 11:7.
HISTORY OF THE FLOOD.
The account of the commencement, course, and termination of the flood abounds in repetitions; but although it progresses somewhat heavily, the connection is well sustained, and no link could be erased without producing a gap.
GENESIS. 7:1-16
Verse 1-12. When the ark was built, and the period of grace (Genesis 6:3) had passed, Noah received instructions from Jehovah to enter the ark with his family, and with the animals, viz., seven of every kind of clean animals, and two of the unclean; and was informed that within seven days God would cause it to rain upon the earth forty days and forty nights. The date of the flood is then given (v. 6): “Noah was six hundred years old, and the flood was (namely) water upon the earth;” and the execution of the divine command is recorded in vv. 7-9. There follows next the account of the bursting forth of the flood, the date being given with still greater minuteness; and the entrance of the men and animals into the ark is again described as being fully accomplished (vv. 10-16). — The fact that in the command to enter the ark a distinction is now made between clean and unclean animals, seven of the former being ordered to be taken-i.e., three pair and a single one, probably a male for sacrifice-is no more a proof of different authorship, or of the fusion of two accounts, than the interchange of the names Jehovah and Elohim. For the distinction between clean and unclean animals did not originate with Moses, but was confirmed by him as a long established custom, in harmony with the law.
It reached back to the very earliest times, and arose from a certain innate feeling of the human mind, when undisturbed by unnatural and ungodly influences, which detects types of sin and corruption in many animals, and instinctively recoils from them (see my biblische Archäeologie ii. p. 20).
That the variations in the names of God furnish no criterion by which to detect different documents, is evident enough from the fact, that in Genesis 7:1 it is Jehovah who commands Noah to enter the ark, and in v. 4 Noah does as Elohim had commanded, whilst in v. 16, in two successive clauses, Elohim alternates with Jehovah-the animals entering the ark at the command of Elohim, and Jehovah shutting Noah in. With regard to the entrance of the animals into the ark, it is worthy of notice, that in vv. 9 and 15 it is stated that “they came two and two,” and in v. 16 that “the coming ones came male and female of all flesh.” In this expression “they came” it is clearly intimated, that the animals collected about Noah and were taken into the ark, without his having to exert himself to collect them, and that they did so in consequence of an instinct produced by God, like that which frequently leads animals to scent and try to flee from dangers, of which man has no presentiment.
The time when the flood commenced is said to have been the 600th year of Noah’s life, on the 17th day of the second month (v. 11). The months must be reckoned, not according to the Mosaic ecclesiastical year, which commenced in the spring, but according to the natural of civil year, which commenced in the autumn at the beginning of sowing time, or the autumnal equinox; so that the flood would be pouring upon the earth in October and November. “The same day were all the fountains of the great deep ( µwOhT] the unfathomable ocean) broken up, and the sluices (windows, lattices) of heaven opened, and there was (happened, came) pouring rain ( µv,G, in distinction from rfæm; ) upon the earth 40 days and 40 nights.” Thus the flood was produced by the bursting forth of fountains hidden within the earth, which drove seas and rivers above their banks, and by rain which continued incessantly for 40 days and 40 nights.
Verse 13-16. “In the self-same day had Noah...entered into the ark:” awOB, pluperfect “had come,” not came, which would require awOB. The idea is not that Noah, with his family and all the animals, entered the ark on the very day on which the rain began, but that on that day he had entered, had completed the entering, which occupied the seven days between the giving of the command (v. 4) and the commencement of the flood (v. 10).
GENESIS. 7:17-24
Verses 17-24 contain a description of the flood: how the water increased more and more, till it was 15 cubits above all the lofty mountains of the earth, and how, on the one hand, it raised the ark above the earth and above the mountains, and, on the other, destroyed every living being upon the dry land, from man to cattle, creeping things, and birds. “The description is simple and majestic; the almighty judgment of God, and the love manifest in the midst of the wrath, hold the historian fast. The tautologies depict the fearful monotony of the immeasurable expanse of water: omnia pontus erant et deerant litera ponto.” The words of v. 17, “and the flood was (came) upon the earth for forty days,” relate to the days’ rain combined with the bursting forth of the foundations beneath the earth. By these the water was eventually raised to the height given, at which it remained 150 days (v. 24).
But if the water covered “all the high hills under the whole heaven,” this clearly indicates the universality of the flood. The statement, indeed, that it rose 15 cubits above the mountains, is probably founded upon the fact, that the ark drew 15 feet of water, and that when the waters subsided, it rested upon the top of Ararat, from which the conclusion would very naturally be drawn as to the greatest height attained. Now as Ararat, according to the measurement of Perrot, is only 16,254 feet high, whereas the loftiest peaks of the Himalaya and Cordilleras are as much as 26,843, the submersion of these mountains has been thought impossible, and the statement in v. has been regarded as a rhetorical expression, like Deuteronomy 2:25 and 4:19, which is not of universal application. But even if those peaks, which are higher than Ararat, were not covered by water, we cannot therefore pronounce the flood merely partial in its extent, but must regard it as universal, as extending over every part of the world, since the few peaks uncovered would not only sink into vanishing points in comparison with the surface covered, but would form an exception not worth mentioning, for the simple reason that no living beings could exist upon these mountains, covered with perpetual snow and ice; so that everything that lived upon the dry land, in whose nostrils there was a breath of life, would inevitably die, and, with the exception of those shut up in the ark, neither man nor beast would be able to rescue itself, and escape destruction.
A flood which rose 15 cubits above the top of Ararat could not remain partial, if it only continued a few days, to say nothing of the fact that the water was rising for 40 days, and remained at the highest elevation for days. To speak of such a flood as partial is absurd, even if it broke out at only one spot, it would spread over the earth from one end to the other, and reach everywhere to the same elevation. However impossible, therefore, scientific men may declare it to be for them to conceive of a universal flood of such a height and duration in accordance with the known laws of nature, this inability on their part does not justify any one in questioning the possibility of such an event being produced by the omnipotence of God. It has been justly remarked, too, that the proportion of such a quantity of water to the entire mass of the earth, in relation to which the mountains are but like the scratches of a needle on a globe, is no greater than that of a profuse perspiration to the body of a man. And to this must be added, that, apart from the legend of a flood, which is found in nearly every nation, the earth presents unquestionable traces of submersion in the fossil remains of animals and plants, which are found upon the Cordilleras and Himalaya even beyond the limit of perpetual snow. f23 In v. 23, instead of hj;m; (imperf. Niphal) read hj;m; (imperf. Kal): “and He (Jehovah) destroyed every existing thing,” as He had said in v. 4.
GENESIS. 8:1-5
With the words, “then God remembered Noah and all the animals...in the ark,” the narrative turns to the description of the gradual decrease of the water until the ground was perfectly dry. The fall of the water is described in the same pictorial style as its rapid rise. God’s “remembering” was a manifestation of Himself, an effective restraint of the force of the raging element. He caused a wind to blow over the earth, so that the waters sank, and shut up the fountains of the deep, and the sluices of heaven, so that the rain from heaven was restrained. “Then the waters turned ( bWv i.e., flowed off) from the earth, flowing continuously (the inf. absol. bWv Ëlæy; expresses continuation), and decreased at the end of 150 days.” The decrease first became perceptible when the ark rested upon the mountains of Ararat on the 17th day of the seventh month; i.e.,, reckoning 30 days to a month, exactly 150 days after the flood commenced.
From that time forth it continued without intermission, so that on the first day of the tenth month, probably 73 days after the resting of the ark, the tops of the mountains were seen, viz., the tops of the Armenian highlands, by which the ark was surrounded. Ararat was the name of a province (2 Kings 19:37), which is mentioned along with Minni (Armenia) as a kingdom in Jeremiah 51:27, probably the central province of the country of Armenia, which Moses v. Chorene calls Arairad, Araratia. The mountains of Ararat are, no doubt, the group of mountains which rise from the plain of the Araxes in two lofty peaks, the greater and lesser Ararat, the former 16,254 feet above the level of the sea, the latter about 12,000. This landing-place of the ark is extremely interesting in connection with the development of the human race as renewed after the flood. Armenia, the source of the rivers of paradise, has been called “a cool, airy, well-watered mountain-island in the midst of the old continent;” but Mount Ararat especially is situated almost in the middle, not only of the great desert route of Africa and Asia, but also of the range of inland waters from Gibraltar to the Baikal Sea-in the centre, too, of the longest line that can be drawn through the settlements of the Caucasian race and the Indo- Germanic tribes; and, as the central point of the longest land-line of the ancient world, from the Cape of Good Hope to the Behring Straits, it was the most suitable spot in the world, for the tribes and nations that sprang from the sons of Noah to descend from its heights and spread into every land (vid., K. v. Raumer, Paläst. pp. 456ff.).
GENESIS. 8:6-12
Forty days after the appearance of the mountain tops, Noah opened the window of the ark and let a raven fly out (lit., the raven, i.e., the particular raven known from that circumstance), for the purpose of ascertaining the drying up of the waters. The raven went out and returned until the earth was dry, but without being taken back into the ark, as the mountain tops and the carcases floating upon the water afforded both resting-places and food. After that, Noah let a dove fly out three times, at intervals of seven days. It is not distinctly stated that he sent it out the first time seven days after the raven, but this is implied in the statement that he stayed yet other seven days before sending it out the second time, and the same again before sending it the third time (vv. 10 and 12). The dove, when first sent out, “found no rest for the sole of its foot;” for a dove will only settle upon such places and objects as are dry and clean.
It returned to the ark and let Noah take it in again (vv. 8, 9). The second time it returned in the evening, having remained out longer than before, and brought a fresh ( ãr;f; freshly plucked) olive-leaf in its mouth. Noah perceived from this that the water must be almost gone, had “abated from off the earth,” though the ground might not be perfectly dry, as the olivetree will put out leaves even under water. The fresh olive-leaf was the first sign of the resurrection of the earth to new life after the flood, and the dove with the olive-leaf a herald of salvation. The third time it did not return; a sign that the waters had completely receded from the earth. The fact that Noah waited 40 days before sending the raven, and after that always left an interval of seven days, is not to be accounted for on the supposition that these numbers were already regarded as significant. The 40 days correspond to the 40 days during which the rain fell and the waters rose; and Noah might assume that they would require the same time to recede as to rise. The seven days constituted the week established at the creation, and God had already conformed to it in arranging their entrance into the ark (Genesis 7:4,10). The selection which Noah made of the birds may also be explained quite simply from the difference in their nature, with which Noah must have been acquainted; that is to say, from the fact that the raven in seeking its food settles upon every carcase that it sees, whereas the dove will only settle upon what is dry and clean.
GENESIS. 8:13-19
Noah waited some time, and then, on the first day of the first month, in the 601st year of his life, removed the covering from the ark, that he might obtain a freer prospect over the earth. He could see that the surface of the earth was dry; but it was not till the 27th day of the second month, days, therefore, after the removal of the roof, that the earth was completely dried up. Then God commanded him to leave the ark with his family and all the animals; and so far as the latter were concerned, He renewed the blessing of the creation (v. 17 cf. Genesis 1:22). As the flood commenced on the 17th of the second month of the 600th year of Noah’s life, and ended on the 27th of the second month of the 601st year, it lasted a year and ten days; but whether a solar year of 360 of 365 days, or a lunar year of 352, is doubtful. The former is the more probable, as the first five months are said to have consisted of 150 days, which suits the solar year better than the lunar. The question cannot be decided with certainty, because we neither know the number of days between the 17th of the seventh month and the 1st of the tenth month, nor the interval between the sending out of the dove and the 1st day of the first month of the 601st year.
NOAH’S SACRIFICE, CURSE, AND BLESSING.
Two events of Noah’s life, of world-wide importance, are recorded as having occurred after the flood: his sacrifice, with the divine promise which followed it (Genesis 8:20-9:17); and the prophetic curse and blessing pronounced upon his sons (9:18-29).
GENESIS. 8:20-22
The first thing which Noah did, was to build an altar for burnt sacrifice, to thank the Lord for gracious protection, and pray for His mercy in time to come. This jæBez]mi , lit., a place for the offering of slain animals, from jbæz, , like qusiasth>rion from qu>ein -is the first altar mentioned in history. The sons of Adam had built no altar for their offerings, because God was still present on the earth in paradise, so that they could turn their offerings and hearts towards that abode. But with the flood God had swept paradise away, withdrawn the place of His presence, and set up His throne in heaven, from which He would henceforth reveal Himself to man (cf.
Genesis 9:5,7). In future, therefore, the hearts of the pious had to be turned towards heaven, and their offerings and prayers needed to ascend on high if they were to reach the throne of God. To give this direction to their offerings, heights or elevated places were erected, from which they ascended towards heaven in fire.
From this the offerings received the name of `hl;[o from `hl;[o , the ascending, not so much because the sacrificial animals ascended or were raised upon the altar, as because they rose from the altar to haven (cf.
Judges 20:40; Jeremiah 48:15; Amos 4:10). Noah took his offerings from every clean beast and every clean fowl-from those animals, therefore, which were destined for man’s food; probably the seventh of every kind, which he had taken into the ark. “And Jehovah smelled the smell of satisfaction,” i.e., He graciously accepted the feelings of the offerer which rose to Him in the odour of the sacrificial flame. In the sacrificial flame the essence of the animal was resolved into vapour; so that when man presented a sacrifice in his own stead, his inmost being, his spirit, and his heart ascended to God in the vapour, and the sacrifice brought the feeling of his heart before God. This feeling of gratitude for gracious protection, and of desire for further communications of grace, was well-pleasing to God. He “said to His heart’ (to, or in Himself; i.e., He resolved), “I will not again curse the ground any more for man’s sake, because the image (i.e., the thought and desire) of man’s heart is evil from his youth up (i.e., from the very time when he begins to act with consciousness).”
This hardly seems an appropriate reason. As Luther says: “Hic inconstantiae videtur Deus accusari posse. Supra puniturus hominem causam consilii dicit, quia figmentum cordis humani malum est. Hic promissurus homini gratiam, quod posthac tali ira uti nolit, eandem causam allegat.” Both Luther and Calvin express the same thought, though without really solving the apparent discrepancy. It was not because the thoughts and desires of the human heart are evil that God would not smite any more every living thing, that is to say, would not exterminate it judicially; but because they are evil from his youth up, because evil is innate in man, and for that reason he needs the forbearance of God; and also (and here lies the principal motive for the divine resolution) because in the offering of the righteous Noah, not only were thanks presented for past protection, and entreaty for further care, but the desire of man was expressed, to remain in fellowship with God, and to procure the divine favour. “All the days of the earth;” i.e., so long as the earth shall continue, the regular alternation of day and night and of the seasons of the year, so indispensable to the continuance of the human race, would never be interrupted again.
GENESIS. 9:1-2
These divine purposes of peace, which were communicated to Noah while sacrificing, were solemnly confirmed by the renewal of the blessing pronounced at the creation and the establishment of a covenant through a visible sign, which would be a pledge for all time that there should never be a flood again. In the words by which the first blessing was transferred to Noah and his sons (v. 2), the supremacy granted to man over the animal world was expressed still more forcibly than in Genesis 1:26 and 28; because, inasmuch as sin with its consequences had loosened the bond of voluntary subjection on the part of the animals to the will of man-man, on the one hand, having lost the power of the spirit over nature, and nature, on the other hand, having become estranged from man, or rather having rebelled against him, through the curse pronounced upon the earthhenceforth it was only by force that he could rule over it, by that “fear and dread” which God instilled into the animal creation. Whilst the animals were thus placed in the hand (power) of man, permission was also given to him to slaughter them for food, the eating of the blood being the only thing forbidden.
GENESIS. 9:3-7
“Every moving thing that liveth shall be food for you; even as the green of the herb have I given you all ( lKoAta, = lKojæ ).” These words do not affirm that man then first began to eat animal food, but only that God then for the first time authorized, or allowed him to do, what probably he had previously done in opposition to His will. “Only flesh in its soul, its blood ( µD; in apposition to vp,n, ), shall ye not eat;” i.e., flesh in which there is still blood, because the soul of the animal is in the blood. The prohibition applies to the eating of flesh with blood in it, whether of living animals, as is the barbarous custom in Abyssinia, or of slaughtered animals from which the blood has not been properly drained at death. This prohibition presented, on the one hand, a safeguard against harshness and cruelty; and contained, on the other, “an undoubted reference to the sacrifice of animals, which was afterwards made the subject of command, and in which it was the blood especially that was offered, as the seat and soul of life (see note on Leviticus 17:11,14); so that from this point of view sacrifice denotes the surrender of one’s own inmost life, of the very essence of life, to God” (Ziegler).
Allusion is made to the first again in the still further limitation given in v. 5: “and only Ëaæ ) your blood, with regard to your souls ( l] indicative of reference to an individual object, Ewald, §310a), will I seek (demand or avenge, cf. Psalm 9:13) from the hand of every beast, and from the hand of man, from the hand of every one, his brother;” i.e., from every man, whoever he may be, because he is his (the slain man’s) brother, inasmuch as all men are brethren. The life of man was thus made secure against animals as well as men. God would avenge or inflict punishment for every murder-not directly, however, as He promised to do in the case of Cain, but indirectly by giving the command, “Whoso sheddeth man’s blood, by man shall his blood be shed,” and thus placing in the hand of man His own judicial power. “This was the first command,” says Luther, “having reference to the temporal sword. By these words temporal government was established, and the sword placed in its hand by God.” It is true the punishment of the murderer is enjoined upon “man” universally; but as all the judicial relations and ordinances of the increasing race were rooted in those of the family, and grew by a natural process out of that, the family relations furnished of themselves the norm for the closer definition of the expression “man.”
Hence the command does not sanction revenge, but lays the foundation for the judicial rights of the divinely appointed “powers that be” (Romans 13:1). This is evident from the reason appended: “for in the image of God made He man.” If murder was to be punished with death because it destroyed the image of God in man, it is evident that the infliction of the punishment was not to be left to the caprice of individuals, but belonged to those alone who represent the authority and majesty of God, i.e., the divinely appointed rulers, who for that very reason are called Elohim in Psalm 82:6. This command then laid the foundation for all civil government, and formed a necessary complement to that unalterable continuance of the order of nature which had been promised to the human race for its further development. If God on account of the innate sinfulness of man would no more bring an exterminating judgment upon the earthly creation, it was necessary that by commands and authorities He should erect a barrier against the supremacy of evil, and thus lay the foundation for a well-ordered civil development of humanity, in accordance with the words of the blessing, which are repeated in v. 7, as showing the intention and goal of this new historical beginning.
GENESIS. 9:8-17
To give Noah and his sons a firm assurance of the prosperous continuance of the human race, God condescended to establish a covenant with them and their descendants, and to confirm this covenant by a visible sign for all generations. tyriB] µWq is not equivalent to tyriB] træK; ; it does not denote the formal conclusion of an actual covenant, but the “setting up of a covenant,” or the giving of a promise possessing the nature of a covenant. In summing up the animals in v. 10, the prepositions are accumulated: first b] embracing the whole, then the partitive ˆmi restricting the enumeration to those which went out of the ark, and lastly l] , “with regard to,” extending it again to every individual. There was a correspondence between the covenant (v. 11) and the sign which was to keep it before the sight of men (v. 12): “I give (set) My bow in the cloud” (v. 13).
When God gathers ( `ˆnæ[; v. 14, lit., clouds) clouds over the earth, “the bow shall be seen in the cloud,” and that not for man only, but for God also, who will look at the bow, “to remember His everlasting covenant.” An “everlasting covenant” is a covenant “for perpetual generations,” i.e., one which shall extend to all ages, even to the end of the world. The fact that God Himself would look at the bow and remember His covenant, was “a glorious and living expression of the great truth, that God’s covenant signs, in which He has put His promises, are real vehicles of His grace, that they have power and essential worth not only with men, but also before God” (O. v. Gerlach). The establishment of the rainbow as a covenant sign of the promise that there should be no flood again, presupposes that it appeared then for the first time in the vault and clouds of heaven. From this it may be inferred, not that it did not rain before the flood, which could hardly be reconciled with Genesis 2:5, but that the atmosphere was differently constituted; a supposition in perfect harmony with the facts of natural history, which point to differences in the climate of the earth’s surface before and after the flood.
The fact that the rainbow, that “coloured splendour thrown by the bursting forth of the sun upon the departing clouds,” is the result of the reciprocal action of light, and air, and water, is no disproof of the origin and design recorded here. For the laws of nature are ordained by God, and have their ultimate ground and purpose in the divine plan of the universe which links together both nature and grace. “Springing as it does from the effect of the sun upon the dark mass of clouds, it typifies the readiness of the heavenly to pervade the earthly; spread out as it is between heaven and earth, it proclaims peace between God and man; and whilst spanning the whole horizon, it teaches the all-embracing universality of the covenant of grace” (Delitzsch). GENESIS 9:18-25 The second occurrence in the life of Noah after the flood exhibited the germs of the future development of the human race in a threefold direction, as manifested in the characters of his three sons. As all the families and races of man descend from them, their names are repeated in v. 18; and in prospective allusion to what follows, it is added that “Ham was the father of Canaan.” From these three “the earth (the earth’s population) spread itself out.” “The earth” is used for the population of the earth, as in Genesis 10:25 and 11:1, and just as lands or cities are frequently substituted for their inhabitants. xpæn; : probably Niphal for xpæn; , from xWp to scatter (11:4), to spread out. “And Noah the husbandman began, and planted a vineyard.” As hm;d;a vyai cannot be the predicate of the sentence, on account of the article, but must be in apposition to Noah, [fæn; and lWj must be combined in the sense of “began to plant” (Ges. §142, 3).
The writer does not mean to affirm that Noah resumed his agricultural operations after the flood, but that as a husbandman he began to cultivate the vine; because it was this which furnished the occasion for the manifestation of that diversity in the character of his sons, which was so eventful in its consequences in relation to the future history of their descendants. In ignorance of the fiery nature of wine, Noah drank and was drunken, and uncovered himself in his tent (v. 21). Although excuse may be made for this drunkenness, the words of Luther are still true: “Qui excusant patriarcham, volentes hanc consolationem, quam Spiritus S. ecclesiis necessariam judicavit, abjuciunt, quod scilicen etiam summi sancti aliquando labuntur.” This trifling fall served to display the hearts of his sons. Ham saw the nakedness of his father, and told his two brethren without. Not content with finding pleasure himself in his father’s shame, “nunquam enim vino victum patrem filius resisset, nisi prius ejecisset animo illam reverentiam et opinionem, quae in liberis de parentibus ex mandato Dei existere debet” (Luther), he just proclaimed his disgraceful pleasure to his brethren, and thus exhibited his shameless sensuality.
The brothers, on the contrary, with reverential modesty covered their father with a garment ( hl;m]ci the garment, which was at hand), walking backwards that they might not see his nakedness (v. 23), and thus manifesting their childlike reverence as truly as their refined purity and modesty. For this they receive their father’s blessing, whereas Ham reaped for his son Canaan the patriarch’s curse. In v. 24 Ham is called ˆf;q; ˆBe “his (Noah’s) little son,” and it is questionable whether the adjective is to be taken as comparative in the sense of “the younger,” or as superlative, meaning “the youngest.” Neither grammar nor the usage of the language will enable us to decide. For in 1 Samuel 17:14, where David is contrasted with his brothers, the word means not the youngest of the four, but the younger by the side of the three elder, just as in Genesis 1:16 the sun is called “the great” light, and the moon “the little” light, not to show that the sun is the greatest and the moon the least of all lights, but that the moon is the smaller of the two.
If, on the other hand, on the ground of 1 Samuel 16:11, where “the little one” undoubtedly means the youngest of all, any one would press the superlative force here, he must be prepared, in order to be consistent, to do the same with haggadol, “the great one,” in Genesis 10:21, which would lead to this discrepancy, that in the verse before us Ham is called Noah’s youngest son, and in Genesis 10:21 Shem is called Japhet’s oldest brother, and thus implicite Ham is described as older than Japhet. If we do not wish lightly to introduce a discrepancy into the text of these two chapters, no other course is open than to follow the LXX, Vulg. and others, and take “the little” here and “the great” in Genesis 10:21 as used in a comparative sense, Ham being represented here as Noah’s younger son, and Shem in Genesis 10:21 as Japhet’s elder brother. Consequently the order in which the three names stand is also an indication of their relative ages. And this is not only the simplest and readiest assumption, but is even confirmed by ch. 10, though the order is inverted there, Japhet being mentioned first, then Ham, and Shem last; and it is also in harmony with the chronological datum in Genesis 11:10, as compared with ch. 5:32 (vid., ch. 11:10).
To understand the words of Noah with reference to his sons (vv. 25-27), we must bear in mind, on the one hand, that as the moral nature of the patriarch was transmitted by generation to his descendants, so the diversities of character in the sons of Noah foreshadowed diversities in the moral inclinations of the tribes of which they were the head; and on the other hand, that Noah, through the Spirit and power of that God with whom he walked, discerned in the moral nature of his sons, and the different tendencies which they already displayed, the germinal commencement of the future course of their posterity, and uttered words of blessing and of curse, which were prophetic of the history of the tribes that descended from them. In the sin of Ham “there lies the great stain of the whole Hamitic race, whose chief characteristic is sexual sin” (Ziegler); and the curse which Noah pronounced upon this sin still rests upon the race.
It was not Ham who was cursed, however, but his son Canaan. Ham had sinned against his father, and he was punished in his son. But the reason why Canaan was the only son named, is not to be found in the fact that Canaan was the youngest son of Ham, and Ham the youngest son of Noah, as Hofmann supposes. The latter is not an established fact; and the purely external circumstance, that Canaan had the misfortune to be the youngest son, could not be a just reason for cursing him alone. The real reason must either lie in the fact that Canaan was already walking in the steps of his father’s impiety and sin, or else be sought in the name Canaan, in which Noah discerned, through the gift of prophecy, a significant omen; a supposition decidedly favoured by the analogy of the blessing pronounced upon Japhet, which is also founded upon the name. Canaan does not signify lowland, nor was it transferred, as many maintain, from the land to its inhabitants; it was first of all the name of the father of the tribe, from whom it was transferred to his descendants, and eventually to the land of which they took possession.
The meaning of Canaan is “the submissive one,” from [næK; to stoop or submit, Hiphil, to bend or subjugate (Deuteronomy 9:3; Judges 4:23, etc.). “Ham gave his son the name from the obedience which he required, though he did not render it himself. The son was to be the servant (for the name points to servile obedience) of a father who was as tyrannical towards those beneath him, as he was refractory towards those above. The father, when he gave him the name, thought only of submission to his own commands. But the secret providence of God, which rules in all such things, had a different submission in view” (Hengstenberg, Christol. i. 28, transl.). “Servant of servants (i.e., the lowest of slaves, vid., Ewald, §313) let him become to his brethren.” Although this curse was expressly pronounced upon Canaan alone, the fact that Ham had no share in Noah’s blessing, either for himself or his other sons, was a sufficient proof that his whole family was included by implication in the curse, even if it was to fall chiefly upon Canaan. And history confirms the supposition. The Canaanites were partly exterminated, and partly subjected to the lowest form of slavery, by the Israelites, who belonged to the family of Shem; and those who still remained were reduced by Solomon to the same condition (1 Kings 9:20-21). The Phoenicians, along with the Carthaginians and the Egyptians, who all belonged to the family of Canaan, were subjected by the Japhetic Persians, Macedonians, and Romans; and the remainder of the Hamitic tribes either shared the same fate, or still sigh, like the negroes, for example, and other African tribes, beneath the yoke of the most crushing slavery.
GENESIS. 9:26
In contrast with the curse, the blessings upon Shem and Japhet are introduced with a fresh “and he said,” whilst Canaan’s servitude comes in like a refrain and is mentioned in connection with both his brethren:
Blessed be Jehovah, the God of Shem, and let Canaan be servant to them.”
Instead of wishing good to Shem, Noah praises the God of Shem, just as Moses in Deuteronomy 33:20, instead of blessing Gad, blesses Him “that enlargeth Gad,” and points out the nature of the good which he is to receive, by using the name Jehovah. This is done “propter excellentem benedictionem. Non enim loquitur de corporali benedictione, sed de benedictione futura per semen promissum. Eam tantam videt esse ut explicari verbis non possit, ideo se vertit ad gratiarum actionem” (Luther).
Because Jehovah is the God of Shem, Shem will be the recipient and heir of all the blessings of salvation, which God as Jehovah bestows upon mankind. ttæK; = ttæK; neither stands for the singular ttæK; (Ges. §103, 2), nor refers to Shem and Japhet. It serves to show that the announcement does not refer to the person relation of Canaan to Shem, but applies to their descendants.
GENESIS. 9:27-29
“Wide let God make it to Japhet, and let him dwell in the tents of Shem.”
Starting from the meaning of the name, Noah sums up his blessing in the word ht;p; (japht), from ht;p; to be wide (Prov 20:19), in the Hiphil with l] , to procure a wide space for any one, used either of extension over a wide territory, or of removal to a free, unfettered position; analogous to l] bjær; , Genesis 26:22; Psalm 4:1, etc. Both must be retained here, so that the promise to the family of Japhet embraced not only a wide extension, but also prosperity on every hand. This blessing was desired by Noah, not from Jehovah, the God of Shem, who bestows saving spiritual good upon man, but from Elohim, God as Creator and Governor of the world; for it had respect primarily to the blessings of the earth, not to spiritual blessings; although Japhet would participate in these as well, for he should come and dwell in the tents of Shem. The disputed question, whether God or Japhet is to be regarded as the subject of the verb “shall dwell,” is already decided by the use of the word Elohim. If it were God whom Noah described as dwelling in the tents of Shem, so that the expression denoted the gracious presence of God in Israel, we should expect to find the name Jehovah, since it was as Jehovah that God took up His abode among Shem in Israel.
It is much more natural to regard the expression as applying to Japhet, (a) because the refrain, “Canaan shall be his servant,” requires that we should understand v. 27 as applying to Japhet, like v. 26 to Shem; (b) because the plural, tents, is not applicable to the abode of Jehovah in Israel, inasmuch as in the parallel passages “we read of God dwelling in His tent, on His holy hill, in Zion, in the midst of the children of Israel, and also of the faithful dwelling in the tabernacle or temple of God, but never of God dwelling in the tents of Israel” (Hengstenberg); and (c) because we should expect that act of affection, which the two sons so delicately performed in concert, to have its corresponding blessing in the relation established between the two (Delitzsch).
Japhet’s dwelling in the tents of Shem is supposed by Bochart and others to refer to the fact, that Japhet’s descendants would one day take the land of the Shemites, and subjugate the inhabitants; but even the fathers almost unanimously understand the words in a spiritual sense, as denoting the participation of the Japhetites in the saving blessings of the Shemites.
There is truth in both views. Dwelling presupposes possession; but the idea of taking by force is precluded by the fact, that it would be altogether at variance with the blessing pronounced upon Shem. If history shows that the tents of Shem were conquered and taken by the Japhetites, the dwelling predicted here still relates not to the forcible conquest, but to the fact that the conquerors entered into the possessions of the conquered; that along with them they were admitted to the blessings of salvation; and that, yielding to the spiritual power of the vanquished, they lived henceforth in their tents as brethren (Psalm 133:1).
And if the dwelling of Japhet in the tents of Shem presupposes the conquest of the land of Shem by Japhet, it is a blessing not only to Japhet, but to Shem also, since, whilst Japhet enters into the spiritual inheritance of Shem, he brings to Shem all the good of this world (Isaiah 60). “The fulfilment,” as Delitzsch says, “is plain enough, for we are all Japhetites dwelling in the tents of Shem; and the language of the New Testament is the language of Javan entered into the tents of Shem.” To this we may add, that by the Gospel preached in this language, Israel, though subdued by the imperial power of Rome, became the spiritual conqueror of the orbis terrarum Romanus, and received it into his tents. Moreover it is true of the blessing and curse of Noah, as of all prophetic utterances, that they are fulfilled with regard to the nations and families in question as a whole, but do not predict, like an irresistible fate, the unalterable destiny of every individual; on the contrary, they leave room for freedom of personal decision, and no more cut off the individuals in the accursed race from the possibility of conversion, or close the way of salvation against the penitent, than they secure the individuals of the family blessed against the possibility of falling from a state of grace, and actually losing the blessing. Hence, whilst a Rahab and an Araunah were received into the fellowship of Jehovah, and the Canaanitish woman was relieved by the Lord because of her faith, the hardened Pharisees and scribes had woes pronounced upon them, and Israel was rejected because of its unbelief.
In vv. 28, 29, the history of Noah is brought to a close, with the account of his age, and of his death.
IV. HISTORY OF THE SONS OF NOAH Pedigree of the Nations.
GENESIS. 10:1-5
Of the sons of Noah, all that is handed down is the pedigree of the nations, or the list of the tribes which sprang from them (ch. 10), and the account of the confusion of tongues, together with the dispersion of men over the face of the earth (Genesis 11:1-9); two events that were closely related to one another, and of the greatest importance to the history of the human race and of the kingdom of God. The genealogy traces the origin of the tribes which were scattered over the earth; the confusion of tongues shows the cause of the division of the one human race into many different tribes with peculiar languages. The genealogy of the tribes is not an ethnographical myth, nor the attempt of an ancient Hebrew to trace the connection of his own people with the other nations of the earth by means of uncertain traditions and subjective combinations, but a historical record of the genesis of the nations, founded upon a tradition handed down from the fathers, which, to judge from its contents, belongs to the time of Abraham (cf. Hävernick’s Introduction to Pentateuch, pp. 118ff. transl.), and was inserted by Moses in the early history of the kingdom of God on account of its universal importance in connection with sacred history. For it not only indicates the place of the family which was chosen as the recipient of divine revelation among the rest of the nations, but traces the origin of the entire world, with the prophetical intention of showing that the nations, although they were quickly suffered to walk in their own ways (Acts 14:16), were not intended to be for ever excluded from the counsels of eternal love.
In this respect the genealogies prepare the way for the promise of the blessing, which was one day to spread from the chosen family to all the families of the earth (Genesis 12:2-3). — The historical character of the genealogy is best attested by the contents themselves, since no trace can be detected, either of any pre-eminence given to the Shemites, or of an intention to fill up gaps by conjecture or invention. It gives just as much as had been handed down with regard to the origin of the different tribes.
Hence the great diversity in the lists of the descendants of the different sons of Noah. Some are brought down only to the second, others to the third or fourth generation, and some even further; and whilst in several instances the founder of a tribe is named, in others we have only the tribes themselves; and in some cases we are unable to determine whether the names given denote the founder or the tribe. In many instances, too, on account of the defects and the unreliable character of the accounts handed down to us from different ancient sources with regard to the origin of the tribes, there are names which cannot be identified with absolute certainty. f25 Verse 1-2. Descendants of Japhet. — In v. 1 the names of the three sons are introduced according to their relative ages, to give completeness and finish to the Tholedoth; but in the genealogy itself Japhet is mentioned first and Shem last, according to the plan of the book of Genesis as already explained at p. 21. In v. 2 seven sons of Japhet are given. The names, indeed, afterwards occur as those of tribes; but here undoubtedly they are intended to denote the tribe-fathers, and may without hesitation be so regarded. For even if in later times many nations received their names from the lands of which they took possession, this cannot be regarded as a universal rule, since unquestionably the natural rule in the derivation of the names would be for the tribe to be called after its ancestor, and for the countries to receive their names from their earliest inhabitants. Gomer is most probably the tribe of the Cimmerians, who dwelt, according to Herodotus, on the Maeotis, in the Taurian Chersonesus, and from whom are descended the Cumri or Cymry in Wales and Brittany, whose relation to the Germanic Cimbri is still in obscurity.
Magog is connected by Josephus with the Scythians on the Sea of Asof and in the Caucasus; but Kiepert associates the name with Macija or Maka, and applies it to Scythian nomad tribes which forced themselves in between the Arian or Arianized Medes, Kurds, and Armenians. Madai are the Medes, called Mada on the arrow-headed inscriptions. Javan corresponds to the Greek Ba’oon, from whom the Ionians ( Ba>onev ) are derived, the parent tribe of the Greeks (in Sanskrit Javana, old Persian Junâ). Tubal and Meshech are undoubtedly the Tibareni and Moschi, the former of whom are placed by Herodotus upon the east of the Thermodon, the latter between the sources of the Phasis and Cyrus. Tiras: according to Josephus, the Thracians, whom Herodotus calls the most numerous tribe next to the Indian. As they are here placed by the side of Meshech, so we also find on the old Egyptian monuments Mashuash and Tuirash, and upon the Assyrian Tubal and Misek (Rawlinson).
Verse 3. Descendants of Gomer. Ashkenaz: according to the old Jewish explanation, the Germani; according to Knobel, the family of Asi, which is favoured by the German legend of Mannus, and his three sons, Iscus (Ask, Aska’nios), Ingus, and Hermino. Kiepert, however, and Bochart decide, on geographical grounds, in favour of the Ascanians in Northern Phrygia.
Riphath: in Knobel’s opinion the Celts, part of whom, according to Plutarch, crossed the o>rh RiJ>paia , Montes Rhipaei, towards the Northern Ocean to the furthest limits of Europe; but Josephus, whom Kiepert follows, supposed Chiba’thees to be Paphlagonia. Both of these are very uncertain. Togarmah is the name of the Armenians, who are still called the house of Thorgom or Torkomatsi.
Verse 4. Descendants of Javan. Elishah suggests Elis, and is said by Josephus to denote the Aeolians, the oldest of the Thessalian tribes, whose culture was Ionian in its origin; Kiepert, however, thinks of Sicily. Tarshish (in the Old Testament the name of the colony of Tartessus in Spain) is referred by Knobel to the Etruscans or Tyrsenians, a Pelasgic tribe of Greek derivation; but Delitzsch objects, that the Etruscans were most probably of Lydian descent, and, like the Lydians of Asia Minor, who were related to the Assyrians, belonged to the Shemites. Others connect the name with Tarsus in Cilicia. But the connection with the Spanish Tartessus must be retained, although, so long as the origin of this colony remains in obscurity, nothing further can be determined with regard to the name.
Kittim embraces not only the Citiaei, Citienses in Cyprus, with the town Cition, but, according to Knobel and Delitzsch, probably “the Carians, who settled in the lands at the eastern end of the Mediterranean Sea; for which reason Ezekiel (Genesis 27:6) speaks of the “isles of Chittim.” Dodanim (Dardani): according to Delitzsch, “the tribe related to the Ionians and dwelling with them from the very first, which the legend has associated with them in the two brothers Jasion and Dardanos;” according to Knobel, “the whole of the Illyrian or north Grecian tribe.”
Verse 5. “From these have the islands of the nations divided themselves in their lands;” i.e., from the Japhetites already named, the tribes on the Mediterranean descended and separated from one another as they dwell in their lands, “every one after his tongue, after their families, in their nations.” The islands in the Old Testament are the islands and coastlands of the Mediterranean, on the European shore, from Asia Minor to Spain.
GENESIS. 10:6-20
Descendants of Ham Cush: the Ethiopians of the ancients, who not only dwelt in Africa, but were scattered over the whole of Southern Asia, and originally, in all probability, settled in Arabia, where the tribes that still remained, mingled with Shemites, and adopted a Shemitic language. Mizraim is Egypt: the dual form was probably transferred from the land to the people, referring, however, not to the double strip, i.e., the two strips of land into which the country is divided by the Nile, but to the two Egypts, Upper and Lower, two portions of the country which differ considerably in their climate and general condition. The name is obscure, and not traceable to any Semitic derivation; for the term rwOxm; in Isaiah 19:6, etc., is not to be regarded as an etymological interpretation, but as a significant play upon the word. The old Egyptian name is Kemi (Copt. Chêmi, Kême), which, Plutarch says, is derived from the dark ash-grey colour of the soil covered by the slime of the Nile, but which it is much more correct to trace to Ham, and to regard as indicative of the Hamitic descent of its first inhabitants. Put denotes the Libyans in the wider sense of the term (old Egypt. Phet; Copt. Phaiat), who were spread over Northern Africa as far as Mauritania, where even in the time of Jerome a river with the neighbouring district still bore the name of Phut; cf. Bochart, Phal. iv. 33. On Canaan, see ch. ix. 25.
Verse 7. Descendants of Cush. Seba: the inhabitants of Meroë; according to Knobel, the northern Ethiopians, the ancient Blemmyer, and modern Bisharin. Havilah: the Auali>tai or Abali>tai of the ancients, the Macrobian Ethiopians in modern Habesh. Sabtah: the Ethiopians inhabiting Hadhramaut, whose chief city was called Sabatha or Sabota. Raamah:
Chegma’, the inhabitants of a city and bay of that name in south-eastern Arabia (Oman). Sabtecah: the Ethiopians of Caramania, dwelling to the east of the Persian Gulf, where the ancients mention a seaport town and a river Damuda’kee. The descendants of Raamah, Sheba and Dedan, are to be sought in the neighbourhood of the Persian Gulf, “from which the Sabaean and Dedanitic Cushites spread to the north-west, where they formed mixed tribes with descendants of Joktan and Abraham.” See notes on v. 28 and Genesis 25:3.
Verse 8-9. Besides the tribes already named, there sprang from Cush Nimrod, the founder of the first imperial kingdom, the origin of which is introduced as a memorable event into the genealogy of the tribes, just as on other occasions memorable events are interwoven with the genealogical tables (cf. 1 Chronicles 2:7,23; 4:22-23,39-41). f26 Nimrod “began to be a mighty one in the earth.” rwOBGi is used here, as in Genesis 6:4, to denote a man who makes himself renowned for bold and daring deeds. Nimrod was mighty in hunting, and that in opposition to Jehovah ( enanti>on kuri>ou , LXX); not before Jehovah in the sense of, according to the purpose and will of Jehovah, still less, like µyhila’ in Jonah 3:3, or tw> Qew> in Acts 7:20, in a simply superlative sense. The last explanation is not allowed by the usage of the language, the second is irreconcilable with the context. The name itself, Nimrod from dræm; , “we will revolt,” points to some violent resistance to God. It is so characteristic that it can only have been given by his contemporaries, and thus have become a proper name. f27 In addition to this, Nimrod as a mighty hunter founded a powerful kingdom; and the founding of this kingdom is shown by the verb hy;h; with w consec. to have been the consequence or result of his strength in hunting, so that the hunting was most intimately connected with the establishment of the kingdom. Hence, if the expression “a mighty hunter” relates primarily to hunting in the literal sense, we must add to the literal meaning the figurative signification of a “hunter of men” (“trapper of men by stratagem and force,” Herder); Nimrod the hunter became a tyrant, a powerful hunter of men. This course of life gave occasion to the proverb, “like Nimrod, a mighty hunter against the Lord,” which immortalized not his skill in hunting beasts, but the success of his hunting of men in the establishment of an imperial kingdom by tyranny and power. But if this be the meaning of the proverb, hwO;hy] µynip; “in the face of Jehovah” can only mean in defiance of Jehovah, as Josephus and the Targums understand it.
And the proverb must have arisen when other daring and rebellious men followed in Nimrod’s footsteps, and must have originated with those who saw in such conduct an act of rebellion against the God of salvation, in other words, with the possessors of the divine promises of grace. f28 Verse 10. “And the beginning of his kingdom was Babel,” the well-known city of Babylon on the Euphrates, which from the time of Nimrod downwards has been the symbol of the power of the world in its hostility to God;-”and Erech” (Are’ch, LXX), one of the seats of the Cutheans (Samaritans), Ezra 4:9, no doubt Orchoë, situated, according to Rawlinson, on the site of the present ruins of Warka, thirty hours’ journey to the south-east of Babel;-and Accad (Archa’d, LXX), a place not yet determined, though, judging from its situation between Erech and Calneh, it was not far from either, and Pressel is probably right in identifying it with the ruins of Niffer, to the south of Hillah;-”and Calneh:” this is found by early writers on the cite of Ctesiphon, now a great heap of ruins, twenty hours north-east of Babel. These four cities were in the land of Shinar, i.e., of the province of Babylon, on the Lower Euphrates and Tigris.
Verse 11-12. From Shinar Nimrod went to Assyria ( rWVaæ is the accusative of direction), the country on the east of the Tigris, and there built four cities, or probably a large imperial city composed of the four cities, or probably a large imperial city composed of the four cities named.
As three of these cities-Rehoboth-Ir, i.e., city markets (not “street-city,” as Bunsen interprets it), Chelach, and Resen-are not met with again, whereas Nineveh was renowned in antiquity for its remarkable size (vid., Jonah 3:3), the words “this is the great city” must apply not to Resen, but to Nineveh. This is grammatically admissible, if we regard the last three names as subordinate to the first, taking as the sign of subordination (Ewald, §339a), and render the passage thus: “he built Nineveh, with Rehoboth-Ir, Cheloch, and Resen between Nineveh and Chelach, this is the great city.” From this it follows that the four places formed a large composite city, a large range of towns, to which the name of the (wellknown) great city of Nineveh was applied, in distinction from Nineveh in the more restricted sense, with which Nimrod probably connected the other three places so as to form one great capital, possibly also the chief fortress of his kingdom on the Tigris. These four cities most likely correspond to the ruins on the east of the Tigris, which Layard has so fully explored, viz., Nebbi Yûnus and Kouyunjik opposite to Mosul, Khorsabad five hours to the north, and Nimrud eight hours to the south of Mosul. f30 Verse 13-14. From Mizraim descended Ludim: not the Semitic Ludim (v. 22), but, according to Movers, the old tribe of the Lewâtah dwelling on the Syrtea, according to others, the Moorish tribes collectively. Whether the name is connected with the Laud flumen (Plin. v. 1) is uncertain; in any case Knobel is wrong in thinking of Ludian Shemites, whether Hyksos, who forced their way to Egypt, or Egyptianized Arabians. Anamim: inhabitants of the Delta, according to Knobel. He associates the Enemetiei’m of the LXX with Sanemhit, or Northern Egypt: “tsanemhit, i.e., pars, regio septentrionis.” Lehabim (= Lubim, Nah 3:9) are, according to Josephus, the Li>buev or Du’bies, not the great Libyan tribe (Phut, v. 6), which Nahum distinguishes from them, but the Libyaegyptii of the ancients.
Naphtuchim: in Knobel’s opinion, the Middle Egyptians, as the nation of Pthah, the god of Memphis: but Bochart is more probably correct in associating the name with Ge’fthus in Plut. de Is., the northern coast line of Egypt. Pathrusim: inhabitants of Pathros, Bathou’rees, Egypt. Petrês, land of the south; i.e., Upper Egypt, the Thebais of the ancients.
Casluchim: according to general admission the Colchians, who descended from the Egyptians (Herod. ii. 104), though the connection of the name with Cassiotis is uncertain. “From thence (i.e., from Casluchim, which is the name of both people and country) proceeded the Philistines.” Philistim, LXX Fulistiei’m or Allo’fuloi, lit., emigrants or immigrants from the Ethiopic fallâsa. This is not at variance with Amos 9:7 and Jeremiah 47:4, according to which the Philistines came from Caphtor, so that there is no necessity to transpose the relative clause after Philistim. The two statements may be reconciled on the simple supposition that the Philistian nation was primarily a Casluchian colony, which settled on the southeastern coast line of the Mediterranean between Gaza (v. 19) and Pelusium, but was afterwards strengthened by immigrants from Caphtor, and extended its territory by pressing out the Avim (Deuteronomy 2:23, cf.
Joshua 13:3). Caphtorim: according to the old Jewish explanation, the Cappadocians; but according to Lakemacher’s opinion, which has been revived by Ewald, etc., the Cretans. This is not decisively proved, however, either by the name Cherethites, given to the Philistines in 1 Samuel 30:14; Zeph 2:5, and Ezekiel 25:16, or by the expression “isle of Caphtor” in Jeremiah 47:4.
Verse 15-20. From Canaan descended “Zidon his first-born, and Heth.”
Although Zidon occurs in v. 19 and throughout the Old Testament as the name of the oldest capital of the Phoenicians, here it must be regarded as the name of a person, not only because of the apposition “his first-born,” and the verb dlæy; , “begat,” but also because the name of a city does not harmonize with the names of the other descendants of Canaan, the analogy of which would lead us to expect the nomen gentile “Sidonian” (Judges 3:3, etc.); and lastly, because the word Zidon, from dWx to hunt, to catch, is not directly applicable to a sea-port and commercial town, and there are serious objections upon philological grounds to Justin’s derivation, “quam a piscium ubertate Sidona appellaverunt, nam piscem Phoenices Sidon vocant” (var. hist. 18, 3). Heth is also the name of a person, from which the term Hittite (Genesis 25:9; Numbers 13:29), equivalent to “sons of Heth” (Genesis 23:5), is derived. “The Jebusite:” inhabitants of Jebus, afterwards called Jerusalem. “The Amorite:” not the inhabitants of the mountain or heights, for the derivation from rymia; , “summit,” is not established, but a branch of the Canaanites, descended from Emor (Amor), which was spread far and wide over the mountains of Judah and beyond the Jordan in the time of Moses, so that in Genesis 15:16; 48:22, all the Canaanites are comprehended by the name. “The Girgashites,” Gergesai’os (LXX), are also mentioned in Genesis 15:21; Deuteronomy 7:1, and Joshua 24:11; but their dwelling-place is unknown, as the reading Gergeseenoi’ in Matthew 8:28 is critically suspicious. “The Hivites” dwelt in Sichem (Genesis 34:2), at Gibeon (Joshua 9:7), and at the foot of Hermon (Joshua 11:3); the meaning of the word is uncertain. “The Arkites:” inhabitants of Arkee’, to the north of Tripolis at the foot of Lebanon, the ruins of which still exist (vid., Robinson). “The Sinite:” the inhabitants of Sin or Sinna, a place in Lebanon not yet discovered. “The Arvadite,” or Aradians, occupied from the eighth century before Christ, the small rocky island of Arados to the north of Tripolis. “The Zemarite:” the inhabitants of Simyra in Eleutherus. “The Hamathite:” the inhabitants or rather founders of Hamath on the most northerly border of Palestine (Numbers 13:21; 34:8), afterwards called Epiphania, on the river Orontes, the present Hamâh, with 100,000 inhabitants.
The words in v. 18, “and afterward were the families of the Canaanites spread abroad,” mean that they all proceeded from one local centre as branches of the same tribe, and spread themselves over the country, the limits of which are given in two directions, with evident reference to the fact that it was afterwards promised to the seed of Abraham for its inheritance, viz., from north to south-”from Sidon, in the direction (lit., as thou comest) towards Gerar (see Genesis 20:1), unto Gaza,” the primitive Avvite city of the Philistines (Deuteronomy 2:23), now called Guzzeh, at the S.W. corner of Palestine-and thence from west to east, in the direction towards Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, and Zeboim (see 19.24) to Lesha,” i.e., Calirrhoe, a place with sulphur baths, on the eastern side of the Dead Sea, in Wady Serka Maein (Seetzen and Ritter).
GENESIS. 10:21-22
Descendants of Shem.
Verse 21 . For the construction, vid., Genesis 4:26. Shem is called the father of all the sons of Eber, because two tribes sprang from Eber through Peleg and Joktan, viz., the Abrahamides, and also the Arabian tribe of the Joktanides (vv. 26ff.). — On the expression, “the brother of Japhet lwOdG; ,” see Genesis 9:24. The names of the five sons of Shem occur elsewhere as the names of the tribes and countries; at the same time, as there is no proof that in any single instance the name was transferred from the country to its earliest inhabitants, no well-grounded objection can be offered to the assumption, which the analogy of the other descendants of Shem renders probable, that they were originally the names of individuals. As the name of a people, Elam denotes the Elymaeans, who stretched from the Persian Gulf to the Caspian Sea, but who are first met with as Persians no longer speaking a Semitic language. Asshur: the Assyrians who settled in the country of Assyria, Atouri’a, to the east of the Tigris, but who afterwards spread in the direction of Asia Minor. Arphaxad: the inhabitants of Arrhapachi’chtis in northern Assyria. The explanation given of the name, viz., “fortress of the Chaldeans” (Ewald), “highland of the Chaldeans” (Knobel), “territory of the Chaldeans” (Dietrich), are very questionable.
Lud: the Lydians of Asia Minor, whose connection with the Assyrians is confirmed by the names of the ancestors of their kings. Aram: the ancestor of the Aramaeans of Syria and Mesopotamia.
GENESIS. 10:23-24
Descendants of Aram.
Uz: a name which occurs among the Nahorides (Genesis 22:21) and Horites (36:28), and which is associated with the Aisi’tai of Ptolemy, in Arabia deserta towards Babylon; this is favoured by the fact that Uz, the country of Job, is called by the LXX cw>ra Ausi>tiv , although the notion that these Aesites were an Aramaean tribe, afterwards mixed up with Nahorides and Horites, is mere conjecture. Hul: Delitzsch associates this with Cheli (Cheri), the old Egyptian name for the Syrians, and the Hylatae who dwelt near the Emesenes (Plin. 5, 19). Gether he connects with the name give in the Arabian legends to the ancestor of the tribes Themûd and Ghadis. Mash: for which we find Meshech in 1 Chronicles 1:17, a tribe mentioned in Psalm 120:5 along with Kedar, and since the time of Bochart generally associated with the porov Ma>sion above Nisibis.
GENESIS. 10:25-29
Among the descendants of Arphaxad, Eber’s eldest son received the name of Peleg, because in his days the earth, i.e., the population of the earth, was divided, in consequence of the building of the tower of Babel (Genesis 11:8). His brother Joktan is called Kachtan by the Arabians, and is regarded as the father of all the primitive tribes of Arabia. The names of his sons are given in vv. 26-29. There are thirteen of them, some of which are still retained in places and districts of Arabia, whilst others are not yet discovered, or are entirely extinct. Nothing certain has been ascertained about Almodad, Jerah, Diklah, Obal, Abimael, and Jobab. Of the rest, Sheleph is identical with Salif or Sulaf (in Ptl. 6, 7, Dalapeenoi’), an old Arabian tribe, also a district of Yemen. Hazarmaveth (i.e., forecourt of death) is the Arabian Hadhramaut in South-eastern Arabia on the Indian Ocean, whose name Jauhari is derived from the unhealthiness of the climate. Hadoram: the Adrami’tai of Ptol. 6, 7, Atramitae of Plin. 6, 28, on the southern coast of Arabia. Uzal: one of the most important towns of Yemen, south-west of Mareb. Sheba: the Sabaeans, with the capital Saba or Mareb, Mariaba regia (Plin.), whose connection with the Cushite (v. 7) and Abrahamite Sabaeans (Genesis 25:3) is quite in obscurity. Ophir has not yet been discovered in Arabia; it is probably to be sought on the Persian Gulf, even if the Ophir of Solomon was not situated there. Havilah appears to answer to Chaulaw of Edrisi, a district between Sanaa and Mecca. But this district, which lies in the heart of Yemen, does not fit the account in 1 Samuel 15:7, nor the statement in Genesis 25:18, that Havilah formed the boundary of the territory of the Ishmaelites. These two passages point rather to Chaulotai’oi, a place on the border of Arabia Petraea towards Yemen, between the Nabataeans and Hagrites, which Strabo describes as habitable.
GENESIS. 10:30-31
The settlements of these Joktanides lay from Mesha towards Sephar the mountain of the East,” Mesha is still unknown: according to Gesenius, it is Mesene on the Persian Gulf, and in Knobel’s opinion, it is the valley of Bisha or Beishe in the north of Yemen; but both are very improbable.
Sepher is supposed by Mesnel to be the ancient Himyaritish capital, Shafâr, on the Indian Ocean; and the mountain of the East, the mountain of incense, which is situated still farther to the east. — The genealogy of the Shemites closes with v. 31, and the entire genealogy of the nations with v. 32. According to the Jewish Midrash, there are seventy tribes, with as many different languages; but this number can only be arrived at by reckoning Nimrod among the Hamites, and not only placing Peleg among the Shemites, but taking his ancestors Salah and Eber to be names of separate tribes. By this we obtain for Japhet 14, for Ham 31, and for Shem 25-in all 70 names. The Rabbins, on the other hand, reckon 14 Japhetic, Hamitic, and 26 Semitic nations; whilst the fathers make 72 in all. But as these calculations are perfectly arbitrary, and the number 70 is nowhere given or hinted at, we can neither regard it as intended, nor discover in it “the number of the divinely appointed varieties of the human race,” or “of the cosmical development,” even if the seventy disciples (Luke 10:1) were meant to answer to the seventy nations whom the Jews supposed to exist upon the earth. GENESIS 10:32 The words, “And by these were the nations of the earth divided in the earth after the flood,” prepare the way for the description of that event which led to the division of the one race into many nations with different languages.
THE CONFUSION OF TONGUES.
GENESIS. 11:1
“And the whole earth (i.e., the population of the earth, vid., Genesis 2:19) was one lip and one kind of words:” unius labii eorundemque verborum.
The unity of language of the whole human race follows from the unity of its descent from one human pair (vid., 2:22). But as the origin and formation of the races of mankind are beyond the limits of empirical research, so no philology will ever be able to prove or deduce the original unity of human speech from the languages which have been historically preserved, however far comparative grammar may proceed in establishing the genealogical relation of the languages of different nations.
GENESIS. 11:2-4
As men multiplied they moved from the land of Ararat “eastward,” or more strictly to the south-east, and settled in a plain. h[;q]Bi does not denote a valley between mountain ranges, but a broad plain, pedi>on me>ga , as Herodotus calls the neighbourhood of Babylon. There they resolved to build an immense tower; and for this purpose they made bricks and burned them thoroughly ( hp;rec; “to burning” serves to intensify the verb like the inf. absol.), so that they became stone; whereas in the East ordinary buildings are constructed of bricks of clay, simply dried in the sun. For mortar they used asphalt, in which the neighbourhood of Babylon abounds.
From this material, which may still be seen in the ruins of Babylon, they intended to build a city and a tower, whose top should be in heaven, i.e., reach to the sky, to make to themselves a name, that they might not be scattered over the whole earth. µve ttæK; `hc;[; denotes, here and everywhere else, to establish a name, or reputation, to set up a memorial (Isaiah 63:12,14; Jeremiah 32:20, etc.). The real motive therefore was the desire for renown, and the object was to establish a noted central point, which might serve to maintain their unity. The one was just as ungodly as the other. For, according to the divine purpose, men were to fill the earth, i.e., to spread over the whole earth, not indeed to separate, but to maintain their inward unity notwithstanding their dispersion. But the fact that they were afraid of dispersion is a proof that the inward spiritual bond of unity and fellowship, not only “the oneness of their God and their worship,” but also the unity of brotherly love, was already broken by sin. Consequently the undertaking, dictated by pride, to preserve and consolidate by outward means the unity which was inwardly lost, could not be successful, but could only bring down the judgment of dispersion.
GENESIS. 11:5-9
“Jehovah came down to see the city and the tower, which the children of men had built” (the perfect hn;B; refers to the building as one finished up to a certain point). Jehovah’s “coming down” is not the same here as in Exodus 19:20; 34:5; Numbers 11:25; 12:5, viz., the descent from heaven of some visible symbol of His presence, but is an anthropomorphic description of God’s interposition in the actions of men, primarily a “judicial cognizance of the actual fact,” and then, v. 7, a judicial infliction of punishment. The reason for the judgment is given in the word, i.e., the sentence, which Jehovah pronounces upon the undertaking (v. 6): “Behold one people ( `µ[æ lit., union, connected whole, from `µmæ[; to bind) and one language have they all, and this (the building of this city and tower) is (only) the beginning of their deeds; and now (sc., when they have finished this) nothing will be impossible to them ( µhe rxæB; alo lit., cut off from them, prevented) which they purpose to do” ( µmæz; for µmæz; from µmæz; , see Genesis 9:19).
By the firm establishment of an ungodly unity, the wickedness and audacity of men would have led to fearful enterprises. But God determined, by confusing their language, to prevent the heightening of sin through ungodly association, and to frustrate their design. “Up” ( bhæy; “go to,” an ironical imitation of the same expression in vv. 3 and 4), “We will go down, and there confound their language (on the plural, see Genesis 1:26; lben; for llæB; , Kal from llæB; , like µmæz; in v. 6), that they may not understand one another’s speech.” The execution of this divine purpose is given in v. 8, in a description of its consequences: “Jehovah scattered them abroad from thence upon the face of all the earth, and they left off building the city.” We must not conclude from this, however, that the differences in language were simply the result of the separation of the various tribes, and that the latter arose from discord and strife; in which case the confusion of tongues would be nothing more than “dissensio animorum, per quam factum sit, ut qui turrem struebant distracti sint in contraria studia et consilia” (Bitringa).
Such a view not only does violence to the words “that one may not discern (understand) the lip (language) of the other,” but is also at variance with the object of the narrative. When it is stated, first of all, that God resolved to destroy the unity of lips and words by a confusion of the lips, and then that He scattered the men abroad, this act of divine judgment cannot be understood in any other way, than that God deprived them of the ability to comprehend one another, and thus effected their dispersion. The event itself cannot have consisted merely in a change of the organs of speech, produced by the omnipotence of God, whereby speakers were turned into stammerers who were unintelligible to one another. This opinion, which is held by Bitringa and Hofmann, is neither reconcilable with the text, nor tenable as a matter of fact. The differences, to which this event gave rise, consisted not merely in variations of sound, such as might be attributed to differences in the formation in the organs of speech (the lip or tongue), but had a much deeper foundation in the human mind.
If language is the audible expression of emotions, conceptions, and thoughts of the mind, the cause of the confusion or division of the one human language into different national dialects must be sought in an effect produced upon the human mind, by which the original unity of emotion, conception, thought, and will was broken up. This inward unity had no doubt been already disturbed by sin, but the disturbance had not yet amounted to a perfect breach. This happened first of all in the event recorded here, through a direct manifestation of divine power, which caused the disturbance produced by sin in the unity of emotion, thought, and will to issue in a diversity of language, and thus by a miraculous suspension of mutual understanding frustrated the enterprise by which men hoped to render dispersion and estrangement impossible. More we cannot say in explanation of this miracle, which lies before us in the great multiplicity and variety of tongues, since even those languages which are genealogically related-for example, the Semitic and Indo-Germanic-were no longer intelligible to the same people even in the dim primeval age, whilst others are so fundamentally different from one another, that hardly a trace remains of their original unity. With the disappearance of unity the one original language was also lost, so that neither in the Hebrew nor in any other language of history has enough been preserved to enable us to form the least conception of its character. f31 The primitive language is extinct, buried in the materials of the languages of the nations, to rise again one day to eternal life in the glorified form of the kainai> glw>ssai intelligible to all the redeemed, when sin with its consequences is overcome and extinguished by the power of grace. A type of pledge of this hope was given in the gift of tongues on the outpouring of the Holy Spirit upon the Church on the first Christian day of Pentecost, when the apostles, filled with the Holy Ghost, spoke with other or new tongues of “the wonderful works of God,” so that the people of every nation under heaven understood in their own language (Acts 2:1-11).
From the confusion of tongues the city received the name Babel ( lb,B; i.e., confusion, contracted from lB,l]Bæ from llæB; to confuse), according to divine direction, though without any such intention on the part of those who first gave the name, as a standing memorial of the judgment of God which follows all the ungodly enterprises of the power of the world. f32 Of this city considerable ruins still remain, including the remains of an enormous tower, Birs Nimrud, which is regarded by the Arabs as the tower of Babel that was destroyed by fire from heaven. Whether these ruins have any historical connection with the tower of the confusion of tongues, must remain, at least for the present, a matter of uncertainty. With regard to the date of the event, we find from v. 10 that the division of the human race occurred in the days of Peleg, who was born 100 years after the flood. In 150 or 180 years, with a rapid succession of births, the descendants of the three sons of Noah, who were already 100 years old and married at the time of the flood, might have become quite numerous enough to proceed to the erection of such a building. If we reckon, for example, only four male and four female births as the average number to each marriage, since it is evident from Genesis 11:12ff. that children were born as early as the 30th or 35th year of their parent’s age, the sixth generation would be born by 150 years after the flood, and the human race would number 12,288 males and as many females. Consequently there would be at least about 30,000 people in the world at this time. V. HISTORY OF SHEM GENESIS 11:10-26 After describing the division of the one family which sprang from the three sons of Noah, into many nations scattered over the earth and speaking different languages, the narrative returns to Shem, and traces his descendants in a direct line to Terah the father of Abraham. The first five members of this pedigree have already been given in the genealogy of the Shemites; and in that case the object was to point out the connection in which all the descendants of Eber stood to one another. They are repeated here to show the direct descent of the Terahites through Peleg from Shem, but more especially to follow the chronological thread of the family line, which could not be given in the genealogical tree without disturbing the uniformity of its plan. By the statement in v. 10, that “Shem, a hundred years old, begat Arphaxad two years after the flood,” the chronological date already given of Noah’s age at the birth of his sons (Genesis 5:32) and at the commencement of the flood (7:11) are made still more definite.
As the expression “after the flood” refers to the commencement of the flood (Genesis 9:28), and according to ch. 7:11 the flood began in the second month, or near the beginning of the six hundredth year of Noah’s life, though the year 600 is given in Genesis 7:6 in round numbers, it is not necessary to assume, as some do, in order to reconcile the difference between our verse and Genesis 5:32, that the number 500 in ch. 5:32 stands as a round number for 502. On the other hand, there can be no objection to such an assumption. The different statements may be easily reconciled by placing the birth of Shem at the end of the five hundredth year of Noah’s life, and the birth of Arphaxad at the end of the hundredth year of that of Shem; in which case Shem would be just 99 years old when the flood began, and would be fully 100 years old “two years after the flood,” that is to say, in the second year from the commencement of the flood, when he begat Arphaxad. In this case the “two years after the flood” are not to be added to the sum-total of the chronological data, but are included in it.
The table given here forms in a chronological and material respect the direct continuation of the one in ch. 5, and differs from it only in form, viz., by giving merely the length of life of the different fathers before and after the birth of their sons, without also summing up the whole number of their years as is the case there, since this is superfluous for chronological purposes. But on comparing the chronological data of the two tables, we find this very important difference in the duration of life before and after the flood, that the patriarchs after the flood lived upon an average only half the number of years of those before it, and that with Peleg the average duration of life was again reduced by one half. Whilst Noah with his years belonged entirely to the old world, and Shem, who was born before the flood, reached the age of 600, Arphaxad lived only 438 years, Salah 433, and Eber 464; and again, with Peleg the duration of life fell to years, Reu also lived only 239 years, Serug 230, and Nahor not more than 148.
Here, then, we see that the two catastrophes, the flood and the separation of the human race into nations, exerted a powerful influence in shortening the duration of life; the former by altering the climate of the earth, the latter by changing the habits of men. But while the length of life diminished, the children were born proportionally earlier. Shem begat his first-born in his hundredth year, Arphaxad in the thirty-fifth, Salah in the thirtieth, and so on to Terah, who had no children till his seventieth year; consequently the human race, notwithstanding the shortening of life, increased with sufficient rapidity to people the earth very soon after their dispersion.
There is nothing astonishing, therefore, in the circumstance, that wherever Abraham went he found tribes, towns, and kingdoms, though only years had elapsed since the flood, when we consider that eleven generations would have followed one another in that time, and that, supposing every marriage to have been blessed with eight children on an average (four male and four female), the eleventh generation would contain 12,582,912 couples, or 25,165,824 individuals.
And is we reckon ten children as the average number, the eleventh generation would contain 146,484,375 pairs, or 292,968,750 individuals.
In neither of these cases have we included such of the earlier generations as would be still living, although their number would be by no means inconsiderable, since nearly all the patriarchs from Shem to Terah were alive at the time of Abram’s migration. In v. 26 the genealogy closes, like that in Genesis 5:32, with the names of three sons of Terah, all of whom sustained an important relation to the subsequent history, viz., Abram as the father of the chosen family, Nahor as the ancestor of Rebekah (cf. v. with Genesis 22:20-23), and Haran as the father of Lot (v. 27). VI. HISTORY OF TERAH Family of Terah.
GENESIS. 11:27-32
The genealogical data in vv. 27-32 prepare the way for the history of the patriarchs. The heading, “These are the generations of Terah,” belongs not merely to vv. 27-32, but to the whole of the following account of Abram, since it corresponds to “the generations” of Ishmael and of Isaac in Genesis 25:12 and 19. Of the three sons of Terah, who are mentioned again in v. to complete the plan of the different Toledoth, such genealogical notices are given as are of importance to the history of Abram and his family.
According to the regular plan of Genesis, the fact that Haran the youngest son of Terah begat Lot, is mentioned first of all, because the latter went with Abram to Canaan; and then the fact that he died before his father Terah, because the link which would have connected Lot with his native land was broken in consequence. “Before his father,” µynip; `l[æ lit., upon the face of his father, so that he saw and survived his death.
Ur of the Chaldees is to be sought either in the “Ur nomine persicum castellum” of Ammian (25, 8), between Hatra and Nisibis, near Arrapachitis, or in Orhoi, Armenian Urrhai, the old name for Edessa, the modern Urfa. — v. 29. Abram and Nahor took wives from their kindred.
Abram married Sarai, his half-sister (Genesis 20:12), of whom it is already related, in anticipation of what follows, that she was barren. Nahor married Milcah, the daughter of his brother Haran, who bore to him Bethuel, the father of Rebekah (22:22-23). The reason why Iscah is mentioned is doubtful. For the rabbinical notion, that Iscah is another name for Sarai, is irreconcilable with Genesis 20:12, where Abram calls Sarai his sister, daughter of his father, though not of his mother; on the other hand, the circumstance that Sarai is introduced in v. 31 merely as the daughter-in-law of Terah, may be explained on the ground that she left Ur, not as his daughter, but as the wife of his son Abram. A better hypothesis is that of Ewald, that Iscah is mentioned because she was the wife of Lot; but this is pure conjecture.
According to v. 31, Terah already prepared to leave Ur of the Chaldees with Abram and Lot, and to remove to Canaan. In the phrase “they went forth with them,” the subject cannot be the unmentioned members of the family, such as Nahor and his children; though Nahor must also have gone to Haran, since it is called in Genesis 24:10 the city of Nahor. For if he accompanied them at this time, there is no perceptible reason why he should not have been mentioned along with the rest. The nominative to the verb must be Lot and Sarai, who went with Terah and Abram; so that although Terah is placed at the head, Abram must have taken an active part in the removal, or the resolution to remove. This does not, however, necessitate the conclusion, that he had already been called by God in Ur.
Nor does Genesis 15:7 require any such assumption. For it is not stated there that God called Abram in Ur, but only that He brought him out. But the simple fact of removing from Ur might also be called a leading out, as a work of divine superintendence and guidance, without a special call from God. It was in Haran that Abram first received the divine call to go to Canaan (12:1-4), when he left not only his country and kindred, but also his father’s house.
Terah did not carry out his intention to proceed to Canaan, but remained in Haran, in his native country Mesopotamia, probably because he found there what he was going to look for in the land of Canaan. Haran, more properly Charan, ˆr;j; , is a place in north-western Mesopotamia, the ruins of which may still be seen, a full day’s journey to the south of Edessa (Gr.
Ca’rrhai, Lat. Carrae), where Crassus fell when defeated by the Parthians.
It was a leading settlement of the Ssabians, who had a temple there dedicated to the moon, which they traced back to Abraham. There Terah died at the age of 205, or sixty years after the departure of Abram for Canaan; for, according to v. 26, Terah was seventy years old when Abram was born, and Abram was seventy-five years old when he arrived in Canaan. When Stephen, therefore, placed the removal of Abram from Haran to Canaan after the death of his father, he merely inferred this from the fact, that the call of Abram (ch. 12) was not mentioned till after the death of Terah had been noticed, taking the order of the narrative as the order of events; whereas, according to the plan of Genesis, the death of Terah is introduced here, because Abram never met with his father again after leaving Haran, and there was consequently nothing more to be related concerning him. CALL OF ABRAM. HIS REMOVAL TO CANAAN, AND JOURNEY INTO EGYPT.
GENESIS. 12:1-3
The life of Abraham, from his call to his death, consists of four stages, the commencement of each of which is marked by a divine revelation of sufficient importance to constitute a distinct epoch. The first stage (ch. 12- 14) commences with his call and removal to Canaan; the second (ch. 15- 16), with the promise of a lineal heir and the conclusion of a covenant; the third (ch. 17-21), with the establishment of the covenant, accompanied by a change in his name, and the appointment of the covenant sign of circumcision; the fourth (ch. 22-25:11), with the temptation of Abraham to attest and perfect his life of faith. All the revelations made to him proceed from Jehovah; and the name Jehovah is employed throughout the whole life of the father of the faithful, Elohim being used only where Jehovah, from its meaning, would be either entirely inapplicable, or at any rate less appropriate. f33 Verse 1-3. The Call. — The word of Jehovah, by which Abram was called, contained a command and a promise. Abram was to leave all-his country, his kindred (see Genesis 43:7), and his father’s house-and to follow the Lord into the land which He would show him. Thus he was to trust entirely to the guidance of God, and to follow wherever He might lead him. But as he went in consequence of this divine summons into the land of Canaan (v. 5), we must assume that God gave him at the very first a distinct intimation, if not of the land itself, at least of the direction he was to take.
That Canaan was to be his destination, was no doubt made known as a matter of certainty in the revelation which he received after his arrival there (v. 7). — For thus renouncing and denying all natural ties, the Lord gave him the inconceivably great promise, “I will make of thee a great nation; and I will bless thee, and make thy name great; and thou shalt be a blessing.” The four members of this promise are not to be divided into two parallel members, in which case the athnach would stand in the wrong place; but are to be regarded as an ascending climax, expressing four elements of the salvation promised to Abram, the last of which is still further expanded in v. 3. By placing the athnach under µve the fourth member is marked as a new and independent feature added to the other three. The four distinct elements are 1. increase into a numerous people; 2. a blessing, that is to say, material and spiritual prosperity; 3. the exaltation of his name, i.e., the elevation of Abram to honour and glory; 4. his appointment to be the possessor and dispenser of the blessing.
Abram was not only to receive blessing, but to be a blessing; not only to be blessed by God, but to become a blessing, or the medium of blessing, to others. The blessing, as the more minute definition of the expression “be a blessing” in v. 3 clearly shows, was henceforth to keep pace as it were with Abram himself, so that (1) the blessing and cursing of men were to depend entirely upon their attitude towards him, and (2) all the families of the earth were to be blessed in him. llæq; , lit., to treat as light or little, to despise, denotes “blasphemous cursing on the part of a man;” rræa; “judicial cursing on the part of God.” It appears significant, however, “that the plural is used in relation to the blessing, and the singular only in relation to the cursing; grace expects that there will be many to bless, and that only an individual here and there will render not blessing for blessing, but curse for curse.” — In v. 3 b, Abram, the one, is made a blessing for all.
In the word µyrit;a the primary meaning of b, in, is not to be given up, though the instrumental sense, through, is not to be excluded. Abram was not merely to become a mediator, but the source of blessing for all. The expression “all the families of the ground” points to the division of the one family into many (Genesis 10:5,20,31), and the word hm;d;a to the curse pronounced upon the ground (Genesis 3:17). The blessing of Abraham was once more to unite the divided families, and change the curse, pronounced upon the ground on account of sin, into a blessing for the whole human race. This concluding word comprehends all nations and times, and condenses, as Baumgarten has said, the whole fulness of the divine counsel for the salvation of men into the call of Abram. All further promises, therefore, not only to the patriarchs, but also to Israel, were merely expansions and closer definitions of the salvation held out to the whole human race in the first promise. Even the assurance, which Abram received after his entrance into Canaan (v. 6), was implicitly contained in this first promise; since a great nation could not be conceived of, without a country of its own.
This promise was renewed to Abram on several occasions: first after his separation from Lot (Genesis 13:14-16), on which occasion, however, the “blessing” was not mentioned, because not required by the connection, and the two elements only, viz., the numerous increase of his seed, and the possession of the land of Canaan, were assured to him and to his seed, and that “for ever;” secondly, in Genesis 18:18 somewhat more casually, as a reason for the confidential manner in which Jehovah explained to him the secret of His government; and lastly, at the two principal turning points of his life, where the whole promise was confirmed with the greatest solemnity, viz., in ch. 17 at the commencement of the establishment of the covenant made with him, where “I will make of thee a great nation” was heightened into “I will make nations of thee, and kings shall come out of thee,” and his being a blessing was more fully defined as the establishment of a covenant, inasmuch as Jehovah would be God to him and to his posterity (vv. 3ff.), and in ch. 22 after the attestation of his faith and obedience, even to the sacrifice of his only son, where the innumerable increase of his seed and the blessing to pass from him to all nations were guaranteed by an oath.
The same promise was afterwards renewed to Isaac, with a distinct allusion to the oath (Genesis 26:3-4), and again to Jacob, both on his flight from Canaan for fear of Esau (Genesis 28:13-14), and on his return thither (Genesis 35:11-12). In the case of these renewals, it is only in ch. 28:14 that the last expression, “all the families of the Adamah,” is repeated verbatim, though with the additional clause “and in thy seed;” in the other passages “all the nations of the earth” are mentioned, the family connection being left out of sight, and the national character of the blessing being brought into especial prominence. In two instances also, instead of the Niphal Ërær; we find the Hithpael Ërær; . This change of conjugation by no means proves that the Niphal is to be taken in its original reflective sense.
The Hithpael has no doubt the meaning “to wish one’s self blessed” (Deuteronomy 29:19), with b of the person from whom the blessing is sought (Isaiah 65:16; Jeremiah 4:2), or whose blessing is desired (Genesis 48:20).
But the Niphal Ëræb]ni has only the passive signification “to be blessed.”
And the promise not only meant that all families of the earth would wish for the blessing which Abram possessed, but that they would really receive this blessing in Abram and his seed. By the explanation “wish themselves blessed” the point of the promise is broken off; and not only is its connection with the prophecy of Noah respecting Japhet’s dwelling in the tents of Shem overlooked, and the parallel between the blessing on all the families of the earth, and the curse pronounced upon the earth after the flood, destroyed, but the actual participation of all the nations of the earth in this blessing is rendered doubtful, and the application of this promise by Peter (Acts 3:25) and Paul (Galatians 3:8) to all nations, is left without any firm scriptural basis. At the same time, we must not attribute a passive signification on that account to the Hithpael in Genesis 22:18 and 24:4. In these passages prominence is given to the subjective attitude of the nations towards the blessing of Abraham-in other words, to the fact that the nations would desire the blessing promised to them in Abraham and his seed.
GENESIS. 12:4-5
Removal to Canaan.
Abram cheerfully followed the call of the Lord, and “departed as the Lord had spoken to him.” He was then 75 years old. His age is given, because a new period in the history of mankind commenced with his exodus. After this brief notice there follows a more circumstantial account, in v. 5, of the fact that he left Haran with his wife, with Lot, and with all that they possessed of servants and cattle, whereas Terah remained in Haran (cf.
Genesis 11:31). `hc;[; rv,a vp,n, are not the souls which they had begotten, but the male and female slaves that Abram and Lot had acquired.
GENESIS. 12:6
On his arrival in Canaan, “Abram passed through the land to the place of Sichem:” i.e., the place where Sichem, the present Nablus, afterwards stood, between Ebal and Gerizim, in the heart of the land. “To the terebinth (or, according to Deuteronomy 11:30, the terebinths) of Moreh:” ˆwOlae lyiaæ (Genesis 14:6) and hl;ae are the terebinth, ˆwOLaæ and hL;aæ the oak; though in many MSS and editions ˆwOLaæ and ˆwOlae are interchanged in Joshua 19:33 and Judges 4:11, either because the pointing in one of these passages is inaccurate, or because the word itself was uncertain, as the ever-green oaks and terebinths resemble one another in the colour of their foliage and their fissured bark of sombre grey. — The notice that “the Canaanites were then in the land” does not point to a post-Mosaic date, when the Canaanites were extinct. For it does not mean that the Canaanites were then still in the land, but refers to the promise which follows, that God would give this land to the seed of Abram (v. 7), and merely states that the land into which Abram had come was not uninhabited and without a possessor; so that Abram could not regard it at once as his own and proceed to take possession of it, but could only wander in it in faith as in a foreign land (Hebrews 11:9).
GENESIS. 12:7
Here in Sichem Jehovah appeared to him, and assured him of the possession of the land of Canaan for his descendants. The assurance was made by means of an appearance of Jehovah, as a sign that this land was henceforth to be the scene of the manifestation of Jehovah. Abram understood this, “and there builded he an altar to Jehovah, who appeared to him,” to make the soil which was hallowed by the appearance of God a place for the worship of the God who appeared to him.
GENESIS. 12:8-9
He did this also in the mountains, to which he probably removed to secure the necessary pasture for his flocks, after he had pitched his tent there. “Bethel westwards and Ai eastwards,” i.e., in a spot with Ai to the east and Bethel to the west. The name Bethel occurs here proleptically: at the time referred to, it was still called Luz (Genesis 28:19); its present name if Beitin (Robinson’s Palestine). At a distance of about five miles to the east was Ai, ruins of which are still to be seen, bearing the name of Medinet Gai (Ritter’s Erdkunde). On the words “called upon the name of the Lord,” see Genesis 4:26. From this point Abram proceeded slowly to the Negeb, i.e., to the southern district of Canaan towards the Arabian desert (vid., Genesis 20:1). GENESIS 12:10-14 Abram in Egypt.
Abram had scarcely passed through the land promised to his seed, when a famine compelled him to leave it, and take refuge in Egypt, which abounded in corn; just as the Bedouins in the neighbourhood are accustomed to do now. Whilst the famine in Canaan was to teach Abram, that even in the promised land food and clothing come from the Lord and His blessing, he was to discover in Egypt that earthly craft is soon put to shame when dealing with the possessor of the power of this world, and that help and deliverance are to be found with the Lord alone, who can so smite the mightiest kings, that they cannot touch His chosen or do them harm (Psalm 105:14-15). — When trembling for his life in Egypt on account of the beauty of Sarai his wife, he arranged with her, as he approached that land, that she should give herself out as his sister, since she really was his half-sister (Genesis 11:29). He had already made an arrangement with her, that she should do this in certain possible contingencies, when they first removed to Canaan (Genesis 20:13). The conduct of the Sodomites (ch. 19) was a proof that he had reason for his anxiety; and it was not without cause even so far as Egypt was concerned. But his precaution did not spring from faith. He might possibly hope, that by means of the plan concerted, he should escape the danger of being put to death on account of his wife, if any one should wish to take her; but how he expected to save the honour and retain possession of his wife, we cannot understand, though we must assume, that he thought he should be able to protect and keep her as his sister more easily, than if he acknowledged her as his wife. But the very thing he feared and hoped to avoid actually occurred.
GENESIS. 12:15-20
The princes of Pharaoh finding her very beautiful, extolled her beauty to the king, and she was taken to Pharaoh’s house. As Sarah was then years old (cf. Genesis 17:17 and 12:4), her beauty at such an age has been made a difficulty by some. But as she lived to the age of 127 (Genesis 23:1), she was then middle-aged; and as her vigour and bloom had not been tried by bearing children, she might easily appear very beautiful in the eyes of the Egyptians, whose wives, according to both ancient and modern testimony, were generally ugly, and faded early. Pharaoh (the Egyptian ouro, king, with the article Pi) is the Hebrew name for all the Egyptian kings in the Old Testament; their proper names being only occasionally mentioned, as, for example, Necho in 2 Kings 23:29, or Hophra in Jeremiah 44:30. For Sarai’s sake Pharaoh treated Abram well, presenting him with cattle and slaves, possessions which constitute the wealth of nomads.
These presents Abram could not refuse, though by accepting them he increased his sin. God then interfered (v. 17), and smote Pharaoh and his house with great plagues. What the nature of these plagues was, cannot be determined; they were certainly of such a kind, however, that whilst Sarah was preserved by them from dishonour, Pharaoh saw at once that they were sent as punishment by the Deity on account of his relation to Sarai; he may also have learned, on inquiry from Sarai herself, that she was Abram’s wife. He gave her back to him, therefore, with a reproof for his untruthfulness, and told him to depart, appointing men to conduct him out of the land together with his wife and all his possessions. shileeach, to dismiss, to give an escort (Genesis 18:16; 31:27), does not necessarily denote an involuntary dismissal here. For as Pharaoh had discovered in the plague the wrath of the God of Abraham, he did not venture to treat him harshly, but rather sought to mitigate the anger of his God, by the safeconduct which he granted him on his departure. But Abram was not justified by this result, as was very apparent from the fact, that he was mute under Pharaoh’s reproofs, and did not venture to utter a single word in vindication of his conduct, as he did in the similar circumstances described in Genesis 10:11-12. The saving mercy of God had so humbled him, that he silently acknowledged his guilt in concealing his relation to Sarah from the Egyptian king.
ABRAM’S SEPARATION FROM LOT.
GENESIS. 13:1-4
Abram, having returned from Egypt to the south of Canaan with his wife and property uninjured, through the gracious protection of God, proceeded with Lot [Sæmæ “according to his journeys” (lit., with the repeated breaking up of his camp, required by a nomad life; on [sæn; to break up a tent, to remove, see Exodus 12:37) into the neighbourhood of Bethel and Ai, where he had previously encamped and built an altar (Genesis 12:8), that he might there call upon the name of the Lord again. That ar;q; (v. 4) is not a continuation of the relative clause, but a resumption of the main sentence, and therefore corresponds with Ëlæy; (v. 3), “he went...and called upon the name of the Lord there,” has been correctly concluded by Delitzsch from the repetition of the subject Abram.
GENESIS. 13:5-7
But as Abram was very rich ( dbeK; , lit., weighty) in possessions ( hn,q]mi , cattle and slaves), and Lot also had flocks, and herds, and tents ( lh,ao for µylih’a; , Ges. §93, 6, 3) for his men, of whom there must have been many therefore, the land did not bear them when dwelling together ( ac;n; , masculine at the commencement of the sentence, as is often the case when the verb precedes the subject, vid., Ges. §147), i.e., the land did not furnish space enough for the numerous herd to graze. Consequently disputes arose between the two parties of herdsmen. The difficulty was increased by the fact that the Canaanites and Perizzites were then dwelling in the land, so that the space was very contracted. The Perizzites, who are mentioned here and in Genesis 34:30; Judges 1:4, along with the Canaanites, and who are placed in the other lists of the inhabitants of Canaan among the different Canaanitish tribes (Genesis 15:20; Exodus 3:8,17, etc.), are not mentioned among the descendants of Canaan (Genesis 10:15-17), and may therefore, like the Kenites, Kenizzites, Kadmonites, and Rephaim (15:19-21), not have been descendants of Ham at all.
The common explanation of the name Perizzite as equivalent to hz;r;p] xr,a, bvæy; “inhabitant of the level ground” (Ezekiel 38:11), is at variance not only with the form of the word, the inhabitant of the level ground being called yzir;p] (Deuteronomy 3:5), but with the fact of their combination sometimes with the Canaanites, sometimes with the other tribes of Canaan, whose names were derived from their founders. Moreover, to explain the term “Canaanite,” as denoting “the civilised inhabitants of towns,” or “the trading Phoenicians,” is just as arbitrary as if we were to regard the Kenites, Kenizzites, and the other tribes mentioned Genesis 15:19ff. along with the Canaanites, as all alike traders or inhabitants of towns. The origin of the name Perizzite is involved in obscurity, like that of the Kenites and other tribes settled in Canaan that were not descended from Ham. But we may infer from the frequency with which they are mentioned in connection with the Hamitic inhabitants of Canaan, that they were widely dispersed among the latter. Vid., Genesis 15:19-21.
GENESIS. 13:8-9
To put an end to the strife between their herdsmen, Abram proposed to Lot that they should separate, as strife was unseemly between jbæz, hV;ai , men who stood in the relation of brethren, and left him to choose his ground. “If thou to the left, I will turn to the right; and if thou to the right, I will turn to the left.” Although Abram was the older, and the leader of the company, he was magnanimous enough to leave the choice to his nephew, who was the younger, in the confident assurance that the Lord would so direct the decision, that His promise would be fulfilled.
GENESIS. 13:10-13
Lot chose what was apparently the best portion of the land, the whole district of the Jordan, or the valley on both sides of the Jordan from the Lake of Gennesareth to what was then the vale of Siddim. For previous to the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, this whole country was well watered, “as the garden of Jehovah,” the garden planted by Jehovah in paradise, and “as Egypt,” the land rendered so fertile by the overflowing of the Nile, “in the direction of Zoar.” Abram therefore remained in the land of Canaan, whilst Lot settled in the cities of the plain of the Jordan, and tented (pitched his tents) as far as Sodom. In anticipation of the succeeding history (ch. 19), it is mentioned here (v. 13), that the inhabitants of Sodom were very wicked, and sinful before Jehovah.
GENESIS. 13:14-18
After Lot’s departure, Jehovah repeated to Abram (by a mental, inward assurance, as we may infer from the fact that rmæa; “said” is not accompanied by ha;r; “he appeared”) His promise that He would give the land to him and to his seed in its whole extent, northward, and southward, and eastward, and westward, and would make his seed innumerable like the dust of the earth. From this we may see that the separation of Lot was in accordance with the will of God, as Lot had no share in the promise of God; though God afterwards saved him from destruction for Abram’s sake.
The possession of the land is promised `µl;wO[ `d[æ “for ever.” The promise of God is unchangeable. As the seed of Abraham was to exist before God for ever, so Canaan was to be its everlasting possession. But this applied not to the lineal posterity of Abram, to his seed according to the flesh, but to the true spiritual seed, which embraced the promise in faith, and held it in a pure believing heart.
The promise, therefore, neither precluded the expulsion of the unbelieving seed from the land of Canaan, nor guarantees to existing Jews a return to the earthly Palestine after their conversion to Christ. For as Calvin justly says, “quam terra in saeculum promittitur, non simpliciter notatur perpetuitas; sed quae finem accepit in Christo.” Through Christ the promise has been exalted from its temporal form to its true essence; through Him the whole earth becomes Canaan (vid., Genesis 17:8). That Abram might appropriate this renewed and now more fully expanded promise, Jehovah directed him to walk through the land in the length of it and the breadth of it. In doing this he came in his “tenting,” i.e., his wandering through the land, to Hebron, where he settled by the terebinth of the Amorite Mamre (Genesis 14:13), and built an altar to Jehovah. The term bvæy; (set himself, settled down, sat, dwelt) denotes that Abram made this place the central point of his subsequent stay in Canaan (cf. Genesis 14:13; 18:1, and ch. 23). On Hebron, see Genesis 23:2.
ABRAM’S MILITARY EXPEDITION; AND HIS SUBSEQUENT MEETING WITH MELCHIZEDEK.
GENESIS. 14:1-12
The war, which furnished Abram with an opportunity, while in the promised land of which as yet he could not really call a single rood his own, to prove himself a valiant warrior, and not only to smite the existing chiefs of the imperial power of Asia, but to bring back to the kings of Canaan the booty that had been carried off, is circumstantially described, not so much in the interests of secular history as on account of its significance in relation to the kingdom of God. It is of importance, however, as a simple historical fact, to see that in the statement in v. 1, the king of Shinar occupies the first place, although the king of Edom, Chedorlaomer, not only took the lead in the expedition, and had allied himself for that purpose with the other kings, but had previously subjugated the cities of the valley of Siddim, and therefore had extended his dominion very widely over hither Asia. If, notwithstanding this, the time of the war related here is connected with “the days of Amraphel, king of Shinar,” this is done, no doubt, with reference to the fact that the first worldly kingdom was founded in Shinar by Nimrod (Genesis 10:10), a kingdom which still existed under Amraphel, though it was now confined to Shinar itself, whilst Elam possessed the supremacy in inner Asia. There is no ground whatever for regarding the four kings mentioned in v. 1 as four Assyrian generally or viceroys, as Josephus has done in direct contradiction to the biblical text; for, according to the more careful historical researches, the commencement of the Assyrian kingdom belongs to a later period; and Berosus speaks of an earlier Median rule in Babylon, which reaches as far back as the age of the patriarchs (cf. M. v. Niebuhr, Gesch. Assurs, p. 271).
It appears significant also, that the imperial power of Asia had already extended as far as Canaan, and had subdued the valley of the Jordan, no doubt with the intention of holding the Jordan valley as the high-road to Egypt. We have here a prelude of the future assault of the worldly power upon the kingdom of God established in Canaan; and the importance of this event to sacred history consists in the fact, that the kings of the valley of the Jordan and the surrounding country submitted to the worldly power, whilst Abram, on the contrary, with his home-born servants, smote the conquerors and rescued their booty-a prophetic sign that in the conflict with the power of the world the seed of Abram would not only not be subdued, but would be able to rescue from destruction those who appealed to it for aid.
Verse 1-2. In vv. 1-3 the account is introduced by a list of the parties engaged in war. The kings named here are not mentioned again. On Shinar, see Genesis 10:10; and on Elam, Genesis 10:22. It cannot be determined with certainty where Ellasar was. Knobel supposes it to be Artemita, which was also called Chala’sar, in southern Assyria, to the north of Babylon.
Goyim is not used here for nations generally, but is the name of one particular nation or country. In Delitzsch’s opinion it is an older name for Galilee, though probably with different boundaries (cf. Joshua 12:23; Judges 4:2; and Isaiah 9:1). — The verb `hc;[; (made), in v. 2, is governed by the kings mentioned in v. 1. To Bela, whose king is not mentioned by name, the later name Zoar (vid., Genesis 19:22) is added as being better known. Verse 3. “All these (five kings) allied themselves together, (and came with their forces) into the vale of Siddim ( µyDici , prob. fields of plains), which is the Salt Sea;” that is to say, which was changed into the Salt Sea on the destruction of its cities (Genesis 19:24-25). That there should be five kings in the five cities ( penta>poliv , Wisdom 10:6) of this valley, was quite in harmony with the condition of Canaan, where even at a later period every city had its king.
Verse 4-6. The occasion of the war was the revolt of the kings of the vale of Siddim from Chedorlaomer. They had been subject to him for twelve years, “and the thirteenth year they rebelled.” In the fourteenth year Chedorlaomer came with his allies to punish them for their rebellion, and attacked on his way several other cities to the east of the Arabah, as far as the Elanitic Gulf, no doubt because they also had withdrawn from his dominion. The army moved along the great military road from inner Asia, past Damascus, through Peraea, where they smote the Rephaims, Zuzims, Emims, and Horites. “The Rephaim in Ashteroth Karnaim:” all that is known with certainty of the Rephaim is, that they were a tribe of gigantic stature, and in the time of Abram had spread over the whole of Peraea, and held not only Bashan, but the country afterwards possessed by the Moabites; from which possessions they were subsequently expelled by the descendants of Lot and the Amorites, and so nearly exterminated, that Og, king of Bashan, is described as the remnant of the Rephaim (Deuteronomy 2:20; 3:11,13; Joshua 12:4; 13:12).
Beside this, there were Rephaim on this side of the Jordan among the Canaanitish tribes (Genesis 15:20), some to the west of Jerusalem, in the valley which was called after them the valley of the Rephaim (Joshua 15:8; 18:16; 2 Samuel 5:18, etc.), others on the mountains of Ephraim (Joshua 17:15); while the last remains of them were also to be found among the Philistines (2 Samuel 21:16ff.; 1 Chronicles 20:4ff.). The current explanation of the name, viz., “the long-stretched,” or giants (Ewald), does not prevent our regarding ap;r; as the personal name of their forefather, though no intimation is given of their origin. That they were not Canaanites may be inferred from the fact, that on the eastern side of the Jordan they were subjugated and exterminated by the Canaanitish branch of the Amorites. Notwithstanding this, they may have been descendants of Ham, though the fact that the Canaanites spoke a Semitic tongue rather favours the conclusion that the oldest population of Canaan, and therefore the Rephaim, were of Semitic descent. At any rate, the opinion of J. G. Müller, that they belonged to the aborigines, who were not related to Shem, Ham, and Japhet, is perfectly arbitrary. — Ashteroth Karnaim, or briefly Ashtaroth, the capital afterwards of Og of Bashan, was situated in Hauran; and ruins of it are said to be still seen in Tell Ashtereh, two hours and a half from Nowah, and one and three-quarters from the ancient Edrei, somewhere between Nowah and Mezareib (see Ritter, Erdkunde). f33 “The Zuzims in Ham” were probably the people whom the Ammonites called Zam zummim, and who were also reckoned among the Rephaim (Deuteronomy 2:20). Ham was possibly the ancient name of Rabba of the Ammonites (Deuteronomy 3:11), the remains being still preserved in the ruins of Ammân. — “The Emim in the plain of Kiryathaim:” the µymiyae or hm;yae (i.e., fearful, terrible), were the earlier inhabitants of the country of the Moabites, who gave them the name; and, like the Anakim, they were also reckoned among the Rephaim (Deuteronomy 2:11). Kiryathaim is certainly not to be found where Eusebius and Jerome supposed, viz., in Caria’da, Coraiatha, the modern Koerriath or Kereyat, ten miles to the west of Medabah; for this is not situated in the plain, and corresponds to Kerioth (Jeremiah 48:24), with which Eusebius and Jerome have confounded Kiryathaim. It is probably still to be seen in the ruins of el Teym or et Tueme, about a mile to the west of Medabah. “The Horites (from yrij , dwellers in caves), in the mountains of Seir,” were the earlier inhabitants of the land between the Dead Sea and the Elanitic Gulf, who were conquered and exterminated by the Edomites (Genesis 36:20ff.). — “To El-paran, which is by the wilderness:” i.e., on the eastern side of the desert of Paran (see Genesis 21:21), probably the same as Elath (Deuteronomy 2:8) or Eloth (1 Kings 9:26), the important harbour of Aila on the northern extremity of the so-called Elanitic Gulf, near the modern fortress of Akaba, where extensive heaps of rubbish show the site of the former town, which received its name El or Elath (terebinth, or rather wood) probably from the palm-groves in the vicinity.
Verse 7. From Aila the conquerors turned round, and marched (not through the Arabah, but on the desert plateau which they ascended from Aila) to En-mishpat (well of judgment), the older name of Kadesh, the situation of which, indeed, cannot be proved with certainty, but which is most probably to be sought for in the neighbourhood of the spring Ain Kades, discovered by Rowland, to the south of Bir Seba and Khalasa (Elusa), twelve miles E.S.E. of Moyle, the halting-place for caravans, near Hagar’s well (Genesis 16:14), on the heights of Jebel Halal (see Ritter, Erdkunde, and Numbers 13). “And they smote all the country of the Amalekites,” i.e., the country afterwards possessed by the Amalekites (vid., Genesis 26:12), to the west of Edomitis on the southern border of the mountains of Judah (Numbers 13:29), “and also the Amorites, who dwelt in Hazazon-Thamar,” i.e., Engedi, on the western side of the Dead Sea (2 Chronicles 20:2).
Verse 8-12. After conquering all these tribes to the east and west of the Arabah, they gave battle to the kings of the Pentapolis in the vale of Siddim, and put them to flight. The kings of Sodom and Gomorrah fell there, the valley being full of asphalt-pits, and the ground therefore unfavourable for flight; but the others escaped to the mountains ( rhæ for rhæ ), that is, to the Moabitish highlands with their numerous defiles. The conquerors thereupon plundered the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah, and carried off Lot, who dwelt in Sodom, and all his possessions, along with the rest of the captives, probably taking the route through the valley of the Jordan up to Damascus.
GENESIS. 14:13-16
A fugitive (lit., the fugitive; the article denotes the genus, Ewald, §277) brought intelligence of this to Abram the Hebrew ( `yrib][i , an immigrant from beyond the Euphrates). Abram is so called in distinction from Mamre and his two brothers, who were Amorites, and had made a defensive treaty with him. To rescue Lot, Abram ordered his trained slaves ( Ëynij; , i.e., practised in arms) born in the house (cf. Genesis 17:12), 318 men, to turn out (lit., to pour themselves out); and with these, and (as the supplementary remark in v. 24 shows) with his allies, he pursued the enemy as far as Dan, where “he divided himself against them, he and his servants, by night,” — i.e., he divided his men into companies, who fell upon the enemy by night from different sides-”smote them, and pursued them to Hobah, to the left (or north) of Damascus.” Hobah has probably been preserved in the village of Noba, mentioned by Troilo, a quarter of a mile to the north of Damascus. So far as the situation of Dan is concerned, this passage proves that it cannot have been identical with Leshem or Laish in the valley of Beth Rehob, which the Danites conquered and named Dan (Judges 18:28-29; Joshua 19:47); for this Laish-Dan was on the central source of the Jordan, el Leddan in Tell el Kady, which does not lie in either of the two roads, leading from the vale of Siddim or of the Jordan to Damascus. f35 This Dan belonged to Gilead (Deuteronomy 34:1), and is no doubt the same as the Dan-jaan mentioned in 2 Samuel 24:6 in connection with Gilead, and to be sought for in northern Peraea to the south-west of Damascus.
GENESIS. 14:17-24
-As Abram returned with the booty which he had taken from the enemy, the king of Sodom (of course, the successor to the one who fell in the battle) and Melchizedek, king of Salem, came to meet him to congratulate him on his victory; the former probably also with the intention of asking for the prisoners who had been rescued. They met him in “the valley of Shaveh, which is (what was afterwards called) the King’s dale.” This valley, in which Absalom erected a monument for himself (2 Samuel 18:18), was, according to Josephus, two stadia from Jerusalem, probably by the brook Kidron therefore, although Absalom’s pillar, which tradition places there, was of the Grecian style rather than the early Hebrew. The name King’s dale was given to it undoubtedly with reference to the event referred to here, which points to the neighbourhood of Jerusalem. For the Salem of Melchizedek cannot have been the Salem near to which John baptized (John 3:23), or Aenon, which was eight Roman miles south of Scythopolis, as a march of about forty hours for the purpose of meeting Abraham, if not romantic, would, at least be at variance with the text of Scripture, where the kings are said to have gone out to Abram after his return.
It must be Jerusalem, therefore, which is called by the old name Salem in Psalm 76:2, out of which the name Jerusalem (founding of peace, or possession of peace) was formed by the addition of the prefix ha;r; = yWry] “founding,” or vWry] “possession.” Melchizedek brings bread and wine from Salem “to supply the exhausted warriors with food and drink, but more especially as a mark of gratitude to Abram, who had conquered for them peace, freedom, and prosperity” (Delitzsch). This gratitude he expresses, as a priest of the supreme God, in the words, “Blessed be Abram of the Most High God, the founder of heaven and earth; and blessed be God, the Most High, who hath delivered thine enemies into thy hand.” The form of the blessing is poetical, two parallel members with words peculiar to poetry, rxæ for byeao , and ( ˆwOyl][, lae without the article is a proper name for the supreme God, the God over all (cf. Exodus 18:11), who is pointed out as the only true God by the additional clause, “founder of the heaven and the earth.”
On the construction of Ërær; with l] , vid., Genesis 31:15; Exodus 12:16, and Ges. §143, 2. hn;q; , founder and possessor: hn;q; combines the meanings of kti>zein and kta>sqai . This priestly reception Abram reciprocated by giving him the tenth of all, i.e., of the whole of the booty taken from the enemy. Giving the tenth was a practical acknowledgment of the divine priesthood of Melchizedek; for the tenth was, according to the general custom, the offering presented to the Deity. Abram also acknowledged the God of Melchizedek as the true God; for when the king of Sodom asked for his people only, and would have left the rest of the booty to Abram, he lifted up his hand as a solemn oath “to Jehovah, the Most High God, the founder of heaven and earth,” — acknowledging himself as the servant of this God by calling Him by the name Jehovah-and swore that he would not take “from a thread to a shoe-string,” i.e., the smallest or most worthless thing belonging to the king of Sodom, that he might not be able to say, he had made Abram rich. µai , as the sign of an oath, is negative, and in an earnest address is repeated before the verb. “Except yde[l]Bi , lit., not to me, nothing for me) only what the young men (Abram’s men) have eaten, and the portion of my allies...let them take their portion:” i.e., his followers should receive what had been consumed as their share, and the allies should have the remainder of the booty.
Of the property belonging to the king of Sodom, which he had taken from the enemy, Abram would not keep the smallest part, because he would not have anything in common with Sodom. On the other hand, he accepted from Salem’s priest and king, Melchizedek, not only bread and wine for the invigoration of the exhausted warriors, but a priestly blessing also, and gave him in return the tenth of all his booty, as a sign that he acknowledged this king as a priest of the living God, and submitted to his royal priesthood. In this self-subordination of Abram to Melchizedek there was the practical prediction of a royal priesthood which is higher than the priesthood entrusted to Abram’s descendants, the sons of Levi, and foreshadowed in the noble form of Melchizedek, who blessed as king and priest the patriarch whom God had called to be a blessing to all the families of the earth. The name of this royal priest is full of meaning: Melchizedek, i.e., King of Righteousness. Even though, judging from Joshua 10:1,3, where a much later king is called Adonizedek, i.e., Lord of Righteousness, this name may have been a standing title of the ancient kings of Salem, it no doubt originated with a king who ruled his people in righteousness, and was perfectly appropriate in the case of the Melchizedek mentioned here.
There is no less significance in the name of the seat of his government, Salem, the peaceful or peace, since it shows that the capital of its kings was a citadel of peace, not only as a natural stronghold, but through the righteousness of its sovereign; for which reason David chose it as the seat of royalty in Israel; and Moriah, which formed part of it, was pointed out to Abraham by Jehovah as the place of sacrifice for the kingdom of God which was afterwards to be established. And, lastly, there was something very significant in the appearance in the midst of the degenerate tribes of Canaan of this king of righteousness, and priest of the true God of heaven and earth, without any account of his descent, or of the beginning and end of his life; so that he stands forth in the Scriptures, “without father, without mother, without descent, having neither beginning of days nor end of life.”
Although it by no means follows from this, however, that Melchizedek was a celestial being (the Logos, or an angel), or one of the primeval patriarchs (Enoch or Shem), as Church fathers, Rabbins, and others have conjectured, and we can see in him nothing more than one, perhaps the last, of the witnesses and confessors of the early revelation of God, coming out into the light of history from the dark night of heathenism; yet this appearance does point to a priesthood of universal significance, and to a higher order of things, which existed at the commencement of the world, and is one day to be restored again. In all these respects, the noble form of this king of Salem and priest of the Most High God was a type of the God-King and eternal High Priest Jesus Christ; a thought which is expanded in Hebrews on the basis of this account, and of the divine utterance revealed to David in the Spirit, that the King of Zion sitting at the right hand of Jehovah should be a priest for ever after the order of Melchizedek (Psalm 110:4). THE COVENANT.
GENESIS. 15:1-6
With the formula “after these things” there is introduced a new revelation of the Lord to Abram, which differs from the previous ones in form and substance, and constitutes a new turning point in his life. The “word of Jehovah” came to him “in a vision;” i.e., neither by a direct internal address, nor by such a manifestation of Himself as fell upon the outward senses, nor in a dream of the night, but in a state of ecstasy by an inward spiritual intuition, and that not in a nocturnal vision, as in Genesis 46:2, but in the day-time. The expression “in a vision” applies to the whole chapter.
There is no pause anywhere, nor any sign that the vision ceased, or that the action was transferred to the sphere of the senses and of external reality.
Consequently the whole process is to be regarded as an internal one. The vision embraces not only vv. 1-4 and 8, but the entire chapter, with this difference merely, that from v. 12 onwards the ecstasy assumed the form of a prophetic sleep produced by God. It is true that the bringing Abram out, his seeing the stars (v. 5), and still more especially his taking the sacrificial animals and dividing them (vv. 9, 10), have been supposed by some to belong to the sphere of external reality, on the ground that these purely external acts would not necessarily presuppose a cessation of ecstasy, since the vision was no catalepsy, and did not preclude the full (?) use of the outward senses.
But however true this may be, not only is every mark wanting, which would warrant us in assuming a transition from the purely inward and spiritual sphere, to the outward sphere of the senses, but the entire revelation culminates in a prophetic sleep, which also bears the character of a vision. As it was in a deep sleep that Abram saw the passing of the divine appearance through the carefully arranged portions of the sacrifice, and no reference is made either to the burning of them, as in Judges 6:21, or to any other removal, the arrangement of the sacrificial animals must also have been a purely internal process. To regard this as an outward act, we must break up the continuity of the narrative in a most arbitrary way, and not only transfer the commencement of the vision into the night, and suppose it to have lasted from twelve to eighteen hours, but we must interpolate the burning of the sacrifices, etc., in a still more arbitrary manner, merely for the sake of supporting the erroneous assumption, that visionary procedures had no objective reality, or, at all events, less evidence of reality than outward acts, and things perceived by the senses.
A vision wrought by God was not a mere fancy, or a subjective play of the thoughts, but a spiritual fact, which was not only in all respects as real as things discernible by the senses, but which surpassed in its lasting significance the acts and events that strike the eye. The covenant which Jehovah made with Abram was not intended to give force to a mere agreement respecting mutual rights and obligations-a thing which could have been accomplished by an external sacrificial transaction, and by God passing through the divided animals in an assumed human form-but it was designed to establish the purely spiritual relation of a living fellowship between God and Abram, of the deep inward meaning of which, nothing but a spiritual intuition and experience could give to Abram an effective and permanent hold.
Verse 1-6. The words of Jehovah run thus: “Fear not, Abram: I am a shield to thee, thy reward very much.” hb;r; an inf. absol., generally used adverbially, but here as an adjective, equivalent to “thy very great reward.”
The divine promise to be a shield to him, that is to say, a protection against all enemies, and a reward, i.e., richly to reward his confidence, his ready obedience, stands here, as the opening words “after these things” indicate, in close connection with the previous guidance of Abram. Whilst the protection of his wife in Egypt was a practical pledge of the possibility of his having a posterity, and the separation of Lot, followed by the conquest of the kings of the East, was also a pledge of the possibility of his one day possessing the promised land, there was as yet no prospect whatever of the promise being realized, that he should become a great nation, and possess an innumerable posterity. In these circumstances, anxiety about the future might naturally arise in his mind. To meet this, the word of the Lord came to him with the comforting assurance, “Fear not, I am thy shield.” But when the Lord added, “and thy very great reward,” Abram could only reply, as he thought of his childless condition: “Lord Jehovah, what wilt Thou give me, seeing I go childless?” Of what avail are all my possessions, wealth, and power, since I have no child, and the heir of my house is Eliezer the Damascene? qv,m, , synonymous with qv;m]mi (Zeph 2:9), possession, or the seizure of possession, is chosen on account of its assonance with qc,M,Dæ . qv,m,AˆB, , son of the seizing of possession = seizer of possession, or heir. Eliezer of Damascus (lit., Damascus viz., Eliezer): Eliezer is an explanatory apposition to Damascus, in the sense of the Damascene Eliezer; though qc,M,Dæ , on account of its position before rz[yla , cannot be taken grammatically as equivalent to yqic]MæDæ . f36 To give still more distinct utterance to his grief, Abram adds (v. 3): “Behold, to me Thou hast given no seed; and lo, an inmate of my house ( ytiBeAˆB, in distinction from tyiBæAdyliy] , home-born, Genesis 14:14) will be my heir.” The word of the Lord then came to him: “Not he, but one who shall come forth from thy body, he will be thine heir.” God then took him into the open air, told him to look up to heaven, and promised him a posterity as numerous as the innumerable host of stars (cf. Genesis 22:17; 24:4; Exodus 32:13, etc.). Whether Abram at this time was “in the body or out of the body,” is a matter of no moment. The reality of the occurrence is the same in either case.
This is evident from the remark made by Moses (the historian) as to the conduct of Abram in relation to the promise of God: “And he believed in Jehovah, and He counted it to him for righteousness.” In the strictly objective character of the account in Genesis, in accordance with which the simple facts are related throughout without any introduction of subjective opinions, this remark appears so striking, that the question naturally arises, What led Moses to introduce it? In what way did Abram make known his faith in Jehovah? And in what way did Jehovah count it to him as righteousness? The reply to both questions must not be sought in the New Testament, but must be given or indicated in the context. What reply did Abram make on receiving the promise, or what did he do in consequence?
When God, to confirm the promise, declared Himself to be Jehovah, who brought him out of Ur of the Chaldees to give him that land as a possession, Abram replied, “Lord, whereby shall I know that I shall possess it?” God then directed him to “fetch a heifer of three years old,” etc.; and Abram fetched the animals required, and arranged them (as we may certainly suppose, thought it is not expressly stated) as God had commanded him. By this readiness to perform what God commanded him, Abram gave a practical proof that he believed Jehovah; and what God did with the animals so arranged was a practical declaration on the part of Jehovah, that He reckoned this faith to Abram as righteousness.
The significance of the divine act is, finally, summed up in v. 18, in the words, “On that day Jehovah made a covenant with Abram.” Consequently Jehovah reckoned Abram’s faith to him as righteousness, by making a covenant with him, by taking Abram into covenant fellowship with Himself. ˆmæa; , from ˆmæa; to continue and the preserve, to be firm and to confirm, in Hiphil to trust, believe ( pisteu>sin ), expresses “that state of mind which is sure of its object, and relies firmly upon it;” and as denoting conduct towards God, as “a firm, inward, personal, self-surrendering reliance upon a personal being, especially upon the source of all being,” it is construed sometimes with l] (e.g., Deuteronomy 9:23), but more frequently with b] (Numbers 14:11; 20:12; Deuteronomy 1:32), “to believe the Lord,” and “to believe on the Lord,” to trust in HJm - pisteu>ein epi> to>n Qeo>n , as the apostle has more correctly rendered the epi>steusen tw> Qew> of the LXX (vid., Romans 4:5).
Faith therefore is not merely assensus, but fiducia also, unconditional trust in the Lord and His word, even where the natural course of events furnishes no ground for hope or expectation. This faith Abram manifested, as the apostle has shown in Romans 4; and this faith God reckoned to him as righteousness by the actual conclusion of a covenant with him. hq;d;x] , righteousness, as a human characteristic, is correspondence to the will of God both in character and conduct, or a state answering to the divine purpose of a man’s being. This was the state in which man was first created in the image of God; but it was lost by sin, through which he placed himself in opposition to the will of God and to his own divinely appointed destiny, and could only be restored by God. When the human race had universally corrupted its way, Noah alone was found righteous before God (Genesis 7:1), because he was blameless and walked with God (6:9). This righteousness Abram acquired through his unconditional trust in the Lord, his undoubting faith in His promise, and his ready obedience to His word.
This state of mind, which is expressed in the words hwO;hy] ˆmæa; , was reckoned to him as righteousness, so that God treated him as a righteous man, and formed such a relationship with him, that he was placed in living fellowship with God. The foundation of this relationship was laid in the manner described in vv. 7-11.
GENESIS. 15:7-10
Abram’s question, “Whereby shall I know that I shall take possession of it (the land)?” was not an expression of doubt, but of desire for the confirmation or sealing of a promise, which transcended human thought and conception. To gratify this desire, God commanded him to make preparation for the conclusion of a covenant. “Take Me, He said, a heifer of three years old, and a she-goat of three years old, and a ram of three years old, and a turtle-dove, and a young pigeon;” one of every species of the animals suitable for sacrifice. Abram took these, and “divided them in the midst,” i.e., in half, “and placed one half of each opposite to the other ( tr,B, vyai , every one its half, cf. Genesis 42:25; Num. 17:17); only the birds divided he not,” just as in sacrifice the doves were not divided into pieces, but placed upon the fire whole (Leviticus 1:17). The animals chosen, as well as the fact that the doves were left whole, corresponded exactly to the ritual of sacrifice.
Yet the transaction itself was not a real sacrifice, since there was neither sprinkling of blood nor offering upon an altar (oblatio), and no mention is made of the pieces being burned. The proceeding corresponded rather to the custom, prevalent in many ancient nations, of slaughtering animals when concluding a covenant, and after dividing them into pieces, of laying the pieces opposite to one another, that the persons making the covenant might pass between them. Thus Ephraem Syrus (1, 161) observes, that God condescended to follow the custom of the Chaldeans, that He might in the most solemn manner confirm His oath to Abram the Chaldean. The wide extension of this custom is evident from the expression used to denote the conclusion of a covenant, tyriB] træK; to hew, or cut a covenant, Aram. q¦raam g¦raz, Greek ho’rkia te’mnein, faedus ferire, i.e., ferienda hostia facere faedus; cf.
Bochart (Hieroz. 1, 332); whilst it is evident from Jeremiah 34:18, that this was still customary among the Israelites of later times. The choice of sacrificial animals for a transaction which was not strictly a sacrifice, was founded upon the symbolical significance of the sacrificial animals, i.e., upon the fact that they represented and took the place of those who offered them. In the case before us, they were meant to typify the promised seed of Abram. This would not hold good, indeed, if the cutting of the animals had been merely intended to signify, that any who broke the covenant would be treated like the animals that were there cut in pieces. But there is no sure ground in Jeremiah 34:18ff. for thus interpreting the ancient custom. The meaning which the prophet there assigns to the symbolical usage, may be simply a different application of it, which does not preclude an earlier and different intention in the symbol. The division of the animals probably denoted originally the two parties to the covenant, and the passing of the latter through the pieces laid opposite to one another, their formation into one: a signification to which the other might easily have been attached as a further consequence and explanation.
And if in such a case the sacrificial animals represented the parties to the covenant, so also even in the present instance the sacrificial animals were fitted for that purpose, since, although originally representing only the owner or offerer of the sacrifice, by their consecration as sacrifices they were also brought into connection with Jehovah. But in the case before us the animals represented Abram and his seed, not in the fact of their being slaughtered, as significant of the slaying of that seed, but only in what happened to and in connection with the slaughtered animals: birds of prey attempted to eat them, and when extreme darkness came on, the glory of God passed through them.
As all the seed of Abram was concerned, one of every kind of animal suitable for sacrifice was taken, ut ex toto populo et singulis partibus sacrificium unum fieret (Calvin). The age of the animals, three years old, was supposed by Theodoret to refer to the three generations of Israel which were to remain in Egypt, or the three centuries of captivity in a foreign land; and this is rendered very probable by the fact, that in Judges 6:25 the bullock of seven years old undoubtedly refers to the seven years of Midianitish oppression. On the other hand, we cannot find in the six halves of the three animals and the undivided birds, either 7 things or the sacred number 7, for two undivided birds cannot represent one whole, but two; nor can we attribute to the eight pieces any symbolical meaning, for these numbers necessarily followed from the choice of one specimen of every kind of animal that was fit for sacrifice, and from the division of the larger animals into two.
GENESIS. 15:11
“Then birds of prey ( `fyi[æ with the article, as Genesis 14:13) came down upon the carcases, and Abram frightened them away.” The birds of prey represented the foes of Israel, who would seek to eat up, i.e., exterminate it. And the fact that Abram frightened them away was a sign, that Abram’s faith and his relation to the Lord would preserve the whole of his posterity from destruction, that Israel would be saved for Abram’s sake (Psalm 105:42). GENESIS 15:12-16 “And when the sun was just about to go down (on the construction, see Ges. §132), and deep sleep ( hm;Der]Tæ , as in Genesis 2:21, a deep sleep produced by God) had fallen upon Abram, behold there fell upon him terror, great darkness.” The vision here passes into a prophetic sleep produced by God. In this sleep there fell upon Abram dread and darkness; this is shown by the interchange of the perfect lpæn; and the participle lpæn; .
The reference to the time is intended to show “the supernatural character of the darkness and sleep, and the distinction between the vision and a dream” (O. v. Gerlach). It also possesses a symbolical meaning. The setting of the sun prefigured to Abram the departure of the sun of grace, which shone upon Israel, and the commencement of a dark and dreadful period of suffering for his posterity, the very anticipation of which involved Abram in darkness.
For the words which he heard in the darkness were these (vv. 13ff.): “Know of a surety, that thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs, and shall serve them (the lords of the strange land), and they (the foreigners) shall oppress them 400 years.” That these words had reference to the sojourn of the children of Israel in Egypt, is placed beyond all doubt by the fulfilment. The 400 years were, according to prophetic language, a round number for the 430 years that Israel spent in Egypt (Exodus 12:40). “Also that nation whom they shall serve will I judge (see the fulfilment, Exodus 6:11); and afterward shall they come out with great substance (the actual fact according to Exodus 12:31-36). And thou shalt go to thy fathers in peace, and be buried in a good old age (cf. Genesis 25:7-8); and in the fourth generation they shall come hither again.” The calculations are made here on the basis of a hundred years to a generation: not too much for those times, when the average duration of life was above 150 years, and Isaac was born in the hundredth year of Abraham’s life. “For the iniquity of the Amorites is not yet full.” Amorite, the name of the most powerful tribe of the Canaanites, is used here as the common name of all the inhabitants of Canaan, just as in Joshua 24:15 (cf. Genesis 10:5), Judges 6:10, etc.).
By this revelation Abram had the future history of his seed pointed out to him in general outlines, and was informed at the same time why neither he nor his descendants could obtain immediate possession of the promised land, viz., because the Canaanites were not yet ripe for the sentence of extermination. GENESIS 15:17 When the sun had gone down, and thick darkness had come on ( hy;h; impersonal), “behold a smoking furnace, and (with) a fiery torch, which passed between those pieces,” — a description of what Abram saw in his deep prophetic sleep, corresponding to the mysterious character of the whole proceeding. rWNTæ , a stove, is a cylindrical fire-pot, such as is used in the dwelling-houses of the East. The phenomenon, which passed through the pieces as they lay opposite to one another, resembled such a smoking stove, from which a fiery torch, i.e., a brilliant flame, was streaming forth.
In this symbol Jehovah manifested Himself to Abram, just as He afterwards did to the people of Israel in the pillar of cloud and fire. Passing through the pieces, He ratified the covenant which He made with Abram. His glory was enveloped in fire and smoke, the produce of the consuming fire-both symbols of the wrath of God (cf. Psalm 18:9, and Hengstenberg in loc.), whose fiery zeal consumes whatever opposes it (vid., Exodus 3:2). — To establish and give reality to the covenant to be concluded with Abram, Jehovah would have to pass through the seed of Abram when oppressed by the Egyptians and threatened with destruction, and to execute judgment upon their oppressors (Exodus 7:4; 12:12).
In this symbol, the passing of the Lord between the pieces meant something altogether different from the oath of the Lord by Himself in Genesis 22:16, or by His life in Deuteronomy 32:40, or by His soul in Amos 6:8 and Jeremiah 51:14. It set before Abram the condescension of the Lord to his seed, in the fearful glory of His majesty as the judge of their foes. Hence the pieces were not consumed by the fire; for the transaction had reference not to a sacrifice, which God accepted, and in which the soul of the offerer was to ascend in the smoke to God, but to a covenant in which God came down to man. From the nature of this covenant, it followed, however, that God alone went through the pieces in a symbolical representation of Himself, and not Abram also. For although a covenant always establishes a reciprocal relation between two individuals, yet in that covenant which God concluded with a man, the man did not stand on an equality with God, but God established the relation of fellowship by His promise and His gracious condescension to the man, who was at first purely a recipient, and was only qualified and bound to fulfil the obligations consequent upon the covenant by the reception of gifts of grace. GENESIS 15:18-21 In vv. 18-21 this divine revelation is described as the making of a covenant ( tyriB] , from rBæ to cut, lit., the bond concluded by cutting up the sacrificial animals), and the substance of this covenant is embraced in the promise, that God would give that land to the seed of Abram, from the river of Egypt to the great river Euphrates. The river ( rh;n; ) of Egypt is the Nile, and not the brook ( ljænæ ) of Egypt (Numbers 34:5), i.e., the boundary stream Rhinocorura, Wady el Arish. According to the oratorical character of the promise, the two large rivers, the Nile and the Euphrates, are mentioned as the boundaries within which the seed of Abram would possess the promised land, the exact limits of which are more minutely described in the list of the tribes who were then in possession. Ten tribes are mentioned between the southern border of the land and the extreme north, “to convey the impression of universality without exception, of unqualified completeness, the symbol of which is the number ten” (Delitzsch).
In other passages we find sometimes seven tribes mentioned (Deuteronomy 7:1; Joshua 3:10), at other times six (Exodus 3:8,17; 23:23; Deuteronomy 20:17), at others five (Exodus 13:5), at others again only two (Genesis 13:7); whilst occasionally they are all included in the common name of Canaanites (Genesis 12:6). The absence of the Hivites is striking here, since they are not omitted from any other list where as many as five or seven tribes are mentioned. Out of the eleven descendants of Canaan (Genesis 10:15-18) the names of four only are given here; the others are included in the common name of the Canaanites. On the other hand, four tribes are given, whose descent from Canaan is very improbable. The origin of the Kenites cannot be determined. According to Judges 1:16; 4:11, Hobab, the brother-in-law of Moses, was a Kenite. His being called Midianite (Numbers 10:29) does not prove that he was descended from Midian (Genesis 25:2), but is to be accounted for from the fact that he dwelt in the land of Midian, or among the Midianites (Exodus 2:15).
This branch of the Kenites went with the Israelites to Canaan, into the wilderness of Judah (Judges 1:16), and dwelt even in Saul’s time among the Amalekites on the southern border of Judah (1 Samuel 15:6), and in the same towns with members of the tribe of Judah (1 Samuel 30:29). There is nothing either in this passage, or in Numbers 24:21-22, to compel us to distinguish these Midianitish Kenites from those of Canaan. The Philistines also were not Canaanites, and yet their territory was assigned to the Israelites. And just as the Philistines had forced their way into the land, so the Kenites may have taken possession of certain tracts of the country. All that can be inferred from the two passages is, that there were Kenites outside Midian, who were to be exterminated by the Israelites. On the Kenizzites, all that can be affirmed with certainty is, that the name is neither to be traced to the Edomitish Kenaz (Genesis 36:15,42), nor to be identified with the Kenezite Jephunneh, the father of Caleb of Judah (Numbers 32:12; Joshua 14:6: see my Comm. on Joshua, p. 356, Eng. tr.). — The Kadmonites are never mentioned again, and their origin cannot be determined. On the Perizzites see Genesis 13:7; on the Rephaims, ch. 14:5; and on the other names, Genesis 10:15-16.
BIRTH OF ISHMAEL GENESIS. 16:1-6
As the promise of a lineal heir (Genesis 15:4) did not seem likely to be fulfilled, even after the covenant had been made, Sarai resolved, ten years after their entrance into Canaan, to give her Egyptian maid Hagar to her husband, that if possible she might “be built up by her,” i.e., obtain children, who might found a house or family (Genesis 30:3). The resolution seemed a judicious one, and according to the customs of the East, there would be nothing wrong in carrying it out. Hence Abraham consented without opposition, because, as Malachi (Malachi 2:15) says, he sought the seed promised by God. But they were both of them soon to learn, that their thoughts were the thoughts of man and not of God, and that their wishes and actions were not in accordance with the divine promise. Sarai, the originator of the plan, was the first to experience its evil consequences.
When the maid was with child by Abram, “her mistress became little in her eyes.” When Sarai complained to Abram of the contempt she received from her maid (saying, “My wrong,” the wrong done to me, “come upon thee,” cf. Jeremiah 51:35; Genesis 27:13), and called upon Jehovah to judge between her and her husband, Abram gave her full power to act as mistress towards her maid, without raising the slave who was made a concubine above her position. But as soon as Sarai made her feel her power, Hagar fled. Thus, instead of securing the fulfilment of their wishes, Sarai and Abram had reaped nothing but grief and vexation, and apparently had lost the maid through their self-concerted scheme. But the faithful covenant God turned the whole into a blessing.
GENESIS. 16:7-12
Hagar no doubt intended to escape to Egypt by a road used from time immemorial, that ran from Hebron past Beersheba, “by the way of Shur.” — Shur, the present Jifar, is the name given to the north-western portion of the desert of Arabia (cf. Exodus 15:22). There the angel of the Lord found her by a well, and directed her to return to her mistress, and submit to her; at the same time he promised her the birth of a son, and an innumerable multiplication of her descendants. As the fruit of her womb was the seed of Abram, she was to return to his house and there bear him a son, who, though not the seed promised by God, would be honoured for Abram’s sake with the blessing of an innumerable posterity. For this reason also Jehovah appeared to her in the form of the Angel of Jehovah (cf. p. 82). hr,h; is adj. verb. as in Genesis 28:24, etc.: “thou art with child and wilt bear;” dlæy; for dlæy; (Genesis 17:19) is found again in Judges 13:5,7.
This son she was to call Ishmael (“God hears”), “for Jehovah hath hearkened to thy distress.” `yni[; afflictionem sine dubio vocat, quam Hagar afflictionem sentiebat esse, nempe conditionem servitem et quod castigata esset a Sara (Luther). It was Jehovah, not Elohim, who had heard, although the latter name was most naturally suggested as the explanation of Ishmael, because the hearing, i.e., the multiplication of Ishmael’s descendants, was the result of the covenant grace of Jehovah. Moreover, in contrast with the oppression which has had endured and still would endure, she received the promise that her son would endure no such oppression. “He will be a wild ass of a man.” The figure of a ar,p, , onager, that wild and untameable animal, roaming at its will in the desert, of which so highly poetic a description is given in Job 39:5-8, depicts most aptly “the Bedouin’s boundless love of freedom as he rides about in the desert, spear in hand, upon his camel or his horse, hardy, frugal, revelling in the varied beauty of nature, and despising town life in every form;” and the words, “his hand will be against every man, and every man’s hand against him,” describe most truly the incessant state of feud, in which the Ishmaelites live with one another or with their neighbours. “He will dwell before the face of all his brethren.” µynip; `l[æ denotes, it is true, to the east of (cf. Genesis 25:18), and this meaning is to be retained here; but the geographical notice of the dwelling-place of the Ishmaelites hardly exhausts the force of the expression, which also indicated that Ishmael would maintain an independent standing before (in the presence of) all the descendants of Abraham. History has confirmed this promise. The Ishmaelites have continued to this day in free and undiminished possession of the extensive peninsula between the Euphrates, the Straits of Suez, and the Red Sea, from which they have overspread both Northern Africa and Southern Asia.
GENESIS. 16:13-14
In the angel, Hagar recognised God manifesting Himself to her, the presence of Jehovah, and called Him, “Thou art a God of seeing; for she said, Have I also seen here after seeing?” Believing that a man must die if he saw God (Exodus 20:19; 33:20), Hagar was astonished that she had seen God and remained alive, and called Jehovah, who had spoken to her, “God of seeing,” i.e., who allows Himself to be seen, because here, on the spot where this sight was granted her, after seeing she still saw, i.e., remained alive. From this occurrence the well received the name of “well of the seeing alive,” i.e., at which a man saw God and remained alive.
Beer-lahai-roi: according to Ewald, ha;r; yjæ is to be regarded as a composite noun, and l] as a sign of the genitive; but this explanation, in which ha;r; is treated as a pausal form of yair’ , does not suit the form ha;r; with the accent upon the last syllable, which points rather to the participle ha;r; with the first pers. suffix.
On this ground Delitzsch and others have decided in favour of the interpretation given in the Chaldee version, “Thou art a God of seeing, i.e., the all-seeing, from whose all-seeing eye the helpless and forsaken is not hidden even in the farthest corner of the desert.” “Have I not even here (in the barren land of solitude) looked after Him, who saw me?” and Beerlahai- roi, “the well of the Living One who sees me, i.e., of the omnipresent Providence.” But still greater difficulties lie in the way of this view. It not only overthrows the close connection between this and the similar passages Genesis 32:31; Exodus 33:20; Judges 13:22, where the sight of God excites a fear of death, but it renders the name, which the well received from this appearance of God, an inexplicable riddle. If Hagar called the God who appeared to her yair’ lae because she looked after Him whom she saw, i.e., as we must necessarily understand the word, saw not His face, but only His back; how could it ever occur to her or to any one else, to call the well Beer-lahai-roi, “well of the Living One, who sees me,” instead of Beer-el-roi? Moreover, what completely overthrows this explanation, is the fact that neither in Genesis nor anywhere in the Pentateuch is God called “the Living One;” and throughout the Old Testament it is only in contrast with the dead gods of idols of the heathen, a contrast never thought of here, that the expressions yjæ µyhila’ and yjæ lae occur, whilst yjæ is never used in the Old Testament as a name of God.
For these reasons we must abide by the first explanation, and change the reading ha;r; into yair’ . f38 With regard to the well, it is still further added that it was between Kadesh (Genesis 14:7) and Bered. Though Bered has not been discovered, Rowland believes, with good reason, that he has found the well of Hagar, which is mentioned again in Genesis 24:62; 25:11, in the spring Ain Kades, to the south of Beersheba, at the leading place of encampment of the caravans passing from Syria to Sinai, viz., Moyle, or Moilahi, or Muweilih (Robinson, Pal. i. p. 280), which the Arabs call Moilahi Hagar, and in the neighbourhood of which they point out a rock Beit Hagar. Bered must lie to the west of this.
GENESIS. 16:15-16
Having returned to Abram’s house, Hagar bare him a son in his 86th year.
He gave it the name Ishmael, and regarded it probably as the promised seed, until, thirteen years afterwards, the counsel of God was more clearly unfolded to him.
SEALING OF THE COVENANT BY THE GIVING OF NEW NAMES AND BY THE RITE OF CIRCUMCISION.
GENESIS. 17:1-3
The covenant had been made with Abram for at least fourteen years, and yet Abram remained without any visible sign of its accomplishment, and was merely pointed in faith to the inviolable character of the promise of God. Jehovah now appeared to Him again, when he was ninety-nine years old, twenty-four years after his migration, and thirteen after the birth of Ishmael, to give effect to the covenant and prepare for its execution.
Having come down to Abram in a visible form (v. 22), He said to him, “I am El Shaddai (almighty God): walk before Me and be blameless.” At the establishment of the covenant, God had manifested Himself to him as Jehovah (Genesis 15:7); here Jehovah describes Himself as El Shaddai, God the Mighty One. yDævæ : from ddæv; to be strong, with the substantive termination ai, like yGæjæ the festal, yv;yviy] the old man, ynæysi the thorngrown, etc.
This name is not to be regarded as identical with Elohim, that is to say, with God as Creator and Preserver of the world, although in simple narrative Elohim is used for El Shaddai, which is only employed in the more elevated and solemn style of writing. It belonged to the sphere of salvation, forming one element in the manifestation of Jehovah, and describing Jehovah, the covenant God, as possessing the power to realize His promises, even when the order of nature presented no prospect of their fulfilment, and the powers of nature were insufficient to secure it. The name which Jehovah thus gave to Himself was to be a pledge, that in spite of “his own body now dead,” and “the deadness of Sarah’s womb” (Romans 4:19), God could and would give him the promised innumerable posterity. On the other hand, God required this of Abram, “Walk before Me (cf. Genesis 5:22) and be blameless” (6:9). “Just as righteousness received in faith was necessary for the establishment of the covenant, so a blameless walk before God was required for the maintenance and confirmation of the covenant.” This introduction is followed by a more definite account of the new revelation; first of the promise involved in the new name of God (vv. 2-8), and then of the obligation imposed upon Abram (vv. 9-14). “I will give My covenant,” says the Almighty, “between Me and thee, and multiply thee exceedingly.” tyriB] ˆtæn; signifies, not to make a covenant, but to give, to put, i.e., to realize, to set in operation the things promised in the covenant-equivalent to setting up the covenant (cf. v. 7 and Genesis 9:12 with 9:9). This promise Abram appropriated to himself by falling upon his face in worship, upon which God still further expounded the nature of the covenant about to be executed. GENESIS 17:4-8 On the part of God ( ynæa placed at the beginning absolutely: so far as I am concerned, for my part) it was to consist of this: (1) that God would make Abram the father ( baæ instead of baæ chosen with reference to the name Abram) of a multitude of nations, the ancestor of nations and kings; (2) that He would be God, show Himself to be God, in an eternal covenant relation, to him and to his posterity, according to their families, according to all their successive generations; and (3) that He would give them the land in which he had wandered as a foreigner, viz., all Canaan, for an everlasting possession. As a pledge of this promise God changed his name µr;b]aæ , i.e., high father, into µh;r;b]aæ , i.e., father of the multitude, from ba; and µh;r;b]aæ , Arab. ruhâm = multitude. In this name God gave him a tangible pledge of the fulfilment of His covenant, inasmuch as a name which God gives cannot be a mere empty sound, but must be the expression of something real, or eventually acquire reality.
GENESIS. 17:9-14
On the part of Abraham ( hT;aæ thou, the antithesis to ynæa , as for me, v. 4) God required that he and his descendants in all generations should keep the covenant, and that as a sign he should circumcise himself and every male in his house. lWm Niph. of lWm , and lmæn; perf. Niph. for µj,Lmæn] , from llæm; = lWm . As the sign of the covenant, circumcision is called in v. 13, “the covenant in the flesh,” so far as the nature of the covenant was manifested in the flesh. It was to be extended not only to the seed, the lineal descendants of Abraham, but to all the males in his house, even to every foreign slave not belonging to the seed of Abram, whether born in the house or acquired (i.e., bought) with money, and to the “son of eight days,” i.e., the male child eight days old; with the threat that the uncircumcised should be exterminated from his people, because by neglecting circumcision he had broken the covenant with God. The form of speech aWh vp,n, træK; , by which many of the laws are enforced (cf.
Exodus 12:15,19; Leviticus 7:20-21,25, etc.), denotes not rejection from the nation, or banishment, but death, whether by a direct judgment from God, an untimely death at the hand of God, or by the punishment of death inflicted by the congregation or the magistrates, and that whether tWm tWm is added, as in Exodus 31:14, etc., or not.
This is very evident from Leviticus 17:9-10, where the extermination to be effected by the authorities is distinguished from that to be executed by God Himself (see my biblische Archäologie ii. §153, 1). In this sense we sometimes find, in the place of the earlier expression “from his people,” i.e., his nation, such expressions as “from among his people” (Leviticus 17:4,10; Numbers 15:30), “from Israel” (Exodus 12:15; Numbers 19:13), “from the congregation of Israel” (Exodus 12:19); and instead of “that soul,” in Leviticus 17:4,9 (cf. Exodus 30:33,38), we find “that man.”
GENESIS. 17:15-21
The appointment of the sign of the covenant was followed by this further revelation as to the promised seed, that Abram would receive it through his wife Sarai. In confirmation of this her exalted destiny, she was no longer to be called Sarai ( yræc; , probably from rræc; with the termination ai, the princely), but hr;c; , the princess; for she was to become nations, the mother of kings of nations. Abraham then fell upon his face and laughed, saying in himself (i.e., thinking), “Shall a child be born to him that is a hundred years old, or shall Sarah, that is ninety years old, bear?” “The promise was so immensely great, that he sank in adoration to the ground, and so immensely paradoxical, that he could not help laughing” (Del.). “Not that he either ridiculed the promise of God, or treated it as a fable, or rejected it altogether; but, as often happens when things occur which are least expected, partly lifted up with joy, partly carried out of himself with wonder, he burst out into laughter” (Calvin).
In this joyous amazement he said to God (v. 18), “O that Ishmael might live before Thee!” To regard these words, with Calvin and others, as intimating that he should be satisfied with the prosperity of Ishmael, as though he durst not hope for anything higher, is hardly sufficient. The prayer implies anxiety, lest Ishmael should have no part in the blessings of the covenant. God answers, “Yes ( lb;a imo), Sarah thy wife bears thee a son, and thou wilt call his name Isaac (according to the Greek form Isaa>k , for the Hebrew qj;x]yi , i.e., laughter, with reference to Abraham’s laughing; v. 17, cf. Genesis 21:6), and I will establish My covenant with him,” i.e., make him the recipient of the covenant grace. And the prayer for Ishmael God would also grant: He would make him very fruitful, so that he should beget twelve princes and become a great nation. But the covenant, God repeated (v. 21), should be established with Isaac, whom Sarah was to bear to him at that very time in the following year. — Since Ishmael therefore was excluded from participating in the covenant grace, which was ensured to Isaac alone; and yet Abraham was to become a multitude of nations, and that through Sarah, who was to become “nations” through the son she was to bear (v. 16); the “multitude of nations” could not include either the Ishmaelites or the tribes descended from the sons of Keturah (Genesis 25:2ff.), but the descendants of Isaac alone; and as one of Isaac’s two sons received no part of the covenant promise, the descendants of Jacob alone.
But the whole of the twelve sons of Jacob founded only the one nation of Israel, with which Jehovah established the covenant made with Abraham (Exodus 6 and 20-24), so that Abraham became through Israel the lineal father of one nation only. From this it necessarily follows, that the posterity of Abraham, which was to expand into a multitude of nations, extends beyond this one lineal posterity, and embraces the spiritual posterity also, i.e., all nations who are grafted ek pi>stewv Abraa>m into the seed of Abraham (Romans 4:11-12, and 16, 17). Moreover, the fact that the seed of Abraham was not to be restricted to his lineal descendants, is evident from the fact, that circumcision as the covenant sign was not confined to them, but extended to all the inmates of his house, so that these strangers were received into the fellowship of the covenant, and reckoned as part of the promised seed.
Now, if the whole land of Canaan was promised to this posterity, which was to increase into a multitude of nations (v. 8), it is perfectly evident, from what has just been said, that the sum and substance of the promise was not exhausted by the gift of the land, whose boundaries are described in Genesis 15:18-21, as a possession to the nation of Israel, but that the extension of the idea of the lineal posterity, “Israel after the flesh,” to the spiritual posterity, “Israel after the spirit,” requires the expansion of the idea and extent of the earthly Canaan to the full extent of the spiritual Canaan, whose boundaries reach as widely as the multitude of nations having Abraham as father; and, therefore, that in reality Abraham received the promise “that he should be the heir of the world” (Romans 4:13). f39 And what is true of the seed of Abraham and the land of Canaan must also hold good of the covenant and the covenant sign. Eternal duration was promised only to the covenant established by God with the seed of Abraham, which was to grow into a multitude of nations, but not to the covenant institution which God established in connection with the lineal posterity of Abraham, the twelve tribes of Israel. Everything in this institution which was of a local and limited character, and only befitted the physical Israel and the earthly Canaan, existed only so long as was necessary for the seed of Abraham to expand into a multitude of nations.
So again it was only in its essence that circumcision could be a sign of the eternal covenant. Circumcision, whether it passed from Abraham to other nations, or sprang up among other nations independently of Abraham and his descendants (see my Archäologie, §63, 1), was based upon the religious view, that the sin and moral impurity which the fall of Adam had introduced into the nature of man had concentrated itself in the sexual organs, because it is in sexual life that it generally manifests itself with peculiar force; and, consequently, that for the sanctification of life, a purification or sanctification of the organ of generation, by which life is propagated, is especially required.
In this way circumcision in the flesh became a symbol of the circumcision, i.e., the purification, of the heart (Deuteronomy 10:16; 30:6, cf. Leviticus 26:41; Jeremiah 4:4; 9:25; Ezekiel 44:7), and a covenant sign to those who received it, inasmuch as they were received into the fellowship of the holy nation (Exodus 19:6), and required to sanctify their lives, in other words, to fulfil all that the covenant demanded. It was to be performed on every boy on the eighth day after its birth, not because the child, like its mother, remains so long in a state of impurity, but because, as the analogous rule with regard to the fitness of young animals for sacrifice would lead us to conclude, this was regarded as the first day of independent existence (Leviticus 22:27; Exodus 22:29; see my Archäologie, §63).
GENESIS. 17:22-27
When God had finished His address and ascended again, Abraham immediately fulfilled the covenant duty enjoined upon him, by circumcision himself on that very day, along with all the male members of his house.
Because Ishmael was 13 years old when he was circumcised, the Arabs even now defer circumcision to a much later period than the Jews, generally till between the ages of 5 and 13, and frequently even till the 13th year.
VISIT OF JEHOVAH, WITH TWO ANGELS, TO ABRAHAM’S TENT.
Having been received into the covenant with God through the rite of circumcision, Abraham was shortly afterwards honoured by being allowed to receive and entertain the Lord and two angels in his tent. This fresh manifestation of God had a double purpose, viz., to establish Sarah’s faith in the promise that she should bear a son in her old age (vv. 1-15), and to announce the judgment on Sodom and Gomorrah (vv. 16-33).
GENESIS. 18:1-5
When sitting, about mid-day, in the grove of Mamre, in front of his tent, Abraham looked up and unexpectedly saw three men standing at some distance from him ( `l[æ above him, looking down upon him as he sat), viz., Jehovah (v. 13) and two angels (Genesis 19:1); all three in human form.
Perceiving at once that one of them was the Lord ( wn;doa , i.e., God), he prostrated himself reverentially before them, and entreated them not to pass him by, but to suffer him to entertain them as his guests: “Let a little water be fetched, and wash your feet, and recline yourselves (hishaa`een to recline, leaning upon the arm) under the tree.” — “Comfort your hearts:” lit., “strengthen the heart,” i.e., refresh yourselves by eating and drinking (Judges 19:5; 1 Kings 21:7). “For therefore (sc., to give me an opportunity to entertain you hospitably) have ye come over to your servant:” ˆKe `l[æ yKi does not stand for yKi ˆKe `l[æ (Ges. thes. p. 682), but means “because for this purpose” (vid., Ewald, §353).
GENESIS. 18:6-8
When the three men had accepted the hospitable invitation, Abraham, just like a Bedouin sheikh of the present day, directed his wife to take three seahs (374 cubic inches each) of fine meal, and back cakes of it as quickly as possible ( `hG;[u round unleavened cakes baked upon hot stones); he also had a tender calf killed, and sent for milk and butter, or curdled milk, and thus prepared a bountiful and savoury meal, of which the guests partook.
The eating of material food on the part of these heavenly beings was not in appearance only, but was really eating; an act which may be attributed to the corporeality assumed, and is to be regarded as analogous to the eating on the part of the risen and glorified Christ (Luke 24:41ff.), although the miracle still remains physiologically incomprehensible.
GENESIS. 18:9-15
During the meal, at which Abraham stood, and waited upon them as the host, they asked for Sarah, for whom the visit was chiefly intended. On being told that she was in the tent, where she could hear, therefore, all that passed under the tree in front of the tent, the one whom Abraham addressed as Adonai (my Lord), and who is called Jehovah in v. 13, said, “I will return to thee ( yjæ `t[e ) at this time, when it lives again” ( yjæ , reviviscens, without the article, Ges. §111, 2b), i.e., at this time next year; “and, behold, Sarah, thy wife, will (then) have a son.” Sarah heard this at the door of the tent; “and it was behind Him” (Jehovah), so that she could not be seen by Him as she stood at the door. But as the fulfilment of this promise seemed impossible to her, on account of Abraham’s extreme age, and the fact that her own womb had lost the power of conception, she laughed within herself, thinking that she was not observed. But that she might know that the promise was made by the omniscient and omnipotent God, He reproved her for laughing, saying, “Is anything too wonderful (i.e., impossible) for Jehovah? at the time appointed I will return unto thee,” etc.; and when her perplexity led her to deny it, He convicted her of falsehood. Abraham also had laughed at this promise (Genesis 17:17), and without receiving any reproof. For his laughing was the joyous outburst of astonishment; Sarah’s, on the contrary, the result of doubt and unbelief, which had to be broken down by reproof, and, as the result showed, really was broken down, inasmuch as she conceived and bore a son, whom she could only have conceived in faith (Hebrews 11:11).
GENESIS. 18:16-19
After this conversation with Sarah, the heavenly guests rose up and turned their faces towards the plain of Sodom ( µynip; `l[æ , as in Genesis 19:28; Numbers 21:20; 23:28). Abraham accompanied them some distance on the road; according to tradition, he went as far as the site of the later Caphar barucha, from which you can see the Dead Sea through a ravinesolitudinem ac terras Sodomae. And Jehovah said, “Shall I hide from Abraham what I propose to do? Abraham is destined to be a great nation and a blessing to all nations (Genesis 12:2-3); for I have known, i.e., acknowledged him (chosen him in anticipative love, [dæy; as in Amos 3:2; Hosea 13:4), that he may command his whole posterity to keep the way of Jehovah, to practise justice and righteousness, that all the promises may be fulfilled in them.” God then disclosed to Abraham what he was about to do to Sodom and Gomorrah, not, as Kurtz supposes, because Abraham had been constituted the hereditary possessor of the land, and Jehovah, being mindful of His covenant, would not do anything to it without his knowledge and assent (a thought quite foreign to the context), but because Jehovah had chosen him to be the father of the people of God, in order that, by instructing his descendants in the fear of God, he might lead them in the paths of righteousness, so that they might become partakers of the promised salvation, and not be overtaken by judgment. The destruction of Sodom and the surrounding cities was to be a permanent memorial of the punitive righteousness of God, and to keep the fate of the ungodly constantly before the mind of Israel. To this end Jehovah explained to Abraham the cause of their destruction in the clearest manner possible, that he might not only be convinced of the justice of the divine government, but might learn that when the measure of iniquity was full, no intercession could avert the judgment-a lesson and a warning to his descendants also.
GENESIS. 18:20
“The cry of Sodom and Gomorrah, yea it is great; and their sin, yea it is very grievous.” The cry is the appeal for vengeance or punishment, which ascends to heaven (Genesis 4:10). The yKi serves to give emphasis to the assertion, and is placed in the middle of the sentence to give the greater prominence to the leading thought (cf. Ewald, §330).
GENESIS. 18:21-33
God was about to go down, and convince Himself whether they had done entirely according to the cry which had reached Him, or not. hl;K; `hc;[; , lit., to make completeness, here referring to the extremity of iniquity, generally to the extremity of punishment (Nah 1:8-9; Jeremiah 4:27; 5:10): hl;K; is a noun, as Isaiah 10:23 shows, not an adverb, as in Exodus 11:1. After this explanation, the men (according to Genesis 19:1, the two angels) turned from thence to go to Sodom (v. 22); but Abraham continued standing before Jehovah, who had been talking with him, and approached Him with earnestness and boldness of faith to intercede for Sodom. He was urged to this, not by any special interest in Lot, for in that case he would have prayed for his deliverance; nor by the circumstance that, as he had just before felt himself called upon to become the protector, avenger, and deliverer of the land from its foes, so he now thought himself called upon to act as mediator, and to appeal from Jehovah’s judicial wrath to Jehovah’s covenant grace (Kurtz), for he had not delivered the land from the foe, but merely rescued his nephew Lot and all the booty that remained after the enemy had withdrawn; nor did he appeal to the covenant grace of Jehovah, but to His justice alone; and on the principle that the Judge of all the earth could not possibly destroy the righteous with the wicked, he founded his entreaty that God would forgive the city if there were but fifty righteous in it, or even if there were only ten.
He was led to intercede in this way, not by “communis erga quinque populos misericordia” (Calvin), but by the love which springs from the consciousness that one’s own preservation and rescue are due to compassionate grace alone; love, too, which cannot conceive of the guilt of others as too great for salvation to be possible. This sympathetic love, springing from the faith which was counted for righteousness, impelled him to the intercession which Luther thus describes: “sexies petiit, et cum tanto ardore ac affectu sic urgente, ut prae nimia angustia, qua cupit consultum miseris civitatibus, videatur quasi stulte loqui.” There may be apparent folly in the words, “Wilt Thou also destroy the righteous with the wicked?” but they were only “violenta oratio et impetuosa, quasi cogens Deum ad ignoscendum.” For Abraham added, “peradventure there be fifty righteous within the city; wilt Thou also destroy and not forgive ( ac;n; , to take away and bear the guilt, i.e., forgive) the place for the fifty righteous that are therein?” and described the slaying of the righteous with the wicked as irreconcilable with the justice of God. He knew that he was speaking to the Judge of all the earth, and that before Him he was “but dust and ashes” — “dust in his origin, and ashes in the end;” and yet he made bold to appeal still further, and even as low as ten righteous, to pray that for their sake He would spare the µ[æpæ Ëaæ (v. 32) signifies “only this (one) time more,” as in Exodus 10:17. This “seemingly commercial kind of entreaty is,” as Delitzsch observes, “the essence of true prayer. It is the holy anai>deia , of which our Lord speaks in Luke 11:8, the shamelessness of faith, which bridges over the infinite distance of the creature from the Creator, appeals with importunity to the heart of God, and ceases not till its point is gained. This would indeed be neither permissible nor possible, had not God, by virtue of the mysterious interlacing of necessity and freedom in His nature and operations, granted a power to the prayer of faith, to which He consents to yield; had He not, by virtue of His absoluteness, which is anything but blind necessity, placed Himself in such a relation to men, that He not merely works upon them by means of His grace, but allows them to work upon Him by means of their faith; had He not interwoven the life of the free creature into His own absolute life, and accorded to a created personality the right to assert itself in faith, in distinction from His own.” With the promise, that even for the sake of ten righteous He would not destroy the city, Jehovah “went His way,” that is to say, vanished; and Abraham returned to his place, viz., to the grove of Mamre. The judgment which fell upon the wicked cities immediately afterwards, proves that there were not ten “righteous persons” in Sodom; by which we understand, not merely ten sinless or holy men, but ten who through the fear of God and conscientiousness had kept themselves free from the prevailing sin and iniquity of these cities.
INIQUITY AND DESTRUCTION OF SODOM.
ESCAPE OF LOT, AND HIS SUBSEQUENT HISTORY.
GENESIS. 19:1-5
The messengers (angels) sent by Jehovah to Sodom, arrived there in the evening, when Lot, who was sitting at the gate, pressed them to pass the night in his house. The gate, generally an arched entrance with deep recesses and seats on either side, was a place of meeting in the ancient towns of the East, where the inhabitants assembled either for social intercourse or to transact public business (vid., Genesis 34:20; Deuteronomy 21:19; 22:15, etc.). The two travellers, however (for such Lot supposed them to be, and only recognised them as angels when they had smitten the Sodomites miraculously with blindness), said that they would spend the night in the bjor] the broad open space within the gate-as they had been sent to inquire into the state of the town. But they yielded to Lot’s entreaty to enter his house; for the deliverance of Lot, after having ascertained his state of mind, formed part of their commission, and entering into his house might only serve to manifest the sin of Sodom in all its heinousness. While Lot was entertaining his guests with the greatest hospitality, the people of Sodom gathered round his house, “both old and young, all people from every quarter” (of the town, as in Jeremiah 51:31), and demanded, with the basest violation of the sacred rite of hospitality and the most shameless proclamation of their sin (Isaiah 3:9), that the strangers should be brought out, that they might know them. [dæy; is applied, as in Judges 19:22, to the carnal sin of paederastia, a crime very prevalent among the Canaanites (Leviticus 18:22ff., 20:23), and according to Romans 1:27, a curse of heathenism generally.
GENESIS. 19:6-11
Lot went out to them, shut the door behind him to protect his guests, and offered to give his virgin daughters up to them. “Only to these men ( lae , an archaism for hL,ae , occurs also in v. 25; Genesis 26:3-4; Leviticus 18:27, and Deuteronomy 4:42; 7:22; 19:11; and lae for hL,ae in 1 Chronicles 20:8) do nothing, for therefore (viz., to be protected from injury) have they come under the shadow of my roof.” In his anxiety, Lot was willing to sacrifice to the sanctity of hospitality his duty as a father, which ought to have been still more sacred, “and committed the sin of seeking to avert sin by sin.” Even if he expected that his daughters would suffer no harm, as they were betrothed to Sodomites (v. 14), the offer was a grievous violation of his paternal duty. But this offer only heightened the brutality of the mob. “Stand back” (make way, Isaiah 49:20), they said; “the man, who came as a foreigner, is always wanting to play the judge” (probably because Lot had frequently reproved them for their licentious conduct, Peter 2:7,8): “not will we deal worse with thee than with them.” With these words they pressed upon him, and approached the door to break it in. The men inside, that is to say, the angels, then pulled Lot into the house, shut the door, and by miraculous power smote the people without with blindness ( rwen]sæ here and 2 Kings 6:18 for mental blindness, in which the eye sees, but does not see the right object), as a punishment for their utter moral blindness, and an omen of the coming judgment.
GENESIS. 19:12-14
The sin of Sodom had now become manifest. The men, Lot’s guests, made themselves known to him as the messengers of judgment sent by Jehovah, and ordered him to remove any one that belonged to him out of the city. “Son-in-law (the singular without the article, because it is only assumed as a possible circumstance that he may have sons-in-law), and thy sons, and thy daughters, and all that belongs to thee” (sc., of persons, not of things).
Sons Lot does not appear to have had, as we read nothing more about them, but only “sons-in-law ( tBæ jqæl; ) who were about to take his daughters,” as Josephus, the Vulgate, Ewald, and many others correctly render it. The LXX, Targums, Knobel, and Delitzsch adopt the rendering “who had taken his daughters,” in proof of which the last two adduce ax;m; in v. 15 as decisive. But without reason; for this refers not to the daughters who were still in the father’s house, as distinguished form those who were married, but to his wife and two daughters who were to be found with him in the house, in distinction from the bridegrooms, who also belonged to him, but were not yet living with him, and who had received his summons in scorn, because in their carnal security they did not believe in any judgment of God (Luke 17:28-29). If Lot had had married daughters, he would undoubtedly have called upon them to escape along with their husbands, his sons-in-law.
GENESIS. 19:15-16
As soon as it was dawn, the angels urged Lot to hasten away with his family; and when he still delayed, his heart evidently clinging to the earthly home and possessions which he was obliged to leave, they laid hold of him, with his wife and his two daughters, `l[æ hwO;hy] hl;m]j, , “by virtue of the sparing mercy of Jehovah (which operated) upon him,” and led him out of the city.
GENESIS. 19:17-22
When they left him here ( jnæy; , to let loose, and leave, to leave to one’s self), the Lord commanded him, for the sake of his life, not to look behind him, and not to stand still in all the plain ( rK;Ki , Genesis 13:10), but to flee to the mountains (afterwards called the mountains of Moab). In v. 17 we are struck by the change from the plural to the singular: “when they brought them forth, he said.” To think of one of the two angels-the one, for example, who led the conversation-seems out of place, not only because Lot addressed him by the name of God, “Adonai” (v. 18), but also because the speaker attributed to himself the judgment upon the cities (vv. 21, 22), which is described in v. 24 as executed by Jehovah. Yet there is nothing to indicate that Jehovah suddenly joined the angels. The only supposition that remains, therefore, is that Lot recognised in the two angels a manifestation of God, and so addressed them (v. 18) as Adonai (my Lord), and that the angel who spoke addressed him as the messenger of Jehovah in the name of God, without its following from this, that Jehovah was present in the two angels.
Lot, instead of cheerfully obeying the commandment of the Lord, appealed to the great mercy shown to him in the preservation of his life, and to the impossibility of his escaping to the mountains, without the evil overtaking him, and entreated therefore that he might be allowed to take refuge in the small and neighbouring city, i.e., in Bela, which received the name of Zoar (Genesis 14:2) on account of Lot’s calling it little. Zoar, the Deegoo’r of the LXX, and Segor of the crusaders, is hardly to be sought for on the peninsula which projects a long way into the southern half of the Dead Sea, in the Ghor of el Mezraa, as Irby and Robinson (Pal. iii. p. 481) suppose; it is much more probably to be found on the south-eastern point of the Dead Sea, in the Ghor of el Szaphia, at the opening of the Wady el Ahsa (vid., v.
Raumer, Pal. p. 273, Anm. 14).
GENESIS. 19:23-25
“When the sun had risen and Lot had come towards Zoar (i.e., was on the way thither, but had not yet arrived), Jehovah caused it to rain brimstone and fire from Jehovah out of heaven, and overthrew those cities, and the whole plain, and all the inhabitants of the cities, and the produce of the earth.” In the words “Jehovah caused it to rain from Jehovah” there is no distinction implied between the hidden and the manifested God, between the Jehovah present upon earth in His angels who called down the judgment, and the Jehovah enthroned in heaven who sent it down; but the expression “from Jehovah” is emphatica repetitio, quod non usitato naturae ordine tunc Deus pluerit, sed tanquam exerta manu palam fulminaverit praeter solitum morem: ut satis constaret nullis causis naturalibus conflatam fuisse pluviam illam ex igne et sulphure (Calvin). The rain of fire and brimstone was not a mere storm with lightning, which set on fire the soil already overcharged with naphtha and sulphur. The two passages, Psalm 11:6 and Ezekiel 38:22, cannot be adduced as proofs that lightning is ever called fire and brimstone in the Scriptures, for in both passages there is an allusion to the event recorded here. The words are to be understood quite literally, as meaning that brimstone and fire, i.e., burning brimstone, fell from the sky, even though the examples of burning bituminous matter falling upon the earth which are given in Oedmann’s vermischte Sammlungen (iii. 120) may be called in question by historical criticism. By this rain of fire and brimstone not only were the cities and their inhabitants consumed, but even the soil, which abounded in asphalt, was set on fire, so that the entire valley was burned out and sank, or was overthrown ( Ëpæh; ) i.e., utterly destroyed, and the Dead Sea took its place. f40 In addition to Sodom, which was probably the chief city of the valley of Siddim, Gomorrah and the whole valley (i.e., the valley of Siddim, Genesis 14:3) are mentioned; and along with these the cities of Admah and Zeboim, which were situated in the valley (Deuteronomy 29:23, cf. Hosea 11:8), also perished, Zoar alone, which is at the south-eastern end of the valley, being spared for Lot’s sake. Even to the present day the Dead Sea, with the sulphureous vapour which hangs about it, the great blocks of saltpetre and sulphur which lie on every hand, and the utter absence of the slightest trace of animal and vegetable life in its waters, are a striking testimony to this catastrophe, which is held up in both the Old and New Testaments as a fearfully solemn judgment of God for the warning of self-secure and presumptuous sinners.
GENESIS. 19:26-28
On the way, Lot’s wife, notwithstanding the divine command, looked “behind him away,” — i.e., went behind her husband and looked backwards, probably from a longing for the house and the earthly possessions she had left with reluctance (cf. Luke 17:31-32)-and “became a pillar of salt.” We are not to suppose that she was actually turned into one, but having been killed by the fiery and sulphureous vapour with which the air was filled, and afterwards encrusted with salt, she resembled an actual statue of salt; just as even now, from the saline exhalation of the Dead Sea, objects near it are quickly covered with a crust of salt, so that the fact, to which Christ refers in Luke 17:32, may be understood without supposing a miracle. f41 In v. 27, 28, the account closes with a remark which points back to Genesis 18:17ff., viz., that Abraham went in the morning to the place where he had stood the day before, interceding with the Lord for Sodom, and saw how the judgment had fallen upon the entire plain, since the smoke of the country went up like the smoke of a furnace. Yet his intercession had not been in vain.
GENESIS. 19:29-38
For on the destruction of these cities, God had thought of Abraham, and rescued Lot. This rescue is attributed to Elohim, as being the work of the Judge of the whole earth (Genesis 18:25), and not to Jehovah the covenant God, because Lot was severed from His guidance and care on his separation from Abraham. The fact, however, is repeated here, for the purpose of connecting with it an event in the life of Lot of great significance to the future history of Abraham’s seed.
Verse 30-35. From Zoar Lot removed with his two daughters to the (Moabitish) mountains, for fear that Zoar might after all be destroyed, and dwelt in one of the caves hr;[;m] with the generic article), in which the limestone rocks abound (vid., Lynch), and so became a dweller in a cave.
While there, his daughters resolved to procure children through their father; and to that end on two successive evenings they made him intoxicated with wine, and then lay with him in the might, one after the other, that they might conceive seed. To this accursed crime they were impelled by the desire to preserve their family, because they thought there was no man on the earth to come in unto them, i.e., to marry them, “after the manner of all the earth.” Not that they imagined the whole human race to have perished in the destruction of the valley of Siddim, but because they were afraid that no man would link himself with them, the only survivors of a country smitten by the curse of God. If it was not lust, therefore, which impelled them to this shameful deed, their conduct was worthy of Sodom, and shows quite as much as their previous betrothal to men of Sodom, that they were deeply imbued with the sinful character of that city. The words of vv. 33 and 35, “And he knew not of her lying down and of her rising up,” do not affirm that he was in an unconscious state, as the Rabbins are said by Jerome to have indicated by the point over µWq : “quasi incredibile et quod natura rerum non capiat, coire quempiam nescientem.” They merely mean, that in his intoxicated state, though not entirely unconscious, yet he lay with his daughters without clearly knowing what he was doing.
Verse 36-38. But Lot’s daughters had so little feeling of shame in connection with their conduct, that they gave names to the sons they bore, which have immortalized their paternity. Moab, another form of mee’aab “from the father,” as is indicated in the clause appended in the LXX: le>gousa ek tou> patro>v mou , and also rendered probable by the reiteration of the words “of our father” and “by their father” (vv. 32, 34, and 36), as well as by the analogy of the name Ben-Ammi = Ammon, Amma’n le’gousa Uhio’s ge’nous mou (LXX). For `ˆwOM[æ , the sprout of the nation, bears the same relation to `µ[æ , as ˆwOmg]aæ , the rush or sprout of the marsh, to µgæa Delitzsch). — This account was neither the invention of national hatred to the Moabites and Ammonites, nor was it placed here as a brand upon those tribes. These discoveries of a criticism imbued with hostility to the Bible are overthrown by the fact, that, according to Deuteronomy 2:9,19, Israel was ordered not to touch the territory of either of these tribes because of their descent from Lot; and it was their unbrotherly conduct towards Israel alone which first prevented their reception into the congregation of the Lord, Deuteronomy 23:4-5. — Lot is never mentioned again. Separated both outwardly and inwardly from Abraham, he was of no further importance in relation to the history of salvation, so that even his death is not referred to. His descendants, however, frequently came into contact with the Israelites; and the history of their descent is given here to facilitate a correct appreciation of their conduct towards Israel.
ABRAHAM’S SOJOURN AT GERAR.
GENESIS. 20:1-3
After the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, Abraham removed from the grove of Mamre at Hebron to the south country, hardly from the same fear as that which led Lot from Zoar, but probably to seek for better pasture. Here he dwelt between Kadesh (Genesis 14:7) and Shur (16:7), and remained for some time in Gerar, a place the name of which has been preserved in the deep and broad Wady Jurf el Gerâr (i.e., torrent of Gerar) about eight miles S.S.E. of Gaza, near to which Rowland discovered the ruins of an ancient town bearing the name of Khirbet el Gerâr. Here Abimelech, the Philistine king of Gerar, like Pharaoh in Egypt, took Sarah, whom Abraham had again announced to be his sister, into his harem-not indeed because he was charmed with the beauty of the woman of 90, which was either renovated, or had not yet faded (Kurtz), but in all probability “to ally himself with Abraham, the rich nomad prince” (Delitzsch). From this danger, into which the untruthful statement of both her husband and herself had brought her, she was once more rescued by the faithfulness of the covenant God. In a dream by night God appeared to Abimelech, and threatened him with death ( tWm hNehi en te moriturum) on account of the woman, whom he had taken, because she was married to a husband.
GENESIS. 20:4-7
Abimelech, who had not yet come near her, because God had hindered him by illness (vv. 6 and 17), excused himself on the ground that he had done no wrong, since he had supposed Sarah to be Abraham’s sister, according to both her husband’s statement and her own. This plea was admitted by God, who told him that He had kept him from sinning through touching Sarah, and commanded him to restore the woman immediately to her husband, who was a prophet, that he might pray for him and save his life, and threatened him with certain death to himself and all belonging to him in case he should refuse. That Abimelech, when taking the supposed sister of Abraham into his harem, should have thought that he was acting “in innocence of heart and purity of hands,” i.e., in perfect innocence, is to be fully accounted for, from his undeveloped moral and religious standpoint, by considering the customs of that day.
But that God should have admitted that he had acted “in innocence of heart,” and yet should have proceeded at once to tell him that he could only remain alive through the intercession of Abraham, that is to say, through his obtaining forgiveness of a sin that was deserving of death, is a proof that God treated him as capable of deeper moral discernment and piety. The history itself indicates this in the very characteristic variation in the names of God. First of all (v. 3), Elohim (without the article, i.e., Deity generally) appears to him in a dream; but Abimelech recognises the Lord, Adonai, i.e., God (v. 4); whereupon the historian represents µyhlah (Elohim with the article), the personal and true God, as speaking to him.
The address of God, too, also shows his susceptibility of divine truth.
Without further pointing out to him the wrong which he had done in simplicity of heart, in taking the sister of the stranger who had come into his land, for the purpose of increasing his own harem, since he must have been conscious of this himself, God described Abraham as a prophet, whose intercession alone could remove his guilt, to show him the way of salvation. A prophet: lit., the God-addressed or inspired, since the “inward speaking” (Ein-sprache) or inspiration of God constitutes the essence of prophecy. Abraham was profh>thv as the recipient of divine revelation, and was thereby placed in so confidential a relation to God, that he could intercede for sinners, and atone for sins of infirmity through his intercession.
GENESIS. 20:8-9
Abimelech carried out the divine instructions. The next morning he collected his servants together and related what had occurred, at which the men were greatly alarmed. He then sent for Abraham, and complained most bitterly of his conduct, by which he had brought a great sin upon him and his kingdom.
GENESIS. 20:10-13
“What sawest thou,” i.e., what hadst thou in thine eye, with thine act (thy false statement)? Abimelech did this publicly in the presence of his servants, partly for his own justification in the sight of his dependents, and partly to put Abraham to shame. The latter had but two weak excuses: (1) that he supposed there was no fear of God at all in the land, and trembled for his life because of his wife; and (2) that when he left his father’s house, he had arranged with his wife that in every foreign place she was to call herself his sister, as she really was his half-sister. On the subject of his emigration, he expressed himself indefinitely and with reserve, accommodating himself to the polytheistic standpoint of the Philistine king: “when God (or the gods, Elohim) caused me to wander,” i.e., led me to commence an unsettled life in a foreign land; and saying nothing about Jehovah, and the object of his wandering as revealed by Him.
GENESIS. 20:14-16
Abimelech then gave him back his wife with a liberal present of cattle and slaves, and gave him leave to dwell wherever he pleased in his land. To Sarah he said, “Behold, I have given a thousand shekele of silver to thy brother; behold, it is to thee a covering of the eyes (i.e., an expiatory gift) with regard to all that are with thee (“because in a mistress the whole family is disgraced,” Del.), and with all-so art thou justified.” The thousand shekels (about £131) were not a special present made to Sarah, but indicate the value of the present made to Abraham, the amount of which may be estimated by this standard, that at a later date (Exodus 21:32) a slave was reckoned at 30 shekels. By the “covering of the eyes” we are not to understand a veil, which Sarah was to procure for 1000 shekels; but it is a figurative expression for an atoning gift, and is to be explained by the analogy of the phrase p ynep] rp,Ki “to cover any one’s face,” so that he may forget a wrong done (cf. Genesis 32:21; and Job 9:24, “he covereth the faces of the judges,” i.e., he bribes them). tjækæwOnw] can only be the pers. fem. sing. perf. Niphal, although the Dagesh lene is wanting in the t; for the rules of syntax will hardly allow us to regard this form as a participle, unless we imagine the extremely harsh ellipsis of tjækæwOn for T]aæ tjækæwOn . The literal meaning is “so thou art judged,” i.e., justice has been done thee.
GENESIS. 20:17-18
After this reparation, God healed Abimelech at Abraham’s intercession; also his wife and maids, so that they could bear again, for Jehovah had closed up every womb in Abimelech’s house on Sarah’s account. ‘mhwt, maids whom the king kept as concubines, are to be distinguished from hj;p]vi female slaves (v. 14). That there was a material difference between them, is proved by 1 Samuel 25:41. rxæ[; µj,r,AlK; does not mean, as is frequently supposed, to prevent actual childbirth, but to prevent conception, i.e., to produce barrenness (1 Samuel 1:5-6). This is evident from the expression “He hath restrained me from bearing” in Genesis 16:2 (cf. Isaiah 66:9, and 1 Samuel 21:6), and from the opposite phrase, “open the womb,” so as to facilitate conception (Genesis 29:31, and 30:22). The plague brought upon Abimelech’s house, therefore, consisted of some disease which rendered the begetting of children (the coitus) impossible.
This might have occurred as soon as Sarah was taken into the royal harem, and therefore need not presuppose any lengthened stay there. There is no necessity, therefore, to restrict dlæy; to the women and regard it as equivalent to dlæy; , which would be grammatically inadmissible; for it may refer to Abimelech also, since dlæy; signifies to beget as well as to bear. We may adopt Knobel’s explanation, therefore, though without approving of the inference that v. 18 was an appendix of the Jehovist, and arose from a misunderstanding of the word dlæy; in v. 17. A later addition v. 18 cannot be; for the simple reason, that without the explanation give there, the previous verse would be unintelligible, so that it cannot have been wanting in any of the accounts. The name Jehovah, in contrast with Elohim and Ha- Elohim in v. 17, is obviously significant. The cure of Abimelech and his wives belonged to the Deity (Elohim). Abraham directed his intercession not to Elohim, an indefinite and unknown God, but to µyhlah ; for the God, whose prophet he was, was the personal and true God. It was He too who had brought the disease upon Abimelech and his house, not as Elohim or Ha-Elohim, but as Jehovah, the God of salvation; for His design therein was to prevent the disturbance of frustration of His saving design, and the birth of the promised son from Sarah.
But if the divine names Elohim and Ha-Elohim indicate the true relation of God to Abimelech, and here also it was Jehovah who interposed for Abraham and preserved the mother of the promised seed, our narrative cannot be merely an Elohistic side-piece appended to the Jehovistic account in Genesis 12:14ff., and founded upon a fictitious legend. The thoroughly distinctive character of this event is a decisive proof of the fallacy of any such critical conjecture. Apart from the one point of agreement-the taking of Abraham’s wife into the royal harem, because he said she was his sister in the hope of thereby saving his own life (an event, the repetition of which in the space of 24 years is by no means startling, when we consider the customs of the age)-all the more minute details are entirely different in the two cases. In king Abimelech we meet with a totally different character from that of Pharaoh. We see in him a heathen imbued with a moral consciousness of right, and open to receive divine revelation, of which there is not the slightest trace in the king of Egypt.
And Abraham, in spite of his natural weakness, and the consequent confusion which he manifested in the presence of the pious heathen, was exalted by the compassionate grace of God to the position of His own friend, so that even the heathen king, who seems to have been in the right in this instance, was compelled to bend before him and to seek the removal of the divine punishment, which had fallen upon him and his house, through the medium of his intercession. In this way God proved to the Philistine king, on the one hand, that He suffers no harm to befall His prophets (Psalm 105:15), and to Abraham, on the other, that He can maintain His covenant and secure the realization of His promise against all opposition from the sinful desires of earthly potentates. It was in this respect that the event possessed a typical significance in relation to the future attitude of Israel towards surrounding nations.
BIRTH OF ISAAC. EXPULSION OF ISHMAEL.
ABIMELECH’S TREATY WITH ABRAHAM.
GENESIS. 21:1-7
Birth of Isaac Jehovah did for Sarah what God had promised in Genesis 17:6 (cf. 18:14): she conceived, and at the time appointed bore a son to Abraham, when he was 100 years old. Abraham gave it the name of Jizchak (or Isaac), and circumcised it on the eighth day. The name for the promised son had been selected by God, in connection with Abraham’s laughing (Genesis 17:17 and 19), to indicate the nature of his birth and existence. For as his laughing sprang from the contrast between the idea and the reality; so through a miracle of grace the birth of Isaac gave effect to this contrast between the promise of God and the pledge of its fulfilment on the one hand, and the incapacity of Abraham for begetting children, and of Sarah for bearing them, on the other; and through this name, Isaac was designated as the fruit of omnipotent grace working against and above the forces of nature. Sarah also, who had previously laughed with unbelief at the divine promise (18:12), found a reason in the now accomplished birth of the promised son for laughing with joyous amazement; so that she exclaimed, with evident allusion to his name, “A laughing hath God prepared for me; every one who hears it will laugh to me” (i.e., will rejoice with me, in amazement at the blessing of God which has come upon me even in my old age), and gave a fitting expression to the joy of her heart, in this inspired tristich (v. 7): “Who would have said unto Abraham: Sarah is giving suck; for I have born a son to his old age.” llæm; is the poetic word for rbæd; , and ymi before the perfect has the sense of-whoever has said, which we should express as a subjunctive; cf. 2 Kings 20:9; Psalm 11:3, etc.
GENESIS. 21:8-21
Expulsion of Ishmael.
The weaning of the child, which was celebrated with a feast, furnished the outward occasion for this. Sarah saw Ishmael mocking, making ridicule on the occasion. “Isaac, the object of holy laughter, was made the butt of unholy wit or profane sport. He did not laugh ( qjox] ), but he made fun ( qjæx] ). The little helpless Isaac a father of nations! Unbelief, envy, pride of carnal superiority, were the causes of his conduct. Because he did not understand the sentiment, ‘Is anything too wonderful for the Lord?’ it seemed to him absurd to link so great a thing to one so small” (Hengstenberg). Paul calls this the persecution of him that was after the Spirit by him that was begotten after the flesh (Galatians 4:29), and discerns in this a prediction of the persecution, which the Church of those who are born after the spirit of faith endures from those who are in bondage to the righteousness of the law.
Verse 9-13. Sarah therefore asked that the maid and her son might be sent away, saying, the latter “shall not be heir with Isaac.” The demand, which apparently proceeded from maternal jealousy, displeased Abraham greatly “because of his son,” — partly because in Ishmael he loved his own flesh and blood, and partly on account of the promise received for him (Genesis 17:18 and 20). But God (Elohim, since there is no appearance mentioned, but the divine will was made known to him inwardly) commanded him to comply with Sarah’s demand: “for in Isaac shall seed (posterity) be called to thee.” This expression cannot mean “thy descendants will call themselves after Isaac,” for in that case, at all events, [ræz, would be used; for “in (through) Isaac shall seed be called into existence to thee,” for ar;q; does not mean to call into existence; but, “in the person of Isaac shall there be posterity to thee, which shall pass as such,” for ar;q; includes existence and the recognition of existence. Though the noun is not defined by any article, the seed intended must be that to which all the promises of God referred, and with which God would establish His covenant (Genesis 17:21, cf. Romans 9:7-8; Hebrews 11:18). To make the dismissal of Ishmael easier to the paternal heart, God repeated to Abraham (v. 13) the promise already given him with regard to this son (Genesis 17:20).
Verse 14-16. The next morning Abraham sent Hagar away with Ishmael.
The words, “he took bread and a bottle of water and gave it to Hagar, putting it ( µWc participle, not perfect) upon her shoulder, and the boy, and sent her away,” do not state the Abraham gave her Ishmael also to carry.
For w¦’et-hayeled does not depend upon µWc and ˆtæn; because of the copula w, but upon jqæl; , the leading verb of the sentence, although it is separated from it by the parenthesis “putting it upon her shoulder.” It does not follow from these words, therefore, that Ishmael is represented as a little child. Nor is this implied in the statement which follows, that Hagar, when wandering about in the desert, “cast the boy under one of the shrubs,” because the water in the bottle was gone. For dl,y, like r[ænæ does not mean an infant, but a boy, and also a young man (Genesis 4:23);- Ishmael must have been 15 or 16 years old, as he was 14 before Isaac was born (cf. v. 5, and 16:16);-and Ëlæv; , “to throw,” signifies that she suddenly left hold of the boy, when he fell exhausted from thirst, just as in Matthew 15:30 riJ>ptein is used for laying hastily down. Though despairing of his life, the mother took care that at least he should breathe out his life in the shade, and she sat over against him weeping, “in the distance as archers,” i.e., according to a concise simile very common in Hebrew, as far off as archers are accustomed to place the target. Her maternal love could not bear to see him die, and yet she would not lose sight of him.
Verse 17-19. Then God heard the voice (the weeping and crying) of the boy, and the angel of God called to Hagar from heaven, “What aileth thee, Hagar? Fear not, for God hath heard the voice of the boy, where he is” (b’sr for rv,a µwOqm; , 2 Samuel 15:21), i.e., in his helpless condition: “arise, lift up the lad,” etc. It was Elohim, not Jehovah, who heard the voice of the boy, and appeared as the angel of Elohim, not of Jehovah (as in Genesis 16:7), because, when Ishmael and Hagar had been dismissed from Abraham’s house, they were removed from the superintendence and care of the covenant God to the guidance and providence of God the ruler of all nations. God then opened her eyes, and she saw what she had not seen before, a well of water, from which she filled the bottle and gave her son to drink.
Verse 20-21. Having been miraculously saved from perishing by the angel of God, Ishmael grew up under the protection of God, settled in the wilderness of Paran, and “became as he grew up an archer.” Although preceded by ldæG; , the bbær; is not tautological; and there is no reason for attributing to it the meaning of “archer,” in which sense bbær; alone occurs in the one passage Genesis 49:23. The desert of Paran is the present large desert of et-Tih, which stretches along the southern border of Canaan, from the western fringe of the Arabah, towards the east to the desert of Shur (Jifar), on the frontier of Egypt, and extends southwards to the promontories of the mountains of Horeb (vid., Numbers 10:12). On the northern edge of this desert was Beersheba (proleptically so called in v. 14), to which Abraham had removed from Gerar; so that in all probability Hagar and Ishmael were sent away from his abode there, and wandered about in the surrounding desert, till Hagar was afraid that they should perish with thirst. Lastly, in preparation for Genesis 25:12-18, it is mentioned in v. 21 that Ishmael married a wife out of Egypt.
GENESIS. 21:22-30
Abimelech’s Treaty with Abraham.
Through the divine blessing which visibly attended Abraham, the Philistine king Abimelech was induced to secure for himself and his descendants the friendship of a man so blessed; and for that purpose he went to Beersheba, with his captain Phicol, to conclude a treaty with him. Abraham was perfectly ready to agree to this; but first of all he complained to him about a well which Abimelech’s men had stolen, i.e., had unjustly appropriated to themselves. Abimelech replied that this act of violence had never been made known to him till that day, and as a matter of course commanded the well to be returned. After the settlement of this dispute the treaty was concluded, and Abraham presented the king with sheep and oxen, as a material pledge that he would reciprocate the kindness shown, and live in friendship with the king and his descendants. Out of this present he selected seven lambs and set them by themselves; and when Abimelech inquired what they were, he told him to take them from his hand, that they might be to him (Abraham) for a witness that he had digged the well. It was not to redeem the well, but to secure the well as his property against any fresh claims on the part of the Philistines, that the present was given; and by the acceptance of it, Abraham’s right of possession was practically and solemnly acknowledged.
GENESIS. 21:31-32
From this circumstance, the place where it occurred received the name [bæv, raeB] , i.e., seven-well, “because there they sware both of them.” It does not follow from this note, that the writer interpreted the name “oathwell,” and took [bæv, in the sense of h[;Wbv] . The idea is rather the following: the place received its name from the seven lambs, by which Abraham secured to himself possession of the well, because the treaty was sworn to on the basis of the agreement confirmed by the seven lambs.
There is no mention of sacrifice, however, in connection with the treaty (see Genesis 26:33). [bæv; to swear, lit., to seven one’s self, not because in the oath the divine number 3 is combined with the world-number 4, but because, from the sacredness of the number 7, the real origin and ground of which are to be sought in the number 7 of the work of creation, seven things were generally chosen to give validity to an oath, as was the case, according to Herodotus (3, 8), with the Arabians among others. Beersheba was in the Wady es-Seba, the broad channel of a winter-torrent, 12 hours’ journey to the south of Hebron on the road to Egypt and the Dead Sea, where there are still stones to be found, the relics of an ancient town, and two deep wells with excellent water, called Bir es Seba, i.e., seven-well (not lion-well, as the Bedouins erroneously interpret it): cf. Robinson’s Pal. i. pp. 300ff.
GENESIS. 21:33
Here Abraham planted a tamarisk and called upon the name of the Lord (vid., Genesis 4:26), the everlasting God. Jehovah is called the everlasting God, as the eternally true, with respect to the eternal covenant, which He established with Abraham (Genesis 17:7). The planting of this long-lived tree, with its hard wood, and its long, narrow, thickly clustered, evergreen leaves, was to be a type of the ever-enduring grace of the faithful covenant God. GENESIS 21:34 Abraham sojourned a long time there in the Philistines’ land. There Isaac was probably born, and grew up to be a young man (Genesis 22:6), capable of carrying the wood for a sacrifice; cf. 22:19. The expression “in the land of the Philistines” appears to be at variance with v. 32, where Abimelech and Phicol are said to have returned to the land of the Philistines. But the discrepancy is easily reconciled, on the supposition that at that time the land of the Philistines had no fixed boundary, at all events, towards the desert. Beersheba did not belong to Gerar, the kingdom of Abimelech in the stricter sense; but the Philistines extended their wanderings so far, and claimed the district as their own, as is evident from the fact that Abimelech’s people had taken the well from Abraham. On the other hand, Abraham with his numerous flocks would not confine himself to the Wady es Seba, but must have sought for pasture-ground in the whole surrounding country; and as Abimelech had given him full permission to dwell in his land (20:15), he would still, as heretofore, frequently come as far as Gerar, so that his dwelling at Beersheba (22:19) might be correctly described as sojourning (nomadizing) in the land of the Philistines.
OFFERING UP OF ISAAC UPON MORIAH.
FAMILY OF NAHOR.
GENESIS. 22:1-4
Offering Up of Isaac.
For many years had Abraham waited to be fulfilled. At length the Lord had given him the desired heir of his body by his wife Sarah, and directed him to send away the son of the maid. And now that this son had grown into a young man, the word of God came to Abraham to offer up this very son, who had been given to him as the heir of the promise, for a burnt-offering, upon one of the mountains which should be shown him. This word did not come from his own heart-was not a thought suggested by the sight of the human sacrifices of the Canaanites, that he would offer a similar sacrifice to his God; nor did it originate with the tempter to evil. The word came from Ha-Elohim, the personal, true God, who tried him ( hs;n; ), i.e., demanded the sacrifice of the only, beloved son, as a proof and attestation of his faith. The issue shows, that God did not desire the sacrifice of Isaac by slaying and burning him upon the altar, but his complete surrender, and a willingness to offer him up to God even by death.
Nevertheless the divine command was given in such a form, that Abraham could not understand it in any other way than as requiring an outward burnt-offering, because there was no other way in which Abraham could accomplish the complete surrender of Isaac, than by an actual preparation for really offering the desired sacrifice. This constituted the trial, which necessarily produced a severe internal conflict in his mind. Ratio humana simpliciter concluderet aut mentiri promissionem aut mandatum non esse Dei sed Diaboli; est enim contradictio manifesta. Si enim debet occidi Isaac, irrita est promissio; sin rata est promissio, impossibile est hoc esse Dei mandatum (Luther). But Abraham brought his reason into captivity to the obedience of faith. He did not question the truth of the word of God, which had been addressed to him in a mode that was to his mind perfectly infallible (not in a vision of the night, however, of which there is not a syllable in the text), but he stood firm in his faith, “accounting that god was able to raise him up, even from the dead” Hebrews 11:19).
Without taking counsel with flesh and blood, Abraham started early in the morning (vv. 3, 4), with his son Isaac and two servants, to obey the divine command; and on the third day (for the distance from Beersheba to Jerusalem is about 20 1/2 hours; Rob. Pal. iii. App. 66, 67) he saw in the distance the place mentioned by God, the land of Moriah, i.e., the mountainous country round about Jerusalem. The name hY;riwOm , composed of the Hophal partic. of ha;r; and the divine name yh, an abbreviation of hwO;hy] (lit., “the shown of Jehovah,” equivalent to the manifestation of Jehovah), is no doubt used proleptically in v. 2, and given to the mountain upon which the sacrifice was to be made, with direct reference to this event and the appearance of Jehovah to Abraham there. This is confirmed by v. 14, where the name is connected with the event, and explained in the fuller expression Jehovah-jireh. On the ground of this passage the mountain upon which Solomon built the temple is called hY;riwOm with reference to the appearance of the angel of the Lord to David on that mountain at the threshing-floor of Araunah (2 Samuel 24:16-17), the old name being revived by this appearance. GENESIS 22:5-8 When in sight of the distant mountain, Abraham left the servants behind with the ass, that he might perform the last and hardest part of the journey alone with Isaac, and, as he said to the servants, “worship yonder and then return.” The servants were not to see what would take place there; for they could not understand this “worship,” and the issue even to him, notwithstanding his saying “we will come again to you,” was still involved in the deepest obscurity. This last part of the journey is circumstantially described in vv. 6-8, to show how strong a conflict every step produced in the paternal heart of the patriarch. They go both together, he with the fire and the knife in his hand, and his son with the wood for the sacrifice upon his shoulder. Isaac asks his father, where is the lamb for the burnt-offering; and the father replies, not “Thou wilt be it, my son,” but “God (Elohim without the article-God as the all-pervading supreme power) will provide it;” for he will not and cannot yet communicate the divine command to his son. Non vult filium macerare longa cruce et tentatione (Luther).
GENESIS. 22:9-10
Having arrived at the appointed place, Abraham built an altar, arranged the wood upon it, bound his son and laid him upon the wood of the altar, and then stretched out his hand and took the knife to slay his son.
GENESIS. 22:11-13
In this eventful moment, when Isaac lay bound like a lamb upon the altar, about to receive the fatal stroke, the angel of the Lord called down from heaven to Abraham to stop, and do his son no harm. For the Lord now knew that Abraham was µyhila’ arey; God-fearing, and that his obedience of faith did extend even to the sacrifice of his own beloved son. The sacrifice was already accomplished in his heart, and he had fully satisfied the requirements of God. He was not to slay his son: therefore God prevented the outward fulfilment of the sacrifice by an immediate interposition, and showed him a ram, which he saw, probably being led to look round through a rustling behind him, with its horns fast in a thicket ( rjæaæ adv. behind, in the background); and as an offering provided by God Himself, he sacrificed it instead of his son. GENESIS 22:14 From this interposition of God, Abraham called the place Jehovah-jireh, “Jehovah sees,” i.e., according to v. 8, provides, providet; so that ( rv,a , as in Genesis 13:16, is equivalent to ˆKe `l[æ , 10:9) men are still accustomed to say, “On the mountain where Jehovah appears” ( ha;r; ), from which the name Moriah arose. The rendering “on the mount of Jehovah it is provided” is not allowable, for the Niphal of the verb does not mean provideri, but “appear.” Moreover, in this case the medium of God’s seeing or interposition was His appearing.
GENESIS. 22:15-19
After Abraham had offered the ram, the angel of the Lord called to him a second time from heaven, and with a solemn oath renewed the former promises, as a reward for this proof of his obedience of faith (cf. Genesis 12:2-3). To confirm their unchangeableness, Jehovah swore by Himself (cf.
Hebrews 6:13ff.), a thing which never occurs again in His intercourse with the patriarchs; so that subsequently not only do we find repeated references to this oath (Genesis 24:7; 26:3; 50:24; Exodus 13:5,11; 33:1, etc.), but, as Luther observes, all that is said in Psalm 89:36; 132:11; 110:4 respecting the oath given to David, is founded upon this. Sicut enim promissio seminis Abrahae derivata est in semen Davidis, ita Scriptura S. jusjurandum Abrahae datum in personam Davidis transfert. For in the promise upon which these psalms are based nothing is said about an oath (cf. 2 Samuel 7; 1 Chronicles 17:1). The declaration on oath is still further confirmed by the addition of hwO;hy] µaun] “edict (Ausspruch) of Jehovah,” which, frequently as it occurs in the prophets, is met with in the Pentateuch only in Numbers 14:28, and (without Jehovah) in the oracles of Balaam, Numbers 24:3,15- 16. As the promise was intensified in form, so was it also in substance. To express the innumerable multiplication of the seed in the strongest possible way, a comparison with the sand of the sea-shore is added to the previous simile of the stars. And this seed is also promised the possession of the gate of its enemies, i.e., the conquest of the enemy and the capture of his cities (cf. Genesis 24:60).
This glorious result of the test so victoriously stood by Abraham, not only sustains the historical character of the event itself, but shows in the clearest manner that the trial was necessary to the patriarch’s life of faith, and of fundamental importance to his position in relation to the history of salvation. The question, whether the true God could demand a human sacrifice, was settled by the fact that God Himself prevented the completion of the sacrifice; and the difficulty, that at any rate God contradicted Himself, if He first of all demanded a sacrifice and then prevented it from being offered, is met by the significant interchange of the names of God, since God, who commanded Abraham to offer up Isaac, is called Ha-Elohim, whilst the actual completion of the sacrifice is prevented by “the angel of Jehovah,” who is identical with Jehovah Himself. The sacrifice of the heir, who had been both promised and bestowed, was demanded neither by Jehovah, the God of salvation or covenant God, who had given Abraham this only son as the heir of the promise, nor by Elohim, God as creator, who has the power to give life and take it away, but by He- Elohim, the true God, whom Abraham had acknowledged and adored as his personal God, and with whom he had entered into a personal relation.
Coming from the true God whom Abraham served, the demand could have no other object than to purify and sanctify the feelings of the patriarch’s heart towards his son and towards his God, in accordance with the great purpose of his call. It was designed to purify his love to the son of his body from all the dross of carnal self-love and natural selfishness which might still adhere to it, and so to transform it into love to God, from whom he had received him, that he should no longer love the beloved son as his flesh and blood, but simply and solely as a gift of grace, as belonging to his Goda trust committed to him, which he should be ready at any moment to give back to God. As he had left his country, kindred, and father’s house at the call of God (Genesis 12:1), so was he in his walk with God cheerfully to offer up even his only son, the object of all his longing, the hope of his life, the joy of his old age.
And still more than this, not only did he possess and love in Isaac the heir of his possessions (Genesis 15:2), but it was upon him that all the promises of God rested: in Isaac should his seed be called (21:12). By the demand that he should sacrifice to God this only son of his wife Sarah, in whom his seed was to grow into a multitude of nations (17:4,6,16), the divine promise itself seemed to be cancelled, and the fulfilment not only of the desires of his heart, but also of the repeated promises of his God, to be frustrated. And by this demand his faith was to be perfected into unconditional trust in God, into the firm assurance that God could even raise him up from the dead. — But this trial was not only one of significance to Abraham, by perfecting him, through the conquest of flesh and blood, to be the father of the faithful, the progenitor of the Church of God; Isaac also was to be prepared and sanctified by it for his vocation in connection with the history of salvation.
In permitting himself to be bound and laid upon the altar without resistance, he gave up his natural life to death, to rise to a new life through the grace of God. On the altar he was sanctified to God, dedicated as the first beginning of the holy Church of God, and thus “the dedication of the first-born, which was afterwards enjoined in the law, was perfectly fulfilled in him.” If therefore the divine command exhibits in the most impressive way the earnestness of the demand of God upon His people to sacrifice all to Him, not excepting the dearest of their possessions (cf. Matthew 10:37, and Luke 14:26); the issue of the trial teaches that the true God does not demand a literal human sacrifice from His worshippers, but the spiritual sacrifice of an unconditional denial of the natural life, even to submission to death itself. By the sacrifice of a ram as a burnt-offering in the place of his son, under divine direction, not only was animal sacrifice substituted for human, and sanctioned as an acceptable symbol of spiritual self-sacrifice, but the offering of human sacrifices by the heathen was condemned and rejected as an ungodly eqeloqrhskei>a .
And this was done by Jehovah, the God of salvation, who prevented the outward completion of the sacrifice. By this the event acquires prophetic importance for the Church of the Lord, to which the place of sacrifice points with peculiar clearness, viz., Mount Moriah, upon which under the legal economy all the typical sacrifices were offered to Jehovah; upon which also, in the fulness of time, God the Father gave up His onlybegotten Son as an atoning sacrifice for the sins of the whole world, that by this one true sacrifice the shadows of the typical sacrifices might be rendered both real and true. If therefore the appointment of Moriah as the scene of the sacrifice of Isaac, and the offering of a ram in his stead, were primarily only typical in relation to the significance and intent of the Old Testament institution of sacrifice; this type already pointed to the antitype to appear in the future, when the eternal love of the heavenly Father would perform what it had demanded of Abraham; that is to say, when God would not spare His only Son, but give Him up to the real death, which Isaac suffered only in spirit, that we also might die with Christ spiritually, and rise with Him to everlasting life (Romans 8:32; 6:5, etc.). GENESIS 22:20-24 Descendants of Nahor.
With the sacrifice of Isaac the test of Abraham’s faith was now complete, and the purpose of his divine calling answered: the history of his life, therefore, now hastens to its termination. But first of all there is introduced quite appropriately an account of the family of his brother Nahor, which is so far in place immediately after the story of the sacrifice of Isaac, that it prepares the way for the history of the marriage of the heir of the promise.
The connection is pointed out in v. 20, as compared with Genesis 11:29, in the expression, “she also.” Nahor, like Ishmael and Jacob, had twelve sons, eight by his wife Milcah and four by his concubine; whereas Jacob had his by two wives and two maids, and Ishmael apparently all by one wife. This difference with regard to the mothers proves that the agreement as to the number twelve rests upon a good historical tradition, and is no product of a later myth, which traced to Nahor the same number of tribes as to Ishmael and Jacob. For it is a perfectly groundless assertion or assumption, that Nahor’s twelve sons were the fathers of as many tribes.
There are only a few names, of which it is probable that their bearers were the founders of tribes of the same name. On Uz, see Genesis 10:23. Buz is mentioned in Jeremiah 25:23 along with Dedan and Tema as an Arabian tribe; and Elihu was a Buzite of the family of Ram (Job 32:2). Kemuel, the father of Aram, was not the founder of the Aramaeans, but the forefather of the family of Ram, to which the Buzite Elihu belonged-Aram being written for Ram, like Arammim in 2 Kings 8:29 for Rammim in Chronicles 22:5. Chesed again was not the father of the Chasdim (Chaldeans), for they were older than Chesed; at the most he was only the founder of one branch of the Chasdim, possibly those who stole Job’s camels (Knobel; vid., Job 1:17). Of the remaining names, Bethuel was not the founder of a tribe, but the father of Laban and Rebekah (Genesis 25:20). The others are never met with again, with the exception of Maachach, from whom probably the Maachites (Deuteronomy 3:14; Joshua 12:5) in the land of Maacah, a small Arabian kingdom in the time of David (2 Samuel 10:6,8; 1 Chronicles 19:6), derived their origin and name; though Maachah frequently occurs as the name of a person (1 Kings 2:39; 1 Chronicles 11:43; 27:16). DEATH OF SARAH; AND PURCHASE OF THE CAVE AT MACHPELAH.
GENESIS. 23:1-2
Sarah is the only woman whose age is mentioned in the Scriptures, because as the mother of the promised seed she became the mother of all believers (1 Peter 3:6). She died at the age of 127, thirty-seven years after the birth of Isaac, at Hebron, or rather in the grove of Mamre near that city (Genesis 13:18), whither Abraham had once more returned after a lengthened stay at Beersheba (22:19). The name Kirjath Arba, i.e., the city of Arba, which Hebron bears here and also in Genesis 35:27, and other passages, and which it still bore at the time of the conquest of Canaan by the Israelites (Joshua 14:15), was not the original name of the city, but was first given to it by Arba the Anakite and his family, who had not yet arrived there in the time of the patriarchs. It was probably given by them when they took possession of the city, and remained until the Israelites captured it and restored the original name. The place still exists, as a small town on the road from Jerusalem to Beersheba, in a valley surrounded by several mountains, and is called by the Arabs, with allusion to Abraham’s stay there, el Khalil, i.e., the friend (of God), which is the title given to Abraham by the Mohammedans. The clause “in the land of Canaan” denotes, that not only did Sarah die in the land of promise, but Abraham as a foreigner acquired a burial-place by purchase there. “And Abraham came” (not from Beersheba, but from the field where he may have been with the flocks), “to mourn for Sarah and to weep for her,” i.e., to arrange for the customary mourning ceremony.
GENESIS. 23:3-16
He then went to the Hittites, the lords and possessors of the city and its vicinity at that time, to procure from them “a possession of a buryingplace.”
The negotiations were carried on in the most formal style, in a public assembly “of the people of the land,” i.e., of natives (v. 7), in the gate of the city (v. 10). As a foreigner and sojourner, Abraham presented his request in the most courteous manner to all the citizens (“all that went in at the gate,” vv. 10, 18; a phrase interchangeable with “all that went out at the gate,” Genesis 34:24, and those who “go out and in,” Jeremiah 17:19). The citizens with the greatest readiness and respect offered “the prince of God,” i.e., the man exalted by God to the rank of a prince, “the choice” ( rj;b]mi , i.e., the most select) of their graves for his use (v. 6). But Abraham asked them to request Ephron, who, to judge from the expression “his city” in v. 10, was then ruler of the city, to give him for a possession the cave of Machpelah, at the end of his field, of which he was the owner, “for full silver,” i.e., for its full worth.
Ephron thereupon offered to make him a present of both field and cave.
This was a turn in the affair which is still customary in the East; the design, so far as it is seriously meant at all, being either to obtain a present in return which will abundantly compensate for the value of the gift, or, what is still more frequently the case, to preclude any abatement in the price to be asked. The same design is evident in the peculiar form in which Ephron stated the price, in reply to Abraham’s repeated declaration that he was determined to buy the piece of land: “a piece of land of 400 shekels of silver, what is that between me and thee” (v. 15)? Abraham understood it so [mæv; v. 16), and weighed him the price demanded. The shekel of silver “current with the merchant,” i.e., the shekel which passed in trade as of standard weight, was 274 Parisian grains, so that the price of the piece of land was £52, 10s.; a very considerable amount for that time.
GENESIS. 23:17-19
“Thus arose ( µWq ) the field...to Abraham for a possession;” i.e., it was conveyed to him in all due legal form. The expression “the field of Ephron which is at Machpelah” may be explained, according to v. 9, from the fact that the cave of Machpelah was at the end of the field, the field, therefore, belonged to it. In v. 19 the shorter form, “cave of Machpelah,” occurs; and in v. 20 the field is distinguished from the cave. The name Machpelah is translated by the LXX as a common noun, to> sph>laion to> diplou>n , from hl;Pek]mæ doubling; but it had evidently grown into a proper name, since it is sued not only of the cave, but of the adjoining field also (Genesis 49:30; 50:13), though it undoubtedly originated in the form of the cave.
The cave was before, i.e., probably to the east of, the grove of Mamre, which was in the district of Hebron. This description cannot be reconciled with the tradition, which identifies Mamre and the cave with Ramet el Khalil, where the strong foundation-walls of an ancient heathen temple (according to Rosenmüller’s conjecture, an Idumaean one) are still pointed out as Abraham’s house, and where a very old terebinth stood in the early Christian times; for this is an hour’s journey to the north of modern Hebron, and even the ancient Hebron cannot have stretched so far over the mountains which separate the modern city from Rameh, but must also, according to Genesis 37:14, have been situated in the valley (see Robinson’s later Biblical Researches, pp. 365ff.). There is far greater probability in the Mohammedan tradition, that the Harem, built of colossal blocks with grooved edges, which stands on the western slope of the Beabireh mountain, in the north-western portion of the present town, contains hidden within it the cave of Machpelah with the tomb of the patriarchs (cf. Robinson, Pal. ii. 435ff.); and Rosen. is induced to look for Mamre on the eastern slope of the Rumeidi hill, near to the remarkable well Ain el Jedid.
GENESIS. 23:20
The repetition of the statement, that the field with the cave in it was conveyed to Abraham by the Hittites for a burial-place, which gives the result of the negotiation that has been described with, so to speak, legal accuracy, shows the great importance of the event to the patriarch. The fact that Abraham purchased a burying-place in strictly legal form as an hereditary possession in the promised land, was a proof of his strong faith in the promises of God and their eventual fulfilment. In this grave Abraham and Sarah, Isaac and Rebekah, were buried; there Jacob buried Leah; and there Jacob himself requested that he might be buried, thus declaring his faith in the promises, even in the hour of his death.
ISAAC’S MARRIAGE.
GENESIS. 24:1-4
After the death of Sarah, Abraham had still to arrange for the marriage of Isaac. He was induced to provide for this in a mode in harmony with the promise of God, quite as much by his increasing age as by the blessing of God in everything, which necessarily instilled the wish to transmit that blessing to a distant posterity. He entrusted this commission to his servant, “the eldest of his house,” — i.e., his upper servant, who had the management of all his house (according to general opinion, to Eliezer, whom he had previously thought of as the heir of his property, but who would now, like Abraham, be extremely old, as more than sixty years had passed since the occurrence related in Genesis 15:2)-and made him swear that he would not take a wife for his son from the daughters of the Canaanites, but would fetch one from his (Abraham’s) native country, and his kindred. Abraham made the servant take an oath in order that his wishes might be inviolably fulfilled, even if he himself should die in the interim.
In swearing, the servant put his hand under Abraham’s hip. This custom, which is only mentioned here and in Genesis 47:29, the so-called bodily oath, was no doubt connected with the significance of the hip as the part from which the posterity issued (46:26), and the seat of vital power; but the early Jewish commentators supposed it to be especially connected with the rite of circumcision. The oath was by “Jehovah, God of heaven and earth,” as the God who rules in heaven and on earth, not by Elohim; for it had respect not to an ordinary oath, but to a question of great importance in relation to the kingdom of God. “Isaac was not regarded as a merely pious candidate for matrimony, but as the heir of the promise, who must therefore be kept from any alliance with the race whose possessions were to come to his descendants, and which was ripening for the judgment to be executed by those descendants” (Hengstenberg, Dissertations i. 350). For this reason the rest of the negotiation was all conducted in the name of Jehovah.
GENESIS. 24:5-9
Before taking the oath, the servant asks whether, in case no woman of their kindred would follow him to Canaan, Isaac was to be conducted to the land of his fathers. But Abraham rejected the proposal, because Jehovah took him from his father’s house, and had promised him the land of Canaan for a possession. He also discharged the servant, if that should be the case, from the oath which he had taken, in the assurance that the Lord through His angel would bring a wife to his son from thence.
GENESIS. 24:10-20
The servant then went, with ten camels and things of every description belonging to his master, into Mesopotamia to the city of Nahor, i.e., Haran, where Nahor dwelt (Genesis 11:31, and 12:4). On his arrival there, he made the camels kneel down, or rest, without the city by the well, “at the time of evening, the time at which the women come out to draw water,” and at which, now as then, women and girls are in the habit of fetching the water required for the house (vid., Robinson’s Palestine ii. 368ff.). He then prayed to Jehovah, the God of Abraham, “Let there come to meet me to-day,” sc., the person desired, the object of my mission. He then fixed upon a sign connected with the custom of the country, by the occurrence of which he might decide upon the maiden ( r[ænæ puella, used in the Pentateuch for both sexes, except in Deuteronomy 22:19, where hr;[næ occurs) whom Jehovah had indicated as the wife appointed for His servant Isaac. jkæy; (v. 14) to set right, then to point out as right; not merely to appoint. He had scarcely ended his prayer when his request was granted.
Rebekah did just what he had fixed upon as a token, not only giving him to drink, but offering to water his camels, and with youthful vivacity carrying out her promise. Niebuhr met with similar kindness in those regions (see also Robinson, Pal. ii. 351, etc.). The servant did not give himself blindly up to first impressions, however, but tested the circumstances.
GENESIS. 24:21
“The man, wondering at her, stood silent, to know whether Jehovah had made his journey prosperous or not.” ha;v; , from ha;v; to be desert, inwardly laid waste, i.e., confused. Others derive it from ha;v; = h[;v; to see; but in the Hithpael this verb signifies to look restlessly about, which is not applicable here.
GENESIS. 24:22-28
After the watering of the camels was over, the man took a golden nosering of the weight of a beka, i.e., half a shekel (Exodus 38:26), and two golden armlets of 10 shekels weight, and (as we find from vv. 30 and 47) placed these ornaments upon her, not as a bridal gift, but in return for her kindness. He then asked her about her family, and whether there was room in her father’s house for him and his attendants to pass the night there; and it was not trill after Rebekah had told him that she was the daughter of Bethuel, the nephew of Abraham, and had given a most cheerful assent to his second question, that he felt sure that this was the wife appointed by Jehovah for Isaac. He then fell down and thanked Jehovah for His grace and truth, whilst Rebekah in the meantime had hastened home to relate all that had occurred to “her mother’s house,” i.e., to the female portion of her family. dseje the condescending love, tm,a, the truth which God had displayed in the fulfilment of His promise, and here especially manifested to him in bringing him to the home of his master’s relations.
GENESIS. 24:29-49
As soon as Laban her brother had seen the splendid presents and heard her account, he hurried out to the stranger at the well, to bring him to the house with his attendants and animals, and to show to him the customary hospitality of the East. The fact that Laban addressed him as the blessed of Jehovah (v. 31), may be explained from the words of the servant, who had called his master’s God Jehovah. The servant discharged his commission before he partook of the food set before him (the Kethibh µcæy; in v. 33 is the imperf. Kal of µcæy; = µWc ); and commencing with his master’s possessions and family affairs, he described with the greatest minuteness his search for a wife, and the success which he had thus far met with, and then (in v. 49) pressed his suit thus: “And now, if he will show kindness and truth to my lord, tell me; and if not, tell me; that I may turn to the right hand or to the left,” sc., to seek in other families a wife for Isaac.
GENESIS. 24:50-51
Laban and Bethuel recognised in this the guidance of God, and said, “From Jehovah (the God of Abraham) the thing proceedeth; we cannot speak unto thee bad or good,” i.e., cannot add a word, cannot alter anything (Numbers 24:13; 2 Samuel 13:22). That Rebekah’s brother Laban should have taken part with her father in deciding, was in accordance with the usual custom (cf. Genesis 34:5,11,25; Judges 21:22; 2 Samuel 13:22), which may have arisen from the prevalence of polygamy, and the readiness of the father to neglect the children (daughters) of the wife he cared for least.
GENESIS. 24:52-53
After receiving their assent, the servant first of all offered thanks to Jehovah with the deepest reverence; he then gave the remaining presents to the bride, and to her relations (brother and mother); and after everything was finished, partook of the food provided. GENESIS 24:54-60 The next morning he desired at once to set off on the journey home; but her brother and mother wished to keep her with them `rwOc[; owOa µwOy , “some days, or rather ten;” but when she was consulted, she decided to so, sc., without delay. “Then they sent away Rebekah their sister (Laban being chiefly considered, as the leading person in the affair) and her nurse” (Deborah; Ch. Genesis 35:8), with the parting wish that she might become the mother of an exceedingly numerous and victorious posterity. “Become thousands of myriads” is a hyperbolical expression for an innumerable host of children. The second portion of the blessing (v. 60b) is almost verbatim the same as Genesis 22:17, but is hardly borrowed thence, as the thought does not contain anything specifically connected with the history of salvation.
GENESIS. 24:61-67
When the caravan arrived in Canaan with Rebekah and her maidens, Isaac had just come from going to the well Lahai-Roi (Genesis 16:14), as he was then living in the south country; and he went towards evening ( `br,[, hn;p; , at the turning, coming on, of the evening, Deuteronomy 23:12) to the field “to meditate.” It is impossible to determine whether Isaac had been to the well of Hagar which called to mind the omnipresence of God, and there, in accordance with his contemplative character, had laid the question of his marriage before the Lord (Delitzsch), or whether he had merely travelled thither to look after his flocks and herds (Knobel). But the object of his going to the field to meditate, was undoubtedly to lay the question of his marriage before God in solitude. jæWc , meditari, is rendered “to pray” in the Chaldee, and by Luther and others, with substantial correctness. The caravan arrived at the time; and Rebekah, as soon as she saw the man in the field coming to meet them, sprang ( lpæn; signifying a hasty descent, Kings 5:21) from the camel to receive him, according to Oriental custom, in the most respectful manner. She then inquired the name of the man; and as soon as she heard that it was Isaac, she enveloped herself in her veil, as became a bride when meeting the bridegroom. ãy[ix; , qe>ristron , the cloak-like veil of Arabia (see my Archäologie, §103, 5). The servant then related to Isaac the result of his journey; and Isaac conducted the maiden, who had been brought to him by God, into the tent of Sarah his mother, and she became his wife, and he loved her, and was consoled after his mother, i.e., for his mother’s death. lh,ao , with h local, in the construct state, as in Genesis 20:1; 28:2, etc.; and in addition to that, with the article prefixed (cf. Ges. Gram. §110, 2bc).
ABRAHAM’S MARRIAGE TO KETURAH HIS DEATH AND BURIAL.
GENESIS. 25:1-2
Abraham’s Marriage to Keturah is generally supposed to have taken place after Sarah’s death, and his power to beget six sons at so advanced an age is attributed to the fact, that the Almighty had endowed him with new vital and reproductive energy for begetting the son of the promise. But there is no firm ground for this assumption; as it is not stated anywhere, that Abraham did not take Keturah as his wife till after Sarah’s death. It is merely an inference drawn from the fact, that it is not mentioned till afterwards; and it is taken for granted that the history is written in strictly chronological order. But this supposition is precarious, and is not in harmony with the statement, that Abraham sent away the sons of the concubines with gifts during his own lifetime; for in the case supposed, the youngest of Keturah’s sons would not have been more than twenty-five or thirty years old at Abraham’s death; and in those days, when marriages were not generally contracted before the fortieth year, this seems too young for them to have been sent away from their father’s house.
This difficulty, however, is not decisive. Nor does the fact that Keturah is called a concubine in v. 6, and 1 Chronicles 1:32, necessarily show that she was contemporary with Sarah, but may be explained on the ground that Abraham did not place her on the same footing as Sarah, his sole wife, the mother of the promised seed. Of the sons and grandsons of Keturah, who are mentioned in 1 Chronicles 1:32 as well as here, a few of the names may still be found among the Arabian tribes, but in most instances the attempt to trace them is very questionable. This remark applies to the identification of Zimran with Cabra’m (Ptol. vi. 7, 5), the royal city of the Cinaidokolpi’tai to the west of Mecca, on the Red Sea; of Jokshan with the Cassani’tai, on the Red Sea (Ptol. vi. 7, 6), or with the Himyaritish tribe of Jakish in Southern Arabia; of Ishbak with the name Shobek, a place in the Edomitish country first mentioned by Abulfeda; of Shuah with the tribe Syayhe to the east of Aila, or with Szyhhan in Northern Edom (Burckhardt, Syr. 692, 693, and 945), although the epithet the Shuhite, applied to Bildad, points to a place in Northern Idumaea. There is more plausibility in the comparison of Medan and Midian with Eodia’na on the eastern coast of the Elanitic Gulf, and Madia>ua , a tract to the north of this (Ptol. vi. 7, 2, 27; called by Arabian geographers Madyan, a city five days’ journey to the south of Aila). The relationship of these two tribes will explain the fact, that the Midianim, Genesis 37:28, are called Medanim in v. 36.
GENESIS. 25:3-4
Of the sons of Jokshan, Sheba was probably connected with the Sabaeans, who are associated in Job 6:19 with Tema, are mentioned in Job 1:15 as having stolen Job’s oxen and asses, and, according to Strabo (xvi. 779), were neighbours of the Nabataeans in the vicinity of Syria. Dedan was probably the trading people mentioned in Jeremiah 25:23 along with Tema and Bus (Isaiah 21:13; Jeremiah 49:8), in the neighbourhood of Edom (Ezekiel 24:15), with whom the tribe of Banu Dudan, in Hejas, has been compared. On their relation to the Cushites of the same name, vid., Genesis 10:7 and 28-Of the sons of Dedan, the Asshurim have been associated with the warlike tribe of the Asir to the south of Hejas, the Letushim with the Banu Leits in Hejas, and the Leummim with the tribe of the Banu Lâm, which extended even to Babylon and Mesopotamia. Of the descendants of Midian, Ephah is mentioned in Isaiah 60:6, in connection with Midian, as a people trading in gold and incense. Epher has been compared with the Banu Gifar in Hejas; Hanoch, with the place called Hanakye, three days’ journey to the north of Medinah; Abidah and el-daah, with the tribes of Abide and Vadaa in the neighbourhood of Asir. But all this is very uncertain.
GENESIS. 25:5-6
Before his death, Abraham made a final disposition of his property. Isaac, the only son of his marriage with Sarah, received all his possessions. The sons of the concubines (Hagar and Keturah) were sent away with presents from their father’s house into the east country, i.e., Arabia in the widest sense, to the east and south-east of Palestine. GENESIS 25:7-8 Abraham died at the good old age of 175, and was “gathered to his people.” This expression, which is synonymous with “going to his fathers” (Genesis 15:15), or “being gathered to his fathers” (Judges 2:10), but is constantly distinguished from departing this life and being buried, denotes the reunion in Sheol with friends who have gone before, and therefore presupposes faith in the personal continuance of a man after death, as a presentiment which the promises of God had exalted in the case of the patriarchs into a firm assurance of faith (Hebrews 11:13).
GENESIS. 25:9-10
The burial of the patriarch in the cave of Machpelah was attended to by Isaac and Ishmael; since the latter, although excluded from the blessings of the covenant, was acknowledged by God as the son of Abraham by a distinct blessing (Genesis 17:20), and was thus elevated above the sons of Keturah.
GENESIS. 25:11
After Abraham’s death the blessing was transferred to Isaac, who took up his abode by Hagar’s well, because he had already been there, and had dwelt in the south country (Genesis 24:62). The blessing of Isaac is traced to Elohim, not to Jehovah; because it referred neither exclusively nor preeminently to the gifts of grace connected with the promises of salvation, but quite generally to the inheritance of earthly possessions, which Isaac had received from his father.
VII. HISTORY OF ISHMAEL (Compare 1 Chronicles 1:28-31) GENESIS 25:12-18 To show that the promises of God, which had been made to Ishmael (Genesis 16:10ff. and 17:20), were fulfilled, a short account is given of his descendants; and according to the settled plan of Genesis, this account precedes the history of Isaac. This is evidently the intention of the list which follows of the twelve sons of Ishmael, who are given as princes of the tribes which sprang from them. Nebajoth and Kedar are mentioned in Isaiah 60:7 as rich possessors of flocks, and, according to the current opinion which Wetzstein disputes, are the Nabataei et Cedrei of Pliny (h. n. 5, 12). The Nabataeans held possession of Arabia Petraea, with Petra as their capital, and subsequently extended toward the south and north-east, probably as far as Babylon; so that the name was afterwards transferred to all the tribes to the east of the Jordan, and in the Nabataean writings became a common name for Chaldeans (ancient Babylonians), Syrians, Canaanites, and others.
The Kedarenes are mentioned in Isaiah 21:17 as good bowmen. They dwelt in the desert between Arabia Petraea and Babylon (Isaiah 42:11; Psalm 120:5). According to Wetzstein, they are to be found in the nomad tribes of Arabia Petraea up to Harra. The name Dumah, Dou’metha Doumai’tha (Ptol. v. 19, 7, Steph. Byz.), Domata (Plin. 6, 32), has been retained in the modern Dumat el Jendel in Nejd, the Arabian highland, four days’ journey to the north of Taima. — Tema: a trading people (Job 6:19; Isaiah 21:14; mentioned in Jer. 24:23, between Dedan and Bus) in the land of Taima, on the border of Nejd and the Syrian desert. According to Wetzstein, Dûma and Têma are still two important places in Eastern Hauran, three-quarters of an hour apart. Jetur and Naphish were neighbours of the tribes of Israel to the east of the Jordan (1 Chronicles 5:19), who made war upon them along with the Hagrites, the Agrai’oi of Ptol. and Strabo. From Jetur sprang the Ituraeans, who lived, according to Strabo, near the Trachonians in an almost inaccessible, mountainous, and cavernous country; according to Wetzstein, in the mountains of the Druses in the centre of the Hauran, possibly the forefathers of the modern Druses. The other names are not yet satisfactorily determined.
For Adbeel, Mibsam, and Kedma, the Arabian legends give no corresponding names. Mishma is associated by Knobel with the Eaisaimanei’s of Ptol. vi. 7, 21, to the N.E. of Medina; Massa with the Easanoi’ on the N.E. of Duma; Hadad (the proper reading for Hadar, according to 1 Chronicles 1:30, the LXX, Sam., Masor., and most MSS) with the Arabian coast land, Chathth, between Oman and Bahrein, a district renowned for its lancers ( Catthni>a , Polyb.; Attene, Plin.). — V. 16. These are the Ishmaelites “in their villages and encampments, twelve princes according to their tribes.” rxej; : premises hedged round, then a village without a wall in contrast with a walled town (Leviticus 25:31). hr;yfi : a circular encampment of tents, the tent village of the Duâr of the Bedouins. hMæau , here and Numbers 25:15, is not used of nations, but of the tribe-divisions or single tribes of the Ishmaelites and Midianites, for which the word had apparently become a technical term among them. — Vv. 17, 18.
Ishmael died at the age of 137, and his descendants dwelt in Havilah-i.e., according to Genesis 10:29, the country of the Chaulotaeans, on the borders of Arabia Petraea and Felix-as far as Shur (the desert of Jifar, 16:7) to the east of Egypt, “in the direction of Assyria.” Havilah and Shur therefore formed the south-eastern and south-western boundaries of the territories of the Ishmaelites, from which they extended their nomadic excursions towards the N.E. as far as the districts under Assyrian rule, i.e., to the lands of the Euphrates, traversing the whole of the desert of Arabia, or (as Josephus says, Ant. i. 12, 4) dwelling from the Euphrates to the Red Sea. Thus, according to the announcement of the angel, Ishmael “encamped in the presence of all his brethren.” lpæn; , to throw one’s self, to settle down, with the subordinate idea of keeping by force the place you have taken (Judges 7:12). Luther wavers between corruit, vel cecidit, vel fixit tabernaculum.
VIII. HISTORY OF ISAAC Isaac’s Twin Sons.
GENESIS. 25:19-20
According to the plan of Genesis, the history (tholedoth) of Isaac commences with the birth of his sons. But to give it the character of completeness in itself, Isaac’s birth and marriage are mentioned again in vv. 19, 20, as well as his age at the time of his marriage. The name given to the country of Rebekah (v. 20) and the abode of Laban in Genesis 28:2,6-7; 31:18; 33:18; 35:9,26; 46:15, viz., Padan-Aram, or more concisely Padan (Genesis 48:7), “the flat, or flat land of Aram,” for which Hosea uses “the field of Aram” (Hosea 12:12), is not a peculiar expression employed by the Elohist, or in the so-called foundation-work, for Aram Naharaim, Mesopotamia (Genesis 24:10), but a more exact description of one particular district of Mesopotamia, viz., of the large plain, surrounded by mountains, in which the town of Haran was situated. The name was apparently transferred to the town itself afterwards. The history of Isaac consists of two stages: (1) the period of his active life, from his marriage and the birth of his sons till the departure of Jacob for Mesopotamia (25:20-28:9); and (2) the time of his suffering endurance in the growing infirmity of age, when the events of Jacob’s life form the leading feature of the still further expanded history of salvation (Genesis 28:10-35:29). This suffering condition, which lasted more than 40 years, reflected in a certain way the historical position which Isaac held in the patriarchal triad, as a passive rather than active link between Abraham and Jacob; and even in the active period of his life many of the events of Abraham’s history were repeated in a modified form.
The name Jehovah prevails in the historical development of the tholedoth of Isaac, in the same manner as in that of Terah; although, on closer examination of the two, we find, first, that in this portion of Genesis the references to God are less frequent than in the earlier one; and secondly, that instead of the name Jehovah occurring more frequently than Elohim, the name Elohim predominates in this second stage of the history. The first difference arises from the fact, that the historical matter furnishes less occasion for the introduction of the name of God, just because the revelations of God are more rare, since the appearances of Jehovah to Isaac and Jacob together are not so numerous as those to Abraham alone.
The second may be explained partly from the fact, that Isaac and Jacob did not perpetually stand in such close and living faith in Jehovah as Abraham, and partly also from the fact, that the previous revelations of God gave rise to other titles for the covenant God, such as “God of Abraham,” “God of my father,” etc., which could be used in the place of the name Jehovah (cf.
Genesis 26:24; 31:5,42; 35:1,3, and the remarks on Genesis 35:9).
GENESIS. 25:21-26
Isaac’s marriage, like Abraham’s, was for a long time unfruitful; not to extreme old age, however, but only for 20 years. The seed of the promise was to be prayed for from the Lord, that it might not be regarded merely as a fruit of nature, but be received and recognised as a gift of grace. At the same time Isaac was to be exercised in the patience of faith in the promise of God. After this lengthened test, Jehovah heard his prayer in relation to his wife. jkænO, v. 21 and Genesis 30:38, lit., opposite to, so that the object is before the eyes, has been well explained by Luther thus: quod toto pectore et intentus in calamitatem uxoris oraverit. Sicut quando oro pro aliquo, propono illum mihi in conspectum cordis mei, et nihil aliud video aut cogito; in eum solum animo intueor.
Verse 22-23. When Rebekah conceived, the children struggled together in her womb. In this she saw an evil omen, that the pregnancy so long desired and entreated of Jehovah would bring misfortune, and that the fruit of her womb might not after all secure the blessing of the divine promise; so that in intense excitement she cried out, “If it be so, wherefore am I?” i.e., why am I alive? cf. Genesis 27:46. But she sought counsel from God: she went to inquire of Jehovah. Where and how she looked for a divine revelation in the matter, is not recorded, and therefore cannot be determined with certainty. Some suppose that it was by prayer and sacrifice at a place dedicated to Jehovah. Others imagine that she applied to a prophet-to Abraham, Melchizedek, or Shem (Luther); a frequent custom in Israel afterwards (1 Samuel 9:9), but not probable in the patriarchal age. The divine answer, couched in the form of a prophetic oracle, assured her that she carried two nations in her womb, one stronger than the other; and that the greater (elder or first-born) should serve the less (younger). dræp; h[,me : “proceeding from thy womb, are separated.”
Verse 24-26. When she was delivered, there were twins; the first-born was reddish, i.e., of a reddish-brown colour (1 Samuel 16:12; 17:42), and “all over like a hairy cloak,” i.e., his whole body as if covered with a fur, with an unusual quantity of hair (hypertrichosis), which is sometimes the case with new-born infants, but was a sign in this instance of excessive sensual vigour and wildness. The second had laid hold of the heel of the first, i.e., he came into the world with his hand projected and holding the heel of the first-born, a sign of his future attitude towards his brother. From these accidental circumstances the children received their names. The elder they called Esau, the hairy one; the younger Jacob, heel-holder: bqo[yæ from `bqæ[; (denom. of `bqe[; heel, Hosea 12:3), to hold the heel, then to outwit (27:36), just as in wrestling an attempt may be made to throw the opponent by grasping the heel. GENESIS 25:27-28 Esau became “a cunning hunter, a man of the field,” i.e., a man wandering about in the fields. He was his father’s favourite, for “venison was in his mouth,” i.e., he was fond of it. But Jacob was µT; vyai , “a pious man” (Luther); µT; , integer, denotes here a disposition that finds pleasure in the quiet life of home. lh,ao bvæy; , not dwelling in tents, but sitting in the tents, in contrast with the wild hunter’s life led by his brother; hence he was his mother’s favourite.
GENESIS. 25:29-34
The difference in the characters of the two brothers was soon shown in a singular circumstance, which was the turning-point in their lives. Esau returned home one day from the field quite exhausted, and seeing Jacob with a dish of lentils, still a favourite dish in Syria and Egypt, he asked with passionate eagerness for some to eat: “Let me swallow some of that red, that red there;” µdoa’ , the brown-red lentil pottage. From this he received the name Edom, just as among the ancient Arabians persons received names from quite accidental circumstances, which entirely obscured their proper names. Jacob made us of his brother’s hunger to get him to sell his birthright. The birthright consisted afterwards in a double portion of the father’s inheritance (Deuteronomy 21:17); but with the patriarchs it embraced the chieftainship, the rule over the brethren and the entire family (27:29), and the title to the blessing of the promise (27:4,27-29), which included the future possession of Canaan and of covenant fellowship with Jehovah (28:4).
Jacob knew this, and it led him to anticipate the purposes of God. Esau also knew it, but attached no value to it. There is proof enough that he knew he was giving away, along with the birthright, blessings which, because they were not of a material but of a spiritual nature, had no particular value in his estimation, in the words he made use of: “Behold I am going to die (to meet death), and what is the birthright to me?” The only thing of value to him was the sensual enjoyment of the present; the spiritual blessings of the future his carnal mind was unable to estimate. In this he showed himself to be be>bhlov (Hebrews 12:16), a profane man, who cared for nothing but the momentary gratification of sensual desires, who “did eat and drink, and rose up, and went his way, and so despised his birthright” (v. 34). With these words the Scriptures judge and condemn the conduct of Esau. Just as Ishmael was excluded from the promised blessing because he was begotten “according to the flesh,” so Esau lost it because his disposition was according to the flesh. The frivolity with which he sold his birthright to his brother for a dish of lentils, rendered him unfit to be the heir and possessor of the promised grace. But this did not justify Jacob’s conduct in the matter. Though not condemned here, yet in the further course of the history it is shown to have been wrong, by the simple fact that he did not venture to make this transaction the basis of a claim.
ISAAC’S JOYS AND SORROWS.
GENESIS. 26:1-5
The incidents of Isaac’s life which are collected together in this chapter, from the time of his sojourn in the south country, resemble in many respects certain events in the life of Abraham; but the distinctive peculiarities are such as to form a true picture of the dealings of God, which were in perfect accordance with the character of the patriarch.
Verse 1-5. Renewal of the Promise. — A famine “in the land” (i.e., Canaan, to which he had therefore returned from Hagar’s well; Genesis 25:11), compelled Isaac to leave Canaan, as it had done Abraham before.
Abraham went to Egypt, where his wife was exposed to danger, from which she could only be rescued by the direct interposition of God. Isaac also intended to go there, but on the way, viz., in Gerar, he received instruction through a divine manifestation that he was to remain there. As he was the seed to whom the land of Canaan was promised, he was directed not to leave it. To this end Jehovah assured him of the fulfilment of all the promises made to Abraham on oath, with express reference to His oath (22:16) to him and to his posterity, and on account of Abraham’s obedience of faith. The only peculiarity in the words is the plural, “all these lands.” This plural refers to all the lands or territories of the different Canaanitish tribes, mentioned in Genesis 15:19-21, like the different divisions of the kingdom of Israel or Judah in 1 Chronicles 13:2; Chronicles 11:23. lae ; an antique form of hL,ae occurring only in the Pentateuch. The piety of Abraham is described in words that indicate a perfect obedience to all the commands of God, and therefore frequently recur among the legal expressions of a later date. hwO;hy] tr,m,v]mi rmæv; “to take care of Jehovah’s care,” i.e., to observe Jehovah, His persons, and His will, Mishmereth, reverence, observance, care, is more closely defined by “commandments, statutes, laws,” to denote constant obedience to all the revelations and instructions of God.
GENESIS. 26:6-11
Protection of Rebekah at Gerar.
As Abraham had declared his wife to be his sister both in Egypt and at Gerar, so did Isaac also in the latter place. But the manner in which God protected Rebekah was very different from that in which Sarah was preserved in both instances. Before any one had touched Rebekah, the Philistine king discovered the untruthfulness of Isaac’s statement, having seen Isaac “sporting with Rebekah,” sc., in a manner to show that she was his wife; whereupon he reproved Isaac for what he had said, and forbade any of his people to touch Rebekah on pain of death. Whether this was the same Abimelech as the one mentioned in ch. 20 cannot be decided with certainty. The name proves nothing, for it was the standing official name of the kings of Gerar (cf. 1 Samuel 21:11 and Psalm 34), as Pharaoh was of the kings of Egypt. The identity is favoured by the pious conduct of Abimelech in both instances; and no difficulty is caused either by the circumstance that 80 years had elapsed between the two events (for Abraham had only been dead five years, and the age of 150 was no rarity then), or by the fact, that whereas the first Abimelech had Sarah taken into his harem, the second not only had no intention of doing this, but was anxious to protect her from his people, inasmuch as it would be all the easier to conceive of this in the case of the same king, on the ground of his advanced age.
GENESIS. 26:12-17
Isaac’s Increasing Wealth.
As Isaac had experienced the promised protection (“I will be with thee,” v. 3) in the safety of his wife, so did he received while in Gerar the promised blessing. He sowed and received in that year “a hundred measures,” i.e., a hundred-fold return. This was an unusual blessing, as the yield even in very fertile regions is not generally greater than from twenty-five to fifty-fold (Niebuhr and Burckhardt), and it is only in the Ruhbe, that small and most fruitful plain of Syria, that wheat yields on an average eighty, and barley a hundred-fold. Agriculture is still practised by the Bedouins, as well as grazing (Robinson, Pal. i. 77, and Seetzen); so that Isaac’s sowing was no proof that he had been stimulated by the promise of Jehovah to take up a settled abode in the promised land.
Verse 13-17. Being thus blessed of Jehovah, Isaac became increasingly ( Ëlæy; , vid., Genesis 8:3) greater (i.e., stronger), until he was very powerful and his wealth very great; so that the Philistines envied him, and endeavoured to do him injury by stopping up and filling with rubbish all the wells that had been dug in his father’s time; and even Abimelech requested him to depart, because he was afraid of his power. Isaac then encamped in the valley of Gerar, i.e., in the “undulating land of Gerar,” through which the torrent (Jurf) from Gerar flows from the south-east (Ritter, Erdk. 14, pp. 1084-5).
GENESIS. 26:18-22
Reopening and Discovery of Wells.
In this valley Isaac dug open the old wells which had existed from Abraham’s time, and gave them the old names. His people also dug three new wells. But Abimelech’s people raised a contest about two of these; and for this reason Isaac called them Esek and Sitnah, strife and opposition. The third there was no dispute about; and it received in consequence the name Rehoboth, “breadths,” for Isaac said, “Yea now (kiy-`ataah, as in Genesis 29:32, etc.) Jehovah has provided for us a broad space, that we may be fruitful (multiply) in the land.” This well was probably not in the land of Gerar, as Isaac had removed thence, but in the Wady Ruhaibeh, the name of which is suggestive of Rehoboth, which stands at the point where the two roads from Gaza and Hebron meet, about 3 hours to the south of Elusa, 8 1/3 to the south of Beersheba, and where there are extensive ruins of the city of the same name upon the heights, also the remains of wells (Robinson, Pal. i. 289ff.; Strauss, Sinai and Golgotha); where too the name Sitnah seems to have been retained in the Wady Shutein, with ruins on the northern hills between Ruhaibeh and Khulasa (Elusa). GENESIS 26:23-25 Isaac’s Journey to Beersheba.
Here, where Abraham had spent a long time (Genesis 21:33ff.), Jehovah appeared to him during the night and renewed the promises already given; upon which, Isaac built an altar and performed a solemn service. Here his servants also dug a well near to the tents.
GENESIS. 26:26-33
Abimelech’s Treaty with Isaac.
The conclusion of this alliance was substantially only a repetition of renewal of the alliance entered into with Abraham; but the renewal itself arose so completely out of the circumstances, that there is no ground whatever for denying that it occurred, or for the hypothesis that our account is merely another form of the earlier alliance; to say nothing of the fact, that besides the agreement in the leading event itself, the attendant circumstances are altogether peculiar, and correspond to the events which preceded. Abimelech not only brought his chief captain Phicol (supposed to be the same as in Genesis 21:22, if Phicol is not also an official name), but his meereea` “friend,” i.e., his privy councillor, Ahuzzath. Isaac referred to the hostility they had shown; to which Abimelech replied, that they (he and his people) did not smite him ( [gæn; ), i.e., drive him away by force, but let him depart in peace, and expressed a wish that there might be an oath between them. hl;a; the oath, as an act of self-imprecation, was to form the basis of the covenant to be made.
From this hl;a; came also to be used for a covenant sanctioned by an oath (Deuteronomy 29:11,13). `hc;[; µai “that thou do not:” µai a particle of negation used in an oath (Genesis 14:23, etc.). (On the verb with zere, see Ges. §75, Anm. 17; Ewald, §224.)-The same day Isaac’s servants informed him of the well which they had dug; and Isaac gave it the name Shebah [bæv, , oath), in commemoration of the treaty made on oath. “Therefore the city was called Beersheba.” This derivation of the name does not shut the other (21:31) out, but seems to confirm it. As the treaty made on oath between Abimelech and Isaac was only a renewal of his covenant concluded before with Abraham, so the name Beersheba was also renewed by the well Shebah. The reality of the occurrence is supported by the fact that the two wells are in existence still (vid., Genesis 21:31).
GENESIS 26:34,35 Esau’s Marriage.
To the various troubles which the Philistines prepared for Isaac, but which, through the blessing of God, only contributed to the increase of his wealth and importance, a domestic cross was added, which caused him great and lasting sorrow. Esau married two wives in the 40th year of his age, the 100th of Isaac’s life (Genesis 25:26); and that not from his own relations in Mesopotamia, but from among the Canaanites whom God had cast off. On their names, see Genesis 34:2-3. They became “bitterness of spirit,” the cause of deep trouble, to his parents, viz., on account of their Canaanitish character, which was so opposed to the vocation of the patriarchs; whilst Esau by these marriages furnished another proof, how thoroughly his heart was set upon earthly things.
ISAAC’S BLESSING.
GENESIS. 27:1-4
When Isaac had grown old, and his eyes were dim, so that he could no longer see ( ha;r; from seeing, with the neg. ˆmi as in Genesis 16:2, etc.), he wished, in the consciousness of approaching death, to give his blessing to his elder son. Isaac was then in his 137th year, at which age his half-brother Ishmael had died fourteen years before; and this, with the increasing infirmities of age, may have suggested the thought of death, though he did not die till forty-three years afterwards (35:28).
Without regard to the words which were spoken by God with reference to the children before their birth, and without taking any notice of Esau’s frivolous barter of his birthright and his ungodly connection with Canaanites, Isaac maintained his preference for Esau, and directed him therefore to take his things ( yliK] , hunting gear), his quiver and bow, to hunt game and prepare a savoury dish, that he might eat, and his soul might bless him. As his preference for Esau was fostered and strengthened by, if it did not spring from, his liking for game (Genesis 25:28), so now he wished to raise his spirits for imparting the blessing by a dish of venison prepared to his taste. In this the infirmity of his flesh is evident. At the same time, it was not merely because of his partiality for Esau, but unquestionably on account of the natural rights of the first-born, that he wished to impart the blessing to him, just as the desire to do this before his death arose from the consciousness of his patriarchal call.
GENESIS. 27:5-17
Rebekah, who heard what he said, sought to frustrate this intention, and to secure the blessing for her (favourite) son Jacob. Whilst Esau was away hunting, she told Jacob to take his father a dish, which she would prepare from two kids according to his taste; and, having introduced himself as Esau, to ask for the blessing “before Jehovah.” Jacob’s objection, that the father would know him by his smooth skin, and so, instead of blessing him, might pronounce a curse upon him as a mocker, i.e., one who was trifling with his blind father, she silenced by saying, that she would take the curse upon herself. She evidently relied upon the word of promise, and thought that she ought to do her part to secure its fulfilment by directing the father’s blessing to Jacob; and to this end she thought any means allowable.
Consequently she was so assured of the success of her stratagem as to have no fear of the possibility of a curse. Jacob then acceded to her plan, and fetched the goats. Rebekah prepared them according to her husband’s taste; and having told Jacob to put on Esau’s best clothes which were with her in the dwelling (the tent, not the house), she covered his hands and the smooth (i.e., the smoother parts) of his neck with the skins of the kids of the goats, and sent him with the savoury dish to his father.
GENESIS. 27:18-23
But Jacob had no easy task to perform before his father. As soon as he had spoken on entering, his father asked him, “Who art thou, my son?” On his replying, “I am Esau, thy first-born,” the father expressed his surprise at the rapid success of his hunting; and when he was satisfied with the reply, “Jehovah thy God sent it (the thing desired) to meet me,” he became suspicious about the voice, and bade him come nearer, that he might feel him. But as his hands appeared hairy like Esau’s, he did not recognise him; and “so he blessed him.” In this remark (v. 23) the writer gives the result of Jacob’s attempt; so that the blessing is merely mentioned proleptically here, and refers to the formal blessing described afterwards, and not to the first greeting and salutation.
GENESIS. 27:24-29
After his father, in order to get rid of his suspicion about the voice, had asked him once more, “Art thou really my son Esau?” and Jacob had replied, “I am” ( ynæa = yes), he told him to hand him the savoury dish that he might eat. After eating, he kissed his son as a sing of his paternal affection, and in doing so he smelt the odour of his clothes, i.e., the clothes of Esau, which were thoroughly scented with the odour of the fields, and then imparted his blessing (vv. 27-29). The blessing itself is thrown, as the sign of an elevated state of mind, into the poetic style of parallel clauses, and contains the peculiar forms of poetry, such as ha;r; for hNehi , aw;h; for heyeeh, etc. The smell of the clothes with the scent of the field suggested to the patriarch’s mind the image of his son’s future prosperity, so that he saw him in possession of the promised land and the full enjoyment of its valuable blessings, having the smell of the field which Jehovah blessed, i.e., the garden of paradise, and broke out into the wish, “God (Ha-Elohim, the personal God, not Jehovah, the covenant God) give thee from the dew of heaven, and the fat fields of the earth, and plenty of corn and wine,” i.e., a land blessed with the dew of heaven and a fruitful soil.
In Eastern countries, where there is so little rain, the dew is the most important prerequisite for the growth of the fruits of the earth, and is often mentioned therefore as a source of blessing (Deuteronomy 33:13,28; Hosea 14:6; Zechariah 8:12). In ˆm;v]mæ , notwithstanding the absence of the Dagesh from the hc, , the m is the prep. ˆmi , as the parallel lfæ proves; and hn,v; both here and in v. 39 are the fat (fertile) districts of a country. The rest of the blessing had reference to the future pre-eminence of his son. He was to be lord not only over his brethren (i.e., over kindred tribes), but over (foreign) peoples and nations also. The blessing rises here to the idea of universal dominion, which was to be realized in the fact that, according to the attitude assumed by the people towards him as their lord, it would secure to them either a blessing or a curse.
If we compare this blessing with the promises which Abraham received, there are two elements of the latter which are very apparent; viz., the possession of the land, in the promise of the rich enjoyment of its produce, and the numerous increase of posterity, in the promised dominion over the nations. The third element, however, the blessing of the nations in and through the seed of Abraham, is so generalized in the expression, which is moulded according to Genesis 12:3, “Cursed be every one that curseth thee, and blessed be he that blesseth thee,” that the person blessed is not thereby declared to be the medium of salvation to the nations. Since the intention to give the blessing to Esau the first-born did not spring from proper feelings towards Jehovah and His promises, the blessing itself, as the use of the word Elohim instead of Jehovah or El Shaddai (cf. 28:3) clearly shows, could not rise to the full height of the divine blessings of salvation, but referred chiefly to the relation in which the two brothers and their descendants would stand to one another, the theme with which Isaac’s soul was entirely filled. It was only the painful discovery that, in blessing against his will, he had been compelled to follow the saving counsel of God, which awakened in him the consciousness of his patriarchal vocation, and gave him the spiritual power to impart the “blessing of Abraham” to the son whom he had kept back, but whom Jehovah had chosen, when he was about to send him away to Haran (28:3- 4).
GENESIS. 27:30-40
Jacob had hardly left his father, after receiving the blessing ( ax;y; Ëaæ , was only gone out), when Esau returned and came to Isaac, with the game prepared, to receive the blessing. The shock was inconceivable which Isaac received, when he found that he had blessed another, and not Esau-that, in fact, he had blessed Jacob. At the same time he neither could nor would, either curse him on account of the deception which he had practised, or withdraw the blessing imparted. For he could not help confessing to himself that he had sinned and brought the deception upon himself by his carnal preference for Esau. Moreover, the blessing was not a matter of subjective human affection, but a right entrusted by the grace of God to paternal supremacy and authority, in the exercise of which the person blessing, being impelled and guided by a higher authority, imparted to the person to be blest spiritual possessions and powers, which the will of man could not capriciously withdraw.
Regarding this as the meaning of the blessing, Isaac necessarily saw in what had taken place the will of God, which had directed to Jacob the blessing that he had intended for Esau. He therefore said, “I have blessed him; yea, he will be (remain) blessed” (cf. Hebrews 12:17). Even the great and bitter lamentation into which Esau broke out could not change his father’s mind.
To his entreaty in v. 34, “Bless me, even me also, O my father!” he replied, “Thy brother came with subtilty, and hath taken away thy blessing.” Esau answered, “Is it that ( yKi ) they have named him Jacob (overreacher), and he has overreached me twice?” i.e., has he received the name Jacob from the fact that he has twice outwitted me? yKi is used “when the cause is not rightly known” (cf. Genesis 29:15). To his further entreaty, “Hast thou not reserved a blessing for me?” ( lxæa; , lit., to lay aside), Isaac repeated the substance of the blessing given to Jacob, and added, “and to thee ( Ëlæy; for ttæK; as in Genesis 3:9), now, what can I do, my son?” When Esau again repeated, with tears, the entreaty that Isaac would bless him also, the father gave him a blessing (vv. 39, 40), but one which, when compared with the blessing of Jacob, was to be regarded rather as “a modified curse,” and which is not even described as a blessing, but “introduced a disturbing element into Jacob’s blessing, a retribution for the impure means by which he had obtained it.” “Behold,” it states, “from the fat fields of the earth will thy dwelling be, and from the dew of heaven from above.” By a play upon the words Isaac uses the same expression as in v. 28, “from the fat fields of the earth, and from the dew,” but in the opposite sense, ˆmi being partitive there, and privative here, “from = away from.” The context requires that the words should be taken thus, and not in the sense of “thy dwelling shall partake of the fat of the earth and the dew of heaven” (Vulg., Luth., etc.). f51 Since Isaac said (v. 37) he had given Jacob the blessing of the superabundance of corn and wine, he could not possibly promise Esau also fat fields and the dew of heaven. Nor would this agree with the words which follows, “By thy sword wilt thou live.” Moreover, the privative sense of ˆmi is thoroughly poetical (cf. 2 Samuel 1:22; Job 11:15, etc.). The idea expressed in the words, therefore, was that the dwelling-place of Esau would be the very opposite of the land of Canaan, viz., an unfruitful land.
This is generally the condition of the mountainous country of Edom, which, although not without its fertile slopes and valleys, especially in the eastern portion (cf. Robinson, Pal. ii. p. 552), is thoroughly waste and barren in the western; so that Seetzen says it consists of “the most desolate and barren mountains probably in the world.” The mode of life and occupation of the inhabitants were adapted to the country. “By (lit., on) thy sword thou wilt live;” i.e., thy maintenance will depend on the sword ( `l[æ as in Deuteronomy 8:3 cf. Isaiah 28:16), “live by war, rapine, and freebooting” (Knobel). “And thy brother thou wilt serve; yet it will come to pass, as ( rv,a , lit., in proportion as, cf. Numbers 27:14) thou shakest (tossest), thou wilt break his yoke from thy neck.” dWr , “to rove about” (Jeremiah 2:31; Hosea 12:1), Hiphil “to cause (the thoughts) to rove about” (Psalm 55:3); but Hengstenberg’s rendering is the best here, viz., “to shake, sc., the yoke.” In the wild, sport-loving Esau there was aptly prefigured the character of his posterity. Josephus describes the Idumaean people as “a tumultuous and disorderly nation, always on the watch on every motion, delighting in mutations” (Whiston’s tr.: de bell Judges 4; 1:1-21:25; 1).
The mental eye of the patriarch discerned in the son his whole future family in its attitude to its brother-nation, and he promised Edom, not freedom from the dominion of Israel (for Esau was to serve his brother, as Jehovah had predicted before their birth), but only a repeated and not unsuccessful struggle for freedom. And so it was; the historical relation of Edom to Israel assumed the form of a constant reiteration of servitude, revolt, and reconquest. After a long period of independence at the first, the Edomites were defeated by Saul (1 Samuel 14:47) and subjugated by David (2 Samuel 8:14); and, in spite of an attempt at revolt under Solomon (1 Kings 11:14ff.), they remained subject to the kingdom of Judah until the time of Joram, when they rebelled. They were subdued again by Amaziah (2 Kings 14:7; 2 Chronicles 25:11ff.), and remained in subjection under Uzziah and Jotham (2 Kings 14:22; 2 Chronicles 26:2). It was not till the reign of Ahaz that they shook the yoke of Judah entirely off (2 Kings 16:6; 2 Chronicles 28:17), without Judah being ever able to reduce them again. At length, however, they were completely conquered by John Hyrcanus about B.C. 129, compelled to submit to circumcision, and incorporated in the Jewish state (Josephus, Ant. xiii. 9, 1, xv. 7, 9). At a still later period, through Antipater and Herod, they established an Idumaean dynasty over Judea, which lasted till the complete dissolution of the Jewish state.
Thus the words of Isaac to his two sons were fulfilled-words which are justly said to have been spoken “in faith concerning things to come” (Hebrews 11:20). For the blessing was a prophecy, and that not merely in the case of Esau, but in that of Jacob also; although Isaac was deceived with regard to the person of the latter. Jacob remained blessed, therefore, because, according to the predetermination of God, the elder was to serve the younger; but the deceit by which his mother prompted him to secure the blessing was never approved. On the contrary, the sin was followed by immediate punishment. Rebekah was obliged to send her pet son into a foreign land, away from his father’s house, and in an utterly destitute condition. She did not see him for twenty years, even if she lived till his return, and possibly never saw again. Jacob had to atone for his sin against both brother and father by a long and painful exile, in the midst of privation, anxiety, fraud, and want. Isaac was punished for retaining his preference for Esau, in opposition to the revealed will of Jehovah, by the success of Jacob’s stratagem; and Esau for his contempt of the birthright, by the loss of the blessing of the first-born. In this way a higher hand prevailed above the acts of sinful men, bringing the counsel and will of Jehovah to eventual triumph, in opposition to human thought and will.
GENESIS. 27:41-46
Esau’s complaining and weeping were now changed into mortal hatred of his brother. “The days of mourning,” he said to himself, “for my father are at hand, and I will kill my brother Jacob.” ba; lb,ae : genit. obj. as in Amos 8:10; Jeremiah 6:26. He would put off his intended fratricide that he might not hurt his father’s mind.
Verse 42-46. When Rebekah was informed by some one of Esau’s intention, she advised Jacob to protect himself from his revenge ( µjæn; to procure comfort by retaliation, equivalent to “avenge himself,” µQenæt]hi , Isaiah 1:24 by fleeing to her brother Laban in Haran, and remaining there “some days,” as she mildly puts it, until his brother’s wrath was subdued. “For why should I lose you both in one day?” viz., Jacob through Esau’s vengeance, and Esau as a murderer by the avenger of blood (Genesis 9:6, cf. 2 Samuel 14:6-7). In order to obtain Isaac’s consent to this plan, without hurting his feelings by telling him of Esau’s murderous intentions, she spoke to him of her troubles on account of the Hittite wives of Esau, and the weariness of life that she should feel if Jacob also were to marry one of the daughters of the land, and so introduced the idea of sending Jacob to her relations in Mesopotamia, with a view to his marriage there. JACOB’S FLIGHT TO HARAN AND DREAM IN BETHEL.
GENESIS. 28:1-9
Jacob’s Departure from his Parents’ House.
Rebekah’s complaint reminded Isaac of his own call, and his consequent duty to provide for Jacob’s marriage in a manner corresponding to the divine counsels of salvation.
Verse 1-5. He called Jacob, therefore, and sent him to Padan-Aram to his mother’s relations, with instructions to seek a wife there, and not among the daughters of Canaan, giving him at the same time the “blessing of Abraham,” i.e., the blessing of promise, which Abraham had repeatedly received from the Lord, but which is more especially recorded in Genesis 17:2ff., and 22:16-18.
Verse 6-9. When Esau heard of this blessing and the sending away of Jacob, and saw therein the displeasure of his parents at his Hittite wives, he went to Ishmael-i.e., to the family of Ishmael, for Ishmael himself had been dead fourteen years (p. 175)-and took as a third wife Mahalath, a daughter of Ishmael (called Bashemath in Genesis 36:3, a descendant of Abraham therefore), a step by which he might no doubt ensure the approval of his parents, but in which he failed to consider that Ishmael had been separated from the house of Abraham and family of promise by the appointment of God; so that it only furnished another proof that he had no thought of the religious interests of the chosen family, and was unfit to be the recipient of divine revelation.
GENESIS. 28:10-15
Jacob’s Dream at Bethel.
As he was travelling from Beersheba, where Isaac was then staying (Genesis 26:25), to Haran, Jacob came to a place where he was obliged to stop all night, because the sun had set. The words “he hit (lighted) upon the place,” indicate the apparently accidental, yet really divinely appointed choice of this place for his night-quarters; and the definite article points it out as having become well known through the revelation of God that ensued. After making a pillow with the stones ( tvoa\ræm , head-place, pillow), he fell asleep and had a dream, in which he saw a ladder resting upon the earth, with the top reaching to heaven; and upon it angels of God going up and down, and Jehovah Himself standing above it. The ladder was a visible symbol of the real and uninterrupted fellowship between God in heaven and His people upon earth. The angels upon it carry up the wants of men to God, and bring down the assistance and protection of God to men. The ladder stood there upon the earth, just where Jacob was lying in solitude, poor, helpless, and forsaken by men. Above in heaven stood Jehovah, and explained in words the symbol which he saw. Proclaiming Himself to Jacob as the God of his fathers, He not only confirmed to him all the promises of the fathers in their fullest extent, but promised him protection on his journey and a safe return to his home (vv. 13-15). But as the fulfilment of this promise to Jacob was still far off, God added the firm assurance, “I will not leave thee till I have done (carried out) what I have told thee.”
GENESIS. 28:16-17
Jacob gave utterance to the impression made by this vision as soon as he awoke from sleep, in the words, “Surely Jehovah is in this place, and I knew it not.” Not that the omnipresence of God was unknown to him; but that Jehovah in His condescending mercy should be near to him even here, far away from his father’s house and from the places consecrated to His worship-it was this which he did not know or imagine. The revelation was intended not only to stamp the blessing, with which Isaac had dismissed him from his home, with the seal of divine approval, but also to impress upon Jacob’s mind the fact, that although Jehovah would be near to protect and guide him even in a foreign land, the land of promise was the holy ground on which the God of his fathers would set up the covenant of His grace. On his departure from that land, he was to carry with him a sacred awe of the gracious presence of Jehovah there. To that end the Lord proved to him that He was near, in such a way that the place appeared “dreadful,” inasmuch as the nearness of the holy God makes an alarming impression upon unholy man, and the consciousness of sin grows into the fear of death. But in spite of this alarm, the place was none other than “the house of God and the gate of heaven,” i.e., a place where God dwelt, and a way that opened to Him in heaven. GENESIS 28:18-19 In the morning Jacob set up the stone at his head, as a monument ( hb;Xemæ ) to commemorate the revelation he had received from God; and poured oil upon the top, to consecrate it as a memorial of the mercy that had been shown him there (visionis insigne mnhmo>sunon , Calvin), not as an idol or an object or divine worship (vid., Exodus 30:26ff.). — He then gave the place the name of Bethel, i.e., House of God, whereas ( µl;Wa ) the town had been called Luz before. This antithesis shows that Jacob gave the name, not to the place where the pillar was set up, but to the town, in the neighbourhood of which he had received the divine revelation. He renewed it on his return from Mesopotamia (Genesis 35:15). This is confirmed by Genesis 48:3, where Jacob, like the historian in ch. 35:6-7, speaks of Luz as the place of this revelation. There is nothing at variance with this in Joshua 16:2; 18:13; for it is not Bethel as a city, but the mountains of Bethel, that are there distinguished from Luz (see my Commentary on Joshua 16:2). f53 GENESIS 28:20-22 Lastly, Jacob made a vow: that if God would give him the promised protection on his journey, and bring him back in safety to his father’s house, Jehovah should be his God ( hy;h; in v. 21 commences the apodosis), the stone which he had set up should be a house of God, and Jehovah should receive a tenth of all that He gave to him. It is to be noticed here, that Elohim is used in the protasis instead of Jehovah, as constituting the essence of the vow: if Jehovah, who had appeared to him, proved Himself to be God by fulfilling His promise, then he would acknowledge and worship Him as his God, by making the stone thus set up into a house of God, i.e., a place of sacrifice, and by tithing all his possessions. With regard to the fulfilment of this vow, we learn from Genesis 35:7 that Jacob built an altar, and probably also dedicated the tenth to God, i.e., offered it to Jehovah; or, as some have supposed, applied it partly to the erection and preservation of the altar, and partly to burnt and thank-offerings combined with sacrificial meals, according to the analogy of Deuteronomy 14:28-29 (cf. Genesis 31:54; 46:1). JACOB’S STAY IN HARAN. HIS DOUBLE MARRIAGE AND CHILDREN.
GENESIS. 29:1-4
Arrival in Haran, and Reception by Laban.
Being strengthened in spirit by the nocturnal vision, Jacob proceeded on his journey into “the land of the sons of the East,” by which we are to understand, not so much the Arabian desert, that reaches to the Euphrates, as Mesopotamia, which lies on the other side of that river. For there he saw the well in the field (v. 2), by which three flocks were lying, waiting for the arrival of the other flocks of the place, before they could be watered. The remark in v. 2, that the stone upon the well’s mouth was large ( lwOdG; without the article is a predicate), does not mean that the united strength of all the shepherds was required to roll it away, whereas Jacob rolled it away alone (v. 10); but only that it was not in the power of every shepherd, much less of a shepherdess like Rachel, to roll it away. Hence in all probability the agreement that had been formed among them, that they would water the flocks together. The scene is so thoroughly in harmony with the customs of the East, both ancient and modern, that the similarity to the one described in Genesis 24:11ff. is by no means strange (vid., Rob.
Pal. i. 301, 304, ii. 351, 357, 371). Moreover the well was very differently constructed from that at which Abraham’s servant met with Rebekah.
There the water was drawn at once from the (open) well and poured into troughs placed ready for the cattle, as is the case now at most of the wells in the East; whereas here the well was closed up with a stone, and there is no mention of pitchers and troughs. The well, therefore, was probably a cistern dug in the ground, which was covered up or closed with a large stone, and probably so constructed, that after the stone had been rolled away the flocks could be driven to the edge to drink. f54 GENESIS 29:5-14 Jacob asked the shepherds where they lived; from which it is probable that the well was not situated, like that in Genesis 24:11, in the immediate neighbourhood of the town of Haran; and when they said they were from Haran, he inquired after Laban, the son, i.e., the descendant, of Nahor, and how he was ( ttæK; µwOlv; : is he well?; and received the reply, “Well; and behold Rachel, his daughter, is just coming ( awOB particip.) with the flock.”
When Jacob thereupon told the shepherds to water the flocks and feed them again, for the day was still “great,” — i.e., it wanted a long while to the evening, and was not yet time to drive them in (to the folds to rest for the night)-he certainly only wanted to get the shepherds away from the well, that he might meet with his cousin alone. But as Rachel came up in the meantime, he was so carried away by the feelings of relationship, possibly by a certain love at first sight, that he rolled the stone away from the well, watered her flock, and after kissing her, introduced himself with tears of joyous emotion as her cousin ( ba; ja; , brother, i.e., relation of her father) and Rebekah’s son. What the other shepherds thought of all this, is passed over as indifferent to the purpose of the narrative, and the friendly reception of Jacob by Laban is related immediately afterwards. When Jacob had told Laban “all these things,” — i.e., hardly “the cause of his journey, and the things which had happened to him in relation to the birthright” (Rosenmüller), but simply the things mentioned in vv. 2-12-Laban acknowledged him as his relative: “Yes, thou art my bone and my flesh” (cf. 2:23 and Judges 9:2); and thereby eo ipso ensured him an abode in his house.
GENESIS. 29:15-20
Jacob’s Double Marriage.
After a full month (“a month of days,” Genesis 41:4; Numb. 11:20, etc.), during which time Laban had discovered that he was a good and useful shepherd, he said to him, “Shouldst thou, because thou art my relative, serve me for nothing? fix me thy wages.” Laban’s selfishness comes out here under the appearance of justice and kindness. To preclude all claim on the part of his sister’s son to gratitude or affection in return for his services, he proposes to pay him like an ordinary servant. Jacob offered to serve him seven years for Rachel, the younger of his two daughters, whom he loved because of her beauty; i.e., just as many years as the week has days, that he might bind himself to a complete and sufficient number of years of service. For the elder daughter, Leah, had weak eyes, and consequently was not so good-looking; since bright eyes, with fire in them, are regarded as the height of beauty in Oriental women. Laban agreed. He would rather give his daughter to him than to a stranger. f55 Jacob’s proposal may be explained, partly on the ground that he was not then in a condition to give the customary dowry, or the usual presents to relations, and partly also from the fact that his situation with regard to Esau compelled him to remain some time with Laban. The assent on the part of Laban cannot be accounted for from the custom of selling daughters to husbands, for it cannot be shown that the purchase of wives was a general custom at that time; but is to be explained solely on the ground of Laban’s selfishness and avarice, which came out still more plainly afterwards. To Jacob, however, the seven years seemed but “a few days, because he loved Rachel.” This is to be understood, as C. a Lapide observes, “not affective, but appretiative,” i.e., in comparison with the reward to be obtained for his service.
GENESIS. 29:21-24
But when Jacob asked for his reward at the expiration of this period, and according to the usual custom a great marriage feast had been prepared, instead of Rachel, Laban took his elder daughter Leah into the bridechamber, and Jacob went in unto her, without discovering in the dark the deception that had been practised. Thus the overreacher of Esau was overreached himself, and sin was punished by sin.
GENESIS. 29:25-26
But when Jacob complained to Laban the next morning of his deception, he pleaded the custom of the country: ˆKe `hc;[; alo , “it is not accustomed to be so in our place, to give the younger before the first-born.” A perfectly worthless excuse; for if this had really been the custom in Haran as in ancient India and elsewhere, he ought to have told Jacob of it before. But to satisfy Jacob, he promised him that in a week he would give him the younger also, if he would serve him seven years longer for her.
GENESIS. 29:27-30
“Fulfil her week;” i.e., let Leah’s marriage-week pass over. The wedding feast generally lasted a week (cf. Judges 14:12; Job 11:19). After this week had passed, he received Rachel also: two wives in eight days. To each of these Laban gave one maid-servant to wait upon her; less, therefore, than Bethuel gave to his daughter (Genesis 24:61). — This bigamy of Jacob must not be judged directly by the Mosaic law, which prohibits marriage with two sisters at the same time (Leviticus 18:18), or set down as incest (Calvin, etc.), since there was no positive law on the point in existence then. At the same time, it is not to be justified on the ground, that the blessing of God made it the means of the fulfilment of His promise, viz., the multiplication of the seed of Abraham into a great nation. Just as it had arisen from Laban’s deception and Jacob’s love, which regarded outward beauty alone, and therefore from sinful infirmities, so did it become in its results a true school of affliction to Jacob, in which God showed to him, by many a humiliation, that such conduct as his was quite unfitted to accomplish the divine counsels, and thus condemned the ungodliness of such a marriage, and prepared the way for the subsequent prohibition in the law.
GENESIS. 29:31-35
Leah’s First Sons.
Jacob’s sinful weakness showed itself even after his marriage, in the fact that he loved Rachel more than Leah; and the chastisement of God, in the fact that the hated wife was blessed with children, whilst Rachel for a long time remained unfruitful. By this it was made apparent once more, that the origin of Israel was to be a work not of nature, but of grace. Leah had four sons in rapid succession, and gave them names which indicated her state of mind: (1) Reuben, “see, a son!” because she regarded his birth as a pledge that Jehovah had graciously looked upon her misery, for now her husband would love her; (2) Simeon, i.e., “hearing,” for Jehovah had heard, i.e., observed that she was hated; (3) Levi, i.e., attachment, for she hoped that this time, at least, after she had born three sons, her husband would become attached to her, i.e., show her some affection; (4) Judah ( hd;Why] , verbal, of the fut. hoph. of dy; ), i.e., praise, not merely the praised one, but the one for whom Jehovah is praised.
After this fourth birth there was a pause (v. 31), that she might not be unduly lifted up by her good fortune, or attribute to the fruitfulness of her own womb what the faithfulness of Jehovah, the covenant God had bestowed upon her.
GENESIS. 30:1-8
Bilhah’s Sons.
When Rachel thought of her own barrenness, she became more and more envious of her sister, who was blessed with sons. But instead of praying, either directly or through her husband, as Rebekah had done, to Jehovah, who had promised His favour to Jacob (Genesis 28:13ff.), she said to Jacob, in passionate displeasure, “Get me children, or I shall die;” to which he angrily replied, “Amos I in God’s stead (i.e., equal to God, or God), who hath withheld from thee the fruit of the womb?” i.e., Can I, a powerless man, give thee what the Almighty God has withheld? Almighty like God Jacob certainly was not; but he also wanted the power which he might have possessed, the power of prayer, in firm reliance upon the promise of the Lord. Hence he could neither help nor advise his beloved wife, but only assent to her proposal, that he should beget children for her through her maid Bilhah (cf. 16:2), through whom two sons were born to her.
The first she named Dan, i.e., judge, because God had judged her, i.e., procured her justice, hearkened to her voice (prayer), and removed the reproach of childlessness; the second Naphtali, i.e., my conflict, or my fought one, for “fightings of God, she said, have I fought with my sister, and also prevailed.” µyhila’ lWTp]næ are neither luctationes quam maximae, nor “a conflict in the cause of God, because Rachel did not wish to leave the founding of the nation of God to Leah alone” (Knobel), but “fightings for God and His mercy” (Hengstenberg), or, what comes to the same thing, “wrestlings of prayer she had wrestled with Leah; in reality, however, with God Himself, who seemed to have restricted His mercy to Leah alone” (Delitzsch). It is to be noticed, that Rachel speaks of Elohim only, whereas Leah regarded her first four sons as the gift of Jehovah. In this variation of the names, the attitude of the two women, not only to one another, but also to the cause they served, is made apparent.
It makes no difference whether the historian has given us the very words of the women on the birth of their children, or, what appears more probable, since the name of God is not introduced into the names of the children, merely his own view of the matter as related by him (Genesis 29:31; 30:17,22). Leah, who had been forced upon Jacob against his inclination, and was put by him in the background, was not only proved by the four sons, whom she bore to him in the first years of her marriage, to be the wife provided for Jacob by Elohim, the ruler of human destiny; but by the fact that these four sons formed the real stem of the promised numerous seed, she was proved still more to be the wife selected by Jehovah, in realization of His promise, to be the tribe-mother of the greater part of the covenant nation. But this required that Leah herself should be fitted for it in heart and mind, that she should feel herself to be the handmaid of Jehovah, and give glory to the covenant God for the blessing of children, or see in her children actual proofs that Jehovah had accepted her and would bring to her the affection of her husband. It was different with Rachel, the favourite and therefore high-minded wife. Jacob should give her, what God alone could give. The faithfulness and blessing of the covenant God were still hidden from her. Hence she resorted to such earthly means as procuring children through her maid, and regarded the desired result as the answer of God, and a victory in her contest with her sister. For such a state of mind the term Elohim, God the sovereign ruler, was the only fitting expression.
GENESIS. 30:9-13
Zilpah’s Sons.
But Leah also was not content with the divine blessing bestowed upon her by Jehovah. The means employed by Rachel to retain the favour of her husband made her jealous; and jealousy drove her to the employment of the same means. Jacob begat two sons by Zilpah her maid. The one Leah named Gad, i.e., “good fortune,” saying, dg;B, “with good fortune,” according to the Chethib, for which the Masoretic reading is dG; awOB, “good fortune has come,” — not, however, from any ancient tradition, for the Sept. reads en tu>ch , but simply from a subjective and really unnecessary conjecture, since dg;B] = “to my good fortune,” sc., a son is born, gives a very suitable meaning. The second she named Asher, i.e., the happy one, or bringer of happiness; for she said, rv,ao , “to my happiness, for daughters call me happy,” i.e., as a mother with children. The perfect rvæa; relates to “what she had now certainly reached” (Del.). Leah did not think of God in connection with these two births. They were nothing more than the successful and welcome result of the means she had employed. GENESIS 30:14-21 The Other Children of Leah.
How thoroughly henceforth the two wives were carried away by constant jealousy of the love and attachment of their husband, is evident from the affair of the love-apples, which Leah’s son Reuben, who was then four years old, found in the field and brought to his mother. ydæWD, mh>la mandragorw>n (LXX), the yellow apples of the alraun (Mandragora vernalis), a mandrake very common in Palestine. They are about the size of a nutmeg, with a strong and agreeable odour, and were used by the ancients, as they still are by the Arabs, as a means of promoting childbearing.
To Rachel’s request that she would give her some, Leah replied (v. 15): “Is it too little, that thou hast taken (drawn away from me) my husband, to take also” ( jqæl; infin.), i.e., that thou wouldst also take, “my son’s mandrakes?” At length she parted with them, on condition that Rachel would let Jacob sleep with her the next night.
After relating how Leah conceived again, and Rachel continued barren in spite of the mandrakes, the writer justly observes (v. 17), “Elohim hearkened unto Leah,” to show that it was not from such natural means as love-apples, but from God the author of life, that she had received such fruitfulness. Leah saw in the birth of her fifth son a divine reward for having given her maid to her husband-a recompense, that is, for her selfdenial; and she named him on that account Issaschar, rk;vC;yi , a strange form, to be understood either according to the Chethib rk;c; vye “there is reward,” or according to the Keri rk;c; aC;y “he bears (brings) reward.” At length she bore her sixth son, and named him Zebulun, i.e., “dwelling;” for she hoped that now, after God had endowed her with a good portion, her husband, to whom she had born six sons, would dwell with her, i.e., become more warmly attached to her. The name is from lbæz; to dwell, with acc. constr. “to inhabit,” formed with a play upon the alliteration in the word dbæz; to present-two aJ>pax lego>mena . In connection with these two births, Leah mentions Elohim alone, the supernatural giver, and not Jehovah, the covenant God, whose grace had been forced out of her heart by jealousy. She afterwards bore a daughter, Dinah, who is mentioned simply because of the account in ch. 34; for, according to Genesis 37:35 and 46:7, Jacob had several daughters, though they were nowhere mentioned by name. GENESIS 30:22-24 Birth of Joseph.
At length God gave Rachel also a son, whom she named Joseph, ãsewOy , i.e., taking away (= ãsæy; , cf. 1 Samuel 15:6; 2 Samuel 6:1; Psalm 104:29) and adding (from ãsæy; ), because his birth not only furnished an actual proof that God had removed the reproach of her childlessness, but also excited the wish, that Jehovah might add another son. The fulfilment of this wish is recorded in Genesis 35:16ff. The double derivation of the name, and the exchange of Elohim for Jehovah, may be explained, without the hypothesis of a double source, on the simple ground, that Rachel first of all looked back at the past, and, thinking of the earthly means that had been applied in vain for the purpose of obtaining a child, regarded the son as a gift of God.
At the same time, the good fortune which had now come to her banished from her heart her envy of her sister (v. 1), and aroused belief in that God, who, as she had no doubt heard from her husband, had given Jacob such great promises; so that in giving the name, probably at the circumcision, she remembered Jehovah and prayed for another son from His covenant faithfulness.
After the birth of Joseph, Jacob asked Laban to send him away, with the wives and children for whom he had served him (v. 25). According to this, Joseph was born at the end of the 14 years of service that had been agreed upon, or seven years after Jacob had taken Leah and (a week later) Rachel as his wives (Genesis 29:21-28). Now if all the children, whose births are given in Genesis 29:32-30:24, had been born one after another during the period mentioned, not only would Leah have had seven children in 7, or literally 6 1/4 years, but there would have been a considerable interval also, during which Rachel’s maid and her own gave birth to children. But this would have been impossible; and the text does not really state it. When we bear in mind that the imperf. c. w consec. expresses not only the order of time, but the order of thought as well, it becomes apparent that in the history of the births, the intention to arrange them according to the mothers prevails over the chronological order, so that it by no means follows, that because the passage, “when Rachel saw that she bare Jacob no children,” occurs after Leah is said to have had four sons, therefore it was not till after the birth of Leah’s fourth child that Rachel became aware of her own barrenness. There is nothing on the part of the grammar to prevent our arranging the course of events thus. Leah’s first four births followed as rapidly as possible one after the other, so that four sons were born in the first four years of the second period of Jacob’s service. In the meantime, not necessarily after the birth of Leah’s fourth child, Rachel, having discovered her own barrenness, had given her maid to Jacob; so that not only may Dan have been born before Judah, but Naphtali also not long after him. The rapidity and regularity with which Leah had born her first four sons, would make her notice all the more quickly the cessation that took place; and jealousy of Rachel, as well as the success of the means she had adopted, would impel her to attempt in the same way to increase the number of her children. Moreover, Leah herself may have conceived again before the birth of her maid’s second son, and may have given birth to her last two sons in the sixth and seventh years of their marriage. And contemporaneously with the birth of Leah’s last son, or immediately afterwards, Rachel may have given birth to Joseph. In this way Jacob may easily have had eleven sons within seven years of his marriage. But with regard to the birth of Dinah, the expression “afterwards” (v. 21) seems to indicate, that she was not born during Jacob’s years of service, but during the remaining six years of his stay with Laban.
GENESIS. 30:25-33
New Contract of Service Between Jacob and Laban.
As the second period of seven years terminated about the time of Joseph’s birth, Jacob requested Laban to let him return to his own place and country, i.e., to Canaan. Laban, however, entreated him to remain, for he had perceived that Jehovah, Jacob’s God, had blessed him for his sake; and told him to fix his wages for further service. The words, “if I have found favour in thine eyes” (v. 27), contain an aposiopesis, sc., then remain. vjæn; “a heathen expression, like augurando cognovi” (Delitzsch). `l[æ rk;c; thy wages, which it will be binding upon me to give. Jacob reminded him, on the other hand, what service he had rendered him, how Jehovah’s blessing had followed “at his foot,” and asked when he should begin to provide for his own house. But when Laban repeated the question, what should he give him, Jacob offered to feed and keep his flock still, upon one condition, which was founded upon the fact, that in the East the goats, as a rule, are black or dark-brown, rarely white or spotted with white, and that the sheep for the most part are white, very seldom black or speckled.
Jacob required as wages, namely, all the speckled, spotted, and black among the sheep, and all the speckled, spotted, and white among the goats; and offered “even to-day” to commence separating them, so that “tomorrow” Laban might convince himself of the uprightness of his proceedings. rWs (v. 32) cannot be imperative, because of the preceding `rbæ[; , but must be infinitive: “I will go through the whole flock to-day to remove from thence all...;” and rk;c; hy;h; signifies “what is removed shall be my wages,” but not everything of an abnormal colour that shall hereafter be found in the flock. This was no doubt intended by Jacob, as the further course of the narrative shows, but it is not involved in the words of v. 32. Either the writer has restricted himself to the main fact, and omitted to mention that it was also agreed at the same time that the separation should be repeated at certain regular periods, and that all the sheep of an abnormal colour in Laban’s flock should also be set aside as part of Jacob’s wages; or this point was probably not mentioned at first, but taken for granted by both parties, since Jacob took measures with that idea to his own advantage, and even Laban, notwithstanding the frequent alteration of the contract with which Jacob charged him (Genesis 31:7-8, and 41), does not appear to have disputed this right.
GENESIS. 30:34-40
Laban cheerfully accepted the proposal, but did not leave Jacob to make the selection. He undertook that himself, probably to make more sure, and then gave those which were set apart as Jacob’s wages to his own sons to tend, since it was Jacob’s duty to take care of Laban’s flock, and “set three days’ journey betwixt himself and Jacob,” i.e., between the flock to be tended by himself through his sons, and that to be tended by Jacob, for the purpose of preventing any copulation between the animals of the two flocks. Nevertheless he was overreached by Jacob, who adopted a double method of increasing the wages agreed upon. In the first place (vv. 37-39), he took fresh rods of storax, maple, and walnut-trees, all of which have a dazzling white wood under their dark outside, and peeled white stripes upon them, ˆb;l; ãcj]mæ (the verbal noun instead of the inf. abs. chaasp), “peeling the white naked in the rods.” These partially peeled, and therefore mottled rods, he placed in the drinking-troughs ( fhæræ lit., gutters, from fhir] = xWr to run, is explained by µyiMæhæ twOtq\vi water-troughs), to which the flock came to drink, in front of the animals, in order that, if copulation took place at the drinking time, it might occur near the mottled sticks, and the young be speckled and spotted in consequence. µjæy; a rare, antiquated form for hn;m]jæTewæ from µmæj; , and µjæy; for Wmj;yiwæ imperf. Kal of µjæy; = µmæj; .
This artifice was founded upon a fact frequently noticed, particularly in the case of sheep, that whatever fixes their attention in copulation is marked upon the young (see the proofs in Bochart, Hieroz. 1, 618, and Friedreich zur Bibel 1, 37ff.). — Secondly (v. 40), Jacob separated the speckled animals thus obtained from those of a normal colour, and caused the latter to feed so that the others would be constantly in sight, in order that he might in this way obtain a constant accession of mottled sheep. As soon as these had multiplied sufficiently, he formed separate flocks (viz., of the speckled additions), “and put them not unto Laban’s cattle;” i.e., he kept them apart in order that a still larger number of speckled ones might be procured, through Laban’s one-coloured flock having this mottled group constantly in view.
GENESIS. 30:41-43
He did not adopt the trick with the rods, however, on every occasion of copulation, for the sheep in those countries lamb twice a year, but only at the copulation of the strong sheep ( rvæq; the bound ones, i.e., firm and compact)-Luther, “the spring flock;” µjæy; inf. Pi. “to conceive it (the young);” — but not “in the weakening of the sheep,” i.e., when they were weak, and would produce weak lambs. The meaning is probably this: he only adopted this plan at the summer copulation, not the autumn; for, in the opinion of the ancients (Pliny, Columella), lambs that were conceived in the spring and born in the autumn were stronger than those born in the spring (cf. Bochart l.c. p. 582). Jacob did this, possibly, less to spare Laban, than to avoid exciting suspicion, and so leading to the discovery of his trick. — In v. 43 the account closes with the remark, that the man increased exceedingly, and became rich in cattle ( bræ ˆaox many head of sheep and goats) and slaves, without expressing approbation of Jacob’s conduct, or describing his increasing wealth as a blessing from God. The verdict is contained in what follows. JACOB’S FLIGHT, AND FAREWELL OF LABAN.
GENESIS. 31:1-5
The Flight.
Through some angry remarks of Laban’s sons with reference to his growing wealth, and the evident change in the feelings of Laban himself towards him (vv. 1, 2), Jacob was inwardly prepared for the termination of his present connection with Laban; and at the same time he received instructions from Jehovah, to return to his home, together with a promise of divine protection. In consequence of this, he sent for Rachel and Leah to come to him in the field, and explained to them (vv. 4-13), how their father’s disposition had changed towards him, and how he had deceived him in spite of the service he had forced out of him, and had altered his wages ten times; but that the God of his father had stood by him, and had transferred to him their father’s cattle, and now at length had directed him to return to his home.
GENESIS. 31:6-8
hT;aæ : the original form of the abbreviated ˆTeaæ , which is merely copied from the Pentateuch in Exodus 13:11,20; 34:17.
GENESIS. 31:9-13
ba; : for ba; as in Genesis 32:16, etc. — “Ten times:” i.e., as often as possible, the ten as a round number expressing the idea of completeness.
From the statement that Laban had changed his wages ten times, it is evident that when Laban observed, that among his sheep and goats, of one colour only, a large number of mottled young were born, he made repeated attempts to limit the original stipulation by changing the rule as to the colour of the young, and so diminishing Jacob’s wages. But when Jacob passes over his own stratagem in silence, and represents all that he aimed at and secured by crafty means as the fruit of God’s blessing, this differs no doubt from the account in ch. 30. It is not a contradiction, however, pointing to a difference in the sources of the two chapters, but merely a difference founded upon actual fact, viz., the fact that Jacob did not tell the whole truth to his wives. Moreover self-help and divine help do not exclude one another. Hence his account of the dream, in which he saw that the rams that leaped upon the cattle were all of various colours, and heard the voice of the angel of God calling his attention to what had been seen, in the words, “I have seen all that Laban hath done to thee,” may contain actual truth; and the dream may be regarded as a divine revelation, which was either sent to explain to him now, at the end of the sixth year, “that it was not his stratagem, but the providence of God which had prevented him from falling a victim to Laban’s avarice, and had brought him such wealth” (Delitzsch); or, if the dream occurred at an earlier period, was meant to teach him, that “the help of God, without any such self-help, could procure him justice and safety in spite of Laban’s selfish covetousness” (Kurtz). It is very difficult to decide between these two interpretations.
As Jehovah’s instructions to him to return were not given till the end of his period of service, and Jacob connects them so closely with the vision of the rams that they seem contemporaneous, Delitzsch’s view appears to deserve the preference. But the `hc;[; in v. 12, “all that Laban is doing to thee,” does not exactly suit this meaning; and we should rather expect to find `hc;[; used at the end of the time of service. The participle rather favours Kurtz’s view, that Jacob had the vision of the rams and the explanation from the angel at the beginning of the last six years of service, but that in his communication to his wives, in which there was no necessity to preserve a strict continuity or distinction of time, he connected it with the divine instructions to return to his home, which he received at the end of his time of service. But if we decide in favour of this view, we have no further guarantee for the objective reality of the vision of the rams, since nothing is said about it in the historical account, and it is nowhere stated that the wealth obtained by Jacob’s craftiness was the result of the divine blessing.
The attempt so unmistakeably apparent in Jacob’s whole conversation with his wives, to place his dealing with Laban in the most favourable light for himself, excites the suspicion, that the vision of which he spoke was nothing more than a natural dream, the materials being supplied by the three thoughts that were most frequently in his mind, by night as well as by day, viz., (1) his own schemes and their success; (2) the promise received at Bethel; (3) the wish to justify his actions to his own conscience; and that these were wrought up by an excited imagination into a visionary dream, of the divine origin of which Jacob himself may not have had the slightest doubt. — In v. 13 lae has the article in the construct state, contrary to the ordinary rule; cf. Ges. §110, 2b; Ewald, §290.
GENESIS. 31:14-16
The two wives naturally agreed with their husband, and declared that they had no longer any part or inheritance in their father’s house. For he had not treated them as daughters, but sold them like strangers, i.e., servants. “And he has even constantly eaten our money,” i.e., consumed the property brought to him by our service. The inf. abs. lkæa; after the finite verb expresses the continuation of the act, and is intensified by µGæ “yes, even.” yKi in v. 16 signifies “so that,” as in Deuteronomy 14:24; Job 10:6.
GENESIS. 31:17-19
Jacob then set out with his children and wives, and all the property that he had acquired in Padan-Aram, to return to his father in Canaan; whilst Laban had gone to the sheep-shearing, which kept him some time from his home on account of the size of his flock. Rachel took advantage of her father’s absence to rob him of his teraphim (penates), probably small images of household gods in human form, which were worshipped as givers of earthly prosperity, and also consulted as oracles (see my Archäologie, §90).
GENESIS. 31:20-21
“Thus Jacob deceived Laban the Syrian, in that he told him not that he ble bnæG; to steal the heart (as the seat of the understanding), like kle>ptein nw>n , and bnæG; with the simple accus. pers., v. 27, like kleptein ti>na , signifies to take the knowledge of anything away from a person, to deceive him;-”and passed over the river (Euphrates), and took the direction to the mountains of Gilead.” GENESIS 31:22-25 Laban’s Pursuit, Reconciliation, and Covenant with Jacob.
As Laban was not told till the third day after the flight, though he pursued the fugitives with his brethren, i.e., his nearest relations, he did not overtake Jacob for seven days, by which time he had reached the mountains of Gilead (vv. 22-24). The night before he overtook them, he was warned by God in a dream, “not to speak to Jacob from good to bad,” i.e., not to say anything decisive and emphatic for the purpose of altering what had already occurred (vid., v. 29, and the note on Genesis 24:50).
Hence he confined himself, when they met, “to bitter reproaches combining paternal feeling on the one hand with hypocrisy on the other;” in which he told them that he had the power to do them harm, if God had not forbidden him, and charged them with stealing his gods (the teraphim).
GENESIS. 31:26
“Like sword-booty;” i.e., like prisoners of war (2 Kings 6:22) carried away unwillingly and by force.
GENESIS. 31:27-28
“So I might have conducted thee with mirth and songs, with tabret and harp,” i.e., have sent thee away with a parting feast. V. 28. `hc;[; : an old form of the infinitive for `hc;[; as in Genesis 48:11; 50:20.
GENESIS. 31:29
dy; lae vye : “there is to God my hand” (Micah 2:1; cf. Deuteronomy 28:32; Neh 5:5), i.e., my hand serves me as God (Habakkuk 1:11; Job 12:6), a proverbial expression for “the power lies in my hand.”
GENESIS. 31:30
“And now thou art gone (for, if thou art gone), because thou longedst after thy father’s house, why hast thou stolen my gods?” The meaning is this: even if thy secret departure can be explained, thy stealing of my gods cannot. GENESIS 31:31-32 The first, Jacob met by pleading his fear lest Laban should take away his daughters (keep them back by force). “For I said:” equivalent to “for I thought.” But Jacob knew nothing of the theft; hence he declared, that with whomsoever he might find the gods he should be put to death, and told Laban to make the strictest search among all the things that he had with him. “Before our brethren,” i.e., the relations who had come with Laban, as being impartial witnesses (cf. v. 37); not, as Knobel thinks, before Jacob’s horde of male and female slaves, of women and of children.
GENESIS. 31:33-35
Laban looked through all the tents, but did not find his teraphim; for Rachel had put them in the saddle of her camel and was sitting upon them, and excused herself to her lord (Adonai, v. 35), on the ground that the custom of women was upon her. “The camel’s furniture,” i.e., the saddle (not “the camel’s litter:” Luther), here the woman’s riding saddle, which had a comfortable seat formed of carpets on the top of the packsaddle. The fact that Laban passed over Rachel’s seat because of her pretended condition, does not presuppose the Levitical law in Leviticus 15:19ff., according to which, any one who touched the couch or seat of such a woman was rendered unclean. For, in the first place, the view which lies at the foundation of this law was much older than the laws of Moses, and is met with among many other nations (cf. Bähr, Symbolik ii. 466, etc.); consequently Laban might refrain from making further examination, less from fear of defilement, than because he regarded it as impossible that any one with the custom of women upon her should sit upon his gods.
GENESIS. 31:36-39
As Laban found nothing, Jacob grew angry, and pointed out the injustice of his hot pursuit and his search among all his things, but more especially the harsh treatment he had received from him in return for the unselfish and self-denying services that he had rendered him for twenty years. Acute sensibility and elevated self-consciousness give to Jacob’s words a rhythmical movement and a poetical form. Hence such expressions as rjæaæ qlæD; “hotly pursued,” which is only met with in 1 Samuel 17:53; af;j; for af;j; “I had to atone for it,” i.e., to bear the loss; “the Fear of Isaac,” used as a name for God, djæpæ , se’bas = se>basma , the object of Isaac’s fear or sacred awe.
GENESIS. 31:40-41
“I have been; by day (i.e., I have been in this condition, that by day) heat has consumed (prostrated) me, and cold by night” — for it is well known, that in the East the cold by night corresponds to the heat by day; the hotter the day the colder the night, as a rule.
GENESIS. 31:42
“Except the God of my father...had been for me, surely thou wouldst now have sent me away empty. God has seen mine affliction and the labour of my hands, and last night He judged it.” By the warning given to Laban, God pronounced sentence upon the matter between Jacob and Laban, condemning the course which Laban had pursued, and still intended to pursue, towards Jacob; but not on that account sanctioning all that Jacob had done to increase his own possessions, still less confirming Jacob’s assertion that the vision mentioned by Jacob (vv. 11, 12) was a revelation from God. But as Jacob had only met cunning with cunning, deceit with deceit, Laban had no right to punish him for what he had done. Some excuse may indeed be found for Jacob’s conduct in the heartless treatment he received from Laban, but the fact that God defended him from Laban’s revenge did not prove it to be right. He had not acted upon the rule laid down in Prov 20:22 (cf. Romans 12:17; 1 Thess 5:15).
GENESIS. 31:43-54
These words of Jacob “cut Laban to the heart with their truth, so that he turned round, offered his hand, and proposed a covenant.” Jacob proceeded at once to give a practical proof of his assent to this proposal of his father-in-law, by erecting a stone as a memorial, and calling upon his relations also (“his brethren,” as in v. 23, by whom Laban and the relations who came with him are intended, as v. 54 shows) to gather stones into a heap, which formed a table, as is briefly observed in v. 46b, for the covenant meal (v. 54). This stone-heap was called Jegar-sahadutha by Laban, and Galeed by Jacob (the former is the Chaldee, the latter the Hebrew; they have both the same meaning, viz., “heaps of witness” f56 because, as Laban, who spoke first, as being the elder, explained, the heap was to be a “witness between him and Jacob.” The historian then adds this explanation: “therefore they called hi name Gal’ed,” and immediately afterwards introduces a second name, which the heap received from words that were spoken by Laban at the conclusion of the covenant (v. 49): “And Mizpah,” i.e., watch, watch-place (sc., he called it), “for he (Laban) said, Jehovah watch between me and thee; for we are hidden from one another (from the face of one another), if thou shalt oppress my daughters, and if thou shalt take wives to my daughters! No man is with us, behold God is witness between me and thee!” (vv. 49, 50). After these words of Laban, which are introduced parenthetically, and in which he enjoined upon Jacob fidelity to his daughters, the formation of the covenant of reconciliation and peace between them is first described, according to which, neither of them (sive ego sive tu, as in Exodus 19:13) was to pass the stone-heap and memorial-stone with a hostile intention towards the other. Of this the memorial was to serve as a witness, and the God of Abraham and the God of Nahor, the God of their father (Terah), would be umpire between them. To this covenant, in which Laban, according to his polytheistic views, placed the God of Abraham upon the same level with the God of Nahor and Terah, Jacob swore by “the Fear of Isaac” (v. 42), the God who was worshipped by his father with sacred awe. He then offered sacrifices upon the mountain, and invited his relations to eat, i.e., to partake of a sacrificial meal, and seal the covenant by a feast of love.
The geographical names Gilead and Ramath-mizpeh (Joshua 13:26), also Mizpeh-Gilead (Judg. 2:29), sound so obviously like Gal’ed and Mizpah, that they are no doubt connected, and owe their origin to the monument erected by Jacob and Laban; so that it was by prolepsis that the scene of this occurrence was called “the mountains of Gilead” in vv. 21, 23, 25. By the mount or mountains of Gilead we are not to understand the mountain range to the south of the Jabbok (Zerka), the present Jebel Jelaad, or Jebel es Salt. The name Gilead has a much more comprehensive signification in the Old Testament; and the mountains to the south of the Jabbok are called in Deuteronomy 3:12 the half of Mount Gilead; the mountains to the north of the Jabbok, the Jebel-Ajlun, forming the other half. In this chapter the name is used in the broader sense, and refers primarily to the northern half of the mountains (above the Jabbok); for Jacob did not cross the Jabbok till afterwards (Genesis 32:23-24). There is nothing in the names Ramathmizpeh, which Ramoth in Gilead bears in Joshua 13:26, and Mizpeh- Gilead, which it bears in Judges 11:29, to compel us to place Laban’s meeting with Jacob in the southern portion of the mountains of Gilead. For even if this city is to be found in the modern Salt, and was called Ramathmizpeh from the even recorded here, all that can be inferred from that is, that the tradition of Laban’s covenant with Jacob was associated in later ages with Ramoth in Gilead, without the correctness of the association being thereby established.
THE CAMP OF GOD AND JACOB’S WRESTLING GENESIS 31:55-32:1-3 The Host of God.
When Laban had taken his departure peaceably, Jacob pursued his journey to Canaan. He was then met by some angels of God, in whom he discerned an encampment of God; and he called the place where they appeared Mahanaim, i.e., double camp or double host, because the host of God joined his host as a safeguard. This appearance of angels necessarily reminded him of the vision of the ladder, on his flight from Canaan. Just as the angels ascending and descending had then represented to him the divine protection and assistance during his journey and sojourn in a foreign land, so now the angelic host was a signal of the help of God for the approaching conflict with Esau of which he was in fear, and a fresh pledge of the promise (Genesis 28:15), “I will bring thee back to the land,” etc.
Jacob saw it during his journey; in a waking condition, therefore, not internally, but out of or above himself: but whether with the eyes of the body or of the mind (cf. 2 Kings 6:17), cannot be determined. Mahanaim was afterwards a distinguished city, which is frequently mentioned, situated to the north of the Jabbok; and the name and remains are still preserved in the place called Mahneh (Robinson, Pal. Appendix, p. 166), the site of which, however, has not yet been minutely examined (see my Comm. on Joshua, p. 259).
GENESIS. 32:4-7
From this point Jacob sent messengers forward to his brother Esau, to make known his return in such a style of humility (“thy servant,” “my lord”) as was adapted to conciliate him. rjæa; (v. 5) is the first pers. imperf. Kal for rjæa; , from rjæaæ to delay, to pass a time; cf. Prov 8:17, and Ges. §68, 2. The statement that Esau was already in the land of Seir (v. 4), or, as it is afterwards called, the field of Edom, is not at variance with Genesis 36:6, and may be very naturally explained on the supposition, that with the increase of his family and possessions, he severed himself more and more from his father’s house, becoming increasingly convinced, as time went on, that he could hope for no change in the blessings pronounced by his father upon Jacob and himself, which excluded him from the inheritance of the promise, viz., the future possession of Canaan. Now, even if his malicious feelings towards Jacob had gradually softened down, he had probably never said anything to his parents on the subject, so that Rebekah had been unable to fulfil her promise (Genesis 27:45); and Jacob, being quite uncertain as to his brother’s state of mind, was thrown into the greatest alarm and anxiety by the report of the messengers, that Esau was coming to meet him with 400 men.
The simplest explanation of the fact that Esau should have had so many men about him as a standing army, is that given by Delitzsch; namely, that he had to subjugate the Horite population in Seir, for which purpose he might easily have formed such an army, partly from the Canaanitish and Ishmaelitish relations of his wives, and partly from his own servants. His reason for going to meet Jacob with such a company may have been, either to show how mighty a prince he was, or with the intention of making his brother sensible of his superior power, and assuming a hostile attitude if the circumstances favoured it, even though the lapse of years had so far mitigated his anger, that he no longer seriously thought of executing the vengeance he had threatened twenty years before. For we are warranted in regarding Jacob’s fear as no vain, subjective fancy, but as having an objective foundation, by the fact that God endowed him with courage and strength for his meeting with Esau, through the medium of the angelic host and the wrestling at the Jabbok; whilst, on the other hand, the brotherly affection and openness with which Esau met him, are to be attributed partly to Jacob’s humble demeanour, and still more to the fact, that by the influence of God, the still remaining malice had been rooted out from his heart.
GENESIS. 32:8-11
Jacob, fearing the worst, divided his people and flocks into two camps, that if Esau smote the one, the other might escape. He then turned to the Great Helper in every time of need, and with an earnest prayer besought the God of his fathers, Abraham and Isaac, who had directed him to return, that, on the ground of the abundant mercies and truth (cf. Genesis 24:27) He had shown him thus far, He would deliver him out of the hand of his brother, and from the threatening destruction, and so fulfil His promises.
GENESIS. 32:12-13
“For I am in fear of him, that ( ˆpe ne) he come and smite me, mother with children.” ˆBe `l[æ µae is a proverbial expression for unsparing cruelty, taken from the bird which covers its young to protect them (Deuteronomy 22:6, cf. Hosea 10:14). `l[æ super, una cum, as in Exodus 35:22.
GENESIS. 32:14-22
Although hoping for aid and safety from the Lord alone, Jacob neglected no means of doing what might help to appease his brother. Having taken up his quarters for the night in the place where he received the tidings of Esau’s approach, he selected from his flocks (“of that which came to his hand,” i.e., which he had acquired) a very respectable present of 550 head of cattle, and sent them in different detachments to meet Esau, “as a present from his servant Jacob,” who was coming behind. The selection was in harmony with the general possessions of nomads (cf. Job 1:3; 43:12), and the proportion of male to female animals was arranged according to the agricultural rule of Varro (de re rustica 2, 3). The division of the present, “drove and drove separately,” i.e., into several separate droves which followed one another at certain intervals, was to serve the purpose of gradually mitigating the wrath of Esau. paaniym kiper, v. 21, to appease the countenance; µynip; ac;n; to raise any one’s countenance, i.e., to receive him in a friendly manner. This present he sent forward; and he himself remained the same night (mentioned in v. 14) in the camp.
GENESIS. 32:23-24
The Wrestling with God.
The same night, he conveyed his family with all his possessions across the ford of the Jabbok. Jabbok is the present Wady es Zerka (i.e., the blue), which flows from the east towards the Jordan, and with its deep rocky valley formed at that time the boundary between the kingdoms of Sihon at Heshbon and Og of Bashan. It now separates the countries of Moerad or Ajlun and Belka. The ford by which Jacob crossed was hardly the one which he took on his outward journey, upon the Syrian caravan-road by Kalaat-Zerka, but one much farther to the west, between Jebel Ajlun and Jebel Jelaad, through which Buckingham, Burckhardt, and Seetzen passed; and where there are still traces of walls and buildings to be seen, and other marks of cultivation.
GENESIS. 32:25
When Jacob was left alone on the northern side of the Jabbok, after sending all the rest across, “there wrestled a man with him until the breaking of the day.” qbæa’n, , an old word, which only occurs here (vv. 25, 26), signifying to wrestle, is either derived from qbæa; to wind, or related to qbæj; to contract one’s self, to plant limb and limb firmly together. From this wrestling the river evidently received its name of Jabbok ( qBoyæ = qBoyæ ).
GENESIS. 32:26-30
“And when He (the unknown) saw that He did not overcome him, He touched his hip-socket; and his hip-socket was put out of joint ( [qæy; from [qæy; ) as He wrestled with him.” Still Jacob would not let Him go until He blessed him. He then said to Jacob, “They name shall be called no more Jacob, but Israel ( laer;c]yi , God’s fighter, from hr;c; to fight, and lae God); for thou hast fought with God and with men, and hast prevailed.” When Jacob asked Him His name, He declined giving any definite answer, and “blessed him there.” He did not tell him His name; not merely, as the angel stated to Manoah in reply to a similar question (Judges 13:18), because it was al,p, wonder, i.e., incomprehensible to mortal man, but still more to fill Jacob’s soul with awe at the mysterious character of the whole event, and to lead him to take it to heart. What Jacob wanted to know, with regard to the person of the wonderful Wrestler, and the meaning and intention of the struggle, he must already have suspected, when he would not let Him go until He blessed him; and it was put before him still more plainly in the new name that was given to him with this explanation, “Thou hast fought with Elohim and with men, and hast conquered.” God had met him in the form of a man: God in the angel, according to Hosea 12:4-5, i.e., not in a created angel, but in the Angel of Jehovah, the visible manifestation of the invisible God. Our history does not speak of Jehovah, or the Angel of Jehovah, but of Elohim, for the purpose of bringing out the contrast between God and the creature.
This remarkable occurrence is not to be regarded as a dream or an internal vision, but fell within the sphere of sensuous perception. At the same time, it was not a natural or corporeal wrestling, but a “real conflict of both mind and body, a work of the spirit with intense effort of the body” (Delitzsch), in which Jacob was lifted up into a highly elevated condition of body and mind resembling that of ecstasy, through the medium of the manifestation of God. In a merely outward conflict, it is impossible to conquer through prayers and tears. As the idea of a dream or vision has no point of contact in the history; so the notion, that the outward conflict of bodily wrestling, and the spiritual conflict with prayer and tears, are two features opposed to one another and spiritually distinct, is evidently at variance with the meaning of the narrative and the interpretation of the prophet Hosea. Since Jacob still continued his resistance, even after his hip had been put out of joint, and would not let Him go till He had blessed him, it cannot be said that it was not till all hope of maintaining the conflict by bodily strength was taken from him, that he had recourse to the weapon of prayer.
And when Hosea (Hosea 12:4-5) points his contemporaries to their wrestling forefather as an example for their imitation, in these words, “He took his brother by the heel in the womb, and in his human strength he fought with God; and he fought with the Angel and prevailed; he wept and made supplication unto Him,” the turn by which the explanatory periphrasis of Jacob’s words, “I will not let Thee go except Thou bless me,” is linked on to the previous clause by hk;B; without a copula or vav consec., is a proof that the prophet did not regard the weeping and supplication as occurring after the wrestling, or as only a second element, which was subsequently added to the corporeal struggle. Hosea evidently looked upon the weeping and supplication as the distinguishing feature in the conflict, without thereby excluding the corporeal wrestling. At the same time, by connecting this event with what took place at the birth of the twins (Genesis 25:26), the prophet teaches that Jacob merely completed, by his wrestling with God, what he had already been engaged in even from his mother’s womb, viz., his striving for the birthright; in other words, for the possession of the covenant promise and the covenant blessing. This meaning is also indicated by the circumstances under which the event took place. Jacob had wrested the blessing of the birthright from his brother Esau; but it was by cunning and deceit, and he had been obliged to flee from his wrath in consequence. And now that he desired to return to the land of promise and his father’s house, and to enter upon the inheritance promised him in his father’s blessing; Esau was coming to meet him with 400 men, which filled him with great alarm. As he felt too weak to enter upon a conflict with him, he prayed to the covenant God for deliverance from the hand of his brother, and the fulfilment of the covenant promises. The answer of God to this prayer was the present wrestling with God, in which he was victorious indeed, but not without carrying the marks of it all his life long in the dislocation of his thigh. Jacob’s great fear of Esau’s wrath and vengeance, which he could not suppress notwithstanding the divine revelations at Bethel and Mahanaim, had its foundation in his evil conscience, in the consciousness of the sin connected with his wilful and treacherous appropriation of the blessing of the firstborn.
To save him from the hand of his brother, it was necessary that God should first meet him as an enemy, and show him that his real opponent was God Himself, and that he must first of all overcome Him before he could hope to overcome his brother. And Jacob overcame God; not with the power of the flesh however, with which he had hitherto wrestled for God against man (God convinced him of that by touching his hip, so that it was put out of joint), but by the power of faith and prayer, reaching by firm hold of God even to the point of being blessed, by which he proved himself to be a true wrestler of God, who fought with God and with men, i.e., who by his wrestling with God overcame men as well. And whilst by the dislocation of his hip the carnal nature of his previous wrestling was declared to be powerless and wrong, he received in the new name of Israel the prize of victory, and at the same time directions from God how he was henceforth to strive for the cause of the Lord. — By his wrestling with God, Jacob entered upon a new stage in his life.
As a sign of this, he received a new name, which indicated, as the result of this conflict, the nature of his new relation to God. But whilst Abram and Sarai, from the time when God changed their names (Genesis 17:5 and 15), are always called by their new names; in the history of Jacob we find the old name used interchangeably with the new. “For the first two names denoted a change into a new and permanent position, effected and intended by the will and promise of God; consequently the old names were entirely abolished. But the name Israel denoted a spiritual state determined by faith; and in Jacob’s life the natural state, determined by flesh and blood, still continued to stand side by side with this. Jacob’s new name was transmitted to his descendants, however, who were called Israel as the covenant nation. For as the blessing of their forefather’s conflict came down to them as a spiritual inheritance, so did they also enter upon the duty of preserving this inheritance by continuing in a similar conflict.
GENESIS. 32:31
The remembrance of this wonderful conflict Jacob perpetuated in the name which he gave to the place where it had occurred, viz., Pniel or Pnuel (with the connecting wound W or y ), because there he had seen Elohim face to face, and his soul had been delivered (from death, Genesis 16:13).
GENESIS 32:32,33 With the rising of the sun after the night of his conflict, the night of anguish and fear also passed away from Jacob’s mind, so that he was able to leave Pnuel in comfort, and go forward on his journey. The dislocation of the thigh alone remained. For this reason the children of Israel are accustomed to avoid eating the nervus ischiadicus, the principal nerve in the neighbourhood of the hip, which is easily injured by any violent strain in wrestling. “Unto this day:” the remark is applicable still.
JACOB’S RECONCILIATION WITH ESAU AND RETURN TO CANAAN.
GENESIS. 33:1-4
Meeting with Esau.
Vv. 1ff. As Jacob went forward, he saw Esau coming to meet him with his 400 mean. He then arranged his wives and children in such a manner, that the maids with their children went first, Leah with hers in the middle, and Rachel with Joseph behind, thus forming a long procession. But he himself went in front, and met Esau with sevenfold obeisance. xr,a, hj;v; does not denote complete prostration, like xr,a, ãaæ in Genesis 19:1, but a deep Oriental bow, in which the head approaches the ground, but does not touch it. By this manifestation of deep reverence, Jacob hoped to win his brother’s heart. He humbled himself before him as the elder, with the feeling that he had formerly sinned against him. Esau, on the other hand, “had a comparatively better, but not so tender a conscience.” At the sight of Jacob he was carried away by the natural feelings of brotherly affection, and running up to him, embraced him, fell on his neck, and kissed him; and they both wept. The puncta extraordinaria above qvæn; are probably intended to mark the word as suspicious. They “are like a note of interrogation, questioning the genuineness of this kiss; but without any reason” (Del.). Even if there was still some malice in Esau’s heart, it was overcome by the humility with which his brother met him, so that he allowed free course to the generous emotions of his heart; all the more, because the “roving life” which suited his nature had procured him such wealth and power, that he was quite equal to his brother in earthly possessions.
GENESIS. 33:5-7
When his eyes fell upon the women and children, he inquired respecting them, “Whom hast thou here?” And Jacob replied, “The children with whom Elohim hath favoured me.” Upon this, the mothers and their children approached in order, making reverential obeisance. ˆnæj; with double acc. “graciously to present.” Elohim: “to avoid reminding Esau of the blessing of Jehovah, which had occasioned his absence” (Del.).
GENESIS. 33:8-9
Esau then inquired about the camp that had met him, i.e., the presents of cattle that were sent to meet him, and refused to accept them, until Jacob’s urgent persuasion eventually induced him to do so.
GENESIS. 33:10
“For therefore,” sc., to be able to offer thee this present, “have I come to see thy face, as man seeth the face of God, and thou hast received me favourably.” The thought is this: In thy countenance I have been met with divine (heavenly) friendliness (cf. 1 Samuel 29:9; 2 Samuel 14:17). Jacob might say this without cringing, since he “must have discerned the work of God in the unexpected change in his brother’s disposition towards him, and in his brother’s friendliness a reflection of this divine.”
GENESIS. 33:11
Blessing: i.e., the present, expressive of his desire to bless, as in 1 Samuel 25:27; 30:26. awOB: for hub¦’aah, as in Deuteronomy 31:29; Isaiah 7:14, etc.; sometimes also in verbs l’’h, Leviticus 25:21; 26:34. kol yesh-liy: “I have all” (not all kinds of things); viz as the heir of the divine promise.
GENESIS. 33:12-15
Lastly, Esau proposed to accompany Jacob on his journey. But Jacob politely declined not only his own company, but also the escort, which Esau afterwards offered him, of a portion of his attendants; the latter as being unnecessary, the former as likely to be injurious to his flocks. This did not spring from any feeling of distrust; and the ground assigned was no mere pretext. He needed no military guard, “for he knew that he was defended by the hosts of God;” and the reason given was a very good one: “My lord knoweth that the children are tender, and the flocks and herds that are milking ( `lW[ from `lW[ , giving milk or suckling) are upon me” ( `l[æ ): i.e., because they are giving milk they are an object of especial anxiety to me; “and if one should overdrive them a single day, all the sheep would die.” A caravan, with delicate children and cattle that required care, could not possibly keep pace with Esau and his horsemen, without taking harm.
And Jacob could not expect his brother to accommodate himself to the rate at which he was travelling. For this reason he wished Esau to go on first; and he would drive gently behind, “according to the foot of the cattle ( hk;al;m] possessions = cattle), and according to the foot of the children,” i.e., “according to the pace at which the cattle and the children could go” (Luther). “Till I come to my lord to Seir:” these words are not to be understood as meaning that he intended to go direct to Seir; consequently they were not a wilful deception for the purpose of getting rid of Esau.
Jacob’s destination was Canaan, and in Canaan probably Hebron, where his father Isaac still lived. From thence he may have thought of paying a visit to Esau in Seir. Whether he carried out this intention or not, we cannot tell; for we have not a record of all that Jacob did, but only of the principal events of his life. We afterwards find them both meeting together as friends at their father’s funeral (Genesis 35:29). Again, the attitude of inferiority which Jacob assumed in his conversation with Esau, addressing him as lord, and speaking of himself as servant, was simply an act of courtesy suited to the circumstances, in which he paid to Esau the respect due to the head of a powerful band; since he could not conscientiously have maintained the attitude of a brother, when inwardly and spiritually, in spite of Esau’s friendly meeting, they were so completely separated the one from the other.
GENESIS. 33:16-17
Esau set off the same day for Mount Seir, whilst Jacob proceeded to Succoth, where he built himself a house and made succoth for his flocks, i.e., probably not huts of branches and shrubs, but hurdles or folds made of twigs woven together. According to Joshua 13:27, Succoth was in the valley of the Jordan, and was allotted to the tribe of Gad, as part of the district of the Jordan, “on the other side Jordan eastward;” and this is confirmed by Judges 8:4-5, and by Jerome (quaest. ad h. l.): Sochoth usque hodie civitas trans Jordanem in parte Scythopoleos. Consequently it cannot be identified with the Sâcut on the western side of the Jordan, to the south of Beisan, above the Wady el Mâlih. — How long Jacob remained in Succoth cannot be determined; but we may conclude that he stayed there some years from the circumstance, that by erecting a house and huts he prepared for a lengthened stay. The motives which induced him to remain there are also unknown to us. But when Knobel adduces the fact, that Jacob came to Canaan for the purpose of visiting Isaac (Genesis 31:18), as a reason why it is improbable that he continued long at Succoth, he forgets that Jacob could visit his father from Succoth just as well as from Shechem, and that, with the number of people and cattle that he had about him, it was impossible that he should join and subordinate himself to Isaac’s household, after having attained through his past life and the promises of God a position of patriarchal independence.
GENESIS. 33:18-20
From Succoth, Jacob crossed a ford of the Jordan, and “came in safety to the city of Sichem in the land of Canaan.” µlev; is not a proper name meaning “to Shalem,” as it is rendered by Luther (and Eng. Vers., Tr.) after the LXX, Vulg., etc.; but an adjective, safe, peaceful, equivalent to µwOlv; , “in peace,” in Genesis 28:21, to which there is an evident allusion.
What Jacob had asked for in his vow at Bethel, before his departure from Canaan, was now fulfilled. He had returned in safety “to the land of Canaan;” Succoth, therefore, did not belong to the land of Canaan, but must have been on the eastern side of the Jordan. µk,v] `ry[i , lit., city of Shechem; so called from Shechem the son of the Hivite prince Hamor (v. 19, 34:2ff.), who founded it and called it by the name of his son, since it was not in existence in Abraham’s time (vid., 12:6).
Jacob pitched his tent before the town, and then bought the piece of ground upon which he encamped from the sons of Hamor for 100 Kesita. hf;yciq] is not a piece of silver of the value of a lamb (according to the ancient versions), but a quantity of silver weighed out, of considerable, though not exactly determinable value: cf. Ges. thes. s. v. This purchase showed that Jacob, in reliance upon the promise of God, regarded Canaan as his own home and the home of his seed. This piece of field, which fell to the lot of the sons of Joseph, and where Joseph’s bones were buried (Joshua 24:32), was, according to tradition, the plain which stretches out at the south-eastern opening of the valley of Shechem, where Jacob’s well is still pointed out (John 4:6), also Joseph’s grave, a Mahometan wely (grave) two or three hundred paces to the north (Rob. Pal. iii. 95ff.). Jacob also erected an altar, as Abraham had previously done after his entrance into Canaan (Genesis 12:7), and called it El-Elohe-Israel, “God (the mighty) is the God of Israel,” to set forth in this name the spiritual acquisition of his previous life, and according to his vow (28:21) to give glory to the “God of Israel” (as he called Jehovah, with reference to the name given to him at Genesis 32:29), for having proved Himself to be El, a mighty God, during his long absence, and that it might serve as a memorial for his descendants. VIOLATION OF DINAH; REVENGE OF SIMEON AND LEVI.
GENESIS. 34:1-2
During their stay at Shechem, Dinah, Jacob’s daughter by Leah, went out one day to see, i.e., to make the acquaintance of the daughters of the land; when Shechem the Hivite, the son of the prince, took her with him and seduced her. Dinah was probably between 13 and 15 at the time, and had attained perfect maturity; for this is often the case in the East at the age of 12, and sometimes earlier. There is no ground for supposing her to have been younger. Even if she was born after Joseph, and not till the end of Jacob’s 14 years’ service with Laban, and therefore was only five years old when they left Mesopotamia, eight or ten years may have passed since then, as Jacob may easily have spent from eight to eleven years in Succoth, where he had built a house, and Shechem, where he had bought “a parcel of a field.” But she cannot have been older; for, according to Genesis 37:2, Joseph was sold by his brethren when he was 17 years old, i.e., in the 11th year after Jacob’s return from Mesopotamia, as he was born in the 14th year of Jacob’s service with Laban (cf. 30:24). In the interim between Dinah’s seduction and the sale of Joseph there occurred nothing but Jacob’s journey from Shechem to Bethel and thence to Ephratah, in the neighbourhood of which Benjamin was born and Rachel died, and his arrival in Hebron (ch. 35). This may all have taken place within a single year. Jacob was till at Hebron, when Joseph was sent to Shechem and sold by his brethren (37:14); and Isaac’s death did not happen for 12 years afterwards, although it is mentioned in connection with the account of Jacob’s arrival at Hebron (Genesis 35:27ff.).
GENESIS. 34:3-4
Shechem “loved the girl, and spoke to her heart;” i.e., he sought to comfort her by the promise of a happy marriage, and asked his father to obtain her for him as a wife.
GENESIS. 34:5-12
When Jacob heard of the seduction of his daughter, “he was silent,” i.e., he remained quiet, without taking any active proceedings (ex. Genesis 14:14; 2 Samuel 19:11) until his sons came from the field. When they heard of it, they were grieved and burned with wrath at the disgrace. amef; to defile = to dishonour, disgrace, because it was an uncircumcised man who had seduced her. “Because he had wrought folly in Israel, by lying with Jacob’s daughter.” “To work folly” was a standing phrase for crimes against the honour and calling of Israel as the people of God, especially for shameful sins of the flesh (Deuteronomy 22:21; Judges 20:10; 2 Samuel 13:2, etc.); but it was also applied to other great sins (Joshua 7:15). As Jacob had become Israel, the seduction of his daughter was a crime against Israel, which is called folly, inasmuch as the relation of Israel to God was thereby ignored (Psalm 14:1). “And this ought not to be done:” `hc;[; potentialis as in Genesis 20:9. — Hamor went to Jacob to ask for his daughter (v. 6); but Jacob’s sons reached home at the same time (v. 7), so that Hamor spoke to them (Jacob and his sons). To attain his object Hamor proposed a further intermarriage, unrestricted movement on their part in the land, and that they should dwell there, trade (emporeu’esthai), and secure possessions ( zjæa; settle down securely, as in 47:27). Shechem also offered (vv. 11, 12) to give anything they might ask in the form of dowry ( rhæmo not purchasemoney, but the usual gift made to the bride, vid., 24:53) and presents (for the brothers and mother), if they would only give him the damsel.
GENESIS. 34:13-17
Attractive as these offers of the Hivite prince and his son were, they were declined by Jacob’s sons, who had the chief voice in the question of their sister’s marriage (vid., Genesis 24:50). And they were quite right; for, by accepting them, they would have violated the sacred call of Israel and his seed, and sacrificed the promises of Jehovah to Mammon. But they did it in a wrong way; for “they answered with deceit and acted from behind” rbæd; hm;r]mi : rbæd; ) is to be rendered dolos struxit; rb;d; rbæd; would be the expression for “giving mere words,” Hosea 10:4; vid., Ges. thes.), “because he had defiled Dinah their sister.” They told him that they could not give their sister to an uncircumcised man, because this would be a reproach to them; and the only condition upon which they would consent ( tWa imperf. Niph. of tWa ) was, that the Shechemites should all be circumcised; otherwise they would take their sister and go. GENESIS 34:18-24 The condition seemed reasonable to the two suitors, and by way of setting a good example, “the young man did not delay to do this word,” i.e., to submit to circumcision, “as he was honoured before all his father’s house.”
This is stated by anticipation in v. 19; but before submitting to the operation, he went with his father to the gate, the place of public assembly, to lay the matter before the citizens of the town. They knew so well how to make the condition palatable, by a graphic description of the wealth of Jacob and his family, and by expatiating upon the advantages of being united with them, that the Shechemites consented to the proposal. µlev; : integri, people whose bearing is unexceptionable. “And the land, behold broad on both sides it is before them,” i.e., it offers space enough in every direction for them to wander about with their flocks. And then the gain: “Their cattle, and their possessions, and their beasts of burden...shall they not be ours?” hn,q]mi is used here for flocks and herds, hm;heB] for beasts of burden, viz., camels and asses (cf. Numbers 32:26). But notwithstanding the advantages here pointed out, the readiness of all the citizens of Shechem (vid., Genesis 23:10) to consent to be circumcised, could only be satisfactorily explained from the fact that this religious rite was already customary in different nations (according to Herod. 2, 104, among the Egyptians and Colchians), as an act of religious or priestly consecration.
GENESIS. 34:25-29
But on the third day, when the Shechemites were thoroughly prostrated by the painful effects of the operation, Simeon and Levi (with their servants of course) fell upon the town jfæB, (i.e., while the people were off their guard, as in Ezekiel 30:9), slew all the males, including Hamor and Shechem, with the edge of the sword, i.e., without quarter (Numbers 21:24; Joshua 10:28, etc.), and brought back their sister. The sons of Jacob then plundered the town, and carried off all the cattle in the town and in the fields, and all their possessions, including the women and the children in their houses. By the sons of Jacob (v. 27) we are not to understand the rest of his sons to the exclusion of Simeon, Levi, and even Reuben, as Delitzsch supposes, but all his sons. For the supposition, that Simeon and Levi were content with taking their murderous revenge, and had no share in the plunder, is neither probable in itself nor reconcilable with what Jacob said on his death-bed (Genesis 49:5-7, observe rwOv `rqæ[; ) about this very crime; nor can it be inferred from ax;y; in v. 26, for this relates merely to their going away from the house of the two princes, not to their leaving Shechem altogether. The abrupt way in which the plundering is linked on to the slaughter of all the males, without any copulative Vav, gives to the account the character of indignation at so revolting a crime; and this is also shown in the verbosity of the description. The absence of the copula is not to be accounted for by the hypothesis that vv. 27-29 are interpolated; for an interpolator might have supplied the missing link by a vav, just as well as the LXX and other ancient translators.
GENESIS 34:30,31 Jacob reproved the originators of this act most severely for their wickedness: “Ye have brought me into trouble (conturbare), to make me stink (an abomination) among the inhabitants of the land;...and yet I (with my attendants) am a company that can be numbered (lit., people of number, easily numbered, a small band, Deuteronomy 4:27, cf. Isaiah 10:19); and if they gather together against me, they will slay me,” etc. If Jacob laid stress simply upon the consequences which this crime was likely to bring upon himself and his house, the reason was, that this was the view most adapted to make an impression upon his sons. For his last words concerning Simeon and Levi (Genesis 49:5-7) are a sufficient proof that the wickedness of their conduct was also an object of deep abhorrence.
And his fear was not groundless. Only God in His mercy averted all the evil consequences from Jacob and his house (Genesis 35:5-6).
But his sons answered, “Are they to treat our sister like a harlot?” `hc;[; : as in Leviticus 16:15, etc. Their indignation was justifiable enough; and their seeking revenge, as Absalom avenged the violation of his sister on Amnon (2 Samuel 13:22ff.), was in accordance with the habits of nomadic tribes.
In this way, for example, seduction is still punished by death among the Arabs, and the punishment is generally inflicted by the brothers (cf.
Niebuhr, Arab. p. 39; Burckhardt, Syr. p. 361, and Beduinen, p. 89, 224- 5). In addition to this, Jacob’s sons looked upon the matter not merely as a violation of their sister’s chastity, but as a crime against the peculiar vocation of their tribe. But for all that, the deception they practised, the abuse of the covenant sign of circumcision as a means of gratifying their revenge, and the extension of that revenge to the whole town, together with the plundering of the slain, were crimes deserving of the strongest reprobation. The crafty character of Jacob degenerated into malicious cunning in Simeon and Levi; and jealousy for the exalted vocation of their family, into actual sin. This event “shows us in type all the errors into which the belief in the pre-eminence of Israel was sure to lead in the course of history, whenever that belief was rudely held by men of carnal minds” (O. v. Gerlach).
JACOB’S RETURN TO BETHEL AND HEBRON.
DEATH OF ISAAC.
GENESIS. 35:1-7
Journey to Bethel.
Jacob had allowed ten years to pass since his return from Mesopotamia, without performing the vow which he made at Bethel when fleeing from Esau (Genesis 28:20ff.), although he had recalled it to mind when resolving to return (31:13), and had also erected an altar in Shechem to the “God of Israel” (33:20). He was now directed by God (v. 1) to go to Bethel, and there build an altar to the God who had appeared to him on his flight from Esau. This command stirred him up to perform what had been neglected, viz., to put away from his house the strange gods, which he had tolerated in weak consideration for his wives, and which had no doubt occasioned the long neglect, and to pay to God the vow that he had made in the day of his trouble. He therefore commanded his house (vv. 2, 3), i.e., his wives and children, and “all that were with him,” i.e., his men and maid-servants, to put away the strange gods, to purify themselves, and wash their clothes.
He also buried “all the strange gods,” i.e., Rachel’s teraphim (Genesis 31:19), and whatever other idols there were, with the earrings which were worn as amulets and charms, “under the terebinth at Shechem,” probably the very tree under which Abraham once pitched his tent (12:6), and which was regarded as a sacred place in Joshua’s time (vid., Joshua 24:26, though the pointing is hL;aæ there). The burial of the idols was followed by purification through the washing of the body, as a sign of the purification of the heart from the defilement of idolatry, and by the putting on of clean and festal clothes, as a symbol of the sanctification and elevation of the heart to the Lord (Joshua 24:23). This decided turning to the Lord was immediately followed by the blessing of God. When they left Shechem a “terror of God,” i.e., a supernatural terror, “came upon the cities round about,” so that they did not venture to pursue the sons of Jacob on account of the cruelty of Simeon and Levi (v. 5). Having safely arrived in Bethel, Jacob built an altar, which he called El Bethel (God of Bethel) in remembrance of the manifestation of God on His flight from Esau.
GENESIS. 35:8
There Deborah, Rebekah’s nurse, died, and was buried below Bethel under an oak, which was henceforth called the “oak of weeping,” a mourning oak, from the grief of Jacob’s house on account of her death. Deborah had either been sent by Rebekah to take care of her daughters-in-law and grandsons, or had gone of her own accord into Jacob’s household after the death of her mistress. The mourning at her death, and the perpetuation of her memory, are proofs that she must have been a faithful and highly esteemed servant in Jacob’s house.
GENESIS. 35:9-15
The Fresh Revelation at Bethel.
After Jacob had performed his vow by erecting the altar at Bethel, God appeared to him again there (“again,” referring to ch. 28), “on his coming out of Padan-Aram,” as He had appeared to him 30 years before on his journey thither-though it was then in a dream, now by daylight in a visible form (cf. v. 13, “God went up from him”). The gloom of that day of fear had now brightened into the clear daylight of salvation. This appearance was the answer, which God gave to Jacob on his acknowledgement of Him; and its reality is thereby established, in opposition to the conjecture that it is merely a legendary repetition of the previous vision. f60 The former theophany had promised to Jacob divine protection in a foreign land and restoration to his home, on the ground of his call to be the bearer of the blessings of salvation. This promise God had fulfilled, and Jacob therefore performed his vow. On the strength of this, God now confirmed to him the name of Israel, which He had already given him in Genesis 32:28, and with it the promised of a numerous seed and the possession of Canaan, which, so far as the form and substance are concerned, points back rather to Genesis 17:6 and 8 than to ch. 28:13-14, and for the fulfilment of which, commencing with the birth of his sons and his return to Canaan, and stretching forward to the most remote future, the name of Israel was to furnish him with a pledge. — Jacob alluded to this second manifestation of God at Bethel towards the close of his life (Genesis 48:3-4); and Hosea (Hosea 12:4) represents it as the result of his wrestling with God. The remembrance of this appearance Jacob transmitted to his descendants by erecting a memorial stone, which he not only anointed with oil like the former one in Genesis 28:17, but consecrated by a drinkoffering and by the renewal of the name Bethel.
GENESIS. 35:16-20
Birth of Benjamin and Death of Rachel.
Jacob’s departure from Bethel was not in opposition to the divine command, “dwell there” (v. 1). For the word bvæy; does not enjoin a permanent abode; but, when taken in connection with what follows, “make there an altar,” it merely directs him to stay there and perform his vow. As they were travelling forward, Rachel was taken in labour not far from Ephratah. xr,a, hr;b]Ki is a space, answering probably to the Persian parassang, though the real meaning of hr;b]Ki is unknown. The birth was a difficult one. dlæy; hv;q; : she had difficulty in her labour (instead of Piel we find Hiphil in v. 17 with the same signification). The midwife comforted her by saying: “Fear not, for this also is to thee a son,” — a wish expressed by her when Joseph was born (Genesis 30:24).
But she expired; and as she was dying, she called him Been-oni, “son of my pain.” Jacob, however, called him Ben-jamin, probably son of good fortune, according to the meaning of the word jamin sustained by the Arabic, to indicate that his pain at the loss of his favourite wife was compensated by the birth of this son, who now completed the number twelve. Other explanations are less simple. He buried Rachel on the road to Ephratah, or Ephrath (probably the fertile, from hr;p; ), i.e., Bethlehem (bread-house), by which name it is better known, though the origin of it is obscure. He also erected a monument over her grave ( hb;Xemæ , sth>lh ), on which the historian observes, “This is the pillar of Rachel’s grave unto this day:” a remark which does not necessarily point to a post-Mosaic period, but which could easily have been made even 10 or 20 years after its erection. For the fact that a grave-stone had been preserved upon the high road in a foreign land, the inhabitants of which had no interest whatever in it, might appear worthy of notice even though only a single decennary had passed away. f61 21,22a. Reuben’s Incest. — As they travelled onward, Jacob pitched his tent on the other side of Migdal Eder, where Reuben committed incest with Bilhah, his father’s concubine. It is merely alluded to her in the passing remark that Israel heard it, by way of preparation for Genesis 49:4. Migdal Eder (flock-tower) was a watch-tower built for the protection of flocks against robbers (cf. 2 Kings 18:8; 2 Chronicles 26:10; 27:4) on the other side of Bethlehem, but hardly within 1000 paces of the town, where it has been placed by tradition since the time of Jerome. The piska in the middle of v. 22 does not indicate a gap in the text, but the conclusion of a parashah, a division of the text of greater antiquity and greater correctness than the Masoretic division. 22b-29. Jacob’s Return to His Father’s House, and Death of Isaac. — Jacob had left his father’s house with no other possession than a staff, and now he returned with 12 sons. Thus had he been blessed by the faithful covenant God. To show this, the account of his arrival in his father’s tent at Hebron is preceded by a list of his 12 sons, arranged according to their respective mothers; and this list is closed with the remark, “These are the sons of Jacob, which were born to him in Padan-Aram” ( dlæy; for dlæy; ; Ges. §143, 1), although Benjamin, the twelfth, was not born in Padan- Aram, but on the journey back.
GENESIS. 35:27-29
Jacob’s arrival in “Mamre Kirjath-Arbah,” i.e., in the terebinth-grove of Mamre (Genesis 13:18) by Kirjath-Arbah or Hebron (vid., 23:2), constituted his entrance into his father’s house, to remain there as Isaac’s heir. He had probably visited his father during the ten years that had elapsed since his return from Mesopotamia, though no allusion is made to this, since such visits would have no importance, either in themselves or their consequences, in connection with the sacred history. This was not the case, however, with his return to enter upon the family inheritance. With this, therefore, the history of Isaac’s life is brought to a close. Isaac died at the age of 180, and was buried by his two sons in the cave of Machpelah (Genesis 49:31), Abraham’s family grave, Esau having come from Seir to Hebron to attend the funeral of his father. But Isaac’s death did not actually take place for 12 years after Jacob’s return to Hebron. For as Joseph was 17 years old when he was sold by his brethren (37:2), and Jacob was then living at Hebron (37:14), it cannot have been more than years after his flight from Esau when Jacob returned home (cf. Genesis 34:1). Now since, according to our calculation at Genesis 27:1, he was years old when he fled, he must have been 108 when he returned home; and Isaac would only have reached his 168th year, as he was 60 years old when Jacob was born (25:26). Consequently Isaac lived to witness the grief of Jacob at the loss of Joseph, and died but a short time before his promotion in Egypt, which occurred 13 years after he was sold (41:46), and only 10 years before Jacob’s removal with his family to Egypt, as Jacob was 130 years old when he was presented to Pharaoh (47:9). But the historical significance of his life was at an end, when Jacob returned home with his twelve sons.
IX. HISTORY OF ESAU “Esau and Jacob shook hands once more over the corpse of their father.
Henceforth their paths diverged, to meet no more” (Del.). As Esau had also received a divine promise (Genesis 25:23), and the history of his tribe was already interwoven in the paternal blessing with that of Israel (27:29 and 40), an account is given in the book of Genesis of his growth into a nation; and a separate section is devoted to this, which, according to the invariable plan of the book, precedes the tholedoth of Jacob. The account is subdivided into the following sections, which are distinctly indicated by their respective headings. (Compare with these the parallel list in Chronicles 1:35-54.)
GENESIS. 36:1-8
Esau’s Wives and Children.
His Settlement in the Mountains of Seir. — In the heading (v. 1) the surname Edom is added to the name Esau, which he received at his birth, because the former became the national designation of his descendants. — Vv. 2, 3. The names of Esau’s three wives differ from those given in the previous accounts (Genesis 26:34 and 28:9), and in one instance the father’s name as well. The daughter of Elon the Hittite is called Adah (the ornament), and in Genesis 26:34 Basmath (the fragrant); the second is called Aholibamah (probably tent-height), the daughter of Anah, daughter, i.e., grand-daughter of Zibeon the Hivite, and in 26:34, Jehudith (the praised or praiseworthy), daughter of Beeri the Hittite; the third, the daughter of Ishmael, is called Basmath here and Mahalath in Genesis 28:9.
This difference arose from the fact, that Moses availed himself of genealogical documents for Esau’s family and tribe, and inserted them without alteration.
It presents no irreconcilable discrepancy, therefore, but may be explained from the ancient custom in the East, of giving surnames, as the Arabs frequently do still, founded upon some important or memorable event in a man’s life, which gradually superseded the other name (e.g., the name Edom, as explained in Genesis 25:30); whilst as a rule the women received new names when they were married (cf. Chardin, Hengstenberg, Dissertations, vol. ii. p. 223-6). The different names given for the father of Aholibamah or Judith, Hengstenberg explains by referring to the statement in v. 24, that Anah, the son of Zibeon, while watching the asses of his father in the desert, discovered the warm springs (of Calirrhoe), on which he founds the acute conjecture, that from this discovery Anah received the surname Beeri, i.e., spring-man, which so threw his original name into the shade, as to be the only name given in the genealogical table.
There is no force in the objection, that according to v. 25 Aholibamah was not a daughter of the discoverer of the springs, but of his uncle of the same name. For where is it stated that the Aholibamah mentioned in v. 25 was Esau’s wife? And is it a thing unheard of that aunt and niece should have the same name? If Zibeon gave his second son the name of his brother Anah (cf. vv. 24 and 20), why could not his son Anah have named his daughter after his cousin, the daughter of his father’s brother? The reception of Aholibamah into the list of the Seirite princes is no proof that she was Esau’s wife, but may be much more naturally supposed to have arisen from the same (unknown) circumstance as that which caused one of the seats of the Edomitish Alluphim to be called by her name (v. 41). — Lastly, the remaining diversity, viz., that Anah is called a Hivite in v. 2 and a Hittite in Genesis 26:34, is not to be explained by the conjecture, that for Hivite we should read Horite, according to v. 20, but by the simple assumption that Hittite is used in Genesis 26:34 sensu latiori for Canaanite, according to the analogy of Joshua 1:4; 1 Kings 10:29; 2 Kings 7:6; just as the two Hittite wives of Esau are called daughters of Canaan in Genesis 28:8. For the historical account, the general name Hittite sufficed; but the genealogical list required the special name of the particular branch of the Canaanitish tribes, viz., the Hivites. In just as simple a manner may the introduction of the Hivite Zibeon among the Horites of Seir (vv. 20 and 24) be explained, viz., on the supposition that the removed to the mountains of Seir, and there became a Horite, i.e., a troglodyte, or dweller in a cave. — The names of Esau’s sons occur again in 1 Chronicles 1:35.
The statement in vv. 6, 7, that Esau went with his family and possessions, which he had acquired in Canaan, into the land of Seir, from before his brother Jacob, does not imply (in contradiction to Genesis 32:4; 33:14-16) that he did not leave the land of Canaan till after Jacob’s return. The words may be understood without difficulty as meaning, that after founding a house of his own, when his family and flocks increased, Esau sought a home in Seir, because he knew that Jacob, as the heir, would enter upon the family possessions, but without waiting till he returned and actually took possession. In the clause “went into the country” (v. 6), the name Seir or Edom (cf. v. 16) must have dropt out, as the words “into the country” convey no sense when standing by themselves.
GENESIS. 36:9-14
(cf. 1 Chronicles 1:36-37). Esau’s Sons and Grandsons as Fathers of Tribes. — Through them he became the father of Edom, i.e., the founder of the Edomitish nation on the mountains of Seir. Mouth Seir is the mountainous region between the Dead Sea and the Elanitic Gulf, the northern half of which is called Jebâl (Gebalee’nee) by the Arabs, the southern half, Sherah (Rob. Pal. ii. 552). — In the case of two of the wives of Esau, who bore only one son each, the tribes were founded not by the sons, but by the grandsons; but in that of Aholibamah the three sons were the founders. Among the sons of Eliphaz we find Amalek, whose mother was Timna, the concubine of Eliphaz. He was the ancestor of the Amalekites, who attacked the Israelites at Horeb as they came out of Egypt under Moses (Exodus 17:8ff.), and not merely of a mixed tribe of Amalekites and Edomites, belonging to the supposed aboriginal Amalekite nation. For the Arabic legend of Amlik as an aboriginal tribe of Arabia is far too recent, confused, and contradictory to counterbalance the clear testimony of the record before us. The allusion to the fields of the Amalekites in Genesis 14:7 does not imply that the tribe was in existence in Abraham’s time, nor does the expression “first of the nations,” in the saying of Balaam (Numbers 24:20), represent Amalek as the aboriginal or oldest tribe, but simply as the first heathen tribe by which Israel was attacked. The Old Testament says nothing of any fusion of Edomites or Horites with Amalekites, nor does it mention a double Amalek (cf.
Hengstenberg, Dissertations 2, 247ff., and Kurtz, History i. 122, 3, ii. 240ff.). f62 If there had been an Amalek previous to Edom, with the important part which they took in opposition to Israel even in the time of Moses, the book of Genesis would not have omitted to give their pedigree in the list of the nations. At a very early period the Amalekites separated from the other tribes of Edom and formed an independent people, having their headquarters in the southern part of the mountains of Judah, as far as Kadesh (Genesis 14:7; Numbers 13:29; 14:43,45), but, like the Bedouins, spreading themselves as a nomad tribe over the whole of the northern portion of Arabia Petraea, from Havilah to Shur on the border of Egypt (1 Samuel 15:3,7; 27:8); whilst one branch penetrated into the heart of Canaan, so that a range of hills, in what was afterwards the inheritance of Ephraim, bore the name of mountains of the Amalekites (Judges 12:15, cf.
Genesis 5:14). Those who settled in Arabia seem also to have separated in the course of time into several branches, so that Amalekite hordes invaded the land of Israel in connection sometimes with the Midianites and the sons of the East (the Arabs, Judges 6:3; 7:12), and at other times with the Ammonites (Judges 3:13). After they had been defeated by Saul (1 Samuel 14:48; 15:2ff.), and frequently chastised by David (1 Samuel 27:8; 30:1ff.; 2 Samuel 8:12), the remnant of them was exterminated under Hezekiah by the Simeonites on the mountains of Seir (1 Chronicles 4:42-43).
GENESIS. 36:15-19
The Tribe-Princes Who Descended from Esau ãWLaæ was the distinguishing title of the Edomite and Horite phylarchs; and it is only incidentally that it is applied to Jewish heads of tribes in Zechariah 9:7, and 12:5. It is probably derived from ãl,a, or ãl,a, , equivalent to hj;p;v]mi , families (1 Samuel 10:19; Micah 5:2)-the heads of the families, i.e., of the principal divisions, of the tribe. The names of these Alluphim are not names of places, but of persons-of the three sons and ten grandsons of Esau mentioned in vv. 9-14; though Knobel would reverse the process and interpret the whole geographically. — In v. 16 Korah has probably been copied by mistake from v. 18, and should therefore be erased, as it really is in the Samar. Codex.
GENESIS. 36:20-29
(parallel, 1 Chronicles 1:38-42). Descendants of Seir the Horite;-the inhabitants of the land, or pre-Edomitish population of the country. — “The Horite:” ho Trooglodu’tees, the dweller in caves, which abound in the mountains of Edom (vid., Rob. Pal. ii. p. 424). The Horites, who had previously been an independent people (Genesis 14:6), were partly exterminated and partly subjugated by the descendants of Esau (Deuteronomy 2:12,22). Seven sons of Seir are given as tribe-princes of the Horites, who are afterwards mentioned as Alluphim (vv. 29, 30), also their sons, as well as two daughters, Timna (v. 22) and Aholibamah (v. 25), who obtained notoriety from the face that two of the headquarters of Edomitish tribe-princes bore their names (vv. 40 and 41). Timna was probably the same as the concubine of Eliphaz (v. 12); but Aholibamah was not the wife of Esau (cf. v. 2). — There are a few instances in which the names in this list differ from those in the Chronicles. But they are differences which either consist of variation in form, or have arisen from mistakes in copying. f63 Of Anah, the son of Zibeon, it is related (v. 24), that as he fed the asses of his father in the desert, he “found µye ” — not “he invented mules,” as the Talmud, Luther, etc., render it, for mules are dr,p, , and ax;m; does not mean to invent; but he discovered aquae calidae (Vulg.), either the hot sulphur spring of Calirrhoe in the Wady Zerka Maein (vid., Genesis 10:19), or those in the Wady el Ahsa to the S.E. of the Dead Sea, or those in the Wady Hamad between Kerek and the Dead Sea. f64 GENESIS 36:30 “These are the princes of the Horites according to their princes,” i.e., as their princes were individually named in the land of Seir. l] in enumerations indicates the relation of the individual to the whole, and of the whole to the individual. GENESIS 36:31-39 (parallel, 1 Chronicles 1:43-50). The Kings in the Land of Edom: before the children of Israel had a king. It is to be observed in connection with the eight kings mentioned here, that whilst they follow one another, that is to say, one never comes to the throne till his predecessor is dead, yet the son never succeeds the father, but they all belong to different families and places, and in the case of the last the statement that “he died” is wanting.
From this it is unquestionably obvious, that the sovereignty was elective; that the kings were chosen by the phylarchs; and, as Isaiah 34:12 also shows, that they lived or reigned contemporaneously with these. The contemporaneous existence of the Alluphim and the kings may also be inferred from Exodus 15:15 as compared with Numbers 20:14ff. Whilst it was with the king of Edom that Moses treated respecting the passage through the land, in the song of Moses it is the princes who tremble with fear on account of the miraculous passage through the Red Sea (cf. Ezekiel 32:29).
Lastly, this is also supported by the fact, that the account of the seats of the phylarchs (vv. 40-43) follows the list of the kings. This arrangement would have been thoroughly unsuitable if the monarchy had been founded upon the ruins of the phylarchs (vid., Hengstenberg, ut sup. pp. 238ff.). Of all the kings of Edom, not one is named elsewhere. It is true, the attempt has been made to identify the fourth, Hadad (v. 35), with the Edomite Hadad who rose up against Solomon (1 Kings 11:14); but without foundation.
The contemporary of Solomon was of royal blood, but neither a king nor a pretender; our Hadad, on the contrary, was a king, but he was the son of an unknown Hadad of the town of Avith, and no relation to his predecessor Husham of the country of the Temanites. It is related of him that he smote Midian in the fields of Moab (v. 35); from which Hengstenberg (pp. 235-6) justly infers that this event cannot have been very remote from the Mosaic age, since we find the Midianites allied to the Moabites in Numbers 22; whereas afterwards, viz., in the time of Gideon, the Midianites vanished from history, and in Solomon’s days the fields of Moab, being Israelitish territory, cannot have served as a field of battle for the Midianites and Moabites. — Of the tribe-cities of these kings only a few can be identified now.
Bozrah, a noted city of the Edomites (Isaiah 34:6; 43:1, etc.), is still to be traced in el Buseireh, a village with ruins in Jebal (Rob. Pal. ii. 571). — The land of the Temanite (v. 34) is a province in northern Idumaea, with a city, Teman, which has not yet been discovered; according to Jerome, quinque millibus from Petra. — Rehoboth of the river (v. 37) can neither be the Idumaean Robotha, nor er Ruheibeh in the wady running towards el Arish, but must be sought for on the Euphrates, say in Errachabi or Rachabeh, near the mouth of the Chaboras. Consequently Saul, who sprang from Rehoboth, was a foreigner. — Of the last king, Hadar (v. 39; not Hadad, as it is written in 1 Chronicles 1:50), the wife, the mother-inlaw, and the mother are mentioned: his death is not mentioned here, but is added by the later chronicler (1 Chronicles 1:51). This can be explained easily enough from the simple fact, that at the time when the table was first drawn up, Hadad was still alive and seated upon the throne. In all probability, therefore, Hadad was the king of Edom, to whom Moses applied for permission to pass through the land (Numbers 20:14ff.). f65 At any rate the list is evidently a record relating to the Edomitish kings of a pre-Mosaic age. But if this is the case, the heading, “These are the kings that reigned in the land of Edom, before there reigned any king over the children of Israel,” does not refer to the time when the monarchy was introduced into Israel under Saul, but was written with the promise in mind, that kings should come out of the loins of Jacob (Genesis 35:11, cf. 17:4ff.), and merely expresses the thought, that Edom became a kingdom at an earlier period than Israel. Such a thought was by no means inappropriate to the Mosaic age. For the idea, “that Israel was destined to grow into a kingdom with monarchs of his own family, was a hope handed down to the age of Moses, which the long residence in Egypt was well adapted to foster” (Del.).
GENESIS. 36:40-43
(parallel, 1 Chronicles 1:51-54). Seats of the Tribe-Princes of Esau According to Their Families.
That the names which follow are not a second list of Edomitish tribeprinces (viz., of those who continued the ancient constitution, with its hereditary aristocracy, after Hadar’s death), but merely relate to the capital cities of the old phylarchs, is evident from the expression in the heading, “After their places, by their names,” as compared with v. 43, “According to their habitations in the land of their possession.” This being the substance and intention of the list, there is nothing surprising in the fact, that out of the eleven names only two correspond to those given in vv. 15-19. This proves nothing more than that only two of the capitals received their names from the princes who captured or founded them, viz., Timnah and Kenaz.
Neither of these has been discovered yet. The name Aholibamah is derived from the Horite princess (v. 25); its site is unknown. Elah is the port Aila (vid., Genesis 14:6). Pinon is the same as Phunon, an encampment of the Israelites (Num. 33:42-3), celebrated for its mines, in which many Christians were condemned to labour under Diocletian, between Petra and Zoar, to the northeast of Wady Musa. Teman is the capital of the land of the Temanites (v. 34). Mibzar is supposed by Knobel to be Petra; but this is called Selah elsewhere (2 Kings 14:7). Magdiel and Iram cannot be identified. The concluding sentence, “This is Esau, the father (founder) of Edom” (i.e., from his sprang the great nation of the Edomites, with its princes and kings, upon the mountains of Seir), not only terminates this section, but prepared the way for the history of Jacob, which commences with the following chapter.
X. HISTORY OF JACOB Its Substance and Character The history (tholedoth) of Isaac commenced with the founding of his house by the birth of his sons (p. 171); but Jacob was abroad when his sons were born, and had not yet entered into undisputed possession of his inheritance.
Hence his tholedoth only commence with his return to his father’s tent and his entrance upon the family possessions, and merely embrace the history of his life as patriarch of the house which he founded. In this period of his life, indeed, his sons, especially Joseph and Judah, stand in the foreground, so that “Joseph might be described as the moving principle of the following history.” But for all that, Jacob remains the head of the house, and the centre around whom the whole revolves. This section is divided by the removal of Jacob to Egypt, into the period of his residence in Canaan (ch. 37-45), and the close of his life in Goshen (ch. 46-50). The first period is occupied with the events which prepared the way for, and eventually occasioned, his migration into Egypt. The way was prepared, directly by the sale of Joseph (ch. 37), indirectly by the alliance of Judah with the Canaanites (ch. 38), which endangered the divine call of Israel, inasmuch as this showed the necessity for a temporary removal of the sons of Israel from Canaan. The way was opened by the wonderful career of Joseph in Egypt, his elevation from slavery and imprisonment to be the ruler over the whole of Egypt (39-41).
And lastly, the migration was occasioned by the famine in Canaan, which rendered it necessary for Jacob’s sons to travel into Egypt to buy corn, and, whilst it led to Jacob’s recovery of the son he had mourned for as dead, furnished an opportunity for Joseph to welcome his family into Egypt (ch. 42-45). The second period commences with the migration of Jacob into Egypt, and his settlement in the land of Goshen (ch. 46-47:27). It embraces the patriarch’s closing years, his last instructions respecting his burial in Canaan (Genesis 47:28-31), his adoption of Joseph’s sons, and the blessing given to his twelve sons (ch. 49), and extends to his burial and Joseph’s death (ch. 50).
Now if we compare this period of the patriarchal history with the previous ones, viz., those of Isaac and Abraham, it differs from them most in the absence of divine revelations-in the fact, that from the time of the patriarch’s entrance upon the family inheritance to the day of his death, there was only one other occasion on which God appeared to him in a dream, viz., in Beersheba, on the border of the promised land, when he had prepared to go with his whole house into Egypt: the God of his father then promised him the increase of his seed in Egypt into a great nation, and their return to Canaan (Genesis 46:2-4). This fact may be easily explained on the ground, that the end of the divine manifestations had been already attained; that in Jacob’s house with his twelve sons the foundation was laid for the development of the promised nation; and that the time had come, in which the chosen family was to grow into a nation-a process for which they needed, indeed, the blessing and protection of God, but no special revelations, so long at least as this growth into a nation took its natural course. That course was not interrupted, but rather facilitated by the removal into Egypt. But as Canaan had been assigned to the patriarchs as the land of their pilgrimage, and promised to their seed for a possession after it had become a nation; when Jacob was compelled to leave this land, his faith in the promise of God might have been shaken, if God had not appeared to him as he departed, to promise him His protection in the foreign land, and assure him of the fulfilment of His promises. More than this the house of Israel did not need to know, as to the way by which God would lead them, especially as Abraham had already received a revelation from the Lord (15:13-16). In perfect harmony with the character of the time thus commencing for Jacob-Israel, is the use of the names of God in this last section of Genesis: viz., the fact, that whilst in ch. 37 (the sale of Joseph) the name of God is not met with at all, in ch. 38 and 39 we find the name of Jehovah nine times and Elohim only once (Genesis 39:9), and that in circumstances in which Jehovah would have been inadmissible; and after Genesis 40:1, the name Jehovah almost entirely disappears, occurring only once in ch. 40-50 (Genesis 49:18, where Jacob uses it), whereas Elohim is used eighteen times and Ha-Elohim seven, not to mention such expressions as “your God” (43:23), or “the God of his, or your father” (46:1,3). So long as the attention is confined to this numerical proportion of Jehovah, and Elohim or Ha-Elohim, it must remain “a difficult enigma.” But when we look at the way in which these names are employed, we find the actual fact to be, that in ch. 38 and 39 the writer mentions God nine times, and calls Him Jehovah, and that in ch. 40-50 he only mentions God twice, and then calls Him Elohim (46:1-2), although the God of salvation, i.e., Jehovah, is intended.
In every other instance in which God is referred to in ch. 40-50, it is always by the persons concerned: either Pharaoh (Genesis 41:38-39), or Joseph and his brethren (40:8; 41:16,51-52, etc., Elohim; and 41:25,28,32, etc., Ha-Elohim), or by Jacob (48:11,20-21, Elohim). Now the circumstance that the historian speaks of God nine times in ch. 38-39 and only twice in ch. 40-50 is explained by the substance of the history, which furnished no particular occasion for this in the last eleven chapters. But the reason why he does not name Jehovah in ch. 40-50 as in ch. 38-39, but speaks of the “God of his (Jacob’s) father Isaac,” in Genesis 41:1, and directly afterwards of Elohim (v. 2), could hardly be that the periphrasis “the God of his father” seemed more appropriate than the simple name Jehovah, since Jacob offered sacrifice at Beersheba to the God who appeared to his father, and to whom Isaac built an altar there, and this God (Elohim) then appeared to him in a dream and renewed the promise of his fathers.
As the historian uses a periphrasis of the name Jehovah, to point out the internal connection between what Jacob did and experienced at Beersheba and what his father experienced there; so Jacob also, both in the blessing with which he sends his sons the second time to Egypt (Genesis 43:14) and at the adoption of Joseph’s sons (48:3), uses the name El Shaddai, and in his blessings on Joseph’s sons (43:15) and on Joseph himself (49:24-25) employs rhetorical periphrases for the name Jehovah, because Jehovah had manifested Himself not only to him (35:11-12), but also to his fathers Abraham and Isaac (17:1 and 28:3) as El Shaddai, and had proved Himself to be the Almighty, “the God who fed him,” “the Mighty One of Jacob,” “the Shepherd and Rock of Israel.” In these set discourses the titles of God here mentioned were unquestionably more significant and impressive than the simple name Jehovah. and when Jacob speaks of Elohim only, not of Jehovah, in Genesis 48:11,20-21, the Elohim in vv. 11 and 21 may be easily explained from the antithesis of Jacob to both man and God, and in v. 20 from the words themselves, which contain a common and, so to speak, a stereotyped saying.
Wherever the thought required the name Jehovah as the only appropriate one, there Jacob used this name, as Genesis 49:18 will prove. But that name would have been quit unsuitable in the mouth of Pharaoh in Genesis 41:38-39, in the address of Joseph to the prisoners (40:8) and to Pharaoh (41:16,25,28,32), and in his conversation with his brethren before he made himself known (42:18; 43:29), and also in the appeal of Judah to Joseph as an unknown Egyptian officer of state (44:16). In the meantime the brethren of Joseph also speak to one another of Elohim (43:28); and Joseph not only sees in the birth of his sons merely a gift of Elohim (41:51-52; 48:9), but in the solemn moment in which he makes himself known to his brethren (45:5-9) he speaks of Elohim alone: “Elohim did send me before you to preserve life” (v. 5); and even upon his death-bed he says, “I die, and Elohim will surely visit you and bring you out of this land” (50:24-25).
But the reason of this is not difficult to discover, and is no other than the following: Joseph, like his brethren, did not clearly discern the ways of the Lord in the wonderful changes of his life; and his brethren, though they felt that the trouble into which they were brought before the unknown ruler of Egypt was a just punishment from God for their crime against Joseph, did not perceive that by the sale of their brother they had sinned not only against Elohim (God the Creator and Judge of men), but against Jehovah the covenant God of their father. They had not only sold their brother, but in their brother they had cast out a member of the seed promised and given to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, from the fellowship of the chosen family, and sinned against the God of salvation and His promises. But this aspect of their crime was still hidden from them, so that they could not speak of Jehovah. In the same way, Joseph regarded the wonderful course of his life as a divine arrangement for the preservation or rescue of his family, and he was so far acquainted with the promises of God, that he regarded it as a certainty, that Israel would be led out of Egypt, especially after the last wish expressed by Jacob. But this did not involve so full and clear an insight into the ways of Jehovah, as to lead Joseph to recognise in his own career a special appointment of the covenant God, and to describe it as a gracious work of Jehovah. f66 The disappearance of the name Jehovah, therefore, is to be explained, partly from the fact that previous revelations and acts of grace had given rise to other phrases expressive of the idea of Jehovah, which not only served as substitutes for this name of the covenant God, but in certain circumstances were much more appropriate; and partly from the fact that the sons of Jacob, including Joseph, did not so distinctly recognise in their course the saving guidance of the covenant God, as to be able to describe it as the work of Jehovah. This imperfect insight, however, is intimately connected with the fact that the direct revelations of God had ceased; and that Joseph, although chosen by God to be the preserver of the house of Israel and the instrument in accomplishing His plans of salvation, was separated at a very early period from the fellowship of his father’s house, and formally naturalized in Egypt, and though endowed with the supernatural power to interpret dreams, was not favoured, as Daniel afterwards was in the Chaldaean court, with visions or revelations of God.
Consequently we cannot place Joseph on a level with the three patriarchs, nor assent to the statement, that “as the noblest blossom of the patriarchal life is seen in Joseph, as in him the whole meaning of the patriarchal life is summed up and fulfilled, so in Christ we see the perfect blossom and sole fulfilment of the whole of the Old Testament dispensation” (Kurtz, Old Covenant ii. 95), as being either correct or scriptural, so far as the first portion is concerned.
For Joseph was not a medium of salvation in the same way as Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. He was indeed a benefactor, not only to his brethren and the whole house of Israel, but also to the Egyptians; but salvation, i.e., spiritual help and culture, he neither brought to the Gentiles nor to the house of Israel. In Jacob’s blessing he is endowed with the richest inheritance of the first-born in earthly things; but salvation is to reach the nations through Judah. We may therefore without hesitation look upon the history of Joseph as a “type of the pathway of the Church, not of Jehovah only, but also of Christ, from lowliness to exaltation, from slavery to liberty, from suffering to glory” (Delitzsch); we may also, so far as the history of Israel is a type of the history of Christ and His Church, regard the life of Joseph, as believing commentators of all centuries have done, as a type of the life of Christ, and use these typical traits as aids to progress in the knowledge of salvation; but that we may not be seduced into typological trifling, we must not overlook the fact, that neither Joseph nor his career is represented, either by the prophets or by Christ and His apostles, as typical of Christ-in anything like the same way, for example, as the guidance of Israel into and out of Egypt (Hosea 11:1 cf. Matthew 2:15), and other events and persons in the history of Israel.
SALE OF JOSEPH INTO EGYPT.
GENESIS. 37:1-4
Verse 1-2. The statement in v. 1, which introduces the tholedoth of Jacob, “And Jacob dwelt in the land of his father’s pilgrimage, in the land of Canaan,” implies that Jacob had now entered upon his father’s inheritance, and carries on the patriarchal pilgrim-life in Canaan, the further development of which was determined by the wonderful career of Joseph.
This strange and eventful career of Joseph commenced when he was years old. The notice of his age at the commencement of the narrative which follows, is introduced with reference to the principal topic in it, viz., the sale of Joseph, which was to prepare the way, according to the wonderful counsel of God, for the fulfilment of the divine revelation to Abraham respecting the future history of his seed (Genesis 15:13ff.). While feeding the flock with his brethren, and, as he was young, with the sons of Bilhah and Zilpah, who were nearer his age than the sons of Leah, he brought an evil report of them to his father ( [ræ intentionally indefinite, connected with hB;Di without an article). The words r[ænæ aWh , “and he a lad,” are subordinate to the main clause: they are not to be rendered, however, “he was a lad with the sons,” but, “as he was young, he fed the flock with the sons of Bilhah and Zilpah.”
Verse 3-4. “Israel (Jacob) loved Joseph more than all his (other) sons, because he was born in his old age,” as the first-fruits of the beloved Rachel (Benjamin was hardly a year old at this time). And he made him spæ tn,toK] : a long coat with sleeves ( citw>n astraga>leiov , Aqu., or astragalwto>v , LXX at 2 Samuel 13:18, tunica talaris, Vulg. ad Sam.), i.e., an upper coat reaching to the wrists and ankles, such as noblemen and kings’ daughters wore, not “a coat of many colours” (“bunter Rock,” as Luther renders it, from the citw>na poiki>lon , tunicam polymitam, of the LXX and Vulgate). This partiality made Joseph hated by his brethren; so that they could not “speak peaceably unto him,” i.e., ask him how he was, offer him the usual salutation, “Peace be with thee.”
GENESIS. 37:5-11
This hatred was increased when Joseph told them of two dreams that he had had: viz., that as they were binding sheaves in the field, his sheaf “stood and remained standing,” but their sheaves placed themselves round it and bowed down to it; and that the sun (his father), and the moon (his mother, “not Leah, but Rachel, who was neither forgotten nor lost”), and eleven stars (his eleven brethren) bowed down before him. These dreams pointed in an unmistakeable way to the supremacy of Joseph; the first to supremacy over his brethren, the second over the whole house of Israel.
The repetition seemed to establish the thing as certain (cf. Genesis 41:32); so that not only did his brethren hate him still more “on account of his dreams and words” (v. 8), i.e., the substance of the dreams and the open interpretation of them, and become jealous and envious, but his father gave him a sharp reproof for the second, though he preserved the matter, i.e., retained it in his memory ( rmæv; LXX dieth>rhse , cf. suneth>rei , Luke 2:19). The brothers with their ill-will could not see anything in the creams but the suggestions of his own ambition and pride of heart; and even the father, notwithstanding his partiality, was grieved by the second dream.
The dreams are not represented as divine revelations; yet they are not to be regarded as pure flights of fancy from an ambitious heart, but as the presentiments of deep inward feelings, which were not produced without some divine influence being exerted upon Joseph’s mind, and therefore were of prophetic significance, though they were not inspired directly by God, inasmuch as the purposes of God were still to remain hidden from the eyes of men for the saving good of all concerned.
GENESIS. 37:12-20
In a short time the hatred of Joseph’s brethren grew into a crime. On one occasion, when they were feeding their flock at a distance from Hebron, in the neighbourhood of Shechem (Nablus, in the plain of Mukhnah), and Joseph who was sent thither by Jacob to inquire as to the welfare (shalom, valetudo) of the brethren and their flocks, followed them to Dothain or Dothan, a place 12 Roman miles to the north of Samaria (Sebaste), towards the plain of Jezreel, they formed the malicious resolution to put him, “this dreamer,” to death, and throw him into one of the pits, i.e., cisterns, and then to tell (his father) that a wild beast had slain him, and so to bring his dreams to nought.
GENESIS. 37:21-24
Reuben, who was the eldest son, and therefore specially responsible for his younger brother, opposed this murderous proposal. He dissuaded his brethren from killing Joseph (nepesh p’ hikaah), and advised them to throw him “into this pit in the desert,” i.e., into a dry pit that was near. As Joseph would inevitably perish even in that pit, their malice was satisfied; but Reuben intended to take Joseph out again, and restore him to his father. As soon, therefore, as Joseph arrived, they took off his coat with sleeves and threw him into the pit, which happened to be dry.
GENESIS. 37:25-28
Reuben had saved Joseph’s life indeed by his proposal; but his intention to send him back to his father was frustrated. For as soon as the brethren sat down to eat, after the deed was performed, they saw a company of Ishmaelites from Gilead coming along the road which leads from Beisan past Jenin (Rob. Pal. iii. 155) and through the plain of Dothan to the great caravan road that runs from Damascus by Lejun (Legio, Megiddo), Ramleh, and Gaza to Egypt (Rob. iii. 27, 178). The caravan drew near, laden with spices: viz., takn] , gum-tragacanth; yrixo , balsam, for which Gilead was celebrated (Genesis 43:11; Jeremiah 8:22; 46:11); and flo , ladanum, the fragrant resin of the cistus-rose. Judah seized the opportunity to propose to his brethren to sell Joseph to the Ishmaelites. “What profit have we,” he said, “that we slay our brother and conceal his blood?
Come, let us sell him to the Ishmaelites; and our hand, let it not lay hold of him (sc., to slay him), for he is our brother, our flesh.” Reuben wished to deliver Joseph entirely from his brothers’ malice. Judah also wished to save his life, though not from brotherly love so much as from the feeling of horror, which was not quite extinct within him, at incurring the guilt of fratricide; but he would still like to get rid of him, that his dreams might not come true. Judah, like his brethren, was probably afraid that their father might confer upon Joseph the rights of the first-born, and so make him lord over them. His proposal was a welcome one. When the Arabs passed by, the brethren fetched Joseph out of the pit and sold him to the Ishmaelites, who took him into Egypt. The different names given to the traders-viz., Ishmaelites (vv. 25, 27, and 28b), Midianites (v. 28a), and Medanites (v. 36)-do not show that the account has been drawn from different legends, but that these tribes were often confounded, from the fact that they resembled one another so closely, not only in their common descent from Abraham (Genesis 16:15 and 25:2), but also in the similarity of their mode of life and their constant change of abode, that strangers could hardly distinguish them, especially when they appeared not as tribes but as Arabian merchants, such as they are here described as being: “Midianitish men, merchants.” That descendants of Abraham should already be met with in this capacity is by no means strange, if we consider that 150 years had passed by since Ishmael’s dismissal from his father’s house-a period amply sufficient for his descendants to have grown through marriage into a respectable tribe. The price, “twenty (sc., shekels) of silver,” was the price which Moses afterwards fixed as the value of a boy between 5 and (Leviticus 27:5), the average price of a slave being 30 shekels (Exodus 21:32). But the Ishmaelites naturally wanted to make money by the transaction.
GENESIS. 37:29-35
The business was settled in Reuben’s absence; probably because his brethren suspected that he intended to rescue Joseph. When he came to the pit and found Joseph gone, he rent his clothes (a sign of intense grief on the part of the natural man) and exclaimed: “The boy is no more, and I, whither shall I go!” — how shall I account to his father for his disappearance! But the brothers were at no loss; they dipped Joseph’s coat in the blood of a goat and sent it to his father, with the message, “We have found this; see whether it is thy son’s coat or not.” Jacob recognised the coat at once, and mourned bitterly in mourning clothes ( qcæ ) for his son, whom he supposed to have been devoured and destroyed by a wild beast ( ãræf; ãræf; inf. abs. of Kal before Pual, as an indication of undoubted certainty), and refused all comfort from his children, saying, “No ( yKi immo, elliptical: Do not attempt to comfort me, for) I will go down mourning into Sheol to my son.” Sheol denotes the place where departed souls are gathered after death; it is an infinitive form from laæv; to demand, the demanding, applied to the place which inexorably summons all men into its shade (cf. Prov 30:15-16; Isaiah 5:14; Habakkuk 2:5). How should his sons comfort him, when they were obliged to cover their wickedness with the sin of lying and hypocrisy, and when even Reuben, although at first beside himself at the failure of his plan, had not courage enough to disclose his brothers’ crime?
GENESIS. 37:36
But Joseph, while his father was mourning, was sold by the Midianites to Potiphar, the chief of Pharaoh’s trabantes, to be first of all brought low, according to the wonderful counsel of God, and then to be exalted as ruler in Egypt, before whom his brethren would bow down, and as the saviour of the house of Israel. The name Potiphar is a contraction of Poti Pherah (Genesis 41:50); the LXX render both Betefree’s or Betefree’ (vid., 41:50). caaroyc (eunuch) is used here, as in 1 Samuel 8:15 and in most of the passages of the Old Testament, for courtier or chamberlain, without regard to the primary meaning, as Potiphar was married. “Captain of the guard” (lit., captain of the slaughterers, i.e., the executioners), commanding officer of the royal body-guard, who executed the capital sentences ordered by the king, as was also the case with the Chaldeans (2 Kings 25:8; Jeremiah 39:9; 52:12. See my Commentary on the Books of Kings, vol. i. pp. 35, 36, Eng. Tr.).
JUDAH’S MARRIAGE AND CHILDREN. HIS INCEST WITH THAMAR.
The following sketch from the life of Judah is intended to point out the origin of the three leading families of the future princely tribe in Israel, and at the same time to show in what danger the sons of Jacob would have been of forgetting the sacred vocation of their race, through marriages with Canaanitish women, and of perishing in the sin of Canaan, if the mercy of God had not interposed, and by leading Joseph into Egypt prepared the way for the removal of the whole house of Jacob into that land, and thus protected the family, just as it was expanding into a nation, from the corrupting influence of the manners and customs of Canaan. This being the intention of the narrative, it is no episode or interpolation, but an integral part of the early history of Israel, which is woven here into the history of Jacob, because the events occurred subsequently to the sale of Joseph.
GENESIS. 38:1-11
About this time, i.e., after the sale of Joseph, while still feeding the flocks of Jacob along with his brethren (Genesis 37:26), Judah separated from them, and went down (from Hebron, Genesis 37:14, or the mountains) to Adullam, in the lowland (Joshua 15:35), into the neighbourhood of a man named Hirah. “He pitched (his tent, Genesis 26:25) up to a man of Adullam,” i.e., in his neighbourhood, so as to enter into friendly intercourse with him.
Verse 2-5. There Judah married the daughter of Shuah, a Canaanite, and had three sons by her: Ger ( `rW[ ), Onan, and Shelah. The name of the place is mentioned when the last is born, viz., Chezib or Achzib (Joshua 15:44; Micah 1:14), in the southern portion of the lowland of Judah, that the descendants of Shelah might know the birth-place of their ancestor. This was unnecessary in the case of the others, who died childless.
Verse 6-10. When Ger was grown up, according to ancient custom (cf.
Genesis 21:21; 34:4) his father gave him a wife, named Thamar, probably a Canaanite, of unknown parentage. But Ger was soon put to death by Jehovah on account of his wickedness. Judah then wished Onan, as the brother-in-law, to marry the childless widow of his deceased brother, and raise up seed, i.e., a family, for him. But as he knew that the first-born son would not be the founder of his own family, but would perpetuate the family of the deceased and receive his inheritance, he prevented conception when consummating the marriage by spilling the semen. xr,a, tjæv; , “destroyed to the ground (i.e., let it fall upon the ground), so as not to give seed to his brother” ( ˆtæn; for ˆtæn; only here and Numbers 20:21). This act not only betrayed a want of affection to his brother, combined with a despicable covetousness for his possession and inheritance, but was also a sin against the divine institution of marriage and its object, and was therefore punished by Jehovah with sudden death. The custom of levirate marriage, which is first mentioned here, and is found in different forms among Indians, Persians, and other nations of Asia and Africa, was not founded upon a divine command, but upon an ancient tradition, originating probably in Chaldea. It was not abolished, however, by the Mosaic law (Deuteronomy 25:5ff.), but only so far restricted as not to allow it to interfere with the sanctity of marriage; and with this limitation it was enjoined as a duty of affection to build up the brother’s house, and to preserve his family and name (see my Bibl. Archäologie, §108).
Verse 11. The sudden death of his two sons so soon after their marriage with Thamar made Judah hesitate to give her the third as a husband also, thinking, very likely, according to a superstition which we find in Tobit 3:7ff., that either she herself, or marriage with her, had been the cause of her husbands’ deaths. He therefore sent her away to her father’s house, with the promise that he would give her his youngest son as soon as he had grown up; though he never intended it seriously, “for he thought lest ( ˆpe rmæa; , i.e., he was afraid that) he also might die like his brethren.”
GENESIS. 38:12-30
But when Thamar, after waiting a long time, saw that Shelah had grown up and yet was not given to her as a husband, she determined to procure children from Judah himself, who had become a widower in the meantime; and his going to Timnath to the sheep-shearing afforded her a good opportunity. The time mentioned (“the days multiplied,” i.e., a long time passed by) refers not to the statement which follows, that Judah’s wife died, but rather to the leading thought of the verse, viz., Judah’s going to the sheep-shearing. µjæn; : he comforted himself, i.e., he ceased to mourn.
Timnath is not the border town of Dan and Judah between Beth-shemesh and Ekron in the plain (Joshua 15:10; 19:43), but Timnah on the mountains of Judah (Joshua 15:57, cf. Rob. Pal. ii. 343, note), as the expression “went up” shows. The sheep-shearing was a fête with shepherds, and was kept with great feasting. Judah therefore took his friend Hirah with him; a fact noticed in v. 12 in relation to what follows.
Verse 13-14. As soon as Thamar heard of Judah’s going to this feast, she took off her widow’s clothes, put on a veil, and sat down, disguised as a harlot, by the gate of Enayim, where Judah would be sure to pass on his return from Timnath. Enayim was no doubt the same as Enam in the lowland of Judah (Joshua 15:34).
Verse 15-18. When Judah saw her here and took her for a harlot, he made her an offer, and gave her his signet-ring, with the band ( lytip; ) by which it was hung round his neck, and his staff, as a pledge of the young buck-goat which he offered her. They were both objects of value, and were regarded as ornaments in the East, as Herodotus (i. 195) has shown with regard to the Babylonians (see my Bibl. Arch. 2, 48). He then lay with her, and she became pregnant by him.
Verse 19-21. After this had occurred, Thamar laid aside her veil, put on her widow’s dress again, and returned home. When Judah, therefore, sent the kid by his friend Hirah to the supposed harlot for the purpose of redeeming his pledges, he could not find her, and was told, on inquiring of the inhabitants of Enayim, that there was no hv;deq] there. hv;deq] : lit., “the consecrated,” i.e., the hierodule, a woman sacred to Astarte, a goddess of the Canaanites, the deification of the generative and productive principle of nature; one who served this goddess by prostitution (vid., Deuteronomy 23:18). This was no doubt regarded as the most respectable designation for public prostitutes in Canaan.
Verse 22-23. When his friend returned with the kid and reported his want of success, Judah resolved to leave his pledges with the girl, that he might not expose himself to the ridicule of the people by any further inquiries, since he had done his part towards keeping his promise. “Let her take them (i.e., keep the signet-ring and staff) for herself, that we may not become a (an object of) ridicule.” The pledges were unquestionably of more value than a young he-goat.
Verse 24-26. About three months afterwards ( vwOkv; prob. for vwOkv; with the prefix m) Judah was informed that Thamar had played the harlot and was certainly ( hNehi ) with child. He immediately ordered, by virtue of his authority as head of the tribe, that she should be brought out and burned.
Thamar was regarded as the affianced bride of Shelah, and was to be punished as a bride convicted of a breach of chastity. But the Mosaic law enjoined stoning in the case of those who were affianced and broke their promise, or of newly married women who were found to have been dishonoured (Deuteronomy 22:20-21,23-24); and it was only in the case of the whoredom of a priest’s daughter, or of carnal intercourse with a mother or a daughter, that the punishment of burning was enjoined (Leviticus 21:9 and 20:14). Judah’s sentence, therefore, was more harsh than the subsequent law; whether according to patriarchal custom, or on other grounds, cannot be determined.
When Thamar was brought out, she sent to Judah the things which she had kept as a pledge, with this message: “By a man to whom these belong am I with child: look carefully therefore to whom this signet-ring, and band, and stick belong.” Judah recognised the things as his own, and was obliged to confess, “She is more in the right than I; for therefore (sc., that this might happen to me, or that it might turn out so; on ˆKeAl[æAyKi see Genesis 18:5) have I not given her to my son Shelah.” In passing sentence upon Thamar, Judah had condemned himself. His son, however, did not consist merely in his having given way to his lusts so afar as to lie with a supposed public prostitute of Canaan, but still more in the fact, that by breaking his promise to give her his son Shelah as her husband, he had caused his daughter-inlaw to practise this deception upon him, just because in his heart he blamed her for the early and sudden deaths of his elder sons, whereas the real cause of the deaths which had so grieved his paternal heart was the wickedness of the sons themselves, the mainspring of which was to be found in his own marriage with a Canaanite in violation of the patriarchal call.
And even if the sons of Jacob were not unconditionally prohibited from marrying the daughters of Canaanites, Judah’s marriage at any rate had borne such fruit in his sons Ger and Onan, as Jehovah the covenant God was compelled to reject. But if Judah, instead of recognising the hand of the Lord in the sudden death of his sons, traced the cause to Thamar, and determined to keep her as a childless widow all her life long, not only in opposition to the traditional custom, but also in opposition to the will of God as expressed in His promises of a numerous increase of the seed of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; Thamar had by no means acted rightly in the stratagem by which she frustrated his plan, and sought to procure from Judah himself the seed of which he was unjustly depriving her, though her act might be less criminal than Judah’s. For it is evident from the whole account, that she was not driven to her sin by lust, but by the innate desire for children ( oJ>ti de> paidopoi>iav ca>rin kai> ou> filhdoni>av tou>to oJ Qa>mar emhcanh>sato -Theodoret); and for that reason she was more in the right than Judah. Judah himself, however, not only saw his guilt, but he confessed it also; and showed both by this confession, and also by the fact that he had no further conjugal intercourse with Thamar, an earnest endeavour to conquer the lusts of the flesh, and to guard against the sin into which he had fallen. And because he thus humbled himself, God gave him grace, and not only exalted him to be the chief of the house of Israel, but blessed the children that were begotten in sin. Verse 27-28. Thamar brought forth twins; and a circumstance occurred at the birth, which does occasionally happen when the children lie in an abnormal position, and always impedes the delivery, and which was regarded in this instance as so significant that the names of the children were founded upon the fact. At the birth wayiten-yaad “there was a hand,” i.e., a hand came out ( ˆtæn; as in Job 37:10; Prov 13:10), round which the midwife tied a scarlet thread, to mark this as the first-born.
Verse 29-30. “And it came to pass, when it (the child) drew back its hand ( bWv for byvime twOyh]Ki as in Genesis 40:10), behold its brother came out.
Then she (the midwife) said, What a breach hast thou made for thy part?
Upon thee the breach;” i.e., thou bearest the blame of the breach. xr,p, signifies not rupturam perinoei, but breaking through by pressing forward.
From that he received the name of Perez (breach, breaker through). Then the other one with the scarlet thread came into the world, and was named Zerah ( jræz, exit, rising), because he sought to appear first, whereas in fact Perez was the first-born, and is even placed before Zerah in the lists in Genesis 46:12; Numbers 26:20. Perez was the ancestor of the tribe-prince Nahshon (Numbers 2:3), and of king David also (Ruth 4:18ff.; Chronicles 2:5ff.). Through him, therefore, Thamar has a place as one of the female ancestors in the genealogy of Jesus Christ.
JOSEPH IN POTIPHAR’S HOUSE, AND IN PRISON.
GENESIS. 39:1-5
In Potiphar’s House.
Potiphar had bought him of the Ishmaelites, as is repeated in v. 1 for the purpose of resuming the thread of the narrative; and Jehovah was with him, so that the prospered in the house of his Egyptian master. jlæx; vyai : a man who has prosperity, to whom God causes all that he undertakes and does to prosper. When Potiphar perceived this, Joseph found favour in his eyes, and became his servant, whom he placed over his house (made manager of his household affairs), and to whom he entrusted all his property ( wOlAvy,AlK; v. 4 = wOlAvy, rv,a\AlK; vv. 5, 6). This confidence in Joseph increased, when he perceived how the blessing of Jehovah (Joseph’s God) rested upon his property in the house and in the field; so that now “he left to Joseph everything that he had, and did not trouble himself tae (with or near him) about anything but his own eating.”
GENESIS. 39:6-9
Joseph was handsome in form and feature; and Potiphar’s wife set her eyes upon the handsome young man, and tried to persuade him to lie with her.
But Joseph resisted the adulterous proposal, referring to the unlimited confidence which his master had placed in him. He (Potiphar) was not greater in that house than he, and had given everything over to him except her, because she was his wife. “How could he so abuse this confidence, as to do this great wickedness and sin against God!”
GENESIS. 39:10-12
But after she had repeated her enticements day after day without success, “it came to pass at that time ( hz, µwOy for the more usual hz, µwOy (Genesis 50:20), lit., about this day, i.e., the day in the writer’s mind, on which the thing to be narrated occurred) that Joseph came into his house to attend to his duties, and there were none of the house-servants within.” And she laid hold of him by his garment and entreated him to lie with her; but he left his garment in her hand and fled from the house.
GENESIS. 39:13-18
When this daring assault upon Joseph’s chastity had failed, on account of his faithfulness and fear of God, the adulterous woman reversed the whole affair, and charged him with an attack upon her modesty, in order that she might have her revenge upon him and avert suspicion from herself. She called her house-servants and said, “See, he (her husband, whom she does not think worth naming) has brought us a Hebrew man (“no epitheton ornans to Egyptian ears: Genesis 43:32”) to mock us ( qjæx] to show his wantonness; us, the wife and servants, especially the female portion): he came in unto me to lie with me; and I cried with a loud voice...and he left his garment by me.” She said lx,ae “by my side,” not “in my hand,” as that would have shown the true state of the case. She then left the garment lying by her side till the return of Joseph’s master, to whom she repeated her tale. GENESIS 39:19-20 Joseph in Prison.
Potiphar was enraged at what he heard, and put Joseph into the prison where ( rv,a for µv; rv,a , Genesis 40:3 like 35:13) the king’s prisoners (state-prisoners) were confined. rhæso tyiBæ : lit., the house of enclosure, from chr, to surround or enclose ( ocu>rwma , LXX); the state-prison surrounded by a wall. This was a very moderate punishment. For according to Diod. Sic. (i. 78) the laws of the Egyptians were pikroi> peri> tw>n gunaikw>n no>moi . An attempt at adultery was to be punished with blows, and rape upon a free woman still more severely. It is possible that Potiphar was not fully convinced of his wife’s chastity, and therefore did not place unlimited credence in what she said. f68 But even in that case it was the mercy of the faithful covenant God, which now as before (Genesis 37:20ff.) rescued Joseph’s life.
GENESIS. 39:21-23
In the prison itself Jehovah was with Joseph, procuring him favour in the eyes of the governor of the prison, so that he entrusted all the prisoners to his care, leaving everything that they had to do, to be done through him, and not troubling himself about anything that was in his hand, i.e., was committed to him, because Jehovah made all that he did to prosper. “The keeper” was the governor of the prison, or superintendent of the gaolers, and was under Potiphar, the captain of the trabantes and chief of the executioners (Genesis 37:36).
THE PRISONERS’ DREAMS AND JOSEPH’S INTERPRETATION.
GENESIS. 40:1-4
The head cup-bearer and head baker had committed crimes against the king of Egypt, and were imprisoned in “the prison of the house of the captain of the trabantes, the prison where Joseph himself was confined;” the stateprison, according to Eastern custom, forming part of the same building as the dwelling-house of the chief of the executioners. From a regard to the exalted position of these two prisoners, Potiphar ordered Joseph to wait upon them, not to keep watch over them; for tae rqæp] does not mean to appoint as guard, but to place by the side of a person.
GENESIS. 40:5-7
After some time (“days,” v. 4, as in Genesis 4:3), and on the same night, these two prisoners had each a peculiar dream, “each one according to the interpretation of his dream;” i.e., each one had a dream corresponding to the interpretation which specially applied to him. On account of these dreams, which seemed to them to have some bearing upon their fate, and, as the issue proved, were really true omens of it, Joseph found them the next morning looking anxious, and asked them the reason of the trouble which was depicted upon their countenances.
GENESIS. 40:8
On their replying that they had dreamed, and there was no one to interpret the dream, Joseph reminded them first of all that “interpretations are God’s,” come from God, are His gift; at the same time he bade them tell him their dreams, from a consciousness, no doubt, that he was endowed with this divine gift.
GENESIS. 40:9-11
The cup-bearer gave this account: “In my dream, behold there was a vine before me, and on the vine three branches; and it was as though blossoming, it shot forth its blossom ( xne either from the hapax l. xne = xne , or from xne with the fem. termination resolved into the 3 pers. suff.: Ewald, §257d), its clusters ripened into grapes. And Pharaoh’s cup was in my hand; and I took the grapes and pressed them into Pharaoh’s cup, and gave the cup into Pharaoh’s hand.” In this dream the office and duty of the royal cup-bearer were represented in an unmistakeable manner, though the particular details must not be so forced as to lead to the conclusion, that the kings of ancient Egypt drank only the fresh juice of the grape, and not fermented wine as well. The cultivation of the vine, and the making and drinking of wine, among the Egyptians, are established beyond question by ancient testimony and the earliest monuments, notwithstanding the statement of Herodotus (2, 77) to the contrary (see Hengstenberg, Egypt and the Books of Moses, pp. 13ff.).
GENESIS. 40:12-15
Joseph then gave this interpretation: The three branches were three days, in which time Pharaoh would restore him to his post again (“lift up his head,” i.e., raise him from his degradation, send and fetch him from prison, Kings 25:27). And he added this request (v. 14): “Only think of me, as it goes well with thee, and show favour to me...for I was stolen (i.e., carried away secretly and by force; I did not abscond because of any crime) out of the land of the Hebrews (the land where the Ibrim live); and here also I have done nothing (committed no crime) for which they should put me into the hole.” rwOB: the cell, applied to a prison as a miserable hole, because often dry cess-pools were used as prisons.
GENESIS. 40:16-19
Encouraged by this favourable interpretation, the chief baker also told his dream: “I too,...in my dream: behold, baskets of white bread upon my head, and in the top basket all kinds of food for Pharaoh, pastry; and the birds ate it out of the basket from my head.” In this dream, the carrying of the baskets upon the head is thoroughly Egyptian; for, according to Herod. 2, 35, the men in Egypt carry burdens upon the head, the women upon the shoulders. And, according to the monuments, the variety of confectionary was very extensive (cf. Hengst. p. 27). In the opening words, “I too,” the baker points to the resemblance between his dream and the cup-bearer’s.
The resemblance was not confined to the sameness of the numbers-three baskets of white bread, and three branches of the vine-but was also seen in the fact that his official duty at the court was represented in the dream. But instead of Pharaoh taking the bread from his hand, the birds of heaven ate it out of the basket upon his head. And Joseph gave this interpretation: “The three baskets signify three days: within that time Pharaoh will take away thy head from thee (“lift up thy head,” as in v. 13, but with `l[æ “away from thee,” i.e., behead thee), and hang thee on the stake (thy body after execution; vid., Deuteronomy 21:22-23), and the birds will eat thy flesh from off thee.” However simple and close this interpretation of the two dreams may appear, the exact accordance with the fulfilment was a miracle wrought by God, and showed that as the dreams originated in the instigation of God, the interpretation was His inspiration also.
GENESIS. 40:20-22
Joseph’s interpretations were fulfilled three days afterwards, on the king’s birth-day. dlæy; µwOy : the day of being born; the inf. Hoph. is construed as a passive with the accus. obj., as in Genesis 4:18, etc. Pharaoh gave his servants a feast, and lifted up the heads of both the prisoners, but in very different ways. The cup-bearer was pardoned, and reinstated in his office; the baker, on the other hand, was executed.
GENESIS. 40:23
But the former forgot Joseph in his prosperity, and did nothing to procure his liberation.
PHARAOH’S DREAMS AND JOSEPH’S EXALTATION.
GENESIS. 41:1-6
Pharaoh’s Dreams and Their Interpretation.
Two full years afterwards ( µwOy accus. “in days,” as in Genesis 29:14) Pharaoh had a dream. He was standing by the Nile, and saw seven fine fat cows ascend from the Nile and feed in the Nile-grass ( Wja; an Egyptian word); and behind them seven others, ugly (according to v. 19, unparalleled in their ugliness), lean ( rc;B; qDæ “thin in flesh,” for which we find in v. 19 hL;Dæ “fallen away,” and rc;B; qræ withered in flesh, fleshless), which placed themselves beside those fat ones on the brink of the Nile and devoured them, without there being any effect to show that they had eaten them. He then awoke, but fell asleep again and had a second, similar dream: seven fat (v. 22, full) and fine ears grew upon one blade, and were swallowed up by seven thin (v. 23, “and hardened”) ones, which were blasted by the east wind ( µydiq; i.e., the S.E. wind, Chamsin, from the desert of Arabia). GENESIS 41:7 “Then Pharaoh awoke, and behold it was a dream.” The dream was so like reality, that in was only when he woke that he perceived it was a dream.
GENESIS. 41:8
Being troubled about this double dream, Pharaoh sent the next morning for all the scribes and wise men of Egypt, to have it interpreted. µfor]jæ , from fr,j, a stylus (pencil), and the iJerogrammatei>v , men of the priestly caste, who occupied themselves with the sacred arts and sciences of the Egyptians, the hieroglyphic writings, astrology, the interpretation of dreams, the foretelling of events, magic, and conjuring, and who were regarded as the possessors of secret arts (vid., Exodus 7:11) and the wise men of the nation. But not one of these could interpret it, although the clue to the interpretation was to be found in the religious symbols of Egypt. For the cow was the symbol of Isis, the goddess of the all-sustaining earth, and in the hieroglyphics it represented the earth, agriculture, and food; and the Nile, by its overflowing, was the source of the fertility of the land. But however simple the explanation of the fat and lean cows ascending out of the Nile appears to be, it is “the fate of the wisdom of this world, that where it suffices it is compelled to be silent. For it belongs to the government of God to close the lips of the eloquent, and take away the understanding of the aged (Job 12:20).” Baumgarten.
GENESIS. 41:9-13
In this dilemma the head cup-bearer thought of Joseph; and calling to mind his offence against the king (Genesis 40:1), and his ingratitude to Joseph (40:23), he related to the king how Joseph had explained their dreams to him and the chief baker in the prison, and how entirely the interpretation had come true.
GENESIS. 41:14-36
Pharaoh immediately sent for Joseph. As quickly as possible he was fetched from the prison; and after shaving the hair of his head and beard, and changing his clothes, as the customs of Egypt required (see Hengst. Egypt and the Books of Moses, p. 30), he went in to the king. On the king’s saying to him, “I have heard of thee ( `l[æ de te), thou hearest a dream to interpret it,” — i.e., thou only needest to hear a dream, and thou canst at once interpret it-Joseph replied, “Not I yde[l]Bi , lit., “not so far as me,” this is not in my power, vid., Genesis 14:24), God will answer Pharaoh’s good,” i.e., what shall profit Pharaoh; just as in Genesis 40:8 he had pointed the two prisoners away from himself to God. Pharaoh then related his double dream (vv. 17-24), and Joseph gave the interpretation (vv. 25- 32): “The dream of Pharaoh is one (i.e., the two dreams have the same meaning); God hath showed Pharaoh what He is about to do.” The seven cows and seven ears of corn were seven years, the fat ones very fertile years of superabundance, the lean ones very barren years of famine; the latter would follow the former over the whole land of Egypt, so that the years of famine would leave no trace of the seven fruitful years; and, “for that the dream was doubled unto Pharaoh twice” (i.e., so far as this fact is concerned, it signifies) “that the thing is firmly resolved by God, and God will quickly carry it out.” In the confidence of this interpretation which looked forward over fourteen years, the divinely enlightened seer’s glance was clearly manifested, and could not fail to make an impression upon the king, when contrasted with the perplexity of the Egyptian augurs and wise men.
Joseph followed up his interpretation by the advice (vv. 33-36), that Pharaoh should “look out ( ha;r; ) a man discreet and wise, and set him over the land of Egypt;” and cause `hc;[; ) that in the seven years of superabundance he should raise fifths ( vmæj; ), i.e., the fifth part of the harvest, through overseers, and have the corn, or the stores of food ( lk,ao ), laid up in the cities “under the hand of the king,” i.e., by royal authority and direction, as food for the land for the seven years of famine, that it might not perish through famine.
GENESIS. 41:37-41
Joseph’s Promotion.
This counsel pleased Pharaoh and all his servants, so that he said to them, “Shall we find a man like this one, in whom the Spirit of God is?” “The Spirit of Elohim,” i.e., the spirit of supernatural insight and wisdom. He then placed Joseph over his house, and over all Egypt; in other words, he chose him as hid grand vizier, saying to him, “After God hath showed thee all this, there is none discreet and wise as thou.” qVæyi ËypiAl[æ , “according to thy mouth (i.e., command, Genesis 45:21) shall my whole people arrange itself.” qvæn; does not mean to kiss (Rabb., Ges., etc.), for `l[æ qvæn; is not Hebrew, and kissing the mouth was not customary as an act of homage, but “to dispose, arrange one’s self” (ordine disposuit). “Only in the throne will I be greater than thou.”
GENESIS. 41:42
As an installation in this post of honour, the king handed him his signetring, the seal which the grand vizier or prime minister wore, to give authority to the royal edicts (Est 3:10), clothed him in a byssus dress ( vve , fine muslin or white cotton fabric), and put upon his neck the golden chain, which was usually worn in Egypt as a mark of distinction, as the Egyptian monuments show (Hgst. pp. 30, 31).
GENESIS. 41:43
He then had him driven in the second chariot, the chariot which followed immediately upon the king’s state-carriage; that is to say, he directed a solemn procession to be made through the city, in which they (heralds) cried before him Ëreb]aæ (i.e., bow down)-an Egyptian word, which has been pointed by the Masorites according to the Hiphil or Aphel of Ërær; . In Coptic it is abork, projicere, with the signs of the imperative and the second person. Thus he placed him over all Egypt. ˆtæn; inf. absol. as a continuation of the finite verb (vid., Exodus 8:11; Leviticus 25:14, etc.).
GENESIS. 41:44
“I am Pharaoh,” he said to him, “and without thee shall no man lift his hand or foot in all the land of Egypt;” i.e., I am the actual king, and thou, the next to me, shalt rule over all my people.
GENESIS. 41:45
But in order that Joseph might be perfectly naturalized, the king gave him an Egyptian name, Zaphnath-Paaneah, and married him to Asenath, the daughter of Potipherah, the priest at On. The name Zaphnath-Paaneah (a form adapted to the Hebrew, for Bsonqomfanh>c LXX; according to a Greek scholium, swth>r ko>smou , “salvator mundi” (Jerome), answers to the Coptic P-sote-m-ph-eneh-P the article, sote salvation, m the sign of the genitive, ph the article, and eneh the world (lit., aetas, seculum); or perhaps more correctly, according to Rosellini and more recent Egyptologists, to the Coptic P-soont-em-ph-anh, i.e., sustentator vitae, support or sustainer of life, with reference to the call entrusted to him by God.
Asenath, Asene>q (LXX), possibly connected with the name Neith, the Egyptian Pallas. Poti-Phera, Betefrh> (LXX), a Coptic name signifying ille qui solis est, consecrated to the sun (free with the aspirated article signifies the sun in Memphitic). On was the popular name for Heliopolis (Aeeliou’polis, LXX), and according to Cyrill. Alex. and Hosea 5:8 signifies the sun; whilst the name upon the monuments is ta-Râ or pa-Râ, house of the sun (Brugsch, Reisebericht, p. 50). From a very early date there was a celebrated temple of the sun here, with a learned priesthood, which held the first place among the priests’ colleges of Egypt (Herod. 2, 3; Hengst. pp. 32ff.). This promotion of Joseph, from the position of a Hebrew slave pining in prison to the highest post of honour in the Egyptian kingdom, is perfectly conceivable, on the one hand, from the great importance attached in ancient times to the interpretation of dreams and to all occult science, especially among the Egyptians, and on the other hand, from the despotic form of government in the East; but the miraculous power of God is to be seen in the fact, that God endowed Joseph with the gift of infallible interpretation, and so ordered the circumstances that this gift opened the way for him to occupy that position in which he became the preserver, not of Egypt alone, but of his own family also. And the same hand of God, by which he had been so highly exalted after deep degradation, preserved him in his lofty post of honour from sinking into the heathenism of Egypt; although, by his alliance with the daughter of a priest of the sun, the most distinguished caste in the land, he had fully entered into the national associations and customs of the land.
GENESIS. 41:46
Joseph was 30 years old when he stood before Pharaoh, and went out from him and passed through all the land of Egypt, i.e., when he took possession of his office; consequently he had been in Egypt for 13 years as a slave, and at least three years in prison. GENESIS 41:47-49 For the seven years of superabundance the land bore xm,qo , in full hands or bundles; and Joseph gathered all the provisional store of these years (i.e., the fifth part of the produce, which was levied) into the cities. “The food of the field of the city, which was round about it, he brought into the midst of it;” i.e., he provided granaries in the towns, in which the corn of the whole surrounding country was stored. In this manner he collected as much corn “as the sand of the sea,” until he left off reckoning the quantity, or calculating the number of bushels, which the monuments prove to have been the usual mode adopted (vid., Hengst. p. 36).
GENESIS. 41:50-51
During the fruitful years two sons were born to Joseph. The first-born he named Manasseh, i.e., causing to forget; “for, he said, God hath made me forget all my toil and all my father’s house ( hv;n; , an Aram. Piel form, for nishaaniy, on account of the resemblance in sound to hV,næm] ).” Haec pia est, ac sancta gratiarum actio, quod Deus oblivisci eum fecit pristinas omnes areumnas: sed nullus honor tanti esse debuit, ut desiderium et memoriam paternae domus ex animo deponeret (Calvin). But the true answer to that question, whether it was a Christian boast for him to make, that he had forgotten father and mother, is given by Luther: “I see that God would take away the reliance which I placed upon my father; for God is a jealous God, and will not suffer the heart to have any other foundation to rely upon, but Him alone.” This also meets the objection raised by Theodoret, why Joseph did not inform his father of his life and promotion, but allowed so may years to pass away, until he was led to do so at last in consequence of the arrival of his brothers. The reason of this forgetfulness and silence can only be found in the fact, that through the wondrous alteration in his condition he had been led to see, that he was brought to Egypt according to the counsel of God, and was redeemed by God from slavery and prison, and had been exalted by Him to be lord over Egypt; so that, knowing he was in the hand of God, the firmness of his faith led him to renounce all wilful interference with the purposes of God, which pointed to a still broader and more glorious goal (Baumgarten, Delitzsch). GENESIS 41:52 The second son he named Ephraim, i.e., double-fruitfulness; “for God hath made me fruitful in the land of my affliction.” Even after his elevation Egypt still continued the land of affliction, so that in this word we may see one trace of a longing for the promised land.
GENESIS. 41:53-57
When the years of scarcity commenced, at the close of the years of plenty, the famine spread over all (the neighbouring) lands; only in Egypt was there bread. As the famine increased in the land, and the people cried to Pharaoh for bread, he directed them to Joseph, who “opened all in which was” (bread), i.e., all the granaries, and sold corn ( rbæv; , denom. from rb,v, , signifies to trade in corn, to buy and sell corn) to the Egyptians, and (as the writer adds, with a view to what follows) to all the world (kaalhaa’aarets, v. 57), that came thither to buy corn, because the famine was great on every hand. — Years of famine have frequently fallen, like this one, upon Egypt, and the neighbouring countries to the north. The cause of this is to be seen in the fact, that the overflowing of the Nile, to which Egypt is indebted for its fertility, is produced by torrents of rain falling in the alpine regions of Abyssinia, which proceed from clouds formed in the Mediterranean and carried thither by the wind; consequently it has a common origin with the rains of Palestine (see the proofs in Hengst. pp. 37ff.).
FIRST JOURNEY MADE TO EGYPT BY JOSEPH’S BRETHREN, WITHOUT BENJAMIN.
GENESIS. 42:1-6
With the words “Why do ye look at one another!” viz., in such a helpless and undecided manner. Jacob exhorted his sons to fetch corn from Egypt, to preserve his family from starvation. Joseph’s ten brothers went, as their aged father would not allow his youngest son Benjamin to go with them, for fear that some calamity might befall him ( ar;q; = hr;q; , Genesis 44:29 as in v. 38 and 49:1); and they came “in the midst of the comers,” i.e., among others who came from the same necessity, and bowed down before Joseph with their faces to the earth. For he was “the ruler over the land,” and had the supreme control of the sale of the corn, so that they were obliged to apply to him. fyLivæ seems to have been the standing title which the Shemites gave to Joseph as ruler in Egypt; and from this the later legend of Da’latis the first king of the Hyksos arose (Josephus c. Ap. i. 14).
The only other passages in which the word occurs in the Old Testament are in writings of the captivity or a still later date, and there it is taken from the Chaldee; it belongs, however, not merely to the Aramaean thesaurus, but to the Arabic also, from which it was introduced into the passage before us.
GENESIS. 42:7-8
Joseph recognised his brothers at once; but they could not recognise a brother who had not been seen for 20 years, and who, moreover, had not only become thoroughly Egyptianized, but had risen to be a great lord.
And he acted as a foreigner ( rkæn; ) towards them, speaking harshly, and asking them whence they had come. In v. 7, according to a truly Semitic style of narrative, we have a condensation of what is more circumstantially related in vv. 8-17.
GENESIS. 42:9-17
As the sight of his brethren bowing before him with the deepest reverence reminded Joseph of his early dreams of the sheaves and stars, which had so increased the hatred of his brethren towards him as to lead to a proposal to kill him, and an actual sale, he said to them, “Ye are spies; to see the nakedness of the land (i.e., the unfortified parts of the kingdom which would be easily accessible to a foe) ye are come;” and persisted in this charge notwithstanding their reply, “nay, my lord, but (w¦ see Ges. §155, 1b) to buy food are thy servants come. We are all one man’s sons ( Wnj]næ for Wnj]næa , only in Exodus 16:7-8; Numbers 32:32; 2 Samuel 17:12; Lam 3:42): honest ( ˆKe ) are we; thy servants are no spies.” Cum exploratio sit delictum capitale, non est verisimile; quod pater tot filios uno tempore vitae periculo expositurus sit (J. Gerhard). But as their assertion failed to make any impression upon the Egyptian lord, they told him still more particularly about their family (vv. 13ff.): “Twelve are thy servants, brothers are we, sons of a man in the land of Canaan; and behold the youngest is now with our father, and one is no more ( ˆyiaæ as in Genesis 5:24).
Joseph then replied, “That is it ( aWh neut. like Genesis 20:16) that I spake unto you, saying ye are spies. By this shall ye be proved: By the life of Pharaoh! ye shall not ( µai , like 14: 23) go hence, unless your youngest brother come hither. Send one of you, and let him fetch your brother; but he shall be in bonds, and your words shall be proved, whether there be truth in you or not. By the life of Pharaoh! ye are truly spies!” He then had them put into custody for three days. By the coming of the youngest brother, Joseph wanted to test their assertion, not because he thought it possible that he might not be living with them, and they might have treated him as they did Joseph (Kn.), but because he wished to discover their feelings towards Benjamin, and see what affection they had for this son of Rachel, who had taken Joseph’s place as his father’s favourite. And with his harsh mode of addressing them, Joseph had no intention whatever to administer to his brethren “a just punishment for their wickedness towards him,” for his heart could not have stooped to such mean revenge; but he wanted to probe thoroughly the feelings of their hearts, “whether they felt that they deserved the punishment of God for the sin they had committed,” and how they felt towards their aged father and their youngest brother. f71 Even in the fact that he did not send the one away directly to fetch Benjamin, and merely detain the rest, but put the whole ten in prison, and afterwards modified his threat (vv. 18ff.), there was no indecision as to the manner in which he should behave towards them-no “wavering between thoughts of wrath and revenge on the one hand, and forgiving love and meekness on the other;” but he hoped by imprisoning them to make his brethren feel the earnestness of his words, and to give them time for reflection, as the curt “is no more” with which they had alluded to Joseph’s removal was a sufficient proof that they had not yet truly repented of the deed.
GENESIS. 42:18-25
On the third day Joseph modified his severity. “This do and live,” i.e., then ye shall live: “I fear God.” One shall remain in prison, but let the rest of you take home “corn for the famine of your families,” and fetch your youngest brother, that your words may be verified, and ye may not die, i.e., may not suffer the death that spies deserve. That he might not present the appearance of despotic caprice and tyranny by too great severity, and so render his brethren obdurate, Joseph stated as the reason for his new decision, that he feared God. From the fear of God, he, the lord of Egypt, would not punish or slay these strangers upon mere suspicion, but would judge them justly. How differently had they acted towards their brother!
The ruler of all Egypt had compassion on their families who were in Canaan suffering from hunger; but they had intended to leave their brother in the pit to starve! These and similar thoughts could hardly fail to pass involuntarily through their minds at Joseph’s words, and to lead them to a penitential acknowledgement of their sin and unrighteousness.
The notion that Joseph altered his first intention merely from regard to his much afflicted father, appears improbable, for the simple reason, that he can only have given utterance to the threat that he should keep them all in prison till one of them had gone and fetched Benjamin, for the purpose of giving the greater force to his accusation, that they were spies. But as he was not serious in making this charge, he could not for a moment have thought of actually carrying out the threat. “And they did so:” in these words the writer anticipates the result of the colloquy which ensued, and which is more fully narrated afterwards. Joseph’s intention was fulfilled.
The brothers now saw in what had happened to them a divine retribution: “Surely we atone because of our brother, whose anguish of soul we saw, when he entreated us and we would not hear; therefore is this distress come upon us.” And Reuben reminded them how he had warned them to no purpose, not to sin against the boy-”and even his blood...behold it is required” (cf. Genesis 9:5); i.e., not merely the sin of casting him into the pit and then selling him, but his death also, of which we have been guilty through that sale.
Thus they accused themselves in Joseph’s presence, not knowing that he could understand; “for the interpreter was between them.” Joseph had conversed with them through an interpreter, as an Egyptian who was ignorant of their language. “The interpreter,” viz., the one appointed for that purpose; ˆyBe like Genesis 26:28. But Joseph understood their words, and “turned away and wept” (v. 24), with inward emotion at the wonderful leadings of divine grace, and at the change in his brothers’ feelings. He then turned to them again, and, continuing the conversation with them, had Simeon bound before their eyes, to be detained as a hostage (not Reuben, who had dissuaded them from killing Joseph, and had taken no part in the sale, but Simeon, the next in age). He then ordered his men to fill their sacks with corn, to give every one ( vyai as in Genesis 15:10) his money back in his sack, and to provide them with food for the journey.
GENESIS. 42:26-27
Thus they started with their asses laden with the corn. On the way, when they had reached their halting-place for the night, one of them opened his sack to feed the ass, and found his money in it. ˆwOlm; , camping-place for the night, is merely a resting-place, not an inn, both here and in Exodus 4:24; for there can hardly have been caravanserais at that time, either in the desert or by the desert road. tjæTæm]aæ : an antiquated word for a corn-sack, occurring only in these chapters, and used even here interchangeably with qcæ .
GENESIS. 42:28
When this discovery was made known to the brethren, their hearts sank within them. They turned trembling to one another, and said, “What is this that God hath done to us!” Joseph had no doubt had the money returned, “merely because it was against his nature to trade with his father and brethren for bread;” just as he had caused them to be supplied with food for the journey, for no other reason than to give them a proof of his goodwill.
And even if he may have thought it possible that the brothers would be alarmed when they found the money, and thrown into a state of much greater anxiety from the fear of being still further accused by the stern lord of Egypt of cheating or of theft, there was no reason why he should spare them this anxiety, since it could only help to break their hard hearts still more. At any rate, this salutary effect was really produced, even if Joseph had no such intention. The brothers looked upon this incomprehensible affair as a punishment from God, and neglected in their alarm to examine the rest of the sacks.
GENESIS. 42:29-34
On their arrival at home, they told their father all that had occurred.
GENESIS. 42:35-36
But when they emptied their sacks, and, to their own and their father’s terror, found their bundles of money in their separate sacks, Jacob burst out with the complaint, “Ye are making me childless! Joseph is gone, and Simeon is gone, and will ye take Benjamin! All this falls upon me” ( lKo for lKo as in Prov 31:29).
GENESIS 42:37,38 Reuben then offered his two sons to Jacob as pledges for Benjamin, if Jacob would entrust him to his care: Jacob might slay them, if he did not bring Benjamin back-the greatest and dearest offer that a son could make to a father. But Jacob refused to let him go. “If mischief befell him by the way, he would bring down my grey hairs with sorrow into Sheol” (cf.
Genesis 37:35).
THE SECOND VISIT OF JOSEPH’S BRETHREN TO EGYPT, ALONG WITH BENJAMIN.
GENESIS. 43:1-2
When the corn brought from Egypt was all consumed, as the famine still continued, Jacob called upon his sons to go down and fetch a little corn (little in proportion to their need).
GENESIS. 43:3-5
Judah then declared, that they would not go there again unless their father sent Benjamin with them; for the man (Joseph) had solemnly protested ( `dW[ `dW[ ) that they should not see his face without their youngest brother.
Judah undertook the consultation with his father about Benjamin’s going, because Reuben, the eldest son, had already been refused, and Levi, who followed Reuben and Simeon, had forfeited his father’s confidence through his treachery to the Shechemites (ch. 34).
GENESIS. 43:6-7
To the father’s reproachful question, why they had dealt so ill with him, as to tell the man that they had a brother, Judah replied: “The man asked after us and our kinsmen: Is your father yet alive? have ye a brother? And we answered him in conformity ( hp, `l[æ as in Exodus 34:27, etc.) with these words (i.e., with his questions). Could we know, then, that he would say, Bring your brother down?” Joseph had not made direct inquiries, indeed, about their father and their brother; but by his accusation that they were spies, he had compelled them to give an exact account of their family relationships. So that Judah, when repeating the main points of the interview, could very justly give them in the form just mentioned.
GENESIS. 43:8-10
He then repeated the only condition on which they would go to Egypt again, referring to the death by famine which threatened them, their father, and their children, and promising that he would himself be surety for the youth ( r[ænæ , Benjamin was twenty-three years old), and saying, that if he did not restore him, he would bear the blame ( af;j; to be guilty of a sin and stone for it, as in 1 Kings 1:21) his whole life long. He then concluded with the deciding words, “for if we had not delayed, surely we should already have returned a second time.”
GENESIS. 43:11
After this, the old man gave way to what could not be avoided, and let Benjamin go. But that nothing might be wanting on his part, which could contribute to the success of the journey, he suggested that they should take a present for the man, and that they should also take the money which was brought back in their sacks, in addition to what was necessary for the corn they were to purchase; and he then commended them to the mercy of Almighty God. “If it must be so, yet do this ( wOpae belongs to the imperative, although it precedes it here, cf. Genesis 27:37): take of the prize (the most choice productions) of the land-a little balm and a little honey ( vbæD] the Arabian dibs, either new honey from bees, or more probably honey from grapes-a thick syrup boiled from sweet grapes, which is still carried every year from Hebron to Egypt), gum-dragon and myrrh (vid., 37:25), pictachio nuts and almonds.” ˆt,Bo , which are not mentioned anywhere else, are, according to the Samar. vers., the fruit of the pistacia vera, a tree resembling the terebinth-long angular nuts of the size of hazelnuts, with an oily kernel of a pleasant flavour; it does not thrive in Palestine now, but the nuts are imported from Aleppo. GENESIS 43:12-13 “And take second (i.e., more) money ( hn,v]mi ãs,K, is different from ãs,K,Ahn,v]mi doubling of the money = double money, v. 15) in your hand; and the money that returned in your sacks take with you again; perhaps it is a mistake,” i.e., was put in your sacks by mistake.
GENESIS. 43:14-15
Thus Israel let his sons go with the blessing, “God Almighty give you mercy before the man, that he may liberate to you your other brother (Simeon) and Benjamin;” and with this resigned submission to the will of God, “And I, if I am bereaved, I am bereaved,” i.e., if I am to lose my children, let it be so! For this mode of expression, cf. Est 4:16 and 2 Kings 7:4. lkov; with the pausal a, answering to the feelings of the speaker, which is frequently used for o; e.g., ãræf; for ãræf; , Genesis 49:27.
GENESIS. 43:16-25
When the brethren appeared before Joseph, he ordered his steward to take them into the house, and prepare a dinner for them and for him. jbæf; the original form of the imperative for jbæf, . But the brethren were alarmed, thinking that they were taken into the house because of the money which returned the first time ( bWv which came back, they could not imagine how), that he might take them unawares (lit., roll upon them), and fall upon them, and keep them as salves, along with their asses. For the purpose of averting what they dreaded, they approached (v. 19) the steward and told him, “at the door of the house,” before they entered therefore, how, at the first purchase of corn, on opening their sacks, they found the money that had been paid, “every one’s money in the mouth of his sack, our money according to its weight,” i.e., in full, and had now brought it back, together with some more money to buy corn, and they did not know who had put their money in their sacks (vv. 20-22). The steward, who was initiated into Joseph’s plans, replied in a pacifying tone, “Peace be to you ( ttæK; µwOlv; is not a form of salutation here, but of encouragement, as in Judges 6:23): fear not; your God and the God of your father has given you a treasure in your sacks; your money came to me;” and at the same time, to banish all their fear, he brought Simeon out to them. He then conducted them into Joseph’s house, and received them in Oriental fashion as the guests of his lord. But, previous to Joseph’s arrival, they arranged the present which they had brought with them, as they heard that they were to dine with him.
GENESIS. 43:26-34
When Joseph came home, they handed him the present with the most reverential obeisance.
Verse 27-29. Joseph first of all inquired after their own and their father’s health ( µwOlv; first as substantive, then as adjective = µlev; Genesis 33:18), whether he was still living; which they answered with thanks in the affirmative, making the deepest bow. His eyes then fell upon Benjamin, the brother by his own mother, and he asked whether this was their youngest brother; but without waiting for their reply, he exclaimed, “God be gracious to thee, my son!” ˆnæj; for Ëg]j;y] as in Isaiah 30:19 (cf. Ewald, §251d). He addressed him as “my son,” in tender and, as it were, paternal affection, and with special regard to his youth. Benjamin was 16 years younger than Joseph, and was quite an infant when Joseph was sold.
Verse 30-31. And “his (Joseph’s) bowels did yearn” rmæK] lit., were compressed, from the force of love to his brother), so that he was obliged to seek (a place) as quickly as possible to weep, and went into the chamber, that he might give vent to his feelings in tears; after which, he washed his face and came out again, and, putting constraint upon himself, ordered the dinner to be brought in.
Verse 32, 33. Separate tables were prepared for him, for his brethren, and for the Egyptians who dined with them. This was required by the Egyptian spirit of caste, which neither allowed Joseph, as minister of state and a member of the priestly order, to eat along with Egyptians who were below him, nor the latter along with the Hebrews as foreigners. “They cannot (i.e., may not) eat (cf. Deuteronomy 12:17; 16:5; 17:15). For this was an abomination to the Egyptians.” The Hebrews and others, for example, slaughtered and ate animals, even female animals, which were regarded by the Egyptians as sacred; so that, according to Herod. ii. 41, no Egyptian would use the knife, or fork, or saucepan of a Greek, nor would any eat of the flesh of a clean animal which had been cut up with a Grecian knife (cf.
Exodus 8:22). Verse 33, 34. The brothers sat in front of Joseph, “the first-born according to his birthright, and the smallest (youngest) according to his smallness (youth);” i.e., the places were arranged for them according to their ages, so that they looked at one another with astonishment, since this arrangement necessarily impressed them with the idea that this great man had been supernaturally enlightened as to their family affairs. To do them honour, they brought ( ac;n; , Ges. §137, 3) them dishes from Joseph, i.e., from his table; and to show especial honour to Benjamin, his portion was five times larger than that of any of the others ( dy; lit., hands, grasps, as in Genesis 47:24; 2 Kings 11:7). The custom is met with elsewhere of showing respect to distinguished guests by giving them the largest and best pieces (1 Samuel 9:23-24; Homer, Il. 7, 321; 8, 162, etc.), by double portions (e.g., the kings among the Spartans, Herod. 6, 57), and even by fourfold portions in the case of the Archons among the Cretans (Heraclid. po lit., 3). But among the Egyptians the number 5 appears to have been preferred to any other (cf. Genesis 41:34; 45:22; 47:2,24; Isaiah 19:18). By this partiality Joseph intended, with a view to his further plans, to draw out his brethren to show their real feelings towards Benjamin, that he might see whether they would envy and hate him on account of this distinction, as they had formerly envied him his long coat with sleeves, and hated him because he was his father’s favourite (Genesis 37:3-4). This honourable treatment and entertainment banished all their anxiety and fear. “They drank, and drank largely with him,” i.e., they were perfectly satisfied with what they ate and drank; not, they were intoxicated (cf. Hag. 1:9).
THE LAST TEST AND ITS RESULTS.
GENESIS. 44:1-2
The Test.
Vv. 1, 2. After the dinner Joseph had his brothers’ sacks filled by his steward with corn, as much as they could hold, and every one’s money placed inside; and in addition to that, had his own silver goblet put into Benjamin’s sack. GENESIS 44:3-6 Then as soon as it was light ( rwOa , 3rd pers. perf. in o: Ges. §72, 1), they were sent away with their asses. But they were hardly outside the town, “not far off,” when he directed his steward to follow the men, and as soon as he overtook them, to say, “Wherefore have ye rewarded evil for good?
Is it not this from which my lord drinketh, and he is accustomed to prophesy from it? Ye have done an evil deed!” By these words they were accused of theft; the thing was taken for granted as well known to them all, and the goblet purloined was simply described as a very valuable possession of Joseph’s. vjæn; : lit., to whisper, to mumble out formularies, incantations, then to prophesy, divinare. According to this, the Egyptians at that time practised lekanoskopi>h or lekanomantei>a and uJdromantei>a , the plate and water incantations, of which Jamblichus speaks (de myst. iii. 14), and which consisted in pouring clean water into a goblet, and then looking into the water for representations of future events; or in pouring water into a goblet or dish, dropping in pieces of gold and silver, also precious stones, and then observing and interpreting the appearances in the water (cf. Varro apud August. civ. Dei 7, 35; Plin. h. n. 37, 73; Strabo, xvi. p. 762). Traces of this have been continued even to our own day (see Norden’s Journey through Egypt and Nubia). But we cannot infer with certainty from this, that Joseph actually adopted this superstitious practice. The intention of the statement may simply have been to represent the goblet as a sacred vessel, and Joseph as acquainted with the most secret things (v. 15).
GENESIS. 44:7-9
In the consciousness of their innocence the brethren repelled this charge with indignation, and appealed to the fact that they brought back the gold which was found in their sacks, and therefore could not possibly have stolen gold or silver; and declared that whoever should be found in possession of the goblet, should be put to death, and the rest become slaves.
GENESIS. 44:10
The man replied, “Now let it be even ( µGæ placed first for the sake of emphasis) according to your words: with whom it is found, he shall be my slave, and ye (the rest) shall remain blameless.” Thus he modified the sentence, to assume the appearance of justice.
GENESIS. 44:11-13
They then took down their sacks as quickly as possible; and he examined them, beginning with the eldest and finishing with the youngest; and the goblet was found in Benjamin’s sack. With anguish and alarm at this new calamity they rent their clothes (vid., Genesis 37:34), loaded their asses again, and returned to the city. It would now be seen how they felt in their inmost hearts towards their father’s favourite, who had been so distinguished by the great man of Egypt: whether now as formerly they were capable of giving up their brother, and bringing their aged father with sorrow to the grave; or whether they were ready, with unenvying, selfsacrificing love, to give up their own liberty and lives for him. And they stood this test.
GENESIS. 44:14-17
Result of the Test.
Vv. 14-17. With Judah leading the way, they came into the house to Joseph, and fell down before him begging for mercy. Joseph spoke to them harshly: “What kind of deed is this that ye have done? Did ye not know that such a man as I (a man initiated into the most secret things) would certainly divine this?” vjæn; augurari. Judah made no attempt at a defence. “What shall we say to my lord? how speak, how clear ourselves? God (Ha- Elohim, the personal God) has found out the wickedness of thy servants (i.e., He is now punishing the crime committed against our brother, cf.
Genesis 42:21). Behold, we are my lord’s slaves, both we, and he in whose hand the cup was found.” But Joseph would punish mildly and justly. The guilty one alone should be his slave; the others might go in peace, i.e., uninjured, to their father.
GENESIS. 44:18-20
But that the brothers could not do. Judah, who had pledged himself to his father for Benjamin, ventured in the anguish of his heart to approach Joseph, and implore him to liberate his brother. “I would give very much,” says Luther, “to be able to pray to our Lord God as well as Judah prays to Joseph here; for it is a perfect specimen of prayer, the true feeling that there ought to be in prayer.” Beginning with the request for a gracious hearing, as he was speaking to the ears of one who was equal to Pharaoh (who could condemn or pardon like the king), Judah depicted in natural, affecting, powerful, and irresistible words the love of their aged father to this son of his old age, and his grief when they told him that they were not to come into the presence of the lord of Egypt again without Benjamin; the intense anxiety with which, after a severe struggle, their father had allowed him to come, after he (Judah) had offered to be answerable for his life; and the grievous fact, that if they returned without the youth, they must bring down the grey hairs of their father with sorrow to the grave.
GENESIS. 44:21-26
To “set eyes upon him” signifies, with a gracious intention, to show him good-will (as in Jeremiah 39:12; 40:4).
GENESIS. 44:27
“That my wife bore to me two (sons):” Jacob regards Rachel alone as his actual wife (cf. Genesis 46:19).
GENESIS. 44:28-29
rmæa; , preceded by a preterite, is to be rendered “and I was obliged to say, Only (nothing but) torn in pieces has he become.”
GENESIS. 44:30-32
“His soul is bound to his soul:” equivalent to, “he clings to him with all his soul.”
GENESIS 44:33,34 Judah closed his appeal with the entreaty, “Now let thy servant (me) remain instead of the lad as slave to my lord, but let the lad go up with his brethren; for how could I go to my father without the lad being with me! (I cannot,) that I may not see the calamity which will befall my father!” THE RECOGNITION. INVITATION TO JACOB TO COME DOWN TO EGYPT.
GENESIS. 45:1-15
The Recognition Verse 1. After this appeal, in which Judah, speaking for his brethren, had shown the tenderest affection for the old man who had been bowed down by their sin, and the most devoted fraternal love and fidelity to the only remaining son of his beloved Rachel, and had given a sufficient proof of the change of mind, the true conversion, that had taken place in themselves, Joseph could not restrain himself any longer in relation to all those who stood round him. He was obliged to relinquish the part which he had hitherto acted for the purpose of testing his brothers’ hearts, and to give full vent to his feelings. “He called out: Cause every man to go out from me. And there stood no man (of his Egyptian attendants) with him, while Joseph made himself known to his brethren,” quia effusio illa affectuum et storgh>v erga fratres et parentem tanta fuit, ut non posset ferre alienorum praesentiam et aspectum (Luther).
Verse 2-3. As soon as all the rest were gone, he broke out into such loud weeping, that the Egyptians outside could hear it; and the house of Pharaoh, i.e., the royal family, was told of it (cf. vv. 2 and 16). He then said to his brethren: “I am Joseph. Is my father still alive?” That his father was still living, he had not only been informed before (Genesis 43:27), but had just been told again; but his filial heart impels him to make sure of it once more. “But his brethren could not answer him, for they were terrified before him:” they were so smitten in their consciences, that from astonishment and terror they could not utter a word.
Verse 4-7. Joseph then bade his brethren approach nearer, and said: “I am Joseph, your brother, whom he sold into Egypt. But now be not grieved nor angry with yourselves ( µk,yney[eB] rjæyiAlaæ as in Genesis 31:35) that ye sold me hither; for God hath sent me before you to preserve life.” Sic enim Joseph interpretatur venditionem. Vos quidem me vendidistis, sed Deus emit, asseruit et vindicavit me sibi pastorem, principem et salvatorem populorum eodem consilio, quo videbar amissus et perditus (Luther). “For,” he continues in explanation, “now there are two years of famine in the land, and there are five years more, in which there will be no ploughing and reaping. And God hath sent me before you to establish you a remnant (cf. 2 Samuel 14:7) upon the earth (i.e., to secure to you the preservation of the tribe and of posterity during this famine), and to preserve your lives to a great deliverance,” i.e., to a great nation delivered from destruction, cf. Genesis 50:20. hf;ylep] that which has escaped, the band of men or multitude escaped from death and destruction (2 Kings 19:30-31). Joseph announced prophetically here, that God had brought him into Egypt to preserve through him the family which He had chosen for His own nation, and to deliver them out of the danger of starvation which threatened them now, as a very great nation.
Verse 8. “And now (this was truly the case) it was not you that sent me hither; but God (Ha-Elohim, the personal God, on contrast with his brethren) hath made me a father to Pharaoh (i.e., his most confidential counsellor and friend; cf. 1 Macc. 11:32, Ges. thes. 7), and lord of all his house, and a ruler throughout all the land of Egypt;” cf. Genesis 41:40-41.
Verse 9-11. Joseph then directed his brethren to go up to their father with all speed, and invite him in his name to come without delay, with all his family and possessions, into Egypt, where he would keep him near himself, in the land of Goshen (see Genesis 47:11), that he might not perish in the still remaining five years of famine. hiuwaareesh: v. 11, lit., to be robbed of one’s possessions, to be taken possession of by another, from vræy; to take possession.
Verse 12-13. But the brethren were so taken by surprise and overpowered by this unexpected discovery, that to convince them of the reality of the whole affair, Joseph was obliged to add, “Behold, your eyes see, and the eyes of my brother Benjamin, that it is my mouth that speaketh unto you.
And tell my father all my glory in Egypt, and all that ye have seen, and bring my father quickly hither.”
Verse 14-15. He then fell upon Benjamin’s neck and wept, and kissed all his brethren and wept on them, i.e., whilst embracing them; “and after that, his brethren talked with him.” ˆKe rjæaæ : after Joseph by a triple assurance, that what they had done was the leading of God for their own good, had dispelled their fear of retribution, and, by embracing and kissing them with tears, had sealed the truth and sincerity of his words. GENESIS 45:16-18 Invitation to Jacob to Come into Egypt.
Vv. 16ff. The report of the arrival of Joseph’s brethren soon found it sway into the palace, and made so favourable an impression upon Pharaoh and his courtiers, that the king sent a message through Joseph to his brethren to come with their father and their families (“your houses”) into Egypt, saying that he would give them “the good of the land of Egypt,” and they should eat “the fat of the land.” bWf , “the good,” is not the best part, but the good things (produce) of the land, as in vv. 20, 23, Genesis 24:10; 2 Kings 8:9. bl,j, , fat, i.e., the finest productions.
GENESIS. 45:19-20
At the same time Pharaoh empowered Joseph (“thou art commanded”) to give his brethren carriages to take with them, in which to convey their children and wives and their aged father, and recommended them to leave their goods behind them in Canaan, for the good of all Egypt was at their service. From time immemorial Egypt was rich in small, two-wheeled carriages, which could be used even where there were no roads (cf.
Genesis 50:9; Exodus 14:6ff. with Isaiah 36:9). “Let not your eye look with mourning ( sWj ) at your goods;” i.e., do not trouble about the housefurniture which you are obliged to leave behind. The good-will manifested in this invitation of Pharaoh towards Jacob’s family was to be attributed to the feeling of gratitude to Joseph, and “is related circumstantially, because this free and honourable invitation involved the right of Israel to leave Egypt again without obstruction” (Delitzsch).
GENESIS. 45:21-24
The sons of Israel carried out the instructions of Joseph and the invitation of Pharaoh (vv. 25-27). But Joseph not only sent carriages according to Pharaoh’s directions, and food for the journey, he also gave them presents, changes of raiment, a suit for every one, and five suits for Benjamin, as well as 300 shekels of silver. hl;m]ci hp;ylij : change of clothes, clothes to change; i.e., dress clothes which were worn on special occasions and frequently changed (Judges 13:12-13,19; 2 Kings 5:5). “And to his father he sent like these;” i.e., not changes of clothes, but presents also, viz., ten asses “carrying of the good of Egypt,” and ten she-asses with corn and provisions for the journey; and sent them off with the injunction:
WzN]r]TiAla , mh> orgi>zesqe (LXX), “do not get angry by the way.” Placatus erat Joseph fratribus, simul eos admonet, ne quid turbarum moveant.
Timendum enim erat, ne quisque se purgando crimen transferre in alios studeret atque its surgeret contentio (Calvin).
GENESIS. 45:25-28
When they got back, and brought word to their father, “Joseph is still living, yea ( yKi an emphatic assurance, Ewald, §3306) he is ruler in all the land of Egypt, his heart stopped, for he believed them not;” i.e., his heart did not beat at this joyful news, for he put no faith in what they said. It was not till they told him all that Joseph had said, and he saw the carriages that Joseph had sent, that “the spirit of their father Jacob revived; and Israel said: It is enough! Joseph my son is yet alive: I will go and see him before I die.” Observe the significant interchange of Jacob and Israel. When once the crushed spirit of the old man was revived by the certainty that his son Joseph was still alive, Jacob was changed into Israel, the “conqueror overcoming his grief at the previous misconduct of his sons” (Fr. v.
Meyer).
REMOVAL OF ISRAEL TO GOSHEN IN EGYPT.
GENESIS. 46:1-7
“So Israel took his journey (from Hebron, Genesis 37:14) with all who belonged to him, and came to Beersheba.” There, on the border of Canaan, where Abraham and Isaac had called upon the name of the Lord (21:33; 26:25), he offered sacrifices to the God of his father Isaac, ut sibi firmum et ratum esse testetur faedus, quod Deus ipse cum Patribus pepigerat (Calvin). Even though Jacob might see the ways of God in the wonderful course of his son Joseph, and discern in the friendly invitation of Joseph and Pharaoh, combined with the famine prevailing in Canaan, a divine direction to go into Egypt; yet this departure from the land of promise, in which his fathers had lived as pilgrims, was a step which necessarily excited serious thoughts in his mind as to his own future and that of his family, and led him to commend himself and his followers to the care of the faithful covenant God, whether in so doing he thought of the revelation which Abram had received (Genesis 15:13-16), or not.
Verse 2-4. Here God appeared to him in a vision of the night ( ha;r]mæ , an intensive plural), and gave him, as once before on his flight from Canaan (Genesis 28:12ff.), the comforting promise, “I am lae (the Mighty One), the God of thy father: fear not to go down into Egypt ( dræy; for dræy; , as in Exodus 2:4 h[;De for t[æDæ , cf. Ges. §69, 3, Anm. 1); for I will there make thee a great nation. I will go down with thee into Egypt, and I-bring thee up again also will I, and Joseph shall close thine eyes.” hl[;Aµgæ an inf. abs. appended emphatically (as in Genesis 31:15); according to Ges. inf. Kal.
Verse 5-7. Strengthened by this promise, Jacob went into Egypt with children and children’s children, his sons driving their aged father together with their wives and children in the carriages sent by Pharaoh, and taking their flocks with all the possessions that they had acquired in Canaan. f72 GENESIS 46:8-27 The size of Jacob’s family, which was to grow into a great nation, is given here, with evident allusion to the fulfilment of the divine promise with which he went into Egypt. The list of names includes not merely the “sons of Israel” in the stricter sense; but, as is added immediately afterwards, “Jacob and his sons,” or, as the closing formula expresses it (v. 27), “all the souls of the house of Jacob, who came into Egypt” ( awOB for awOB rv,a , Ges. §109), including the patriarch himself, and Joseph with his two sons, who were born before Jacob’s arrival in Egypt. If we reckon these, the house of Jacob consisted of 70 souls; and apart from these, of 66, besides his sons’ wives. The sons are arranged according to the four mothers. Of Leah there are given 6 sons, 23 grandsons, 2 great-grandsons (sons of Pharez, whereas Er and Onan, the sons of Judah who died in Canaan, are not reckoned), and 1 daughter, Dinah, who remained unmarried, and was therefore an independent member of the house of Jacob; in all, therefore, + 23 + 2 + 1 = 32, or with Jacob,33 souls. Of Zilpah, Leah’s handmaid, there are mentioned 2 sons, 11 grandsons, 2 great-grandsons, and daughter (who is reckoned like Dinah, both here and Numbers 26:46, for some special reason, which is not particularly described); in all, 2 + 11 + + 1 = 16 souls. Of Rachel, “Jacob’s (favourite) wife,” 2 sons and grandsons are named, of whom, according to Numbers 26:40, two were great-grandsons, = 14 souls; and of Rachel’s maid Bilhah, 2 sons and grandsons = 7 souls. The whole number therefore was 33 + 16 + 14 + 7 = 70. f73 The wives of Jacob’s sons are neither mentioned by name nor reckoned, because the families of Israel were not founded by them, but by their husbands alone. Nor is their parentage given either here or anywhere else.
It is merely casually that one of the sons of Simeon is called the son of a Canaanitish woman (v. 10); from which it may be inferred that it was quite an exceptional thing for the sons of Jacob to take their wives from among the Canaanites, and that as a rule they were chosen from their paternal relations in Mesopotamia; besides whom, there were also their other relations, the families of Ishmael, Keturah, and Edom. Of the “daughters of Jacob” also, and the “daughters of his sons,” none are mentioned except Dinah and Serah the daughter of Asher, because they were not the founders of separate houses.
If we look more closely into the list itself, the first thing which strikes us is that Pharez, one of the twin-sons of Judah, who were not born till after the sale of Joseph, should already have had two sons. Supposing that Judah’s marriage to the daughter of Shuah the Canaanite occurred, notwithstanding the reasons advanced to the contrary in ch. 38, before the sale of Joseph, and shortly after the return of Jacob to Canaan, during the time of his sojourn at Shechem (Genesis 33:18), it cannot have taken place more than five, or at the most six, years before Joseph was sold; for Judah was only three years older than Joseph, and was not more than 20 years old, therefore, at the time of his sale. But even then there would not be more than 28 years between Judah’s marriage and Jacob’s removal to Egypt; so that Pharez would only be about 11 years old, since he could not have been born till about 17 years after Judah’s marriage, and at that age he could not have had two sons.
Judah, again, could not have taken four sons with him into Egypt, since he had at the most only two sons a year before their removal (Genesis 42:37); unless indeed we adopt the extremely improbable hypothesis, that two other sons were born within the space of 11 or 12 months, either as twins, or one after the other. Still less could Benjamin, who was only 23 or years old at the time (vid., pp. 200f. and 204f.), have had 10 sons already, or, as Numbers 26:38-40 shows, eight sons and two grandsons. From all this it necessarily follows, that in the list before us grandsons and great- grandsons of Jacob are named who were born afterwards in Egypt, and who, therefore, according to a view which we frequently meet with in the Old Testament, though strange to our modes of thought, came into Egypt in lumbis patrum. That the list is really intended to be so understood, is undoubtedly evident from a comparison of the “sons of Israel” (v. 8), whose names it gives, with the description given in Numbers 26 of the whole community of the sons of Israel according to their fathers’ houses, or their tribes and families.
In the account of the families of Israel at the time of Moses, which is given there, we find, with slight deviations, all the grandsons and great-grandsons of Jacob whose names occur in this chapter, mentioned as the founders of the families, into which the twelve tribes of Israel were subdivided in Moses’ days. The deviations are partly in form, partly in substance. To the former belong the differences in particular names, which are sometimes only different forms of the same name; e.g., Jemuel and Zohar (v. 10), for Nemuel and Zerah (Numbers 26:12-13); Ziphion and Arodi (v. 16), for Zephon and Arod (Numbers 26:15 and 17); Huppim (v. 21) for Hupham (Numbers 26:39); Ehi (v. 21), an abbreviation of Ahiram (Numbers 26:38); sometimes different names of the same person; viz., Ezbon (v. 16) and Ozni (Numbers 26:16); Muppim (v. 21) and Shupham (Numbers 26:39); Hushim (v. 23) and Shuham (Numbers 26:42). Among the differences in substance, the first to be noticed is the fact, that in Numbers 26 Simeon’s son Ohad, Asher’s son Ishuah, and three of Benjamin’s sons, Becher, Gera, and Rosh, are missing from the founders of families, probably for no other reason than that they either died childless, or did not leave a sufficient number of children to form independent families.
With the exception of these, according to Numbers 26, all the grandsons and great-grandsons of Jacob mentioned in this chapter were founders of families in existence in Moses’ time. From this it is obvious that our list is intended to contain, not merely the sons and grandsons of Jacob, who were already born when he went down to Egypt, but in addition to the sons, who were the heads of the twelve tribes of the nation, all the grandsons and great-grandsons who became the founders of mishpachoth, i.e., of independent families, and who on that account took the place or were advanced into the position of the grandsons of Jacob, so far as the national organization was concerned. On no other hypothesis can we explain the fact, that in the time of Moses there was not one of the twelve tribes, except the double tribe of Joseph, in which there were families existing, that had descended from either grandsons or great-grandsons of Jacob who are not already mentioned in this list. As it is quite inconceivable that no more sons should have been born to Jacob’s sons after their removal into Egypt, so is it equally inconceivable, that all the sons born in Egypt either died childless, or founded no families. The rule by which the nation descending from the sons of Jacob was divided into tribes and families (mishpachoth) according to the order of birth was this, that as the twelve sons founded the twelve tribes, so their sons, i.e., Jacob’s grandsons, were the founders of the families into which the tribes were subdivided, unless these grandsons died without leaving children, or did not leave a sufficient number of male descendants to form independent families, or the natural rule for the formation of tribes and families was set aside by other events or causes.
On this hypothesis we can also explain the other real differences between this list and Numbers 26; viz., the fact that, according to Numbers 26:40, two of the sons of Benjamin mentioned in v. 21, Naaman and Ard, were his grandsons, sons of Belah; and also the circumstance, that in v. 20 only the two sons of Joseph, who were already born when Jacob arrived in Egypt, are mentioned, viz., Manasseh and Ephraim, and none of the sons who were born to him afterwards (Genesis 48:6). The two grandsons of Benjamin could be reckoned among his sons in our list, because they founded independent families just like the sons. And of the sons of Joseph, Manasseh and Ephraim alone could be admitted into our list, because they were elevated above the sons born to Joseph afterwards, by the fact that shortly before Jacob’s death he adopted them as his own sons and thus raised them to the rank of heads of tribes; so that wherever Joseph’s descendants are reckoned as one tribe (e.g., Joshua 16:1,4), Manasseh and Ephraim form the main divisions, or leading families of the tribe of Joseph, the subdivisions of which were founded partly by their brothers who were born afterwards, and partly by their sons and grandsons.
Consequently the omission of the sons born afterwards, and the grandsons of Joseph, from whom the families of the two sons, Manasseh and Ephraim, who were elevated into tribes, descended, forms only an apparent and not a real exception to the general rule, that this list mentions all the grandsons of Jacob who founded the families of the twelve tribes, without regard to the question whether they were born before or after the removal of Jacob’s house to Egypt, since this distinction was of no importance to the main purpose of our list. That this was the design of our list, is still further confirmed by a comparison of Exodus 1:5 and Deuteronomy 10:22, where the seventy souls of the house of Jacob which went into Egypt are said to constitute the seed which, under the blessing of the Lord, had grown into the numerous people that Moses led out of Egypt, to take possession of the land of promise. From this point of view it was a natural thing to describe the seed of the nation, which grew up in tribes and families, in such a way as to give the germs and roots of all the tribes and families of the whole nation; i.e., not merely the grandsons who were born before the migration, but also the grandsons and great-grandsons who were born in Egypt, and became founders of independent families. By thus embracing all the founders of tribes and families, the significant number was obtained, in which the number 7 (formed of the divine number 3, and the world number 4, as the seal of the covenant relation between God and Israel) is multiplied by the number 10, as the seal of completeness, so as to express the fact that these 70 souls comprehended the whole of the nation of God. f74 GENESIS 46:28-34 This list of the house of Jacob is followed by an account of the arrival in Egypt.
Verse 28. Jacob sent his son Judah before him to Joseph, “to show ( hr;y; ) before him to Goshen;” i.e., to obtain from Joseph the necessary instructions as to the place of their settlement, and then to act as guide to Goshen.
Verse 29. As soon as they had arrived, Joseph had his chariot made ready to go up to Goshen and meet his father ( `hl;[; applied to a journey from the interior to the desert or Canaan), and “showed himself to him there (lit., he appeared to him; ha;r; , which is generally used only of the appearance of God, is selected here to indicate the glory in which Joseph came to meet his father); and fell upon his neck, continuing ( `dwO[ ) upon his neck (i.e., in his embrace) weeping.”
Verse 30. Then Israel said to Joseph: “Now ( µ[æpæ lit., this time) will I die, after I have seen thy face, that thou (art) still alive.” Verse 31-32. But Joseph told his brethren and his father’s house (his family) that he would to up to Pharaoh ( `hl;[; here used of going to the court, as an ideal ascent), to announce the arrival of his relations, who were hn,q]mi vyai “keepers of flocks,” and had brought their sheep and oxen and all their possessions with them.
Verse 33, 34. At the same time Joseph gave these instructions to his brethren, in case Pharaoh should send for them and inquire about their occupation: “Say, Thy servants have been keepers of cattle from our youth even until now, we like our fathers; that ye may dwell in the land of Goshen; for every shepherd is an abomination of the Egyptians.” This last remark formed part of Joseph’s words, and contained the reason why his brethren should describe themselves to Pharaoh as shepherds from of old, namely, that they might receive Goshen as their dwelling-place, and that their national and religion independence might not be endangered by too close an intercourse with the Egyptians. The dislike of the Egyptians to shepherds arose from the fact, that the more completely the foundations of the Egyptian state rested upon agriculture with its perfect organization, the more did the Egyptians associate the idea of rudeness and barbarism with the very name of a shepherd. This is not only attested in various ways by the monuments, on which shepherds are constantly depicted as lanky, withered, distorted, emaciated, and sometimes almost ghostly figures (Graul, Reise 2, p. 171), but is confirmed by ancient testimony. According to Herodotus (2, 47), the swine-herds were the most despised; but they were associated with the cow-herds ( bouko>loi ) in the seven castes of the Egyptians (Herod. 2, 164), so that Diodorus Siculus (1, 74) includes all herdsmen in one caste; according to which the word bouko’loi in Herodotus not only denotes cow-herds, but a potiori all herdsmen, just as we find in the herds depicted upon the monuments, sheep, goats, and rams introduced by thousands, along with asses and horned cattle. SETTLEMENT OF ISRAEL IN EGYPT; THEIR PROSPEROUS CONDITION DURING THE YEARS OF FAMINE.
GENESIS. 47:1-2
When Joseph had announced to Pharaoh the arrival of his relations in Goshen, he presented five out of the whole number of his brethren ( ja; hx,q; ; on hx,q; see Genesis 19:4) to the king.
GENESIS. 47:3-6
Pharaoh asked them about their occupation, and according to Joseph’s instructions they replied that they were herdsmen ( ˆaox h[;r; , the singular of the predicate, see Ges. §147c), who had come to sojourn in the land ( rWG, i.e., to stay for a time), because the pasture for their flocks had failed in the land of Canaan on account of the famine. The king then empowered Joseph to give his father and his brethren a dwelling ( byviwOh ) in the best part of the land, in the land of Goshen, and, if he knew any brave men among them, to make them rulers over the royal herds, which were kept, as we may infer, in the land of Goshen, as being the best pasture-land.
GENESIS. 47:7-9
Joseph then presented his father to Pharaoh, but not till after the audience of his brothers had been followed by the royal permission to settle, for which the old man, who was bowed down with age, was not in a condition to sue. The patriarch saluted the king with a blessing, and replied to his inquiry as to his age, “The days of the years of my pilgrimage are years; few and sorrowful are the days of my life’s years, and have not reached (the perfect in the presentiment of his approaching end) the days of the life’s years of my fathers in the days of their pilgrimage.” Jacob called his own life and that of his fathers a pilgrimage ( µyriWgm] ), because they had not come into actual possession of the promised land, but had been obliged all their life long to wander about, unsettled and homeless, in the land promised to them for an inheritance, as in a strange land. This pilgrimage was at the same time a figurative representation of the inconstancy and weariness of the earthly life, in which man does not attain to that true rest of peace with God and blessedness in His fellowship, for which he was created, and for which therefore his soul is continually longing (cf. Psalm 39:13; 119:19,54; 1 Chronicles 29:15). The apostle, therefore, could justly regard these words as a declaration of the longing of the patriarchs for the eternal rest of their heavenly fatherland (Hebrews 11:13-16). So also Jacob’s life was little f[æm] ) and evil (i.e., full of toil and trouble) in comparison with the life of his fathers. For Abraham lived to be 175 years old, and Isaac 180; and neither of them had led a life so agitated, so full of distress and dangers, of tribulation and anguish, as Jacob had from his first flight to Haran up to the time of his removal to Egypt.
GENESIS. 47:10
After this probably short interview, of which, however, only the leading incidents are given, Jacob left the king with a blessing.
GENESIS. 47:11-12
Joseph assigned to his father and his brethren, according to Pharaoh’s command, a possession ( hZ;jua ) for a dwelling-place in the best part of Egypt, the land of Raëmses, and provided them with bread, “according to the mouth of the little ones,” i.e., according to the necessities of each family, answering to the larger or smaller number of their children. lWK with a double accusative (Ges. §139). The settlement of the Israelites is called the land of Raëmses ssem][]ræ , in pause ssem][]ræ Exodus 1:11), instead of Goshen, either because the province of Goshen ( Gese>m , LXX) is indicated by the name of its former capital Raëmses (i.e., Heroopolis, on the site or in the immediate neighbourhood of the modern Abu Keisheib, in Wady Tumilat (vid., Exodus 1:11), or because Israel settled in the vicinity of Raëmses. The district of Goshen is to be sought in the modern province of el Sharkiyeh (i.e., the eastern), on the east side of the Nile, towards Arabia, still the most fertile and productive province of Egypt (cf.
Robinson, Pal. i. 78, 79). For Goshen was bounded on the east by the desert of Arabia Petraea, which stretches away to Philistia (Exodus 13:17, cf. 1 Chronicles 7:21) and is called Gese>m Arabi’as in the Septuagint in consequence (Genesis 45:10; 46:34), and must have extended westwards to the Nile, since the Israelites had an abundance of fish (Numbers 11:5). It probably skirted the Tanitic arm of the Nile, as the fields of Zoan, i.e., Tanis, are said to have been the scene of the mighty acts of God in Egypt (Psalm 78:12,43, cf. Numbers 13:22). In this province Joseph assigned his relations settlements near to himself (Genesis 45:10), from which they could quickly and easily communicate with one another (46:28; 48:1ff.).
Whether he lived at Raëmses or not, cannot be determined, just because the residence of the Pharaoh of that time is not known, and the notion that it was at Memphis is only based upon utterly uncertain combinations relating to the Hyksos.
GENESIS. 47:13-27
To make the extent of the benefit conferred by Joseph upon his family, in providing them with the necessary supplies during the years of famine, all the more apparent, a description is given of the distress into which the inhabitants of Egypt and Canaan were plunged by the continuance of the famine.
Verse 13. The land of Egypt and the land of Canaan were exhausted with Hhæl; : from hm; = ha;l; , to languish, to be exhausted, only occurring again in Prov 26:18, Hithp. in a secondary sense.
Verse 14. All the money in both countries was paid in to Joseph for the purchase of corn, and deposited by him in Pharaoh’s house, i.e., the royal treasury.
Verse 15-17. When the money was exhausted, the Egyptians all came to Joseph with the petition: “Give us bread, why should we die before thee” (i.e., so that thou shouldst see us die, when in reality thou canst support us)? Joseph then offered to accept their cattle in payment; and they brought him near their herds, in return for which he provided them that year with bread. lhæn; : Piel to lead, with the secondary meaning, to care for (Psalm 23:2; Isaiah 40:11, etc.); hence the signification here, “to maintain.”
Verse 18-19. When that year had passed ( µmæT; , as in Psalm 102:28, to denote the termination of the year), they came again “the second year” (i.e., after the money was gone, not the second of the seven years of famine) and said: “We cannot hide it from my lord ( ynimod]aæ , a title similar to your majesty), but the money is all gone, and the cattle have come to my lord; we have nothing left to offer to my lord but our bodies and our land.” µai yKi is an intensified yKi following a negation (“but,” as in Genesis 32:29, etc.), and is to be understood elliptically; lit., “for if,” sc., we would speak openly; not “that because,” for the causal signification of µai is not established. µmæT; with lae is constructio praegnans: “completed to my lord,” i.e., completely handed over to my lord. µynip; raæv; is the same: “left before my lord,” i.e., for us to lay before, or offer to my lord. “Why should we die before thine eyes, we and our land! Buy us and our land for bread, that we may be, we and our land, servants (subject) to Pharaoh; and give seed, that we may live and not die, and the land become not desolate.” In the first clause tWm is transferred per zeugma to the land; in the last, the word µvæy; is used to describe the destruction of the land. The form µvæy; is the same as llæq; in Genesis 16:4.
Verse 20-21. Thus Joseph secured the possession of the whole land to Pharaoh by purchase, and “the people he removed to cities, from one end of the land of Egypt to the other.” `ry[i , not from one city to another, but “according to (= kata> ) the cities;” so that he distributed the population of the whole land according to the cities in which the corn was housed, placing them partly in the cities themselves, and partly in the immediate neighbourhood.
Verse 22. The lands of the priests Joseph did not buy, “for the priests had an allowance from Pharaoh, and ate their allowance, which Pharaoh gave them; therefore they sold not their lands.” qjo a fixed allowance of food, as in Prov 30:8; Ezekiel 16:27. This allowance was granted by Pharaoh probably only during the years of famine; in any case it was an arrangement which ceased when the possessions of the priests sufficed for their need, since, according to Diod. Sic. i. 73, the priests provided the sacrifices and the support of both themselves and their servants from the revenue of their lands; and with this Herodotus also agrees (2, 37).
Verse 23-27. Then Joseph said to the people: “Behold I have bought you this day and your land for Pharaoh; there have ye ( ahe only found in Ezekiel 16:43 and Dan 2:43) seed, and sow the land; and of the produce ye shall give the fifth for Pharaoh, and four parts ( dy; , as in Genesis 43:34) shall belong to you for seed, and for the support of yourselves, your families and children.” The people agreed to this; and the writer adds (v. 26), it became a law, in existence to this day (his own time), “with regard to the land of Egypt for Pharaoh with reference to the fifth,” i.e., that the fifth of the produce of the land should be paid to Pharaoh.
Profane writers have given at least an indirect support to the reality of this political reform of Joseph’s. Herodotus, for example (2, 109), states that king Sesostris divided the land among the Egyptians, giving every one a square piece of the same size as his hereditary possession ( klh>ron ), and derived his own revenue from a yearly tax upon them. Diod. Sic. (1, 73), again, says that all the land in Egypt belonged either to the priests, to the king, or to the warriors; and Strabo (xvii. p. 787), that the farmers and traders held rateable land, so that the peasants were not landowners. On the monuments, too, the kings, priests, and warriors only are represented as having landed property (cf. Wilkinson, Manners and Customs i. 263).
The biblical account says nothing about the exemption of the warriors from taxation and their possession of land, for that was a later arrangement.
According to Herod. 2, 168, every warrior had received from former kings, as an honourable payment, twelve choice fields (a’rourai) free from taxation, but they were taken away by the Hephaesto-priest Sethos, a contemporary of Hezekiah, when he ascended the throne (Herod. 2, 141).
But when Herodotus and Diodorus Sic. attribute to Sesostris the division of the land into 36 nomoi> , and the letting of these for a yearly payment; these comparatively recent accounts simply transfer the arrangement, which was actually made by Joseph, to a half-mythical king, to whom the later legends ascribed all the greater deeds and more important measures of the early Pharaohs. And so far as Joseph’s arrangement itself was concerned, not only had he the good of the people and the interests of the king in view, but the people themselves accepted it as a favour, inasmuch as in a land where the produce was regularly thirty-fold, the cession of a fifth could not be an oppressive burden.
And it is probable that Joseph not only turned the temporary distress to account by raising the king into the position of sole possessor of the land, with the exception of that of the priests, and bringing the people into a condition of feudal dependence upon him, but had also a still more comprehensive object in view; viz., to secure the population against the danger of starvation in case the crops should fail at any future time, not only by dividing the arable land in equal proportions among the people generally, but, as has been conjectured, by laying the foundation for a system of cultivation regulated by laws and watched over by the state, and possibly also by commencing a system of artificial irrigation by means of canals, for the purpose of conveying the fertilizing water of the Nile as uniformly as possible to all parts of the land. (An explanation of this system is given by Hengstenberg in his Dissertations, from the Correspondance d’Orient par Michaud, etc.) To mention either these or any other plans of a similar kind, did not come within the scope of the book of Genesis, which restricts itself, in accordance with its purely religious intention, to a description of the way in which, during the years of famine, Joseph proved himself to both the king and people of Egypt to be the true support of the land, so that in him Israel already became a saviour of the Gentiles. The measures taken by Joseph are thus circumstantially described, partly because the relation into which the Egyptians were brought to their visible king bore a typical resemblance to the relation in which the Israelites were placed by the Mosaic constitution to Jehovah, their God-King, since they also had to give a double tenth, i.e., the fifth of the produce of their lands, and were in reality only farmers of the soil which Jehovah had given them in Canaan for a possession, so that they could not part with their hereditary possessions in perpetuity (Leviticus 25:23); and partly also because Joseph’s conduct exhibited in type how God entrusts His servants with the good things of this earth, in order that they may use them not only for the preservation of the lives of individuals and nations, but also for the promotion of the purposes of His kingdom. For, as is stated in conclusion in v. 27, not only did Joseph preserve the lives of the Egyptians, for which they expressed their acknowledgements (v. 25), but under his administration the house of Israel was able, without suffering any privations, or being brought into a relation of dependence towards Pharaoh, to dwell in the land of Goshen, to establish itself there ( zjæa; as in Genesis 34:10), and to become fruitful and multiply.
JACOB’S LAST WISHES.
GENESIS. 47:28-31
Jacob lived in Egypt for 17 years. He then sent for Joseph, as he felt that his death was approaching; and having requested him, as a mark of love and faithfulness, not to bury him in Egypt, but near his fathers in Canaan, he made him assure him on oath (by putting his hand under his hip, vid., p. 164) that his wishes should be fulfilled. When Joseph had taken this oath, “Israel bowed (in worship) upon the bed’s head.” He had talked with Joseph while sitting upon the bed; and when Joseph had promised to fulfil his wish, he turned towards the head of the bed, so as to lie with his face upon the bed, and thus worshipped God, thanking Him for granting his wish, which sprang from living faith in the promises of God; just as David also worshipped upon his bed (1 Kings 1:47-48). The Vulgate rendering is correct: adoravit Deum conversus ad lectuli caput. That of the LXX, on the contrary, is proseku>nhsen Israh>l epi> to> a>dron th>v raJ>bdou autou> (i.e., hF,mæ ); and the Syriac and Itala have the same (cf. Hebrews 11:21). But no fitting sense can be obtained from this rendering, unless we think of the staff with which Jacob had gone through life, and, taking autou> therefore in the sense of auJtou> , assume that Jacob made use of the staff to enable him to sit upright in bed, and so prayed, bent upon or over it, though even then the expression hF,mæ varo remains a strange one; so that unquestionably this rendering arose from a false reading of hF,mæ , and is not proved to be correct by the quotation in Hebrews 11:21. “Adduxit enim LXX Interpr. versionem Apostolus, quod ea tum usitata esset, non quod lectionem illam praeferendam judicaret (Calovii Bibl. illustr. ad h. l.).
GENESIS. 48:1-2
Adoption of Joseph’s Sons.
Vv. 1, 2. After these events, i.e., not long after Jacob’s arrangements for his burial, it was told to Joseph ( rmæa; “one said,” cf. v. 2) that his father was taken ill; whereupon Joseph went to him with his two sons, Manasseh and Ephraim, who were then 18 or 20 years old. On his arrival being announced to Jacob, Israel made himself strong (collected his strength), and sat up on his bed. The change of names is as significant here as in Genesis 45:27-28. Jacob, enfeebled with age, gathered up his strength for a work, which he was about to perform as Israel, the bearer of the grace of the promise.
GENESIS. 48:3-7
Referring to the promise which the Almighty God had given him at Bethel (Genesis 35:10ff. cf. 38:13ff.), Israel said to Joseph (v. 5): “And now thy two sons, which were born to thee in the land of Egypt, until (before) I came to thee into Egypt...let them be mine; Ephraim and Manasseh, like Reuben and Simeon (my first and second born), let them be mine.” The promise which Jacob had received empowered the patriarch to adopt the sons of Joseph in the place of children. Since the Almighty God had promised him the increase of his seed into a multitude of peoples, and Canaan as an eternal possession to that seed, he could so incorporate into the number of his descendants the two sons of Joseph who were born in Egypt before his arrival, and therefore outside the range of his house, that they should receive an equal share in the promised inheritance with his own eldest sons. But this privilege was to be restricted to the two first-born sons of Joseph. “Thy descendants,” he proceeds in v. 6, “which thou hast begotten since them, shall be thine; by the name of their brethren shall they be called in their inheritance;” i.e., they shall not form tribes of their own with a separate inheritance, but shall be reckoned as belonging to Ephraim and Manasseh, and receive their possessions among these tribes, and in their inheritance.
These other sons of Joseph are not mentioned anywhere; but their descendants are at any rate included in the families of Ephraim and Manasseh mentioned in Numbers 26:28-37; 1 Chronicles 7:14-29. By this adoption of his two eldest sons, Joseph was placed in the position of the first-born, so far as the inheritance was concerned (1 Chronicles 5:2).
Joseph’s mother, who had died so early, was also honoured thereby. And this explains the allusion made by Jacob in v. 7 to his beloved Rachel, the wife of his affections, and to her death-how she died by his side ( `l[æ ), on his return from Padan (for Padan-Aram, the only place in which it is so called, cf. Genesis 25:20), without living to see her first-born exalted to the position of a saviour to the whole house of Israel.
GENESIS. 48:8-11
The Blessing of Ephraim and Manasseh.
Vv. 8ff. Jacob now for the first time caught sight of Joseph’s sons, who had come with him, and inquired who they were; for “the eyes of Israel were heavy (dim) with age, so that he could not see well” (v. 10). The feeble old man, too, may not have seen the youths for some years, so that he did not recognise them again. On Joseph’s answering, “My sons whom God hath given he mere,” he replied, “Bring them to me then ( an;Aµj,q; ), that I may bless them;” and he kissed and embraced them, when Joseph had brought them near, expressing his joy, that whereas he never expected to see Joseph’s face again, God had permitted him to see his seed. ha;r; for ha;r; , like `hc;[; (Genesis 31:28). pileel: to decide; here, to judge, to think.
GENESIS. 48:12-13
Joseph then, in order to prepare his sons for the reception of the blessing, brought them from between the knees of Israel, who was sitting with the youths between his knees and embracing them, and having prostrated himself with his face to the earth, he came up to his father again, with Ephraim the younger on his right hand, and Manasseh the elder on the left, so that Ephraim stood at Jacob’s right hand, and Manasseh at his left.
GENESIS. 48:14-16
The patriarch then stretched out his right hand and laid it upon Ephraim’s head, and placed his left upon the head of Manasseh (crossing his arms therefore), to bless Joseph in his sons. “Guiding his hands wittingly;” i.e., he placed his hands in this manner intentionally. Laying on the hand, which is mentioned here for the first time in the Scriptures, was a symbolical sign, by which the person acting transferred to another a spiritual good, a supersensual power or gift; it occurs elsewhere in connection with dedication to an office (Numbers 27:18,23; Deuteronomy 34:9; Matthew 19:13; Acts 6:6; 8:17, etc.), with the sacrifices, and with the cures performed by Christ and the apostles. By the imposition of hands, Jacob transferred to Joseph in his sons the blessing which he implored for them from his own and his father’s God: “The God (Ha-Elohim) before whom my fathers Abraham and Isaac did walk, the God (Ha-Elohim) who hath fed me (led and provided for me with a shepherd’s faithfulness, Psalm 23:1; 28:9) from my existence up to this day, the Angel which redeemed me from all evil, bless the lads.” This triple reference to God, in which the Angel who is placed on an equality with Ha-Elohim cannot possibly be a created angel, but must be the “Angel of God,” i.e., God manifested in the form of the Angel of Jehovah, or the “Angel of His face” (Isaiah 43:9), contains a foreshadowing of the Trinity, though only God and the Angel are distinguished, not three persons of the divine nature.
The God before whom Abraham and Isaac walked, had proved Himself to Jacob to be “the God which fed” and “the Angel which redeemed,” i.e., according to the more fully developed revelation of the New Testament, oJ Qeo>v and oJ lo>gov , Shepherd and Redeemer. By the singular Ërær; (bless, benedicat) the triple mention of God is resolved into the unity of the divine nature. Non dicit (Jakob) benedicant, pluraliter, nec repetit sed conjungit in uno opere benedicendi tres personas, Deum Patrem, Deum pastorem et Angelum. Sunt igitur hi tres unus Deus et unus benedictor. Idem opus facit Angelus quod pastor et Deus Patrum (Luther). “Let my name be named on them, and the names of my fathers Abraham and Isaac,” i.e., not, “they shall bear my name and my fathers’,” “dicantur filii mei et patrum meorum, licet ex te nati sint” (Rosenm.), which would only be another way of acknowledging his adoption of them, “nota adoptionis” (Calvin); for as the simple mention of adoption is unsuitable to such a blessing, so the words appended, “and according to the name of my fathers Abraham and Isaac,” are still less suitable as a periphrasis for adoption.
The thought is rather: the true nature of the patriarchs shall be discerned and acknowledged in Ephraim and Manasseh; in them shall those blessings of grace and salvation be renewed, which Jacob and his fathers Isaac and Abraham received from God. The name expressed the nature, and “being called” is equivalent to “being, and being recognised by what one is.” The salvation promised to the patriarchs related primarily to the multiplication into a great nation, and the possession of Canaan. Hence Jacob proceeds: “and let them increase into a multitude in the midst of the land.” hg;D; : hap leg, “to increase,” from which the name gD; , a fish, is derived, on account of the remarkable rapidity with which they multiply.
GENESIS. 48:17-22
When Joseph observed his father placing his right hand upon the head of Ephraim, the younger son, he laid hold of it to put it upon Manasseh’s head, telling his father at the same time that he was the first-born; but Jacob replied, “I know, my son, I know: he also (Manasseh) will become a nation, and will become great, yet ( µl;Wa as in Genesis 28:19) his younger brother will become greater than he, and his seed will become the fulness of nations.” This blessing began to be fulfilled from the time of the Judges, when the tribe of Ephraim so increased in extent and power, that it took the lead of the northern tribes and became the head of the ten tribes, and its name acquired equal importance with the name Israel, whereas under Moses, Manasseh had numbered 20,000 more than Ephraim (Numbers 26:34 and 37). As a result of the promises received from God, the blessing was not merely a pious wish, but the actual bestowal of a blessing of prophetic significance and force. — In v. 20 the writer sums up the entire act of blessing in the words of the patriarch: “In thee (i.e., Joseph) will Israel (as a nation) bless, saying: God make thee as Ephraim and Manasseh” (i.e., Joseph shall be so blessed in his two sons, that their blessing will become a standing form of benediction in Israel); “and thus he placed Ephraim before Manasseh,” viz., in the position of his hands and the terms of the blessing.
Lastly, (v. 21) Israel expressed to Joseph his firm faith in the promise, that God would bring back his descendants after his death into the land of their fathers (Canaan), and assigned to him a double portion in the promised land, the conquest of which passed before his prophetic glance as already accomplished, in order to insure for the future the inheritance of the adopted sons of Joseph. “I give thee one ridge of land above thy brethren” (i.e., above what thy brethren receive, each as a single tribe), “which I take from the hand of the Amorites with my sword and bow” (i.e., by force of arms). As the perfect is used prophetically, transposing the future to the present as being already accomplished, so the words jqæl; rv,a must also be understood prophetically, as denoting that Jacob would wrest the land from the Amorites, not in his own person, but in that of his posterity. f75 The words cannot refer to the purchase of the piece of ground at Shechem (Genesis 33:19), for a purchase could not possibly be called a conquest by sword and bow; and still less to the crime committed by the sons of Jacob against the inhabitants of Shechem, when they plundered the town (34:25ff.), for Jacob could not possibly have attributed to himself a deed for which he had pronounced a curse upon Simeon and Levi (49:6-7), not to mention the fact, that the plundering of Shechem was not followed in this instance by the possession of the city, but by the removal of Jacob from the neighbourhood. “Moreover, any conquest of territory would have been entirely at variance with the character of the patriarchal history, which consisted in the renunciation of all reliance upon human power, and a believing, devoted trust in the God of the promises” (Delitzsch). The land, which the patriarchs desired to obtain in Canaan, they procured not by force of arms, but by legal purchase (cf. ch. 24 and 33:19). It was to be very different in the future, when the iniquity of the Amorites was full (15:16). But Jacob called the inheritance, which Joseph was to have in excess of his brethren, µk,v] (lit., shoulder, or more properly nape, neck; here figuratively a ridge, or tract of land), as a play upon the word Shechem, because he regarded the piece of land purchased at Shechem as a pledge of the future possession of the whole land. In the piece purchased there, the bones of Joseph were buried, after the conquest of Canaan (Joshua 24:32); and this was understood in future times, as though Jacob had presented the piece of ground to Joseph (vid., John 4:5).
JACOB’S BLESSING AND DEATH.
GENESIS. 49:1-2
The Blessing.
Vv. 1, 2. When Jacob had adopted and blessed the two sons of Joseph, he called his twelve sons, to make known to them his spiritual bequest. In an elevated and solemn tone he said, “Gather yourselves together, that I may tell you that which shall befall you ( ar;q; for hr;q; , as in Genesis 42:4,38) at the end of the days! Gather yourselves together and hear, ye sons of Jacob, and hearken unto Israel your father!” The last address of Jacob- Israel to his twelve sons, which these words introduce, is designated by the historian (v. 28) “the blessing,” with which “their father blessed them, every one according to his blessing.” This blessing is at the same time a prophecy. “Every superior and significant life becomes prophetic at its close” (Ziegler). But this was especially the case with the lives of the patriarchs, which were filled and sustained by the promises and revelations of God. As Isaac in his blessing (ch. 27) pointed out prophetically to his two sons, by virtue of divine illumination, the future history of their families; “so Jacob, while blessing the twelve, pictured in grand outlines the lineamenta of the future history of the future nation” (Ziegler).
The groundwork of his prophecy was supplied partly by the natural character of his twelve sons, and partly by the divine promise which had been given by the Lord to him and to his fathers Abraham and Isaac, and that not merely in these two points, the numerous increase of their seed and the possession of Canaan, but in its entire scope, by which Israel had been appointed to be the recipient and medium of salvation for all nations.
On this foundation the Spirit of God revealed to the dying patriarch Israel the future history of his seed, so that he discerned in the characters of his sons the future development of the tribes proceeding from them, and with prophetic clearness assigned to each of them its position and importance in the nation into which they were to expand in the promised inheritance.
Thus he predicted to the sons what would happen to them “in the last days,” lit., “at the end of the days” ( ep> esca>twn tw>n hJmerw>n , LXX), and not merely at some future time. ‘achariyt, the opposite of tyviare , signifies the end in contrast with the beginning (Deuteronomy 11:12; Isaiah 46:10); hence µwOy tyrijaæ in prophetic language denoted, not the future generally, but the last future (see Hengstenberg’s History of Balaam, pp. 465-467, transl.), the Messianic age of consummation (Isaiah 2:2; Ezekiel 38:8,16; Jeremiah 30:24; 48:47; 49:39, etc.: so also Numbers 24:14; Deuteronomy 4:30), like ep> esca>tou tw>n hJmerw>n (2 Peter 3:3; Hebrews 1:2), or en tai>v esca>taiv hJme>raiv (Acts 2:17; 2 Tim 3:1).
But we must not restrict “the end of the days” to the extreme point of the time of completion of the Messianic kingdom; it embraces “the whole history of the completion which underlies the present period of growth,” or “the future as bringing the work of God to its ultimate completion, though modified according to the particular stage to which the work of God had advanced in any particular age, the range of vision opened to that age, and the consequent horizon of the prophet, which, though not absolutely dependent upon it, was to a certain extent regulated by it” (Delitzsch).
For the patriarch, who, with his pilgrim-life, had been obliged in the very evening of his days to leave the soil of the promised land and seek a refuge for himself and his house in Egypt, the final future, with its realization of the promises of God, commenced as soon as the promised land was in the possession of the twelve tribes descended from his sons. He had already before his eyes, in his twelve sons with their children and children’s children, the first beginnings of the multiplication of his seed into a great nation. Moreover, on his departure from Canaan he had received the promise, that the God of his fathers would make him into a great nation, and lead him up again to Canaan (Genesis 46:3-4). The fulfilment of this promise his thoughts and hopes, his longings and wishes, were all directed.
This constituted the firm foundation, though by no means the sole and exclusive purport, of his words of blessing.
The fact was not, as Baumgarten and Kurtz suppose, that Jacob regarded the time of Joshua as that of the completion; that for him the end was nothing more than the possession of the promised land by his seed as the promised nation, so that all the promises pointed to this, and nothing beyond it was either affirmed or hinted at. Not a single utterance announces the capture of the promised land; not a single one points specially to the time of Joshua. On the contrary, Jacob presupposes not only the increase of his sons into powerful tribes, but also the conquest of Canaan, as already fulfilled; foretells to his sons, whom he sees in spirit as populous tribes, growth and prosperity on the soil in their possession; and dilates upon their relation to one another in Canaan and to the nations round about, even to the time of their final subjection to the peaceful sway of Him, from whom the sceptre of Judah shall never depart. The ultimate future of the patriarchal blessing, therefore, extends to the ultimate fulfilment of the divine promises-that is to say, to the completion of the kingdom of God. The enlightened seer’s-eye of the patriarch surveyed, “as though upon a canvas painted without perspective,” the entire development of Israel from its first foundation as the nation and kingdom of God till its completion under the rule of the Prince of Peace, whom the nations would serve in willing obedience; and beheld the twelve tribes spreading themselves out, each in his inheritance, successfully resisting their enemies, and finding rest and full satisfaction in the enjoyment of the blessings of Canaan.
It is in this vision of the future condition of his sons as grown into tribes that the prophetic character of the blessing consists; not in the prediction of particular historical events, all of which, on the contrary, with the exception of the prophecy of Shiloh, fall into the background behind the purely ideal portraiture of the peculiarities of the different tribes. The blessing gives, in short sayings full of bold and thoroughly original pictures, only general outlines of a prophetic character, which are to receive their definite concrete form from the historical development of the tribes in the future; and throughout it possesses both in form and substance a certain antique stamp, in which its genuineness is unmistakeably apparent. Every attack upon its genuineness has really proceeded from an a priori denial of all supernatural prophecies, and has been sustained by such misinterpretations as the introduction of special historical allusions, for the purpose of stamping it as a vaticinia ex eventu, and by other untenable assertions and assumptions; such, for example, as that people do not make poetry at so advanced an age or in the immediate prospect of death, or that the transmission of such an oration word for word down to the time of Moses is utterly inconceivable-objections the emptiness of which has been demonstrated in Hengstenberg’s Christology i. p. 76 (transl.) by copious citations from the history of the early Arabic poetry.
GENESIS. 49:3-4
Reuben, my first-born thou, my might and first-fruit of my strength; preeminence in dignity and pre-eminence in power. — As the first-born, the first sprout of the full virile power of Jacob, Reuben, according to natural right, was entitled to the first rank among his brethren, the leadership of the tribes, and a double share of the inheritance (Genesis 27:29; Deuteronomy 21:17). ( taec] : elevation, the dignity of the chieftainship; `z[æ , the earlier mode of pronouncing `z[o , the authority of the first-born.) But Reuben had forfeited this prerogative. “Effervescence like water-thou shalt have no preference; for thou didst ascend thy father’s marriage-bed: then hast thou desecrated; my couch has he ascended.” zjæpæ : lit., the boiling over of water, figuratively, the excitement of lust; hence the verb is used in Judges 9:4; Zeph 3:4, for frivolity and insolent pride.
With this predicate Jacob describes the moral character of Reuben; and the noun is stronger than the verb pchzt of the Samaritan, and ‘tr`t or ‘rt`t efferbuisti, aestuasti of the Sam. Vers., exu’brisas of the LXX, and huperze’sas of Symm. rtæy; is to be explained by rt,y, : have no preeminence.
His crime was, lying with Bilhah, his father’s concubine (Genesis 35:22). llæj; is used absolutely: desecrated hast thou, sc., what should have been sacred to thee (cf. Leviticus 18:8). From this wickedness the injured father turns away with indignation, and passes to the third person as he repeats the words, “my couch he has ascended.” By the withdrawal of the rank belonging to the first-born, Reuben lost the leadership in Israel; so that his tribe attained to no position of influence in the nation (compare the blessing of Moses in Deuteronomy 33:6). The leadership was transferred to Judah, the double portion to Joseph (1 Chronicles 5:1-2), by which, so far as the inheritance was concerned, the first-born of the beloved Rachel took the place of the first-born of the slighted Leah; not, however, according to the subjective will of the father, which is condemned in Deuteronomy 21:15ff., but according to the leading of God, by which Joseph had been raised above his brethren, but without the chieftainship being accorded to him. GENESIS 49:5-7 “Simeon and Levi are brethren:” emphatically brethren in the full sense of the word; not merely as having the same parents, but in their modes of thought and action. “Weapons of wickedness are their swords.” The aJ>pax lec. trokem] is rendered by Luther, etc., weapons or swords, from rWK = hr;K; , to dig, dig through, pierce: not connected with ma>caira . L. de Dieu and others follow the Arabic and Aethiopic versions: “plans;” but sm;j; yliK] , utensils, or instruments, of wickedness, does not accord with this.
Such wickedness had the two brothers committed upon the inhabitants of Shechem (Genesis 34:25ff.), that Jacob would have no fellowship with it. “Into their counsel come not, my soul; with their assembly let not my honour unite.” dwOs , a council, or deliberative consensus. djæy; , imperf. of djæyæ ; dwObK; , like Psalm 7:6; 16:9, etc., of the soul as the noblest part of man, the centre of his personality as the image of God. “For in their wrath have they slain men, and in their wantonness houghed oxen.” The singular nouns vyai and rwOv , in the sense of indefinite generality, are to be regarded as general rather than singular, especially as the plural form of both is rarely met with; of vyai , only in Psalm 141:4; Prov 8:4, and Isaiah 53:3; of sh¦waariym-showr, only in Hosea 12:12. ˆwOxr; : inclination, here in a bad sense, wantonness. `rqæ[; : neurokopei’n, to sever the houghs (tendons of the hind feet)-a process by which animals were not merely lamed, but rendered useless, since the tendon once severed could never be healed again, whilst as a rule the arteries were not cut so as to cause the animal to bleed to death (cf. Joshua 11:6,9; 2 Samuel 8:4).
In Genesis 34:28 it is merely stated that the cattle of the Shechemites were carried off, not that they were lamed. But the one is so far from excluding the other, that it rather includes it in such a case as this, where the sons of Jacob were more concerned about revenge than booty. Jacob mentions the latter only, because it was this which most strikingly displayed their criminal wantonness. On this reckless revenge Jacob pronounces the curse, “Cursed be their anger, for it was fierce; and their wrath, for it was cruel: I shall divide them in Jacob, and scatter them in Israel.” They had joined together to commit this crime, and as a punishment they should be divided or scattered in the nation of Israel, should form no independent or compact tribes. This sentence of the patriarch was so fulfilled when Canaan was conquered, that on the second numbering under Moses, Simeon had become the weakest of all the tribes (Numbers 26:14); in Moses’ blessing (Deuteronomy 33) it was entirely passed over; and it received no separate assignment of territory as an inheritance, but merely a number of cities within the limits of Judah (Joshua 19:1-9).
Its possessions, therefore, became an insignificant appendage to those of Judah, into which they were eventually absorbed, as most of the families of Simeon increased but little (1 Chronicles 4:27); and those which increased the most emigrated in two detachments, and sought out settlements for themselves and pasture for their cattle outside the limits of the promised land (1 Chronicles 4:38-43). Levi also received no separate inheritance in the land, but merely a number of cities to dwell in, scattered throughout the possessions of his brethren (Joshua 21:1-40). But the scattering of Levi in Israel was changed into a blessing for the other tribes through its election to the priesthood. Of this transformation of the curse into a blessing, there is not the slightest intimation in Jacob’s address; and in this we have a strong proof of its genuineness. After this honourable change had taken place under Moses, it would never have occurred to any one to cast such a reproach upon the forefather of the Levites. How different is the blessing pronounced by Moses upon Levi (Deuteronomy 33:8ff.)! But though Jacob withdrew the rights of primogeniture from Reuben, and pronounced a curse upon the crime of Simeon and Levi, he deprived none of them of their share in the promised inheritance. They were merely put into the background because of their sins, but they were not excluded from the fellowship and call of Israel, and did not lose the blessing of Abraham, so that their father’s utterances with regard to them might still be regarded as the bestowal of a blessing (v. 28).
GENESIS. 49:8-12
Judah, the fourth son, was the first to receive a rich and unmixed blessing, the blessing of inalienable supremacy and power. “Judah thou, thee will thy brethren praise! thy hand in the neck of thy foes! to thee will thy father’s sons bow down!” hT;aæ , thou, is placed first as an absolute noun, like ynæa in Genesis 17:4; 24:27; hd;y; is a play upon hd;Why] like hd;y; in Genesis 29:35. Judah, according to ch. 29:35, signifies: he for whom Jehovah is praised, not merely the praised one. “This nomen, the patriarch seized as an omen, and expounded it as a presage of the future history of Judah.” Judah should be in truth all that his name implied (cf. 27:36). Judah had already shown to a certain extent a strong and noble character, when he proposed to sell Joseph rather than shed his blood (37:26ff.); but still more in the manner in which he offered himself to his father as a pledge for Benjamin, and pleaded with Joseph on his behalf (43:9-10; 44:16ff.); and it was apparent even in his conduct towards Thamar. In this manliness and strength there slumbered the germs of the future development of strength in his tribe. Judah would put his enemies to flight, grasp them by the neck, and subdue them (Job 16:12, cf. Exodus 23:27; Psalm 18:41). Therefore his brethren would do homage to him: not merely the sons of his mother, who are mentioned in other places (Genesis 27:29; Judges 8:19), i.e., the tribes descended from Leah, but the sons of his father-all the tribes of Israel therefore; and this was really the case under David (2 Samuel 5:1-2, cf. Samuel 18:6-7, and 16). This princely power Judah acquired through his lion-like nature.
Verse 9-10. “A young lion is Judah; from the prey, my son, art thou gone up: he has lain down; like a lion there he lieth, and like a lioness, who can rouse him up!” Jacob compares Judah to a young, i.e., growing lion, ripening into its full strength, as being the “ancestor of the lion-tribe.” But he quickly rises “to a vision of the tribe in the glory of its perfect strength,” and describes it as a lion which, after seizing prey, ascends to the mountain forests (cf. Song of Sol. 4:8), and there lies in majestic quiet, no one daring to disturb it. To intensify the thought, the figure of a lion is followed by that of the lioness, which is peculiarly fierce in defending its young. The perfects are prophetic; and `hl;[; relates not to the growth or gradual rise of the tribe, but to the ascent of the lion to its lair upon the mountains. “The passage evidently indicates something more than Judah’s taking the lead in the desert, and in the wars of the time of the Judges; and points to the position which Judah attained through the warlike successes of David” (Knobel).
The correctness of this remark is put beyond question by v. 10, where the figure is carried out still further, but in literal terms. “The sceptre shall not depart from Judah, nor the ruler’s staff from between his feet, till Shiloh come and the willing obedience of the nations be to him.” The sceptre is the symbol of regal command, and in its earliest form it was a long staff, which the king held in his hand when speaking in public assemblies (e.g., Agamemnon, Il. 2, 46, 101); and when he sat upon his throne he rested in between his feet, inclining towards himself (see the representation of a Persian king in the ruins of Persepolis, Niebuhr Reisebeschr. ii. 145). qqæj; the determining person or thing, hence a commander, legislator, and a commander’s or ruler’s staff (Numbers 21:18); here in the latter sense, as the parallels, “sceptre” and “from between his feet,” require. Judah-this is the idea-was to rule, to have the chieftainship, till Shiloh came, i.e., for ever. It is evident that the coming of Shiloh is not to be regarded as terminating the rule of Judah, from the last clause of the verse, according to which it was only then that it would attain to dominion over the nations. yKi `d[æ has not an exclusive signification here, but merely abstracts what precedes from what follows the given terminus ad quem, as in Genesis 26:13, or like rv,a `d[æ Genesis 28:15; Psalm 112:8, or `d[æ Psalm 110:1, and eJ>wv Matthew 5:18.
But the more precise determination of the thought contained in v. 10 is dependent upon our explanation of the word Shiloh. It cannot be traced, as the Jerusalem Targum and the Rabbins affirm, to the word hloyvi filius with the suffix ohethe = ow “his son,” since such a noun as hloyvi is never met with in Hebrew, and neither its existence nor the meaning attributed to it can be inferred from hy;l]vi , afterbirth, in Deuteronomy 28:57. Nor can the paraphrases of Onkelos (donec veniat Messias cujus est regnum), of the Greek versions ( eJ>wv ea>n e>lqh ta> apokei>mena autw> ; or w> apo>keitai , as Aquila and Symmachus appear to have rendered it), or of the Syriac, etc., afford any real proof, that the defective form hloyvi , which occurs in 20 MSS, was the original form of the word, and is to be pointed sheloh for shelow = ttæK; rv,a .
For apart from the fact, that hc, for rv,a would be unmeaning here, and that no such abbreviation can be found in the Pentateuch, it ought in any case to read huw’ shelow “to whom it (the sceptre) is due,” since shelow alone could not express this, and an ellipsis of aWh in such a case would be unparalleled. It only remains therefore to follow Luther, and trace hloyvi to hl;v; , to be quiet, to enjoy rest, security. But from this root Shiloh cannot be explained according to the analogy of such forms askiydowr qiymsh For these forms constitute no peculiar species, but are merely derived from the reduplicated forms, as qimsh, which occurs as well as qiymsh, clearly shows; moreover they are none of them formed from roots of hl . hloyvi points to shiylown , to the formation of nouns with the termination ôn, in which the liquids are eliminated, and the remaining vowel ow is expressed by ohethe (Ew. §84); as for example in the names of places, hloyvi or hloyvi , also hloyvi (Judges 21:21; Jeremiah 7:12) and hlOGi (Joshua 15:51), with their derivatives ynilovi (1 Kings 11:29; 12:15) and giloniy (2 Samuel 15:12), also hDobæa (Prov 27:20) for ˆwoDbæa (Prov 15:11, etc.), clearly prove.
Hence ˆwOlyvi either arose from ˆwOyl]vi ( hl;v; ), or was formed directly from lWv = hl;v; , like ˆwOlGi from lyGi . But if shiylown is the original form of the word, hloyvi cannot be an appellative noun in the sense of rest, or a place of rest, but must be a proper name. For the strong termination ôn loses its n after o only in proper names, like hmolv] , ˆwODgim] by the side of ˆwODgim] (Zechariah 12:11) and wOdwOD (Judges 10:1). hDobæa forms no exception to this; for when used in Prov 27:20 as a personification of hell, it is really a proper name. An appellative noun like hloyvi , in the sense of rest, or place of rest, “would be unparalleled in the Hebrew thesaurus; the nouns used in this sense are wl,v, , hw;l]væ , µwOlv; , hj;Wnm] ” For these reasons even Delitzsch pronounces the appellative rendering, “till rest comes,” or till “he comes to a place of rest,” grammatically impossible.
Shiloh or Shilo is a proper name in every other instance in which it is used in the Old Testament, and was in fact the name of a city belonging to the tribe of Ephraim, which stood in the midst of the land of Canaan, upon an eminence above the village of Turmus Aya, in an elevated valley surrounded by hills, where ruins belonging both to ancient and modern times still bear the name of Seilûn. In this city the tabernacle was pitched on the conquest of Canaan by the Israelites under Joshua, and there it remained till the time of Eli (Judges 18:31; 1 Samuel 1:3; 2:12ff.), possibly till the early part of Saul’s reign.
Some of the Rabbins supposed our Shiloh to refer to the city. This opinion has met with the approval of most of the expositors, from Teller and Eichhorn to Tuch, who regard the blessing as a vaticinium ex eventu, and deny not only its prophetic character, but for the most part its genuineness.
Delitzsch has also decided in its favour, because Shiloh or Shilo is the name of a town in every other passage of the Old Testament; and in Samuel 4:12, where the name is written as an accusative of direction, the words are written exactly as they are here. But even if we do not go so far as Hofmann, and pronounce the rendering “till he (Judah) come to Shiloh” the most impossible of all renderings, we must pronounce it utterly irreconcilable with the prophetic character of the blessing. Even if Shilo existed in Jacob’s time (which can neither be affirmed nor denied), it had acquired no importance in relation to the lives of the patriarchs, and is not once referred to in their history; so that Jacob could only have pointed to it as the goal and turning point of Judah’s supremacy in consequence of a special revelation from God. But in that case the special prediction would really have been fulfilled: not only would Judah have come to Shiloh, but there he would have found permanent rest, and there would the willing subjection of the nations to his sceptre have actually taken place.
Now none of these anticipations and confirmed by history. It is true we read in Joshua 18:1, that after the promised land had been conquered by the defeat of the Canaanites in the south and north, and its distribution among the tribes of Israel had commenced, and was so far accomplished, that Judah and the double tribe of Joseph had received their inheritance by lot, the congregation assembled at Shilo, and there erected the tabernacle, and it was not till after this had been done, that the partition of the land was proceeded with and brought to completion. But although this meeting of the whole congregation at Shilo, and the erection of the tabernacle there, was generally of significance as the turning point of the history, it was of equal importance to all the tribes, and not to Judah alone. If it were to this event that Jacob’s words pointed, they should be rendered, “till they come to Shiloh,” which would be grammatically allowable indeed, but very improbable with the existing context.
And even then nothing would be gained. For, in the first place, up to the time of the arrival of the congregation at Shilo, Judah did not possess the promised rule over the tribes. The tribe of Judah took the first place in the camp and on the march (Numbers 2:3-9; 10:14)-formed in fact the van of the army; but it had no rule, did not hold the chief command. The sceptre or command was held by the Levite Moses during the journey through the desert, and by the Ephraimite Joshua at the conquest and division of Canaan. Moreover, Shilo itself was not the point at which the leadership of Judah among the tribes was changed into the command of nations. Even if the assembling of the congregation of Israel at Shiloh (Joshua 18:1) formed so far a turning point between two periods in the history of Israel, that the erection of the tabernacle for a permanent continuance at Shilo was a tangible pledge, that Israel had now gained a firm footing in the promised land, had come to rest and peace after a long period of wandering and war, had entered into quiet and peaceful possession of the land and its blessings, so that Shilo, as its name indicates, became the resting-place of Israel; Judah did not acquire the command over the twelve tribes at that time, nor so long as the house of God remained at Shilo, to say nothing of the submission of the nations.
It was not till after the rejection of “the abode of Shiloh,” at and after the removal of the ark of the covenant by the Philistines (1 Samuel 4), with which the “tabernacle of Joseph” as also rejected, that God selected the tribe of Judah and chose David (Psalm 78:60-72). Hence it was not till after Shiloh had ceased to be the spiritual centre for the tribes of Israel, over whom Ephraim had exercised a kind of rule so long as the central sanctuary of the nation continued in its inheritance, that by David’s election as prince ( dygin; ) over Israel the sceptre and the government over the tribes of Israel passed over to the tribe of Judah. Had Jacob, therefore, promised to his son Judah the sceptre or ruler’s staff over the tribes until he came to Shiloh, he would have uttered no prophecy, but simply a pious wish, which would have remained entirely unfulfilled.
With this result we ought not to rest contented; unless, indeed, it could be maintained that because Shiloh was ordinarily the name of a city, it could have no other signification. But just as many other names of cities are also names of persons, e.g., Enoch (Genesis 4:17), and Shechem (34:2); so Shiloh might also be a personal name, and denote not merely the place of rest, but the man, or bearer, of rest. We regard Shiloh, therefore, as a title of the Messiah, in common with the entire Jewish synagogue and the whole Christian Church, in which, although there may be uncertainty as to the grammatical interpretation of the word, there is perfect agreement as to the fact that the patriarch is here proclaiming the coming of the Messiah. “For no objection can really be sustained against thus regarding it as a personal name, in closest analogy to hmolv] ” (Hofmann). The assertion that Shiloh cannot be the subject, but must be the object in this sentence, is as unfounded as the historiological axiom, “that the expectation of a personal Messiah was perfectly foreign to the patriarchal age, and must have been foreign from the very nature of that age,” with which Kurtz sets aside the only explanation of the word which is grammatically admissible as relating to the personal Messiah, thus deciding, by means of a priori assumptions which completely overthrow the supernaturally unfettered character of prophecy, and from a one-sided view of the patriarchal age and history, how much the patriarch Jacob ought to have been able to prophesy.
The expectation of a personal Saviour did not arise for the first time with Moses, Joshua, and David, or first obtain its definite form after one man had risen up as the deliverer and redeemer, the leader and ruler of the whole nation, but was contained in the germ in the promise of the seed of the woman, and in the blessing of Noah upon Shem. It was then still further expanded in the promises of God to the patriarchs. — “I will bless thee; be a blessing, and in thee shall all the families of the earth be blessed,” — by which Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (not merely the nation to descend from them) were chosen as the personal bearers of that salvation, which was to be conveyed by them through their seed to all nations. When the patriarchal monad was expanded into a dodekad, and Jacob had before him in his twelve sons the founders of the twelve-tribed nation, the question naturally arose, from which of the twelve tribes would the promised Saviour proceed?
Reuben had forfeited the right of primogeniture by his incest, and it could not pass over to either Simeon or Levi on account of their crime against the Shechemites. Consequently the dying patriarch transferred, both by his blessing and prophecy, the chieftainship which belonged to the first-born and the blessing of the promise to his fourth son Judah, having already, by the adoption of Joseph’s sons, transferred to Joseph the double inheritance associated with the birthright. Judah was to bear the sceptre with victorious lion-courage, until in the future Shiloh the obedience of the nations came to him, and his rule over the tribes was widened into the peaceful government of the world. It is true that it is not expressly stated that Shiloh was to descend from Judah; but this follows as a matter of course from the context, i.e., from the fact, that after the description of Judah as an invincible lion, the cessation of his rule, or the transference of it to another tribe, could not be imagined as possible, and the thought lies upon the surface, that the dominion of Judah was to be perfected in the appearance of Shiloh.
Thus the personal interpretation of Shiloh stands in the most beautiful harmony with the constant progress of the same revelation. To Shiloh will the nations belong. ttæK; refers back to hloyvi . hh;Q;yi , which only occurs again in Prov 30:17, from hh;q;y] with dagesh forte euphon., denotes the obedience of a son, willing obedience; and `µ[æ in this connection cannot refer to the associated tribes, for Judah bears the sceptre over the tribes of Israel before the coming of Shiloh, but to the nations universally. These will render willing obedience to Shiloh, because as a man of rest He brings them rest and peace.
As previous promises prepared the way for our prophecy, so was it still further unfolded by the Messianic prophecies which followed; and this, together with the gradual advance towards fulfilment, places the personal meaning of Shiloh beyond all possible doubt. — In the order of time, the prophecy of Balaam stands next, where not only Jacob’s proclamation of the lion-nature of Judah is transferred to Israel as a nation (Numbers 23:24; 24:9), but the figure of the sceptre from Israel, i.e., the ruler or king proceeding from Israel, who will smite all his foes (Genesis 24:17), is taken verbatim from vv. 9, 10 of this address. In the sayings of Balaam, the tribe of Judah recedes behind the unity of the nation. For although, both in the camp and on the march, Judah took the first place among the tribes (Numbers 2:2-3; 7:12; 10:14), this rank was no real fulfilment of Jacob’s blessing, but a symbol and pledge of its destination to be the champion and ruler over the tribes.
As champion, even after the death of Joshua, Judah opened the attack by divine direction upon the Canaanites who were still left in the land (Judges 1:1ff.), and also the war against Benjamin (Judges 20:18). It was also a sign of the future supremacy of Judah, that the first judge and deliverer from the power of their oppressors was raised up to Israel from the tribe of Judah in the person of the Kenizzite Othniel (Judges 3:9ff.). From that time forward Judah took no lead among the tribes for several centuries, but rather fell back behind Ephraim, until by the election of David as king over all Israel, Judah was raised to the rank of ruling tribe, and received the sceptre over all the rest (1 Chronicles 28:4). In David, Judah grew strong (1 Chronicles 5:2), and became a conquering lion, whom no one dared to excite. With the courage and strength of a lion, David brought under his sceptre all the enemies of Israel round about.
But when God had given him rest, and he desired to build a house to the Lord, he received a promise through the prophet Nathan that Jehovah would raise up his seed after him, and establish the throne of his kingdom for ever (2 Samuel 7:13ff.). “Behold, a son shall be born to thee, who shall be a man of rest; and I (Jehovah) will give him rest from all his enemies round about; for Solomon (i.e., Friederich, Frederick, the peaceful one) shall be his name, and I will give peace and rest unto Israel in his days...and I will establish the throne of his kingdom over Israel for ever.” Just as Jacob’s prophecy was so far fulfilled in David, that Judah had received the sceptre over the tribes of Israel, and had led them to victory over all their foes; and David upon the basis of this first fulfilment received through Nathan the divine promise, that the sceptre should not depart from his house, and therefore not from Judah;so the commencement of the coming of Shiloh received its first fulfilment in the peaceful sway of Solomon, even if David did not give his son the name Solomon with an allusion to the predicted Shiloh, which one might infer from the sameness in the meaning of hmolv] and hloyvi when compared with the explanation given of the name Solomon in 1 Chr. 32:9-10. But Solomon was not the true Shiloh.
His peaceful sway was transitory, like the repose which Israel enjoyed under Joshua at the erection of the tabernacle at Shiloh (Joshua 11:23; 14:15; 21:44); moreover it extended over Israel alone. The willing obedience of the nations he did not secure; Jehovah only gave rest from his enemies round about in his days, i.e., during his life.
But this first imperfect fulfilment furnished a pledge of the complete fulfilment in the future, so that Solomon himself, discerning in spirit the typical character of his peaceful reign, sang of the King’s Son who should have dominion from sea to sea, and from the river to the ends of the earth, before whom all kings should bow, and whom all nations should serve (Psalm 72); and the prophets after Solomon prophesied of the Prince of Peace, who should increase government and peace without end upon the throne of David, and of the sprout out of the rod of Jesse, whom the nations should seek (Isaiah 9:5-6; 11:1-10); and lastly, Ezekiel, when predicting the downfall of the Davidic kingdom, prophesied that this overthrow would last until He should come to whom the right belonged, and to whom Jehovah would give it (Ezekiel 21:27). Since Ezekiel in his words, “till He come to whom the right belongs,” takes up, and is generally admitted, our prophecy “till Shiloh come,” and expands it still further in harmony with the purpose of his announcement, more especially from Psalm 72:1-5, where righteousness and judgment are mentioned as the foundation of the peace which the King’s Son would bring; he not only confirms the correctness of the personal and Messianic explanation of the word Shiloh, but shows that Jacob’s prophecy of the sceptre not passing from Judah till Shiloh came, did not preclude a temporary loss of power.
Thus all prophecies, and all the promises of God, in fact, are so fulfilled, as not to preclude the punishment of the shins of the elect, and yet, notwithstanding that punishment, assuredly and completely attain to their ultimate fulfilment. And thus did the kingdom of Judah arise from its temporary overthrow to a new and imperishable glory in Jesus Christ (Hebrews 7:14), who conquers all foes as the Lion of the tribe of Judah (Rev 5:5), and reigns as the true Prince of Peace, as “our peace” (Ephesians 1:14), for ever and ever.
Verse 11-12. In vv. 11 and 12 Jacob finishes his blessing on Judah by depicting the abundance of his possessions in the promised land. “Binding his she-ass to the vine, and to the choice vine his ass’s colt; he washes his garment in wine, and his cloak in the blood of the grape: dull are the eyes with wine, and white the teeth with milk.” The participle rsæa; has the old connecting vowel, i, before a word with a preposition (like Isaiah 22:16; Micah 7:14, etc.); and ˆBe in the construct state, as in Genesis 31:39. The subject is not Shiloh, but Judah, to whom the whole blessing applies. The former would only be possible, if the fathers and Luther were right in regarding the whole as an allegorical description of Christ, or if Hofmann’s opinion were correct, that it would be quite unsuitable to describe Judah, the lion-like warrior and ruler, as binding his ass to a vine, coming so peacefully upon his ass, and remaining in his vineyard.
But are lion-like courage and strength irreconcilable with a readiness for peace? Besides, the notion that riding upon an ass is an image of a peaceful disposition seems quite unwarranted; and the supposition that the ass is introduced as an animal of peace, in contrast with the war-horse, is founded upon Zechariah 9:9, and applied to the words of the patriarch in a most unhistorical manner. This contrast did not exist till a much later period, when the Israelites and Canaanites had introduced war-horses, and is not applicable at all to the age and circumstances of the patriarchs, since at that time the only animals there were to ride, beside camels, were asses and she-asses (Genesis 22:3 cf. Exodus 4:20; Numbers 22:21); and even in the time of the Judges, and down to David’s time, riding upon asses was a distinction of nobility or superior rank (Judges 1:14; 10:4; 12:14; 2 Samuel 19:27). Lastly, even in vv. 9 and 10 Judah is not depicted as a lion eager for prey, or as loving war and engaged in constant strife, but, according to Hofmann’s own words, “as having attained, even before the coming of Shiloh, to a rest acquired by victory over surrounding foes, and as seated in his place with the insignia of his dominion.” Now, when Judah’s conflicts are over, and he has come to rest, he also may bind his ass to the vine and enjoy in peaceful repose the abundance of his inheritance. Of wine and milk, the most valuable productions of his land, he will have such a superabundance, that, as Jacob hyperbolically expresses it, he may wash his clothes in the blood of the grape, and enjoy them so plentifully, that his eyes shall be inflamed with wine, and his teeth become white with milk. f76 The soil of Judah produced the best wine in Canaan, near Hebron and Engedi (Numbers 13:23-24; Song of Sol. 1:94; 2 Chronicles 26:10 cf. Joel 1:7ff.), and had excellent pasture land in the desert by Tekoah and Carmel, to the south of Hebron (1 Samuel 25:2; Amos 1:1; 2 Chronicles 26:10). cuwtoh: contracted from c¦wuwtoh, from caawaah to envelope, synonymous with hw,s]mæ a veil (Exodus 34:33).
GENESIS. 49:13
Zebulun, to the shore of the ocean will he dwell, and indeed ( aWh isque) towards the coast of ships, and his side towards Zidon (directed up to Zidon).” This blessing on Leah’s sixth son interprets the name Zebulun (i.e., dwelling) as an omen, not so much to show the tribe its dwellingplace in Canaan, as to point out the blessing which it would receive from the situation of its inheritance (compare Deuteronomy 33:19). So far as the territory allotted to the tribe of Zebulun under Joshua can be ascertained from the boundaries and towns mentioned in Joshua 19:10-16, it neither reached to the Mediterranean, nor touched directly upon Zidon (see my Comm. on Joshua). It really lay between the Sea of Galilee and the Mediterranean, near to both, but separated from the former by Naphtali, from the latter by Asher. So far was this announcement, therefore, from being a vaticinium ex eventu taken from the geographical position of the tribe, that it contains a decided testimony to the fact that Jacob’s blessing was not written after the time of Joshua. µy; denotes, not the two seas mentioned above, but, as Judges 5:17 proves, the Mediterranean, as a great ocean (Genesis 1:10). “The coast of ships:” i.e., where ships are unloaded, and land the treasures of the distant parts of the world for the inhabitants of the maritime and inland provinces (Deuteronomy 33:19). Zidon, as the old capital, stands for Phoenicia itself. GENESIS 49:14-15 “Issachar is a bony ass, lying between the hurdles. He saw that rest was a good ( bwOf subst.), and the land that it was pleasant; and bowed his shoulder to bear, and became a servant unto tribute.” The foundation of this award also lies in the name rk;c; ac;n; , which is probably interpreted with reference to the character of Issachar, and with an allusion to the relation between rk;c; and rykic; , a daily labourer, as an indication of the character and fate of his tribe. “Ease at the cost of liberty will be the characteristic of the tribe of Issachar” (Delitzsch). The simile of a bony, i.e., strongly-built ass, particularly adapted for carrying burdens, pointed to the fact that this tribe would content itself with material good, devote itself to the labour and burden of agriculture, and not strive after political power and rule.
The figure also indicated “that Issachar would become a robust, powerful race of men, and receive a pleasant inheritance which would invite to comfortable repose.” (According to Jos. de bell. jud. iii. 3, 2, Lower Galilee, with the fruitful table land of Jezreel, was attractive even to to’n hee’kista gee’s filo’ponon). Hence, even if the simile of a bony ass contained nothing contemptible, it did not contribute to Issachar’s glory.
Like an idle beast of burden, he would rather submit to the yoke and be forced to do the work of a slave, than risk his possessions and his peace in the struggle for liberty. To bend the shoulder to the yoke, to come down to carrying burdens and become a mere serf, was unworthy of Israel, the nation of God that was called to rule, however it might befit its foes, especially the Canaanites upon whom the curse of slavery rested (Deuteronomy 20:11; Joshua 16:10; 1 Kings 9:20-21; Isaiah 10:27). This was probably also the reason why Issachar was noticed last among the sons of Leah. In the time of the Judges, however, Issachar acquired renown for heroic bravery in connection with Zebulun (Judges 5:14-15,18). The sons of Leah are followed by the four sons of the two maids, arranged, not according to their mothers or their ages, but according to the blessing pronounced upon them, so that the two warlike tribes stand first.
GENESIS. 49:16-17
“Dan will procure his people justice as one of the tribes of Israel. Let Dan become a serpent by the way, a horned adder in the path, that biteth the horse’s heels, so that its rider falls back.” Although only the son of a maid-servant, Dan would not be behind the other tribes of Israel, but act according to his name ( ˆyDi ˆyDi ), and as much as any other of the tribes procure justice to his people (i.e., to the people of Israel; not to his own tribe, as Diestel supposes). There is no allusion in these words to the office of judge which was held by Samson; they merely describe the character of the tribe, although this character came out in the expedition of a portion of the Danites to Laish in the north of Canaan, a description of which is given in Judges 18, as well as in the “romantic chivalry of the brave, gigantic Samson, when the cunning of the serpent he overthrew the mightiest foes” (Del.). ˆpoypiv] : kera>sthv , the very poisonous horned serpent, which is of the colour of the sand, and as it lies upon the ground, merely stretching out its feelers, inflicts a fatal wound upon any who may tread upon it unawares (Diod. Sic. 3, 49; Pliny. 8, 23).
GENESIS. 49:18
But this manifestation of strength, which Jacob expected from Dan and promised prophetically, presupposed that severe conflicts awaited the Israelites. For these conflicts Jacob furnished his sons with both shield and sword in the ejaculatory prayer, “I wait for Thy salvation, O Jehovah!” which was not a prayer for his own soul and its speedy redemption from all evil, but in which, as Calvin has strikingly shown, he expressed his confidence that his descendants would receive the help of his God.
Accordingly, the later Targums (Jerusalem and Jonathan) interpret these words as Messianic, but with a special reference to Samson, and paraphrase v. 18 thus: “Not for the deliverance of Gideon, the son of Joash, does my soul wait, for that is temporary; and not for the redemption of Samson, for that is transitory; and not for the redemption of Samson, for that is transitory; but for the redemption of the Messiah, the Son of David, which Thou through Thy word hast promised to bring to Thy people the children of Israel: for this Thy redemption my soul waits.” f77 GENESIS 49:19 “Gad-a press presses him, but he presses the heel.” The name Gad reminds the patriarch of dWG to press, and dWdG] the pressing host, warlike host, which invades the land. The attacks of such hosts Gad will bravely withstand, and press their heel, i.e., put them to flight and bravely pursue them, not smite their rear-guard; for `bqe[; does not signify the rear-guard even in Joshua 8:13, but only the reserves (see my commentary on the passage). The blessing, which is formed from a triple alliteration of the name Gad, contains no such special allusions to historical events as to enable us to interpret it historically, although the account in 1 Chronicles 5:18ff. proves that the Gadites displayed, wherever it was needed, the bravery promised them by Jacob. Compare with this 1 Chronicles 12:8-15, where the Gadites who come to David are compared to lions, and their swiftness to that of roes.
GENESIS. 49:20
“Out of Asher (cometh) fat, his bread, and he yieldeth royal dainties.” µj,l, is in apposition to ˆmev; , and the suffix is to be emphasized: the fat, which comes from him, is his bread, his own food. The saying indicates a very fruitful soil. Asher received as his inheritance the lowlands of Carmel on the Mediterranean as far as the territory of Tyre, one of the most fertile parts of Canaan, abounding in wheat and oil, with which Solomon supplied and household of king Hiram (1 Kings 5:11).
GENESIS. 49:21
“Naphtali is a hind let loose, who giveth goodly words.” The hind or gazelle is a simile of a warrior who is skilful and swift in his movements (2 Samuel 2:18; 1 Chronicles 12:8, cf. Psalm 18:33; Habakkuk 3:19). jlæv; here is neither hunted, nor stretched out or grown slim; but let loose, running freely about (Job 39:5). The meaning and allusion are obscure, since nothing further is known of the history of the tribe of Naphtali, than that Naphtali obtained a great victory under Barak in association with Zebulun over the Canaanitish king Jabin, which the prophetess Deborah commemorated in her celebrated song (Judges 4 and 5). If the first half of the verse be understood as referring to the independent possession of a tract of land, upon which Naphtali moved like a hind in perfect freedom, the interpretation of Masius (on Joshua 19) is certainly the correct one: “Sicut cervus emissus et liber in herbosa et fertili terra exultim ludit, ita et in sua fertili sorte ludet et excultabit Nephtali.” But the second half of the verse can hardly refer to “beautiful sayings and songs, in which the beauty and fertility of their home were displayed.” It is far better to keep, as Vatablius does, to the general thought: tribus Naphtali erit fortissima, elegantissima et agillima et erit facundissima. GENESIS 49:22-26 Turning to Joseph, the patriarch’s heart swelled with grateful love, and in the richest words and figures he implored the greatest abundance of blessings upon his head.
Verse 22. “Son of a fruit-tree is Joseph, son of a fruit-tree at the well, daughters run over the wall.” Joseph is compared to the branch of a fruittree planted by a well (Psalm 1:3), which sends it shoots over the wall, and by which, according to Psalm 80, we are probably to understand a vine. ˆBe an unusual form of the construct state for ˆBe , and hr;p; equivalent to hr;p; with the old feminine termination ath, like tr;m]zi , Exodus tBæ are the twigs and branches, formed by the young fruit-tree. The singular d[æx; is to be regarded as distributive, describing poetically the moving forward, i.e., the rising up of the different branches above the wall (Ges. §146, 4). `aleey, a poetical form, as in v. 17.
Verse 23-24. “Archers provoke him, and shoot and hate him; but his bow abides in strength, and the arms of his hands remain pliant, from the hands of the Mighty One of Jacob, from thence, from the Shepherd, the Stone of Israel.” From the simile of the fruit-tree Jacob passed to a warlike figure, and described the mighty and victorious unfolding of the tribe of Joseph in conflict with all its foes, describing with prophetic intuition the future as already come (vid., the perf. consec.). The words are not to be referred to the personal history of Joseph himself, to persecutions received by him from his brethren, or to his sufferings in Egypt; still less to any warlike deeds of his in Egypt (Diestel): they merely pointed to the conflicts awaiting his descendants, in which they would constantly overcome all hostile attacks. rræm; : Piel, to embitter, provoke, lacessere. bbær; : perf. o from bbær; to shoot. ˆt;yae : “in a strong, unyielding position” (Del.). zzæp; : to be active, flexible; only found here, and in 2 Samuel 6:16 of a brisk movement, skipping or jumping. [æwOrz] : the arms, “without whose elasticity the hands could not hold or direct the arrow.”
The words which follow, “from the hands of the Mighty One of Jacob,” are not to be linked to what follows, in opposition to the Masoretic division of the verses; they rather form one sentence with what precedes: “pliant remain the arms of his hands from the hands of God,” i.e., through the hands of God supporting them. “The Mighty One of Jacob,” He who had proved Himself to be the Mighty One by the powerful defence afforded to Jacob; a title which is copied from this passage in Isaiah 1:24, etc. “From thence,” an emphatic reference to Him, from whom all perfection comes- ”from the Shepherd (Genesis 48:15) and Stone of Israel.” God is called “the Stone,” and elsewhere “the Rock” (Deuteronomy 32:4,18, etc.), as the immoveable foundation upon which Israel might trust, might stand firm and impregnably secure.
Verse 25-26. “From the God of thy father, may He help thee, and with the help of the Almighty, may He bless thee, (may there come) blessings of heaven from above, blessings of the deep, that lieth beneath, blessings of the breast and of the womb. The blessing of thy father surpass the blessings of my progenitors to the border of the everlasting hills, may they come upon the head of Joseph, and upon the crown of the illustrious among his brethren.” From the form of a description the blessing passes in v. 25 into the form of a desire, in which the “from” of the previous clause is still retained. The words “and may He help thee,” “may He bless thee,” form parentheses, for “who will help and bless thee.” tae is neither to be altered into laeWtB] (and from God), as Ewald suggests, in accordance with the LXX, Sam., Syr., and Vulg., nor into tae as Knobel proposes; and even the supplying of ˆmi before tae from the parallel clause (Ges. §154, 4) is scarcely allowable, since the repetition of ˆmi before another preposition cannot be supported by any analogous case; but tae may be understood here, as in Genesis 4:1; 5:24, in the sense of helpful communion: “and with,” i.e., with (in) the fellowship of, “the Almighty, may He bless thee, let there be (or come) blessings,” etc. The verb tich¦yeyaan follows in v. after the whole subject, which is formed of many parallel members. The blessings were to come from heaven above and from the earth beneath.
From the God of Jacob and by the help of the Almighty should the rain and dew of heaven (27:28), and fountains and brooks which spring from the great deep or the abyss of the earth, pour their fertilizing waters over Joseph’s land, “so that everything that had womb and breast should become pregnant, bring forth, and suckle.” f78 µyriho from hr,h; signifies parentes (Chald., Vulg.); and hw;aTæ signifies not desiderium from hw;a; , but boundary from ha;T; , Numbers 34:7-8, = hw;T; , Samuel 21:14; Ezekiel 9:4, to mark or bound off, as most of the Rabbins explain it. `l[æ rbæG; to be strong above, i.e., to surpass. The blessings which the patriarch implored for Joseph were to surpass the blessings which his parents transmitted to him, to the boundary of the everlasting hills, i.e., surpass them as far as the primary mountains tower above the earth, or so that they should reach to the summits of the primeval mountains. There is no allusion to the lofty and magnificent mountain-ranges of Ephraim, Bashan, and Gilead, which fell to the house of Joseph, either here or in Deuteronomy 33:15. These blessings were to descend upon the head of Joseph, the ryzin; among his brethren, i.e., “the separated one,” from rzæn; separavit. Joseph is so designated, both here and Deuteronomy 33:16, not on account of his virtue and the preservation of his chastity and piety in Egypt, but propter dignitatem, qua excellit, ab omnibus sit segregatus (Calv.), on account of the eminence to which he attained in Egypt. For this meaning see Lam 4:7; whereas no example can be found of the transference of the idea of Nasir to the sphere of morality.
GENESIS. 49:27
“Benjamin-a world, which tears in pieces; in the morning he devours prey, and in the evening he divides spoil.” Morning and evening together suggest the idea of incessant and victorious capture of booty (Del.). The warlike character which the patriarch here attributes to Benjamin, was manifested by that tribe, not only in the war which he waged with all the tribes on account of their wickedness in Gibeah (Judges 20), but on other occasions also (Judges 5:14), in its distinguished archers and slingers (Judges 20:16; 1 Chronicles 8:40,12; 2 Chronicles 14:8; 17:17), and also in the fact that the judge Ehud (Judges 3:15ff.), and Saul, with his heroic son Jonathan, sprang from this tribe (1 Samuel 11 and 13ff.; 2 Samuel 1:19ff.).
GENESIS. 49:28
The concluding words in v. 28, “All these are the tribes of Israel, twelve,” contain the thought, that in his twelve sons Jacob blessed the future tribes. “Every one with that which was his blessing, he blessed them,” i.e., every one with his appropriate blessing ( rv,a accus. dependent upon Ërær; which is construed with a double accusative); since, as has already been observed, even Reuben, Simeon, and Levi, though put down through their own fault, received a share in the promised blessing. GENESIS 49:29-33 Death of Jacob.
After the blessing, Jacob again expressed to his twelve sons his desire to be buried in the sepulchre of his fathers (ch. 24), where Isaac and Rebekah and his own wife Leah lay by the side of Abraham and Sarah, which Joseph had already promised on oath to perform (Genesis 47:29-31). He then drew his feet into the bed to lie down, for he had been sitting upright while blessing his sons, and yielded up the ghost, and was gathered to his people (vid., 25:8). [wæG; instead of tWm indicates that the patriarch departed from this earthly life without a struggle. His age is not given here, because that has already been done at Genesis 47:28.
BURIAL OF JACOB, AND DEATH OF JOSEPH.
GENESIS. 50:1-3
Burial of Jacob.
Vv. 1-3. When Jacob died, Joseph fell upon the face of his beloved father, wept over him, and kissed him. He then gave the body to the physicians to be embalmed, according to the usual custom in Egypt. The physicians are called his servants, because the reference is to the regular physicians in the service of Joseph, the eminent minister of state; and according to Herod. 2, 84, there were special physicians in Egypt for every description of disease, among whom the Taricheuta, who superintended the embalming, were included, as a special but subordinate class. The process of embalming lasted 40 days, and the solemn mourning 70 (v. 3). This is in harmony with the statements of Herodotus and Diodorus when rightly understood (see Hengstenberg, Egypt and the Books of Moses, p. 67ff.).
GENESIS. 50:4-5
At the end of this period of mourning, Joseph requested “the house of Pharaoh,” i.e., the attendants upon the king, to obtain Pharaoh’s permission for him to go to Canaan and bury his father, according to his last will, in the cave prepared by him there. hr;K; (v. 5) signifies “to dig” (used, as in 2 Chronicles 16:14, for the preparation of a tomb), not “to buy,” In the expression ttK; hr;K; Jacob attributes to himself as patriarch what had really been done by Abraham (ch. 24). Joseph required the royal permission, because he wished to go beyond the border with his family and a large procession. But he did not apply directly to Pharaoh, because his deep mourning (unshaven and unadorned) prevented him from appearing in the presence of the king.
GENESIS. 50:6-9
After the king’s permission had been obtained, the corpse was carried to Canaan, attended by a large company. With Joseph there went up “all the servants of Pharaoh, the elders of his house, and all the elders of the land of Egypt,” i.e., the leading officers of the court and state, “and all the house of Joseph, and his brethren, and his father’s house,” i.e., all the members of the families of Joseph, of his brethren, and of is deceased father, “excepting only their children and flocks; also chariots and horsemen,” as an escort for the journey through the desert, “a very large army.” The splendid retinue of Egyptian officers may be explained, in part from the esteem in which Joseph was held in Egypt, and in part from the fondness of the Egyptians for such funeral processions (cf. Hengst. pp. 70, 71).
GENESIS. 50:10-11
Thus they came to Goren Atad beyond the Jordan, as the procession did not take the shortest route by Gaza through the country of the Philistines, probably because so large a procession with a military escort was likely to meet with difficulties there, but went round by the Dead Sea. There, on the border of Canaan, a great mourning and funeral ceremony was kept up for seven days, from which the Canaanites, who watched it from Canaan, gave the place the name of Abel-mizraim, i.e., meadow ( lbea; with a play upon lb,ae mourning) of the Egyptians. The situation of Goren Atad (the buckthorn floor), or Abel-mizraim, has not been discovered. According to v. 11, it was on the other side, i.e., the eastern side, of the Jordan. This is put beyond all doubt by v. 12, where the sons of Jacob are said to have carried the corpse into the land of Canaan (the land on this side) after the mourning at Goren Atad. f79 GENESIS 50:12-13 There the Egyptian procession probably stopped short; for in v. 12 the sons of Jacob only are mentioned as having carried their father to Canaan according to his last request, and buried him in the cave of Machpelah.
GENESIS. 50:14
After performing this filial duty, Joseph returned to Egypt with his brethren and all their attendants.
GENESIS. 50:15-21
After their father’s death, Joseph’s brethren were filled with alarm, and said, “If Joseph now should punish us and requite all the evil that we have done to him,” sc., what would become of us! The sentence contains an aposiopesis, like Psalm 27:13; and aWl with the imperfect presupposes a condition, being used “in cases which are not desired, and for the present not real, though perhaps possible” (Ew. §358). The brethren therefore deputed one of their number (possibly Benjamin) to Joseph, and instructed him to appeal to the wish expressed by their father before his death, and to implore forgiveness: “O pardon the misdeed of thy brethren and their sin, that they have done thee evil; and now grant forgiveness to the misdeed of the servants of the God of thy father.” The ground of their plea is contained in `hT;[æ “and now,” sc., as we request it by the desire and direction of our father, and in the epithet applied to themselves, “servants of the God of thy father.”
There is no reason whatever for regarding the appeal to their father’s wish as a mere pretence. The fact that no reference was made by Jacob in his blessing to their sin against Joseph, merely proved that he as their father had forgiven the sin of his sons, since the grace of God had made their misdeed the means of Israel’s salvation; but it by no means proves that he could not have instructed his sons humbly to beg for forgiveness from Joseph, even though Joseph had hitherto shown them only goodness and love. How far Joseph was from thinking of ultimate retribution and revenge, is evident from the reception which he gave to their request (v. 17): “Joseph wept at their address to him.” viz., at the fact that they could impute anything so bad to him; and when they came themselves, and threw themselves as servants at his feet, he said to them (v. 19), “Fear not, for am I in the place of God?” i.e., am I in a position to interfere of my own accord with the purposes of God, and not rather bound to submit to them myself? “Ye had indeed evil against me in your mind, but God had it in mind for good (to turn this evil into good), to do ( jc[\ like haOr] Genesis 48:11), as is now evident (lit., as has occurred this day, cf. Deuteronomy 2:30; 4:20, etc.), to preserve alive a great nation (cf. Genesis 45:7). And now fear not, I shall provide for you and your families.” Thus he quieted them by his affectionate words.
GENESIS. 50:22-23
Death of Joseph.
Joseph lived to see the commencement of the fulfilment of his father’s blessing. Having reached the age of 110, he saw Ephraim’s vLevi ˆBe “sons of the third link,” i.e., of great-grandsons, consequently great-greatgrandsons. vLevi descendants in the third generation are expressly distinguished from “children’s children” or grandsons in Exodus 34:7.
There is no practical difficulty in the way of this explanation, the only one which the language will allow. As Joseph’s two sons were born before he was 37 years old (Genesis 41:50), and Ephraim therefore was born, at the latest, in his 36th year, and possibly in his 34th, since Joseph was married in his 31st year, he might have had grandsons by the time he was 56 or years old, and great-grandsons when he was from 78 to 85, so that greatgreat- grandsons might have been born when he was 100 or 110 years old.
To regard the “sons of the third generation” as children in the third generation (great-grandsons of Joseph and grandsons of Ephraim), as many commentators do, as though the construct ˆBe stood for the absolute, is evidently opposed to the context, since it is stated immediately afterwards, that sons of Machir, the son of Manasseh, i.e., great-grandsons, were also born upon his knees, i.e., so that he could take them also upon his knees and show them his paternal love. There is no reason for thinking of adoption in connection with these words. And if Joseph lived to see only the great-grandsons of Ephraim as well as of Manasseh, it is difficult to imagine why the same expression should not be applied to the grandchildren of Manasseh, as to the descendants of Ephraim. GENESIS 50:24-26 When Joseph saw his death approaching, he expressed to his brethren his firm belief in the fulfilment of the divine promise (Genesis 46:4-5, cf. 15:16,18ff.), and made them take an oath, that if God should bring them into the promised land, they would carry his bones with them from Egypt.
This last desire of his was carried out. When he died, they embalmed him, and laid him ( µcæy; from µcæy; , like 24:33 in the chethib) “in the coffin,” i.e., the ordinary coffin, constructed of sycamore-wood (see Hengstenberg, pp. 71, 72), which was then deposited in a room, according to Egyptian custom (Herod. 2, 86), and remained in Egypt for 360 years, until they carried it away with them at the time of the exodus, when it was eventually buried in Shechem, in the piece of land which had been bought by Jacob there (Genesis 33:19; Joshua 24:32).
Thus the account of the pilgrim-life of the patriarchs terminates with an act of faith on the part of the dying Joseph; and after his death, in consequence of his instructions, the coffin with his bones became a standing exhortation to Israel, to turn its eyes away from Egypt to Canaan, the land promised to its fathers, and to wait in the patience of faith for the fulfilment of the promise.
The calculation of the years B.C. is based upon the fact, that the termination of the 70 years’ captivity coincided with the first year of the sole government of Cyrus, and fell in the year 536 B.C.; consequently the captivity commenced in the year 606 B. THE SECOND BOOK OF MOSES (EXODUS) INTRODUCTION Contents, and Arrangement of the Book of Exodus The second book of Moses is called hL,ae µve in the Hebrew Codex from the opening words; but in the Septuagint and Vulgate it has received the name E>xodov , Exodus, from the first half of its contents. It gives an account of the first stage in the fulfilment of the promises given to the patriarchs, with reference to the growth of the children of Israel into a numerous people, their deliverance from Egypt, and their adoption at Sinai as the people of God. It embraces a period of 360 years, extending from the death of Joseph, with which the book of Genesis closes, to the building of the tabernacle, at the commencement of the second year after the departure from Egypt. During this period the rapid increase of the children of Israel, which is described in ch. 1, and which caused such anxiety to the new sovereigns of Egypt who had ascended the throne after the death of Joseph, that they adopted measure for the enslaving and suppression of the ever increasing nation, continued without interruption.
With the exception of this fact, and the birth, preservation, and education of Moses, who was destined by God to be the deliverer of His people, which are circumstantially related in ch. 2, the entire book from ch. 3 to ch. 40 is occupied with an elaborate account of the events of two years, viz., the last year before the departure of the Israelites from Egypt, and the first year of their journey. This mode of treating the long period in question, which seems out of all proportion when judged by a merely outward standard, may be easily explained from the nature and design of the sacred history. The 430 years of the sojourn of the Israelites in Egypt were the period during which the immigrant family was to increase and multiply, under the blessing and protection of God, in the way of natural development; until it had grown into a nation, and was ripe for that covenant which Jehovah had made with Abraham, to be completed with the nation into which his seed had grown. During the whole of this period the direct revelations from God to Israel were entirely suspended; so that, with the exception of what is related in ch. 1 and 2, no event occurred of any importance to the kingdom of God.
It was not till the expiration of these 400 years, that the execution of the divine plan of salvation commenced with the call of Moses (ch. 3) accompanied by the founding of the kingdom of God in Israel. To this end Israel was liberated from the power of Egypt, and, as a nation rescued from human bondage, was adopted by God, the Lord of the whole earth, as the people of His possession.
These two great facts of far-reaching consequences in the history of the world, as well as in the history of salvation, form the kernel and essential substance of this book, which may be divided accordingly into two distinct parts. In the first part, ch. 1-15:21, we have seven sections, describing (1) the preparation for the saving work of God, through the multiplication of Israel into a great people and their oppression in Egypt (ch. 1), and through the birth and preservation of their liberator (ch. 2); (2) the call and training of Moses to be the deliverer and leader of Israel (ch. 3 and 4); (3) the mission of Moses to Pharaoh (ch. 5-7:7); (4) the negotiations between Moses and Pharaoh concerning the emancipation of Israel, which were carried on both in words and deeds or miraculous signs (ch.7:8-11); (5) the consecration of Israel as the covenant nation through the institution of the feast of Passover; (6) the exodus of Israel effected through the slaying of the first-born of the Egyptians (ch. 12-13:16); and (7) the passage of Israel through the Red Sea, and destruction of Pharaoh and his host, with Israel’s song of triumph at its deliverance (ch.13:17-15:21). — In the second part, ch.15:22-40, we have also seven sections, describing the adoption of Israel as the people of God; viz., (1) the march of Israel from the Red Sea to the mountain of God (ch.15:22-17:7); (2) the attitude of the heathen towards Israel, as seen in the hostility of Amalek, and the friendly visit of Jethro the Midianite at Horeb (ch.17:8-18); (3) the establishment of the covenant at Sinai through the election of Israel as the people of Jehovah’s possession, the promulgation of the fundamental law and of the fundamental ordinances of the Israelitish commonwealth, and the solemn conclusion of the covenant itself (ch. 19-24:11); (4) the divine directions with regard to the erection and arrangement of the dwelling-place of Jehovah in Israel (ch.24:12-31); (5) the rebellion of the Israelites and their renewed acceptance on the part of God (ch. 32-34); (6) the building of the tabernacle and preparation of holy things for the worship of God (ch. 35-39); and (7) the setting up of the tabernacle and its solemn consecration (ch. 40).
These different sections are not marked off, it is true, like the ten parts of Genesis, by special headings, because the account simply follows the historical succession of the events described; but they may be distinguished with perfect east, through the internal grouping and arrangement of the historical materials. The song of Moses at the Red Sea (15:1-21) formed most unmistakeably the close of the first stage of the history, which commenced with the call of Moses, and for which the way was prepared, not only by the enslaving of Israel on the part of the Pharaohs, in the hope of destroying its national and religious independence, but also by the rescue and education of Moses, and by his eventful life. And the setting up of the tabernacle formed an equally significant close to the second stage of the history.
By this, the covenant which Jehovah had made with the patriarch Abram (Genesis 15) was established with the people Israel. By the filling of the dwelling-place, which had just been set up, with the cloud of the glory of Jehovah (Exodus 40:34-38), the nation of Israel was raised into a congregation of the Lord and the establishment of the kingdom of God in Israel fully embodied in the tabernacle, with Jehovah dwelling in the Most Holy Place; so that all subsequent legislation, and the further progress of the history in the guidance of Israel from Sinai to Canaan, only served to maintain and strengthen that fellowship of the Lord with His people, which had already been established by the conclusion of the covenant, and symbolically exhibited in the building of the tabernacle. By this marked conclusion, therefore, with a fact as significant in itself as it was important in the history of Israel, Exodus, which commences with a list of the names of the children of Israel who went down to Egypt, is rounded off into a complete and independent book among the five books of Moses. EXODUS INCREASE IN THE NUMBER OF THE ISRAELITES. THEIR BONDAGE IN EGYPT.
The promise which God gave to Jacob in his departure from Canaan (Genesis 46:3) was perfectly fulfilled. The children of Israel settled down in the most fruitful province of the fertile land of Egypt, and grew there into a great nation (vv. 1-7). But the words which the Lord had spoken to Abram (Genesis 15:13) were also fulfilled in relation to his seed in Egypt. The children of Israel were oppressed in a strange land, were compelled to serve the Egyptians (vv. 8-14), and were in great danger of being entirely crushed by them (vv. 15-22).
EXODUS. 1:1-5
Verse 1-5. To place the multiplication of the children of Israel into a strong nation in its true light, as the commencement of the realization of the promises of God, the number of the souls that went down with Jacob to Egypt is repeated from Genesis 46:27 (on the number 70, in which Jacob is included, see the notes on this passage); and the repetition of the names of the twelve sons of Jacob serves to give to the history which follows a character of completeness within itself. “With Jacob they came, every one and his house,” i.e., his sons, together with their families, their wives, and their children. The sons are arranged according to their mothers, as in Genesis 35:23-26, and the sons of the two maid-servants stand last.
Joseph, indeed, is not placed in the list, but brought into special prominence by the words, “for Joseph was in Egypt” (v. 5), since he did not go down to Egypt along with the house of Jacob, and occupied an exalted position in relation to them there.
EXODUS. 1:6-7
After the death of Joseph and his brethren and the whole of the family that had first immigrated, there occurred that miraculous increase in the number of the children of Israel, by which the blessings of creation and promise were fully realised. The words hr;p; xræv; (swarmed), and hb;r; point back to Genesis 1:28 and 8:17, and `µxæ[; to `µWx[; ywOG in Genesis 18:18. “The land was filled with them,” i.e., the land of Egypt, particularly Goshen, where they were settled (Genesis 47:11). The extra-ordinary fruitfulness of Egypt in both men and cattle is attested not only by ancient writers, but by modern travellers also (vid., Aristotelis hist. animal. vii. 4, 5; Columella de re rust. iii. 8; Plin. hist. n. vii. 3; also Rosenmüller a. und n. Morgenland i. p. 252). This blessing of nature was heightened still further in the case of the Israelites by the grace of the promise, so that the increase became extraordinarily great (see the comm. on Exodus 12:37).
EXODUS. 1:8-14
The promised blessing was manifested chiefly in the fact, that all the measures adopted by the cunning of Pharaoh to weaken and diminish the Israelites, instead of checking, served rather to promote their continuous increase.
Verse 8-9. “There arose a new king over Egypt, who knew not Joseph.” µWq signifies he came to the throne, µWq denoting his appearance in history, as in Deuteronomy 34:10. A “new king” (LXX: basileu>v eJ>terov ; the other ancient versions, rex novus) is a king who follows different principles of government from his predecessors. Cf. vd;j; µyhila’ , “new gods,” in distinction from the God that their fathers had worshipped, Judges 5:8; Deuteronomy 32:17. That this king belonged to a new dynasty, as the majority of commentators follow Josephus in assuming, cannot be inferred with certainty from the predicate new; but it is very probable, as furnishing the readiest explanation of the change in the principles of government. The question itself, however, is of no direct importance in relation to theology, though it has considerable interest in connection with Egyptological researches. f81 The new king did not acknowledge Joseph, i.e., his great merits in relation to Egypt. [dæy; alo signifies here, not to perceive, or acknowledge, in the sense of not wanting to know anything about him, as in 1 Samuel 2:12, etc.
In the natural course of things, the merits of Joseph might very well have been forgotten long before; for the multiplication of the Israelites into a numerous people, which had taken place in the meantime, is a sufficient proof that a very long time had elapsed since Joseph’s death. At the same time such forgetfulness does not usually take place all at once, unless the account handed down has been intentionally obscured or suppressed. If the new king, therefore, did not know Joseph, the reason must simply have been, that he did not trouble himself about the past, and did not want to know anything about the measures of his predecessors and the events of their reigns. The passage is correctly paraphrased by Jonathan thus: non agnovit (chakiym) Josephum nec ambulavit in statutis ejus. Forgetfulness of Joseph brought the favour shown to the Israelites by the kings of Egypt to a close. As they still continued foreigners both in religion and customs, their rapid increase excited distrust in the mind of the king, and induced him to take steps for staying their increase and reducing their strength. The statement that “the people of the children of Israel” ( laer;c]yi ˆBe `µ[æ lit., “nation, viz., the sons of Israel;” for `µ[æ with the dist. accent is not the construct state, and laer;c]yi ˆBe is in apposition, cf. Ges. §113) were “more and mightier” than the Egyptians, is no doubt an exaggeration.
Verse 10-14. “Let us deal wisely with them,” i.e., act craftily towards them. µKejæt]hæ , sapiensem se gessit (Eccl 7:16), is used here of political craftiness, or worldly wisdom combined with craft and cunning ( katasofisw>meqa , LXX), and therefore is altered into hit¦nakeel in Psalm 105:25 (cf. Genesis 37:18). The reason assigned by the king for the measures he was about to propose, was the fear that in case of war the Israelites might make common cause with his enemies, and then remove from Egypt. It was not the conquest of his kingdom that he was afraid of, but alliance with his enemies and emigration. `hl;[; is used here, as in Genesis 13:1, etc., to denote removal from Egypt to Canaan. He was acquainted with the home of the Israelites therefore, and cannot have been entirely ignorant of the circumstances of their settlement in Egypt. But he regarded them as his subjects, and was unwilling that they should leave the country, and therefore was anxious to prevent the possibility of their emancipating themselves in the event of war. — In the form ar;q; for hr;q; , according to the frequent interchange of the forms hl and al (vid., Genesis 42:4), hn is transferred from the feminine plural to the singular, to distinguish the 3rd pers. fem. from the 2nd pers., as in Judges 5:26; Job 17:16 (vid., Ewald, §191c, and Ges. §47, 3, Anm. 3). Consequently there is no necessity either to understand hm;j;l]mi collectively as signifying soldiers, or to regard Wnar,q]Ti , the reading adopted by the LXX ( sumbh> hJmi>n ), the Samaritan, Chaldee, Syriac, and Vulgate, as “certainly the original,” as Knobel has done.
The first measure adopted (v. 11) consisted in the appointment of taskmasters over the Israelites, to bend them down by hard labour. smæ rcæ bailiffs over the serfs. smæ from smæ signifies, not feudal service, but feudal labourers, serfs (see my Commentary on 1 Kings 4:6). `hn;[; to bend, to wear out any one’s strength (Psalm 102:24). By hard feudal labour ( hl;b;s] burdens, burdensome toil) Pharaoh hoped, according to the ordinary maxims of tyrants (Aristot. polit., 5, 9; Liv. hist. i. 56, 59), to break down the physical strength of Israel and lessen its increase-since a population always grows more slowly under oppression than in the midst of prosperous circumstances-and also to crush their spirit so as to banish the very wish for hn;B; , and so Israel built (was compelled to build) provision or magazine cities vid., 2 Chronicles 32:28, cities for the storing of the harvest), in which the produce of the land was housed, partly for purposes of trade, and partly for provisioning the army in time of war;-not fortresses, po’leis ochurai’, as the LXX have rendered it.
Pithom was Ba>toumov ; it was situated, according to Herodotus (2, 158), upon the canal which commenced above Bybastus and connected the Nile with the Red Sea. This city is called Thou or Thoum in the Itiner. Anton., the Egyptian article pi being dropped, and according to Jomard (descript. t. 9, p. 368) is to be sought for on the site of the modern Abassieh in the Wady Tumilat. — Raemses (cf. Genesis 47:11) was the ancient Heroopolis, and is not to be looked for on the site of the modern Belbeis.
In support of the latter supposition, Stickel, who agrees with Kurtz and Knobel, adduces chiefly the statement of the Egyptian geographer Makrizi, that in the (Jews’) book of the law Belbeis is called the land of Goshen, in which Jacob dwelt when he came to his son Joseph, and that the capital of the province was el Sharkiyeh. This place is a day’s journey (for as others affirm,14 hours) to the north-east of Cairo on the Syrian and Egyptian road.
It served as a meeting-place in the middle ages for the caravans from Egypt to Syria and Arabia (Ritter, Erdkunde 14, p. 59). It is said to have been in existence before the Mohammedan conquest of Egypt. But the clue cannot be traced any farther back; and it is too far from the Red Sea for the Raemses of the Bible (vid., Exodus 12:37). The authority of Makrizi is quite counterbalanced by the much older statement of the Septuagint, in which Jacob is made to meet his son Joseph in Heroopolis; the words of Genesis 46:29, “and Joseph went up to meet Israel his father to Goshen,” being rendered thus: eiv suna>nthsin Israh>l tw> patri> autou> kaq> HJrw>wn po>lin . Hengstenberg is not correct in saying that the later name Heroopolis is here substituted for the older name Raemses; and Gesenius, Kurtz, and Knobel are equally wrong in affirming that kaq> HJrw>wn po>lin is supplied ex ingenio suo; but the place of meeting, which is given indefinitely as Goshen in the original, is here distinctly named.
Now if this more precise definition is not an arbitrary conjecture of the Alexandrian translators, but sprang out of their acquaintance with the country, and is really correct, as Kurtz has no doubt, it follows that Heroopolis belongs to the gh> RaJmessh> (Genesis 46:28, LXX), or was situated within it. But this district formed the centre of the Israelitish settlement in Goshen; for according to Genesis 47:11, Joseph gave his father and brethren “a possession in the best of the land, in the land of Raemses.” Following this passage, the LXX have also rendered ˆv,G xr,a, in Genesis 46:28 by eiv gh>n RaJmessh> , whereas in other places the land of Goshen is simply called gh> Gese>m (Genesis 45:10; 46:34; 47:1, etc.). But if Heroopolis belonged to the gh> RaJmessh> , or the province of Raemses, which formed the centre of the land of Goshen that was assigned to the Israelites, this city must have stood in the immediate neighbourhood of Raemses, or have been identical with it. Now, since the researches of the scientific men attached to the great French expedition, it has been generally admitted that Heroopolis occupied the site of the modern Abu Keisheib in the Wady Tumilat, between Thoum = Pithom and the Birket Temsah or Crocodile Lake; and according to the Itiner. p. 170, it was only 24 Roman miles to the east of Pithom,-a position that was admirably adapted not only for a magazine, but also for the gathering-place of Israel prior to their departure (Exodus 12:37).
But Pharaoh’s first plan did not accomplish his purpose (v. 12). The multiplication of Israel went on just in proportion to the amount of the oppression ( ˆKe = rv,a prout, ita; xræp as in Genesis 30:30; 28:14), so that the Egyptians were dismayed at the Israelites ( xWq to feel dismay, or fear, Numbers 22:3). In this increase of their numbers, which surpassed all expectation, there was the manifestation of a higher, supernatural, and to them awful power. But instead of bowing before it, they still endeavoured to enslave Israel through hard servile labour. In vv. 13, 14 we have not an account of any fresh oppression; but “the crushing by hard labour” is represented as enslaving the Israelites and embittering their lives. Ër,p, hard oppression, from the Chaldee p¦rak¦ to break or crush in pieces. “They embittered their life with hard labour in clay and bricks (making clay into bricks, and working with the bricks when made), and in all kinds of labour in the field (this was very severe in Egypt on account of the laborious process by which the ground was watered, Deuteronomy 11:10), µt;d;bo[\AlK; tae with regard to all their labour, which they worked (i.e., performed) through them (viz., the Israelites) with severe oppression.” [Alk ta is also dependent upon Wrr\m;y] , as a second accusative (Ewald, §277d).
Bricks of clay were the building materials most commonly used in Egypt.
The employment of foreigners in this kind of labour is to be seen represented in a painting, discovered in the ruins of Thebes, and given in the Egyptological works of Rosellini and Wilkinson, in which workmen who are evidently not Egyptians are occupied in making bricks, whilst two Egyptians with sticks are standing as overlookers;-even if the labourers are not intended for the Israelites, as the Jewish physiognomies would lead us to suppose. (For fuller details, see Hengstenberg’s Egypt, and the Books of Moses, p. 80ff. English translation).
EXODUS. 1:15-16
As the first plan miscarried, the king proceeded to try a second, and that a bloody act of cruel despotism. He commanded the midwives to destroy the male children in the birth and to leave only the girls alive. The midwives named in v. 15, who are not Egyptian but Hebrew women, were no doubt the heads of the whole profession, and were expected to communicate their instructions to their associates. rmæa; in v. 16 resumes the address introduced by rmæa; in v. 15. The expression µyinæb]a;h;Al[æ , of which such various renderings have been given, is used in Jeremiah 18:3 to denote the revolving table of a potter, i.e., the two round discs between which a potter forms his earthenware vessels by turning, and appears to be transferred here to the vagina out of which the child twists itself, as it were like the vessel about to be formed out of the potter’s discs. Knobel has at length decided in favour of this explanation, at which the Targumists hint with their mat¦b¦raa’. When the midwives were called in to assist at a birth, they were to look carefully at the vagina; and if the child were a boy, they were to destroy it as it came out of the womb. waaaachyaah for chaay¦yaah from chaayay, see Genesis 3:22. The w takes kametz before the major pause, as in Genesis 44:9 (cf. Ewald, §243a).
EXODUS. 1:17
But the midwives feared God (ha-Elohim, the personal, true God), and did not execute the king’s command.
EXODUS. 1:18-19
When questioned upon the matter, the explanation which they gave was, that the Hebrew women were not like the delicate women of Egypt, but were hy,j; “vigorous” (had much vital energy: Abenezra), so that they gave birth to their children before the midwives arrived. They succeeded in deceiving the king with this reply, as childbirth is remarkably rapid and easy in the case of Arabian women (see Burckhardt, Beduinen, p. 78; Tischendorf, Reise i. p. 108).
EXODUS. 1:20-21
God rewarded them for their conduct, and “made them houses,” i.e., gave them families and preserved their posterity. In this sense to “make a house” in 2 Samuel 7:11 is interchanged with to “build a house” in v. 27 (vid., Ruth 4:11). ttæK; for ttæK; as in Genesis 31:9, etc. Through not carrying out the ruthless command of the king, they had helped to build up the families of Israel, and their own families were therefore built up by God.
Thus God rewarded them, “not, however, because they lied, but because they were merciful to the people of God; it was not their falsehood therefore that was rewarded, but their kindness (more correctly, their fear of God), their benignity of mind, not the wickedness of their lying; and for the sake of what was good, God forgave what was evil.” (Augustine, contra mendac. c. 19.)
EXODUS. 1:22
The failure of his second plan drove the king to acts of open violence. He issued commands to all his subjects to throw every Hebrew boy that was born into the river (i.e., the Nile). The fact, that this command, if carried out, would necessarily have resulted in the extermination of Israel, did not in the least concern the tyrant; and this cannot be adduced as forming any objection to the historical credibility of the narrative, since other cruelties of a similar kind are to be found recorded in the history of the world.
Clericus has cited the conduct of the Spartans towards the helots. Nor can the numbers of the Israelites at the time of the exodus be adduced as a proof that no such murderous command can ever have been issued; for nothing more can be inferred from this, than that the command was neither fully executed nor long regarded, as the Egyptians were not all so hostile to the Israelites as to be very zealous in carrying it out, and the Israelites would certainly neglect no means of preventing its execution. Even Pharaoh’s obstinate refusal to let the people go, though it certainly is inconsistent with the intention to destroy them, cannot shake the truth of the narrative, but may be accounted for on psychological grounds, from the very nature of pride and tyranny which often act in the most reckless manner without at all regarding the consequences, or on historical grounds, from the supposition not only that the king who refused the permission to depart was a different man from the one who issued the murderous edicts (cf. Exodus 2:23), but that when the oppression had continued for some time the Egyptian government generally discovered the advantage they derived from the slave labour of the Israelites, and hoped through a continuance of that oppression so to crush and break their spirits, as to remove all ground for fearing either rebellion, or alliance with their foes.
BIRTH AND EDUCATION OF MOSES; FLIGHT FROM EGYPT, AND LIFE IN MIDIAN.
EXODUS. 2:1-10
Birth and Education of Moses.
Whilst Pharaoh was urging forward the extermination of the Israelites, God was preparing their emancipation. According to the divine purpose, the murderous edict of the king was to lead to the training and preparation of the human deliverer of Israel.
Verse 1-2. At the time when all the Hebrew boys were ordered to be thrown into the Nile, “there went ( Ëlæy; contributes to the pictorial character of the account, and serves to bring out its importance, just as in Genesis 35:22; Deuteronomy 31:1) a man of the house of Levi-according to Exodus 6:20 and Numbers 26:59, it was Amram, of the Levitical family of Kohath-and married a daughter (i.e., a descendant) of Levi,” named Jochebed, who bore him a son, viz., Moses. From Exodus 6:20 we learn that Moses was not the first child of this marriage, but his brother Aaron; and from v. 7 of this chapter, it is evident that when Moses was born, his sister Miriam was by no means a child (Numbers 26:59). Both of these had been born before the murderous edict was issued (Exodus 1:22). They are not mentioned here, because the only question in hand was the birth and deliverance of Moses, the future deliverer of Israel. “When the mother saw that the child was beautiful” ( bwOf as in Genesis 6:2; LXX astei>ov ), she began to think about his preservation.
The very beauty of the child was to her “a peculiar token of divine approval, and a sign that God had some special design concerning him” (Delitzsch on Hebrews 11:23). The expression astei>ov tw> Qew> in Acts 7:20 points to this. She therefore hid the new-born child for three months, in the hope of saving him alive. This hope, however, neither sprang from a revelation made to her husband before the birth of her child, that he was appointed to be the saviour of Israel, as Josephus affirms (Ant. ii. 9, 3), either from his own imagination or according to the belief of his age, nor from her faith in the patriarchal promises, but primarily from the natural love of parents for their offspring. And if the hiding of the child is praised in Hebrews 11:23 as an act of faith, that faith was manifested in their not obeying the king’s commandment, but fulfilling without fear of man all that was required by that parental love, which God approved, and which was rendered all the stronger by the beauty of the child, and in their confident assurance, in spite of all apparent impossibility, that their effort would be successful (vid., Delitzsch ut supra). This confidence was shown in the means adopted by the mother to save the child, when she could hide it no longer.
Verse 3-4. She placed the infant in an ark of bulrushes by the bank of the Nile, hoping that possibly it might be found by some compassionate hand, and still be delivered. The dagesh dirim. in ˆpæx; serves to separate the consonant in which it stands from the syllable which follows (vid., Ewald, §92c; Ges. §20, 2b). aim,GO hb;Te a little chest of rushes. The use of the word hb;Te (ark) is probably intended to call to mind the ark in which Noah was saved (vid., Genesis 6:14). aim,GO, papyrus, the paper reed: a kind of rush which was very common in ancient Egypt, but has almost entirely disappeared, or, as Pruner affirms (ägypt. Naturgesch. p. 55), is nowhere to be found. It had a triangular stalk about the thickness of a finger, which grew to the height of ten feet; and from this the lighter Nile boats were made, whilst the peeling of the plant was used for sails, mattresses, mats, sandals, and other articles, but chiefly for the preparation of paper (vid., Celsii Hierobot. ii. pp. 137ff.; Hengstenberg, Egypt and the Books of Moses, pp. 85, 86, transl.). rmæj; , for rmæj; with mappik omitted: and cemented (pitched) it with rm;je bitumen, the asphalt of the Dead Sea, to fasten the papyrus stalks, and with pitch, to make it water-tight, and put it in the reeds by the bank of the Nile, at a spot, as the sequel shows, where she knew that the king’s daughter was accustomed to bathe. For “the sagacity of the mother led her, no doubt, so to arrange the whole, that the issue might be just what is related in vv. 5-9” (Baumgarten). The daughter stationed herself a little distance off, to see what happened to the child (v. 4). This sister of Moses was most probably the Miriam who is frequently mentioned afterwards (Numbers 26:59). bxæy; for bxæy; . The infinitive form h[;De as in Genesis 46:3.
Verse 5. Pharaoh’s daughter is called Thermouthis or Merris in Jewish tradition, and by the Rabbins raOy]hæAl[æ or is to be connected with dræy; , and the construction with `l[æ to be explained as referring to the descent into (upon) the river from the rising bank. The fact that a king’s daughter should bathe in the open river is certainly opposed to the customs of the modern, Mohammedan East, where this is only done by women of the lower orders, and that in remote places (Lane, Manners and Customs); but it is in harmony with the customs of ancient Egypt, and in perfect agreement with the notions of the early Egyptians respecting the sanctity of the Nile, to which divine honours even were paid (vid., Hengstenberg’s Egypt, etc. pp. 109, 110), and with the belief, which was common to both ancient and modern Egyptians, in the power of its waters to impart fruitfulness and prolong life (vid., Strabo, xv. p. 695, etc., and Seetzen, Travels iii. p. 204).
Verse 6-8. The exposure of the child at once led the king’s daughter to conclude that it was one of the Hebrews’ children. The fact that she took compassion on the weeping child, and notwithstanding the king’s command (Exodus 1:22) took it up and had it brought up (of course, without the knowledge of the king), may be accounted for from the love to children which is innate in the female sex, and the superior adroitness of a mother’s heart, which co-operated in this case, though without knowing or intending it, in the realization of the divine plan of salvation. Competens fuit divina vindicta, ut suis affectibus puniatur parricida et filiae provisione pereat qui genitrices interdixerat parturire (August. Sermo 89 de temp.).
Verse 9. With the directions, “Take this child away ( Ëlæy; for howliykiy used here in the sense of leading, bringing, carrying away, as in Zechariah 5:10; Eccl 10:20) and suckle it for me,” the king’s daughter gave the child to its mother, who was unknown to her, and had been fetched as a nurse.
Verse 10. When the child had grown large, i.e., had been weaned ( ldæG; as in Genesis 21:8), the mother, who acted as nurse, brought it back to the queen’s daughter, who then adopted it as her own son, and called it Moses ( hv,m ): “for,” she said, “out of the water have I drawn him” ( hv;m; ). As Pharaoh’s daughter gave this name to the child as her adopted son, it must be an Egyptian name. The Greek form of the name, Mwu>sh>v (LXX), also points to this, as Josephus affirms. “Thermuthis,” he says, “imposed this name upon him, from what had happened when he was put into the river; for the Egyptians call water Mo, and those who are rescued from the water Uses” (Ant. ii. 9, 6, Whiston’s translation). The correctness of this statement is confirmed by the Coptic, which is derived from the old Egyptian. f83 Now, though we find the name explained in the text from the Hebrew hv;m; , this is not to be regarded as a philological or etymological explanation, but as a theological interpretation, referring to the importance of the person rescued from the water to the Israelitish nation. In the lips of an Israelite, the name Mouje, which was so little suited to the Hebrew organs of speech, might be involuntarily altered into Moseh; “and this transformation became an unintentional prophecy, for the person drawn out did become, in fact, the drawer out” (Kurtz). Consequently Knobel’s supposition, that the writer regarded hv,m as a participle Poal with the m dropped, is to be rejected as inadmissible. — There can be no doubt that, as the adopted son of Pharaoh’s daughter, Moses received a thoroughly Egyptian training, and was educated in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, as Stephen states in Acts 7:22 in accordance with Jewish tradition. f84 Through such an education as this, he received just the training required for the performance of the work to which God had called him. Thus the wisdom of Egypt was employed by the wisdom of God for the establishment of the kingdom of God.
EXODUS. 2:11-15
Flight of Moses from Egypt to Midian.
The education of Moses at the Egyptian court could not extinguish the feeling that he belonged to the people of Israel. Our history does not inform us how this feeling, which was inherited from his parents and nourished in him when an infant by his mother’s milk, was fostered still further after he had been handed over to Pharaoh’s daughter, and grew into a firm, decided consciousness of will. All that is related is, how this consciousness broke forth at length in the full-grown man, in the slaying of the Egyptian who had injured a Hebrew (vv. 11, 12), and in the attempt to reconcile two Hebrew men who were quarrelling (vv. 13, 14). Both of these occurred “in those days,” i.e., in the time of the Egyptian oppression, when Moses had become great ( ldæG; as in Genesis 21:20), i.e., had grown to be a man. According to tradition he was then forty years old (Acts 7:23).
What impelled him to this was not “a carnal ambition and longing for action,” or a desire to attract the attention of his brethren, but fiery love to his brethren or fellow-countrymen, as is shown in the expression, “One of his brethren” (v. 11), and deep sympathy with them in their oppression and sufferings; whilst, at the same time, they undoubtedly displayed the fire of his impetuous nature, and the ground-work for his future calling. It was from this point of view that Stephen cited these facts (Acts 7:25-26), for the purpose of proving to the Jews of his own age, that they had been from time immemorial “stiff-necked and uncircumcised in heart and ears” (v. 51). And this view is the correct one. Not only did Moses intend to help his brethren when he thus appeared among them, but this forcible interference on behalf of his brethren could and should have aroused the thought in their minds, that God would send them salvation through him. “But they understood not” (Acts 7:25). At the same time Moses thereby declared that he would no longer “be called the son of Pharaoh’s daughter; and chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season; esteeming the reproach of Christ greater riches than the treasures of Egypt” (Hebrews 11:24-26; see Delitzsch in loc.). And this had its roots in faith ( pi>stei ). But his conduct presents another aspect also, which equally demands consideration. His zeal for the welfare of his brethren urged him forward to present himself as the umpire and judge of his brethren before God had called him to this, and drove him to the crime of murder, which cannot be excused as resulting from a sudden ebullition of wrath. f85 For he acted with evident deliberation. “He looked this way and that way; and when he saw no one, he slew the Egyptian, and hid him in the sand” (v. 12). Through his life at the Egyptian court his own natural inclinations had been formed to rule, and they manifested themselves on this occasion in an ungodly way. This was thrown in his teeth by the man “in the wrong” [v]r; , v. 13), who was striving with his brother and doing him an injury: “Who made thee a ruler and judge over us” (v. 14)? and so far he was right. The murder of the Egyptian had also become known; and as soon as Pharaoh heard of it, he sought to kill Moses, who fled into the land of Midian in fear for his life (v. 15). Thus dread of Pharaoh’s wrath drove Moses from Egypt into the desert. For all that, it is stated in Hebrews 11:27, that “by faith ( pi>stei ) Moses forsook Egypt, not fearing the wrath of the king.” This faith, however, he manifested not by fleeing-his flight was rather a sign of timidity-but by leaving Egypt; in other words, by renouncing his position in Egypt, where he might possibly have softened down the kings’ wrath, and perhaps even have brought help and deliverance to his brethren the Hebrews. By the fact that he did not allow such human hopes to lead him to remain in Egypt, and was not afraid to increase the king’s anger by his flight, he manifested faith in the invisible One as though he saw Him, commending not only himself, but his oppressed nation, to the care and protection of God (vid., Delitzsch on Hebrews 11:27).
The situation of the land of Midian, to which Moses fled, cannot be determined with certainty. The Midianites, who were descended from Abraham through Keturah (Genesis 25:2,4), had their principal settlements on the eastern side of the Elanitic Gulf, from which they spread northwards into the fields of Moab (Genesis 36:35; Numbers 22:4,7; 25:6,17; 31:1ff.; Judges 6:1ff.), and carried on a caravan trade through Canaan to Egypt (Genesis 37:28,36; Isaiah 60:6). On the eastern side of the Elanitic Gulf, and five days’ journey from Aela, there stood the town of Madian, the ruins of which are mentioned by Edrisi and Abulfeda, who also speak of a well there, from which Moses watered the flocks of his father-in-law Shoeib (i.e., Jethro). But we are precluded from fixing upon this as the home of Jethro by Exodus 3:1, where Moses is said to have come to Horeb, when he drove Jethro’s sheep behind the desert.
The Midianites on the eastern side of the Elanitic Gulf could not possibly have led their flocks as far as Horeb for pasturage. We must assume, therefore, that one branch of the Midianites, to whom Jethro was priest, had crossed the Elanitic Gulf, and settled in the southern half of the peninsula of Sinai (cf. Exodus 3:1). There is nothing improbable in such a supposition. There are several branches of the Towara Arabs occupying the southern portion of Arabia, that have sprung from Hedjas in this way; and even in the most modern times considerable intercourse was carried on between the eastern side of the gulf and the peninsula, whilst there was formerly a ferry between Szytta, Madian, and Nekba. — The words “and he sat down ( bvæy; , i.e., settled) in the land of Midian, and sat down by the well,” are hardly to be understood as simply meaning that “when he was dwelling in Midian, he sat down one day by a well” (Baumg.), but that immediately upon his arrival in Midian, where he intended to dwell or stay, he sat down by the well.
The definite article before raeB] points to the well as the only one, or the principal well in that district. Knobel refers to “the well at Sherm;” but at Sherm el Moye (i.e., water-bay) or Sherm el Bir (well-bay) there are “several deep wells finished off with stones,” which are “evidently the work of an early age, and have cost great labour” (Burckhardt, Syr. p. 854); so that the expression “the well” would be quite unsuitable. Moreover there is but a very weak support for Knobel’s attempt to determine the site of Midian, in the identification of the Earani’tai or Earanei’s (of Strabo and Artemidorus) with Madyan.
EXODUS. 2:16-20
Here Moses secured for himself a hospitable reception from a priest of Midian, and a home at his house, by doing as Jacob had formerly done (Genesis 29:10), viz., helping his daughters to water their father’s sheep, and protecting them against the other shepherds. — On the form [væy; for yowshi`een vid., Genesis 19:19; and for the masculine suffixes to vræG; and ˆaox , Genesis 31:9. hl;D; for tid¦leynaaha, as in Job 5:12, cf. Ewald, §198a. — The flock of this priest consisted of nothing but ˆaox , i.e., sheep and goats (vid., Exodus 3:1). Even now there are no oxen reared upon the peninsula of Sinai, as there is not sufficient pasturage or water to be found.
For the same reason there are no horses kept there, but only camels and asses (cf. Seetzen, R. iii. 100; Wellsted, R. in Arab. ii. p. 66).
In v. 18 the priest is called Reguel, in Exodus 3:1 Jethro. This title, “the priest of Midian,” shows that he was the spiritual head of the branch of the Midianites located there, but hardly that he was the prince or temporal head as well, like Melchizedek, as the Targumists have indicated by rb’, and as Artapanus and the poet Ezekiel distinctly affirm. The other shepherds would hardly have treated the daughters of the Emir in the manner described in v. 17. The name laeW[r] (Reguel, friend of God) indicates that this priest served the old Semitic God El ( lae ). This Reguel, who gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses, was unquestionably the same person as Jethro ( wOrt]yi ) the ˆtæj; of Moses and priest of Midian (Exodus 3:1). Now, as Reguel’s son Chobab is called Moses’ ˆtæj; in Numbers 10:29 (cf. Judges 4:11), the Targumists and others supposed Reguel to be the grandfather of Zipporah, in which case ba; would mean the grandfather in v. 18, and tBæ the granddaughter in v. 21.
This hypothesis would undoubtedly be admissible, if it were probable on other grounds. But as a comparison of Numbers 10:29 with Exodus does not necessarily prove that Chobab and Jethro were the same persons, whilst Exodus 18:27 seems to lead to the very opposite conclusion, and ˆtæj; , like the Greek gambro’s, may be used for both father-in-law and brother-in-law, it would probably be more correct to regard Chobab as Moses’ brother-in-law, Reguel as the proper name of his father-in-law, and Jethro, for which Jether (praestantia) is substituted in Exodus 4:18, as either a title, or the surname which showed the rank of Reguel in his tribe, like the Arabic Imam, i.e., praepositus, spec. sacrorum antistes. Ranke’s opinion, that Jethro and Chobab were both of them sons of Reguel and brothers-in-law of Moses, is obviously untenable, if only on the ground that according to the analogy of Numbers 10:29 the epithet “son of Reguel” would not be omitted in Exodus 3:1. EXODUS 2:21-22 Moses’ Life in Midian.
As Reguel gave a hospitable welcome to Moses, in consequence of his daughters’ report of the assistance that he had given them in watering their sheep; it pleased Moses ( laæy; ) to dwell with him. The primary meaning of laæy; is voluit (vid., Ges. thes.). ar;q; for ar;q; : like [mæv; in Genesis 4:23. — Although Moses received Reguel’s daughter Zipporah as his wife, probably after a lengthened stay, his life in Midian was still a banishment and a school of bitter humiliation. He gave expression to this feeling at the birth of his first son in the name which he gave it, viz., Gershom ( µvr]Ge , i.e., banishment, from vræG; to drive or thrust away); “for,” he said, interpreting the name according to the sound, “I have been a stranger ( rGe ) in a strange land.” In a strange land he was obliged to live, far away from his brethren in Egypt, and far from his fathers’ land of promise; and in this strange land the longing for home seems to have been still further increased by his wife Zipporah, who, to judge from Exodus 4:24ff., neither understood nor cared for the feelings of his heart. By this he was urged on to perfect and unconditional submission to the will of his God. To this feeling of submission and confidence he gave expression at the birth of his second son, by calling him Eliezer rz,[,ylia’ God is help); for he said, “The God of my father (Abraham or the three patriarchs, cf. 3:6) is my help, and has delivered me from the sword of Pharaoh” (18:4). The birth of this son is not mentioned in the Hebrew text, but his name is given in Exodus 18:4, with this explanation. f86 In the names of his two sons, Moses expressed all that had affected his mind in the land of Midian. The pride and self-will with which he had offered himself in Egypt as the deliverer and judge of his oppressed brethren, had been broken down by the feeling of exile. This feeling, however, had not passed into despair, but had been purified and raised into firm confidence in the God of his fathers, who had shown himself as his helper by delivering him from the sword of Pharaoh. In this state of mind, not only did “his attachment to his people, and his longing to rejoin them, instead of cooling, grow stronger and stronger” (Kurtz), but the hope of the fulfilment of the promise given to the fathers was revived within him, and ripened into the firm confidence of faith. EXODUS 2:23-25 Verses 23-25 form the introduction to the next chapter. The cruel oppression of the Israelites in Egypt continued without intermission or amelioration. “In those many days the king of Egypt died, and the children of Israel sighed by reason of the service” (i.e., their hard slave labour). The “many days” are the years of oppression, or the time between the birth of Moses and the birth of his children in Midian. The king of Egypt who died, was in any case the king mentioned in v. 15; but whether he was one and the same with the “new king” (Exodus 1:8), or a successor of his, cannot be decided. If the former were the case, we should have to assume, with Baumgarten, that the death of the king took place not very long after Moses’ flight, seeing that he was an old man at the time of Moses’ birth, and had a grown-up daughter. But the greater part of the “many days” would then fall in his successor’s reign, which is obviously opposed to the meaning of the words, “It came to pass in those many days, that the king of Egypt died.” For this reason the other supposition, that the king mentioned here is a successor of the one mentioned in Exodus 1:8, has far greater probability. At the same time, all that can be determined from a comparison of Exodus 7:7 is, that the Egyptian oppression lasted more than 80 years.
This allusion to the complaints of the Israelites, in connection with the notice of the king’s death, seems to imply that they hoped for some amelioration of their lot from the change of government; and that when they were disappointed, and groaned the more bitterly in consequence, they cried to God for help and deliverance. This is evident from the remark, “Their cry came up unto God,” and is stated distinctly in Deuteronomy 26:7.
Verse 24,25. “God heard their crying, and remembered His covenant with the fathers: “and God saw the children of Israel, and God noticed (them.” “This seeing and noticing had regard to the innermost nature of Israel, namely, as the chosen seed of Abraham” (Baumgarten). God’s notice has all the energy of love and pity. Lyra has aptly explained [dæy; thus: “ad modum cognoscentis se habuit, ostendendo dilectionem circa eos;” and Luther has paraphrased it correctly: “He accepted them.” CALL OF MOSES, AND HIS RETURN TO EGYPT. Call of Moses.
Whilst the children of Israel were groaning under the oppression of Egypt, God had already prepared the way for their deliverance, and had not only chosen Moses to be the saviour of His people, but had trained him for the execution of His designs.
EXODUS. 3:1
Verse 1. When Moses was keeping the flock of Jethro, his father-in-law, he drove them on one occasion behind the desert, and came to the mountains of Horeb. h[;r; hy;h; , lit. “he was feeding:” the participle expresses the continuance of the occupation. rB;d]mi rjæaæ does not mean ad interiora deserti (Jerome); but Moses drove the sheep from Jethro’s home as far as Horeb, so that he passed through a desert with the flock before he reached the pasture land of Horeb. For “in this, the most elevated ground of the peninsula, you find the most fertile valleys, in which even fruit-trees grow. Water abounds in this district; consequently it is the resort of all the Bedouins when the lower countries are dried up” (Rosenmüller).
Jethro’s home was separated from Horeb, therefore, by a desert, and is to be sought to the south-east, and not to the north-east. For it is only a south-easterly situation that will explain these two facts: First, that when Moses returned from Midian to Egypt, he touched again at Horeb, where Aaron, who had come from Egypt, met him (Exodus 4:27); and, secondly, that the Israelites never came upon any Midianites on their journey through the desert, whilst the road of Hobab the Midianite separated from theirs as soon as they departed from Sinai (Numbers 10:30). f87 Horeb is called the Mount of God by anticipation, with reference to the consecration which it subsequently received through the revelation of God upon its summit. The supposition that it had been a holy locality even before the calling of Moses, cannot be sustained. Moreover, the name is not restricted to one single mountain, but applies to the central group of mountains in the southern part of the peninsula (vid., Exodus 19:1). Hence the spot where God appeared to Moses cannot be precisely determined, although tradition has very suitably given the name Wady Shoeib, i.e., Jethro’s Valley, to the valley which bounds the Jebel Musa towards the east, and separates it from the Jebel ed Deir, because it is there that Moses is supposed to have fed the flock of Jethro. The monastery of Sinai, which is in this valley, is said to have been built upon the spot where the thornbush stood, according to the tradition in Antonini Placent. Itinerar. c. 37, and the annals of Eutychius (vid., Robinson, Palestine).
EXODUS. 3:2-5
Here, at Horeb, God appeared to Moses as the Angel of the Lord (vid., p. 118f.) “in a flame of fire out of the midst of the thorn-bush” ( hn,s] , ba>tov , rubus), which burned in the fire and was not consumed. lkæa; , in combination with ˆyiaæ , must be a participle for lkæa; . When Moses turned aside from the road or spot where he was standing, “to look at this great sight” ( ha,r]mæ ), i.e., the miraculous vision of the bush that was burning and yet not burned up, Jehovah called to him out of the midst of the thornbush, “Moses, Moses (the reduplication as in Genesis 22:11), draw not nigh hither: put off thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground” ( hm;d;a ). The symbolical meaning of this miraculous vision-that is to say, the fact that it was a figurative representation of the nature and contents of the ensuing message from God-has long been admitted.
The thorn-bush in contrast with the more noble and lofty trees (Judges 9:15) represented the people of Israel in their humiliation, as a people despised by the world. Fire and the flame of fire were not “symbols of the holiness of God;” for, as the Holy One, “God is light, and in Him is no darkness at all” (1 John 1:5), He “dwells in the light which no man can approach unto” (1 Tim 6:16); and that not merely according to the New Testament, but according to the Old Testament view as well, as is evident from Isaiah 10:17, where “the Light of Israel” and “the Holy One of Israel” are synonymous. But “the Light of Israel became fire, and the Holy One a flame, and burned and consumed its thorns and thistles.” Nor is “fire, from its very nature, the source of light,” according to the scriptural view. On the contrary, light, the condition of all life, is also the source of fire. The sun enlightens, warms, and burns (Job 30:28; Sol. Song 1:6); the rays of the sun produce warmth, heat, and fire; and light was created before the sun. Fire, therefore, regarded as burning and consuming, is a figurative representation of refining affliction and destroying punishment (1 Cor 3:11ff.), or a symbol of the chastening and punitive justice of the indignation and wrath of God. It is in fire that the Lord comes to judgment (Dan 7:9-10; Ezekiel 1:13-14,27-28; Rev 1:14-15). Fire sets forth the fiery indignation which devours the adversaries (Hebrews 10:27). He who “judges and makes war in righteousness’ has eyes as a flame of fire (Rev 19:11-12). Accordingly, the burning thorn-bush represented the people of Israel as they were burning in the fire of affliction, the iron furnace of Egypt (Deuteronomy 4:20). Yet, though the thorn-bush was burning in the fire, it was not consumed; for in the flame was Jehovah, who chastens His people, but does not give them over unto death (Psalm 118:18). The God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob had come down to deliver His people out of the hand of the Egyptians (v. 8). Although the affliction of Israel in Egypt proceeded from Pharaoh, yet was it also a fire which the Lord had kindled to purify His people and prepare it for its calling. In the flame of the burning bush the Lord manifested Himself as the “jealous God, who visits the sins of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generations of them that hate Him, and showeth mercy unto thousands of them that love Him and keep His commandments” (Exodus 20:5; Deuteronomy 5:9-10), who cannot tolerate the worship of another god (34:14), and whose anger burns against idolaters, to destroy them (Deuteronomy 6:15).
The “jealous God” was a “consuming fire” in the midst of Israel (Deuteronomy 4:24). These passages show that the great sight which Moses saw not only had reference to the circumstances of Israel in Egypt, but was a prelude to the manifestation of God on Sinai for the establishment of the covenant (ch. 19 and 20), and also a representation of the relation in which Jehovah would stand to Israel through the establishment of the covenant made with the fathers. For this reason it occurred upon the spot where Jehovah intended to set up His covenant with Israel. But, as a jealous God, He also “takes vengeance upon His adversaries” (Nah 1:2ff.). Pharaoh, who would not let Israel go, He was about to smite with all His wonders (Exodus 3:20), whilst He redeemed Israel with outstretched arm and great judgments (6:6). — The transition from the Angel of Jehovah (v. 2) to Jehovah (v. 4) proves the identity of the two; and the interchange of Jehovah and Elohim, in v. 4, precludes the idea of Jehovah being merely a national God. The command of God to Moses to put off his shoes, may be accounted for from the custom in the East of wearing shoes or sandals merely as a protection from dirt.
No Brahmin enters a pagoda, no Moslem a mosque, without first taking off at least his overshoes (Rosenm. Morgenl. i. 261; Robinson, Pal. ii. p. 373); and even in the Grecian temples the priests and priestesses performed the service barefooted (Justin, Apol. i. c. 62; Bähr, Symbol. ii. 96). when entering other holy places also, the Arabs and Samaritans, and even the Yezidis of Mesopotamia, take off their shoes, that the places may not be defiled by the dirt or dust upon them (vid., Robinson, Pal. iii. 100, and Layard’s Nineveh and its Remains). The place of the burning bush was holy because of the presence of the holy God, and putting off the shoes was intended to express not merely respect for the place itself, but that reverence which the inward man (Ephesians 3:16) owes to the holy God.
EXODUS. 3:6
Jehovah then made Himself known to Moses as the God of his fathers, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, reminding him through that name of the promises made to the patriarchs, which He was about to fulfil to their seed, the children of Israel. In the expression, “thy father,” the three patriarchs are classed together as one, just as in Exodus 18:4 (“my father”), “because each of them stood out singly in distinction from the nation, as having received the promise of seed directly from God” (Baumgarten). “And Moses hid his face, for he was afraid to look upon God.” The sight of the holy God no sinful man can bear (cf. 1 Kings 19:12).
EXODUS. 3:7-10
Jehovah had seen the affliction of His people, had heard their cry under their taskmasters, and had come down ( dræy; , vid., Genesis 11:5) to deliver them out of the hand of the Egyptians, and to bring them up to a good and broad land, to the place of the Canaanites; and He was about to send Moses to Pharaoh to bring them forth. The land to which the Israelites were to be taken up is called a “good” land, on account of its great fertility (Deuteronomy 8:7ff.), and a “broad” land, in contrast with the confinement and oppression of the Israelites in Egypt. The epithet good” is then explained by the expression, “a land flowing with milk and honey” ( bWz , a participle of bWz in the construct state; vid., Ges. §135); a proverbial description of the extraordinary fertility and loveliness of the land of Canaan (cf. v. 17; Exodus 13:5; 16:14, etc.). Milk and honey are the simplest and choicest productions of a land abounding in grass and flowers, and were found in Palestine in great abundance even when it was in a desolate condition (Isaiah 7:15,22; see my Comm. on Joshua 5:6). The epithet broad is explained by an enumeration of the six tribes inhabiting the country at that time (cf. Genesis 10:15ff. and Exo 15:20,32).
EXODUS. 3:11-12
To the divine commission Moses made this reply: “Who am I, that I should go to Pharaoh, and bring forth the children of Israel out of Egypt?” Some time before he had offered himself of his own accord as a deliverer and judge; but now he had learned humility in the school of Midian, and was filled in consequence with distrust of his own power and fitness. The son of Pharaoh’s daughter had become a shepherd, and felt himself too weak to go to Pharaoh. But God met this distrust by the promise, “I will be with thee,” which He confirmed by a sign, namely, that when Israel was brought out of Egypt, they should serve ( `dbæ[; , i.e., worship) God upon that mountain. This sign, which was to be a pledge to Moses of the success of his mission, was one indeed that required faith itself; but, at the same time, it was a sign adapted to inspire both courage and confidence. God pointed out to him the success of his mission, the certain result of his leading the people out: Israel should serve Him upon the very same mountain in which He had appeared to Moses. As surely as Jehovah had appeared to Moses as the God of his fathers, so surely should Israel serve Him there.
The reality of the appearance of God formed the pledge of His announcement, that Israel would there serve its God; and this truth was to till Moses with confidence in the execution of the divine command. The expression “serve God” ( latreu>ein tw> Qew> , LXX) means something more than the immolare of the Vulgate, or the “sacrifice” of Luther; for even though sacrifice formed a leading element, or the most important part of the worship of the Israelites, the patriarchs before this had served Jehovah by calling upon His name as well as offering sacrifice. And the service of Israel at Mount Horeb consisted in their entering into covenant with Jehovah (ch. 24); not only in their receiving the law as the covenant nation, but their manifesting obedience by presenting free-will offerings for the building of the tabernacle (Exodus 36:1-7; Numbers 7:1). f88 EXODUS 3:13-15 When Moses had been thus emboldened by the assurance of divine assistance to undertake the mission, he inquired what he was to say, in case the people asked him for the name of the God of their fathers. The supposition that the people might ask the name of their fathers’ God is not to be attributed to the fact, that as the Egyptians had separate names for their numerous deities, the Israelites also would want to know the name of their own God. For, apart from the circumstance that the name by which God had revealed Himself to the fathers cannot have vanished entirely from the memory of the people, and more especially of Moses, the mere knowledge of the name would not have been of much use to them. The question, “What is His name?” presupposed that the name expressed the nature and operations of God, and that God would manifest in deeds the nature expressed in His name. God therefore told him His name, or, to speak more correctly, He explained the name hwO;hy] , by which He had made Himself known to Abraham at the making of the covenant (Genesis 15:7), in this way, hy;h; rv,a hy;h; , “I am that I am,” and designated Himself by this name as the absolute God of the fathers, acting with unfettered liberty and self-dependence (cf. pp. 46-47).
This name precluded any comparison between the God of the Israelites and the deities of the Egyptians and other nations, and furnished Moses and his people with strong consolation in their affliction, and a powerful support to their confidence in the realization of His purposes of salvation as made known to the fathers. To establish them in this confidence, God added still further: “This is My name for ever, and My memorial unto all generations;” that is to say, God would even manifest Himself in the nature expressed by the name Jehovah, and by this He would have all generations both know and revere Him. µve , the name, expresses the objective manifestation of the divine nature; zeeber, memorial, the subjective recognition of that nature on the part of men. rwOD rwOD, as in Exodus 17:16 and Prov 27:24. The repetition of the same word suggests the idea of uninterrupted continuance and boundless duration (Ewald, §313a). The more usual expression is rwOD rwOD, Deuteronomy 32:7; Psalm 10:6; 33:11; or doriym dor, Psalm 72:5; 102:25; Isaiah 51:8. EXODUS 3:16-20 With the command, “Go and gather the elders of Israel together,” God then gave Moses further instructions with reference to the execution of his mission. On his arrival in Egypt he was first of all to inform the elders, as the representatives of the nation (i.e., the heads of the families, households, and tribes), of the appearance of God to him, and the revelation of His design, to deliver His people out of Egypt and bring them to the land of the Canaanites. He was then to go with them to Pharaoh, and make known to him their resolution, in consequence of this appearance of God, to go a three days’ journey into the wilderness and sacrifice to their God. The words, “I have surely visited,” point to the fulfilment of the last words of the dying Joseph (Genesis 50:24). `l[æ hr;q; (v. 18) does not mean “He is named upon us” (LXX, Onk., Jon.), nor “He has called us” (Vulg., Luth.).
The latter is grammatically wrong, for the verb is Niphal, or passive; and though the former has some support in the parallel passage in Exodus 5:3, inasmuch as ar;q; is the verb used there, it is only in appearance, for if the meaning really were “His name is named upon (over) us,” the word µve ( µve ) would not be omitted (vid., Deuteronomy 28:10; 2 Chronicles 7:14).
The real meaning is, “He has met with us,” from hr;q; , obruam fieri, ordinarily construed with lae , but here with `l[æ , because God comes down from above to meet with man. The plural us is used, although it was only to Moses that God appeared, because His appearing had reference to the whole nation, which was represented before Pharaoh by Moses and the elders. In the words neel¦kaah-naa’, “we will go, then,” equivalent to “let us go,” the request for Pharaoh’s permission to go out is couched in such a form as to answer to the relation of Israel to Pharaoh. He had no right to detain them, but he had a right to consent to their departure, as his predecessor had formerly done to their settlement. Still less had he any good reason for refusing their request to go a three days’ journey into the wilderness and sacrifice to their God, since their return at the close of the festival was then taken for granted.
But the purpose of God was, that Israel should not return. Was it the case, then, that the delegates were “to deceive the king,” as Knobel affirms! By no means. God knew the hard heart of Pharaoh, and therefore directed that no more should be asked at first than he must either grant, or display the hardness of his heart. Had he consented, God would then have made known to him His whole design, and demanded that His people should be allowed to depart altogether. But when Pharaoh scornfully refused the first and smaller request (ch. 5), Moses was instructed to demand the entire departure of Israel from the land (Exodus 6:10), and to show the omnipotence of the God of the Hebrews before and upon Pharaoh by miracles and heavy judgments (Hebrews 7:8ff.). Accordingly, Moses persisted in demanding permission for the people to go and serve their God (Exo 7:16,26; 8:16; 9:1,13; 10:3); and it was not till Pharaoh offered to allow them to sacrifice in the land that Moses replied, “We will go three days’ journey into the wilderness, and sacrifice to Jehovah our God” (8:27); but, observe, with this proviso, “as He shall command us,” which left, under the circumstances, no hope that they would return.
It was an act of mercy to Pharaoh, therefore, on the one hand, that the entire departure of the Israelites was not demanded at the very first audience of Moses and the representatives of the nation; for, had this been demanded, it would have been far more difficult for him to bend his heart in obedience to the divine will, than when the request presented was as trifling as it was reasonable. And if he had rendered obedience to the will of God in the smaller, God would have given him strength to be faithful in the greater. On the other hand, as God foresaw his resistance (v. 19), this condescension, which demanded no more than the natural man could have performed, was also to answer the purpose of clearly displaying the justice of God. It was to prove alike to Egyptians and Israelites that Pharaoh was “without excuse,” and that his eventual destruction was the well-merited punishment of his obduracy. f89 qz;j; dy; alo , “not even by means of a strong hand;” “except through great power” is not the true rendering, for alo does not mean ea>n mh> , nisi. What follows-viz., the statement that God would so smite the Egyptians with miracles that Pharaoh would, after all, let Israel go (v. 20)-is not really at variance with this, the only admissible rendering of the words. For the meaning is, that Pharaoh would not be willing to let Israel depart even when he should be smitten by the strong hand of God; but that he would be compelled to do so against his will, would be forced to do so by the plagues that were about to fall upon Egypt. Thus even after the ninth plague it is still stated (Exodus 10:27), that “Pharaoh would ( hb;a; ) not let them go;” and when he had given permission, in consequence of the last plague, and in fact had driven them out (12:31), he speedily repented, and pursued them with his army to bring them back again (14:5ff.); from which it is clearly to be seen that the strong hand of God had not broken his will, and yet Israel was brought out by the same strong hand of Jehovah.
EXODUS 3:21,22 Not only would God compel Pharaoh to let Israel go; He would not let His people go out empty, but, according to the promise in Genesis 15:14, with great substance. “I will give this people favour in the eyes of the Egyptians;” that is to say, the Egyptians should be so favourably disposed towards them, that when they solicited of their neighbours clothes and ornaments of gold and silver, their request should be granted. “So shall ye spoil the Egyptians.” What is here foretold as a promise, the Israelites are directed to do in Exodus 11:2-3; and according to ch. 12:35-36, it was really carried out. Immediately before their departure from Egypt, the Israelites asked ( laæv; ) the Egyptians for gold and silver ornaments ( yliK] not vessels, either for sacrifice, the house, or the table, but jewels; cf.
Genesis 24:53; Exodus 35:22; Numbers 31:50) and clothes; and God gave them favour in the eyes of the Egyptians, so that they gave them to them.
For hV;ai laæv; , “Let every woman ask of her (female) neighbour and of her that sojourneth in her house” (beeytaah gaarat, from which it is evident that the Israelites did not live apart, but along with the Egyptians), we find in Exodus 11:2, “Let every man ask of his neighbour, and every woman of her (female) ne µWc , “and put them upon your sons and daughters.” `l[æ µWc , to put on, applied to clothes and ornaments in Leviticus 8:8 and Genesis 41:42. This command and its execution have frequently given occasion to the opponents of the Scriptures to throw contempt upon the word of God, the asking being regarded as borrowing, and the spoiling of the Egyptians as purloining. At the same time, the attempts made to vindicate this purloining from the wickedness of stealing have been in many respects unsatisfactory. f90 But the only meaning of laæv; is to ask or beg, and lyaiv]hi , which is only met with in Exodus 12:36 and 1 Samuel 1:28, does not mean to lend, but to suffer to ask, to hear and grant a request. laæv; (Exodus 12:36), lit., they allowed them to ask; i.e., “the Egyptians did not turn away the petitioners, as not wanting to listen to them, but received their petition with good-will, and granted their request. No proof can be brought that lyaiv]hi means to lend, as is commonly supposed; the word occurs again in 1 Samuel 1:28, and there it means to grant or give” (Knobel on Exodus 12:36). Moreover the circumstances under which the laæv; and lyaiv]hæ took place, were quite at variance with the idea of borrowing and lending. For even if Moses had not spoken without reserve of the entire departure of the Israelites, the plagues which followed one after another, and with which the God of the Hebrews gave emphasis to His demand as addressed through Moses to Pharaoh, “Let My people go, that they may serve Me,” must have made it evident to every Egyptian, that all this had reference to something greater than a three days’ march to celebrate a festival.
And under these circumstances no Egyptian could have cherished the thought, that the Israelites were only borrowing the jewels they asked of them, and would return them after the festival. What they gave under such circumstances, they could only give or present without the slightest prospect of restoration. Still less could the Israelites have had merely the thought of borrowing in their mind, seeing that God had said to Moses, “I will give the Israelites favour in the eyes of the Egyptians; and it will come to pass, that when ye go out, ye shall not go out empty” (v. 21). If, therefore, it is “natural to suppose that these jewels were festal vessels with which the Egyptians furnished the poor Israelites for the intended feast,” and even if “the Israelites had their thoughts directed with all seriousness to the feast which they were about to celebrate to Jehovah in the desert” (Baumgarten); their request to the Egyptians cannot have referred to any borrowing, nor have presupposed any intention to restore what they received on their return.
From the very first the Israelites asked without intending to restore, and the Egyptians granted their request without any hope of receiving back, because God had made their hearts favourably disposed to the Israelites.
The expressions µyiræx]miAta, µT,lxæni in v. 22, and lxæn; in Exodus 12:36, are not at variance with this, but rather require it. For lxæn; does not mean to purloin, to steal, to take away secretly by cunning and fraud, but to plunder (2 Chronicles 20:25), as both the LXX (skuleu’ein) and Vulgate (spoliare) have rendered it. Rosenmüller, therefore, is correct in his explanation: “Et spoliabitis Aegyptios, ita ut ab Aegyptiis, qui vos tam dura servitute oppresserunt, spolia auferetis.” So also is Hengstenberg, who says, “The author represents the Israelites as going forth, laden as it were with the spoils of their formidable enemy, trophies of the victory which God’s power had bestowed on their weakness. While he represents the gifts of the Egyptians as spoils which God had distributed to His host (as Israel is called in Exodus 12:41), he leads us to observe that the bestowment of these gifts, which outwardly appeared to be the effect of the good-will of the Egyptians, if viewed more deeply, proceeded from another Giver; that the outwardly free act of the Egyptians was effected by an inward divine constraint which they could not withstand” (Dissertations, vol. ii. p. 431). — Egypt had spoiled Israel by the tributary labour so unjustly enforced, and now Israel carried off the spoil of Egypt-a prelude to the victory which the people of God will one day obtain in their conflict with the power of the world (cf. Zechariah 14:14).
EXODUS. 4:1-9
Moses now started a fresh difficulty: the Israelites would not believe that Jehovah had appeared to him. There was so far a reason for this difficulty, that from the time of Jacob-an interval, therefore, of 430 years-God had never appeared to any Israelite. God therefore removed it by giving him three signs by which he might attest his divine mission to his people. These three signs were intended indeed for the Israelites, to convince them of the reality of the appearance of Jehovah to Moses; at the same time, as even Ephraem Syrus observed, they also served to strengthen Moses’ faith, and dissipate his fears as to the result of his mission. For it was apparent enough that Moses did not possess true and entire confidence in God, from the fact that he still raised this difficulty, and distrusted the divine assurance, “They will hearken to thy voice,” Exodus 3:18). And finally, these signs were intended for Pharaoh, as is stated in v. 21; and to him the twOa ( shmei>a ) were to become tpewOm ( te>rata ). By these signs Moses was installed as the servant of Jehovah (14:31), and furnished with divine power, with which he could and was to appear before the children of Israel and Pharaoh as the messenger of Jehovah. The character of the three signs corresponded to this intention.
Verse 2-5. The First Sign. — The turning of Moses’ staff into a serpent, which became a staff again when Moses took it by the tail, had reference to the calling of Moses. The staff in his hand was his shepherd’s crook (mazeh v. 2, for mah-zeh, in this place alone), and represented his calling as a shepherd. At the bidding of God he threw it upon the ground, and the staff became a serpent, before which Moses fled. The giving up of his shepherdlife would expose him to dangers, from which he would desire to escape. At the same time, there was more implied in the figure of a serpent than danger which merely threatened his life. The serpent had been the constant enemy of the seed of the woman (Genesis 3), and represented the power of the wicked one which prevailed in Egypt. The explanation in Pirke Elieser, c. 40, points to this: ideo Deum hoc signum Mosi ostendisse, quia sicut serpens mordet et morte afficit homines, ita quoque Pharao et Aegyptii mordebant et necabant Israelitas. But at the bidding of God, Moses seized the serpent by the tail, and received his staff again as “the rod of God,” with which he smote Egypt with great plagues. From this sign the people of Israel would necessarily perceive, that Jehovah had not only called Moses to be the leader of Israel, but had endowed him with the power to overcome the serpent-like cunning and the might of Egypt; in other words, they would “believe that Jehovah, the God of the fathers, had appeared to him.” (On the special meaning of this sign for Pharaoh, see Exodus 7:10ff.)
Verse 6-8. The Second Sign. — Moses’ hand became leprous, and was afterwards cleansed again. The expression gl,v, [ræx; , covered with leprosy like snow, refers to the white leprosy (vid., Leviticus 13:3). — “Was turned again as his flesh;” i.e., was restored, became healthy, or clean like the rest of his body. So far as the meaning of this sign is concerned, Moses’ hand has been explained in a perfectly arbitrary manner as representing the Israelitish nation, and his bosom as representing first Egypt, and then Canaan, as the hiding-place of Israel. If the shepherd’s staff represented Moses’ calling, the hand was that which directed or ruled the calling. It is in the bosom that the nurse carried the sucking child (Numbers 11:12), the shepherd the lambs (Isaiah 40:11), and the sacred singer the many nations, from whom he has suffered reproach and injury (Psalm 89:50).
So Moses also carried his people in his bosom, i.e., in his heart: of that his first appearance in Egypt was a proof (Exodus 2:11-12). But now he was to set his hand to deliver them from the reproach and bondage of Egypt.
He put ( awOB) his hand into his bosom, and his hand was covered with leprosy. The nation was like a leper, who defiled every one that touched him. The leprosy represented not only “the servitude and contemptuous treatment of the Israelites in Egypt” (Kurtz), but the ase>beia of the Egyptians also, as Theodoret expresses it, or rather the impurity of Egypt in which Israel was sunken. This Moses soon discovered (cf. Exodus 5:17ff.), and on more than one occasion afterwards (cf. Numbers 11); so that he had to complain to Jehovah, “Wherefore hast Thou afflicted Thy servant, that Thou layest the burden of all this people upon me?...Have I conceived all this people, that Thou shouldest say to me, Carry them in thy bosom?” (Numbers 11:11-12).
But God had the power to purify the nation from this leprosy, and would endow His servant Moses with that power. At the command of God, Moses put his hand, now covered with leprosy, once more into his bosom, and drew it out quite cleansed. This was what Moses was to learn by the sign; whilst Israel also learned that God both could and would deliver it, through the cleansed hand of Moses, from all its bodily and spiritual misery. The object of the first miracle was to exhibit Moses as the man whom Jehovah had called to be the leader of His people; that of the second, to show that, as the messenger of Jehovah, he was furnished with the necessary power for the execution of this calling. In this sense God says, in v. 8, “If they will not hearken to the voice of the first sign, they will believe the voice of the latter sign.” A voice is ascribed to the sign, as being a clear witness to the divine mission of the person performing it. (Psalm 105:27).
Verse 9. The Third Sign. — If the first two signs should not be sufficient to lead the people to believe in the divine mission of Moses, he was to give them one more practical demonstration of the power which he had received to overcome the might and gods of Egypt. He was to take of the water of the Nile (the river, Genesis 41:1) and pour it upon the dry land, and it would become blood (the second hy;h; is a resumption of the first, cf.
Exodus 12:41). The Nile received divine honours as the source of every good and all prosperity in the natural life of Egypt, and was even identified with Osiris (cf. Hengstenberg, Egypt and the Books of Moses, p. transl.). If Moses therefore had power to turn the life-distributing water of the Nile into blood, he must also have received power to destroy Pharaoh and his gods. Israel was to learn this from the sign, whilst Pharaoh and the Egyptians were afterwards to experience this might of Jehovah in the form of punishment (Exodus 7:15ff.). Thus Moses as not only entrusted with the word of God, but also endowed with the power of God; and as he was the first God-sent prophet, so was he also the first worker of miracles, and in this capacity a type of the Apostle of our profession (Hebrews 3:1), even the God-man, Christ Jesus. EXODUS 4:10-18 Moses raised another difficulty. “I am not a man of words,” he said (i.e., I do not possess the gift of speech), “but am heavy in mouth and heavy in tongue” (i.e., I find a difficulty in the use of mouth and tongue, not exactly “stammering”); and that “both of yesterday and the day before” (i.e., from the very first, Genesis 31:2), “and also since Thy speaking to Thy servant.”
Moses meant to say, “I neither possess the gift of speech by nature, nor have I received it since Thou hast spoken to me.”
Verse 11-12. Jehovah both could and would provide for this defect. He had made man’s mouth, and He made dumb or deaf, seeing or blind. He possessed unlimited power over all the senses, could give them or take them away; and He would be with Moses’ mouth, and teach him what he was to say, i.e., impart to him the necessary qualification both as to matter and mode. — Moses’ difficulties were now all exhausted, and removed by the assurances of God. But this only brought to light the secret reason in his heart. He did not wish to undertake the divine mission.
Verse 13. “Send, I pray Thee,” he says, “by whom Thou wilt send;” i.e., carry out Thy mission by whomsoever Thou wilt. dy; jlæv; : to carry out a mission through any one, originally with accus. rei (1 Samuel 16:20; Samuel 11:14), then without the object, as here, “to send a person” (cf. Samuel 12:25; 1 Kings 2:25). Before jlæv; the word rv,a is omitted, which stands with dy; in the construct state (vid., Ges. §123, 3). The anger of God was now excited by this groundless opposition. But as this unwillingness also arose from weakness of the flesh, the mercy of God came to the help of his weakness, and He referred Moses to his brother Aaron, who could speak well, and would address the people for him (vv. 14-17). Aaron is called yYiwile , the Levite, from his lineage, possibly with reference to the primary signification of hw;l; “to connect one’s self” (Baumgarten), but not with any allusion to the future calling of the tribe of Levi (Rashi and Calvin). aWh rbæd; rbæd; speak will he. The inf. abs. gives emphasis to the verb, and the position of aWh to the subject. He both can and will speak, if thou dost not know it.
Verse 14-17. And Aaron is quite ready to do so. He is already coming to meet thee, and is glad to see thee. The statement in v. 27, where Jehovah directs Aaron to go and meet Moses, is not at variance with this. They can both be reconciled in the following simple manner: “As soon as Aaron heard that his brother had left Midian, he went to meet him of his own accord, and then God showed him by what road he must go to find him, viz., towards the desert” (R. Mose ben Nachman). — “Put the words” (sc., which I have told thee) “into his mouth;” and I will support both thee and him in speaking. “He will be mouth to thee, and thou shalt be God to him.”
Cf. Exodus 7:1, “Thy brother Aaron shall be thy prophet.” Aaron would stand in the same relation to Moses, as a prophet to God: the prophet only spoke what God inspired him with, and Moses should be the inspiring God to him. The Targum softens down the word “God” into “master, teacher.”
Moses was called God, as being the possessor and medium of the divine word. As Luther explains it, “Whoever possesses and believes the word of God, possesses the Spirit and power of God, and also the divine wisdom, truth, heart, mind, and everything that belongs to God.” In v. 17, the plural “signs” points to the penal wonders that followed; for only one of the three signs given to Moses was performed with the rod.
Verse 18. In consequence of this appearance of God, Moses took leave of his father-in-law to return to his brethren in Egypt, though without telling him the real object of his journey, no doubt because Jethro had not the mind to understand such a divine revelation, though he subsequently recognised the miracles that God wrought for Israel (ch. 18). By the “brethren” we are to understand not merely the nearer relatives of Moses, or the family of Amram, but the Israelites generally. Considering the oppression under which they were suffering at the time of Moses’ flight, the question might naturally arise, whether they were still living, and had not been altogether exterminated.
EXODUS. 4:19-31
Return of Moses to Egypt.
Vv. 19-23. On leaving Midian, Moses received another communication from God with reference to his mission to Pharaoh. The word of Jehovah, in v. 19, is not to be regarded as a summary of the previous revelation, in which case rmæa; would be a pluperfect, nor as the account of another writer, who placed the summons to return to Egypt not in Sinai but in Midian. It is not a fact that the departure of Moses is given in v. 18; all that is stated there is, that Jethro consented to Moses’ decision to return to Egypt. It was not till after this consent that Moses was able to prepare for the journey. During these preparations God appeared to him in Midian, and encouraged him to return, by informing him that all the men who had sought his life, i.e., Pharaoh and the relatives of the Egyptian whom he had slain, were now dead.
Verse 20. Moses then set out upon his journey, with his wife and sons. ˆBe is not to be altered into ˆBe , as Knobel supposes, notwithstanding the fact that the birth of only one son has hitherto been mentioned (Exodus 2:22); for neither there, nor in this passage (v. 25), is he described as the only son.
The wife and sons, who were still young, he placed upon the ass (the one taken for the purpose), whilst he himself went on foot with “the staff of God” — as the staff was called with which he was to perform the divine miracles (v. 17)-in his hand. Poor as his outward appearance might be, he had in his hand the staff before which the pride of Pharaoh and all his might would have to bow.
Verse 21. “In thy going (returning) to Egypt, behold, all the wonders which I have put into thy hand, thou doest them before Pharaoh.” tpewOm , to> te>rav , portentum, is any object (natural event, thing, or person) of significance which surpasses expectation or the ordinary course of nature, and excites wonder in consequence. It is frequently connected with twOa , shmei>on , a sign (Deuteronomy 4:34; 6:22; 7:19, etc.), and embraces the idea of twOa within itself, i.e., wonder-sign. The expression, “all those wonders,” does not refer merely to the three signs mentioned in Exodus 4:2-9, but to all the miracles which were to be performed by Moses with the staff in the presence of Pharaoh, and which, though not named, were put into his hand potentially along with the staff. — But all the miracles would not induce Pharaoh to let Israel go, for Jehovah would harden his heart. wOBliAta, qZejæa\ ynia\ , lit., I will make his heart firm, so that it will not move, his feelings and attitude towards Israel will not change. For qzæj; ynæa or qzæj; (14:4) and qzæj; ynæa (14:17), we find hv;q; ynæa in Exodus 7:3, “I will make Pharaoh’s heart hard, or unfeeling;” and in ch. 10:1, dbæK; ynæa “I have made his heart heavy,” i.e., obtuse, or insensible to impressions or divine influences. These three words are expressive of the hardening of the heart.
The hardening of Pharaoh is ascribed to God, not only in the passages just quoted, but also in Exodus 9:12; 10:20,27; 11:10; 14:8; that is to say, ten times in all; and that not merely as foreknown or foretold by Jehovah, but as caused and effected by Him. In the last five passages it is invariably stated that “Jehovah hardened ( qzæj; ) Pharaoh’s heart.” But it is also stated just as often, viz., ten times, that Pharaoh hardened his own heart, or made it heavy or firm; e.g., in Exodus 7:13,22; 8:15; 9:35, ble qzæj; “and Pharaoh’s heart was (or became) hard;” Exodus 7:14, ble dbeK; “Pharaoh’s heart was heavy;” in Exodus 9:7, alo dbæK; ; in Exodus 8:11,28; 9:34, ‘etlibow wayak¦beed or dbæK; ; in Exodus 13:15, p hv;q; yKi “for Pharaoh made his heart hard.” According to this, the hardening of Pharaoh was quite as much his own act as the decree of God. But if, in order to determine the precise relation of the divine to the human causality, we look more carefully at the two classes of expressions, we shall find that not only in connection with the first sign, by which Moses and Aaron were to show their credentials as the messengers of Jehovah, sent with the demand that he would let the people of Israel go (Exodus 7:13-14), but after the first five penal miracles, the hardening is invariably represented as his own.
After every one of these miracles, it is stated that Pharaoh’s heart was firm, or dull, i.e., insensible to the voice of God, and unaffected by the miracles performed before his eyes, and the judgments of God suspended over him and his kingdom, and he did not listen to them (to Moses and Aaron with their demand), or let the people go (Exodus 7:22; 8:8,15,28; 9:7). It is not till after the sixth plague that it is stated that Jehovah made the heart of Pharaoh firm (9:12). At the seventh the statement is repeated, that “Pharaoh made his heart heavy” (9:34-35); but the continued refusal on the part of Pharaoh after the eighth and ninth (10:20,27) and his resolution to follow the Israelites and bring them back again, are attributed to the hardening of his heart by Jehovah (Exodus 14:8, cf. vv. 4 and 17). This hardening of his own heart was manifested first of all in the fact, that he paid not attention to the demand of Jehovah addressed to him through Moses, and would not let Israel go; and that not only at the commencement, so long as the Egyptian magicians imitated the signs performed by Moses and Aaron (though at the very first sign the rods of the magicians, when turned into serpents, were swallowed by Aaron’s, 7:12-13), but even when the magicians themselves acknowledged, “This is the finger of God” (8:19).
It was also continued after the fourth and fifth plagues, when a distinction was made between the Egyptians and the Israelites, and the latter were exempted from the plagues-a fact of which the king took care to convince himself (Exodus 9:7). And it was exhibited still further in his breaking his promise, that he would let Israel go if Moses and Aaron would obtain from Jehovah the removal of the plague, and in the fact, that even after he had been obliged to confess, “I have sinned, Jehovah is the righteous one, I and my people are unrighteous” (9:27), he sinned again, as soon as breathingtime was given him, and would not let the people go (9:34-35). Thus Pharaoh would not bend his self-will to the will of God, even after he had discerned the finger of God and the omnipotence of Jehovah in the plagues suspended over him and his nation; he would not withdraw his haughty refusal, notwithstanding the fact that he was obliged to acknowledge that it was sin against Jehovah. Looked at from this side, the hardening was a fruit of sin, a consequence of that self-will, high-mindedness, and pride which flow from sin, and a continuous and ever increasing abuse of that freedom of the will which is innate in man, and which involves the possibility of obstinate resistance to the word and chastisement of God even until death.
As the freedom of the will has its fixed limits in the unconditional dependence of the creature upon the Creator, so the sinner may resist the will of God as long as he lives. But such resistance plunges him into destruction, and is followed inevitably by death and damnation. God never allows any man to scoff at Him. Whoever will not suffer himself to be led, by the kindness and earnestness of the divine admonitions, to repentance and humble submission to the will of God, must inevitably perish, and by his destruction subserve the glory of God, and the manifestation of the holiness, righteousness, and omnipotence of Jehovah.
But God not only permits a man to harden himself; He also produces obduracy, and suspends this sentence over the impenitent. Not as though God took pleasure in the death of the wicked! No; God desires that the wicked should repent of his evil way and live (Ezekiel 33:11); and He desires this most earnestly, for “He will have all men to be saved and to come unto the knowledge of the truth” (1 Tim 2:4, cf. 2 Peter 3:9). As God causes His earthly sun to rise upon the evil and the good, and sendeth rain on the just and the unjust (Matthew 5:45), so He causes His sun of grace to shine upon all sinners, to lead them to life and salvation. But as the earthly sun produces different effects upon the earth, according to the nature of the soil upon which it shines, so the influence of the divine sun of grace manifests itself in different ways upon the human heart, according to its moral condition. f92 The penitent permit the proofs of divine goodness and grace to lead them to repentance and salvation; but the impenitent harden themselves more and more against the grace of God, and so become ripe for the judgment of damnation. The very same manifestation of the mercy of God leads in the case of the one to salvation and life, and in that of the other to judgment and death, because he hardens himself against that mercy. In this increasing hardness on the part of the impenitent sinner against the mercy that is manifested towards him, there is accomplished the judgment of reprobation, first in God’s furnishing the wicked with an opportunity of bringing fully to light the evil inclinations, desires, and thoughts that are in their hearts; and then, according to an invariable law of the moral government of the world, in His rendering the return of the impenitent sinner more and more difficult on account of his continued resistance, and eventually rendering it altogether impossible.
It is the curse of sin, that it renders the hard heart harder, and less susceptible to the gracious manifestations of divine love, long-suffering, and patience. In this twofold manner God produces hardness, not only permissive but effective; i.e., not only by giving time and space for the manifestation of human opposition, even to the utmost limits of creaturely freedom, but still more by those continued manifestations of His will which drive the hard heart to such utter obduracy that it is no longer capable of returning, and so giving over the hardened sinner to the judgment of damnation. This is what we find in the case of Pharaoh. After he had hardened his heart against the revealed will of God during the first five plagues, the hardening commenced on the part of Jehovah with the sixth miracle (Exodus 9:12), when the omnipotence of God was displayed with such energy that even the Egyptian magicians were covered with the boils, and could no longer stand before Moses (9:11).
And yet, even after this hardening on the part of God, another opportunity was given to the wicked king to repent and change his mind, so that on two other occasions he acknowledged that his resistance was sin, and promised to submit to the will of Jehovah (Exodus 9:27ff., 10:16ff.). But when at length, even after the seventh plague, he broke his promise to let Israel go, and hardened his heart again as soon as the plague was removed (9:34-35), Jehovah so hardened Pharaoh’s heart that he not only did not let Israel go, but threatened Moses with death if he ever came into his presence again (10:20,27-28). The hardening was now completed so that he necessarily fell a victim to judgment; though the very first stroke of judgment in the slaying of the first-born was an admonition to consider and return. And it was not till after he had rejected the mercy displayed in this judgment, and manifested a defiant spirit once more, in spite of the words with which he had given Moses and Aaron permission to depart, “Go, and bless me also” (12:31-32), that God completely hardened his heart, so that he pursued the Israelites with an army, and was overtaken by the judgment of utter destruction.
Now, although the hardening of Pharaoh on the part of Jehovah was only the complement of Pharaoh’s hardening of his own heart, in the verse before us the former aspect alone is presented, because the principal object was not only to prepare Moses for the opposition which he would meet with from Pharaoh, but also to strengthen his weak faith, and remove at the very outset every cause for questioning and omnipotence of Jehovah. If it was by Jehovah Himself that Pharaoh was hardened, this hardening, which He not only foresaw and predicted by virtue of His omniscience, but produced and inflicted through His omnipotence, could not possibly hinder the performance of His will concerning Israel, but must rather contribute to the realization of His purposes of salvation and the manifestation of His glory (cf. Exodus 9:16; 10:2; 14:4,17-18).
Verse 22-23. In order that Pharaoh might form a true estimate of the solemnity of the divine command, Moses was to make known to him not only the relation of Jehovah to Israel, but also the judgment to which he would be exposed if he refused to let Israel go. The relation in which Israel stood to Jehovah was expressed by God in the words, “Israel is My firstborn son.” Israel was Jehovah’s son by virtue of his election to be the people of possession (Deuteronomy 14:1-2). This election began with the call of Abraham to be the father of the nation in which all the families of the earth were to be blessed. On the ground of this promise, which was now to be realized in the seed of Abraham by the deliverance of Israel out of Egypt, the nation of Israel is already called Jehovah’s “son,” although it was through the conclusion of the covenant at Sinai that it was first exalted to be the people of Jehovah’s possession out of all the nations (Exodus 19:5-6).
The divine sonship of Israel was therefore spiritual in its nature: it neither sprang from the fact that God, as the Creator of all nations, was also the Creator, or Begetter, and Father of Israel, nor was it founded, as Baumgarten supposes, upon “the physical generation of Isaac, as having its origin, not in the power of nature, but in the power of grace.” The relation of God, as Creator, to man His creature, is never referred to in the Old Testament as that of a father to a son; to say nothing of the fact that the Creator of man is Elohim, and not Jehovah. Wherever Jehovah is called the Father, Begetter, or Creator of Israel (even in Deuteronomy 32:18; Jeremiah 2:27; Isaiah 44:8; Malachi 1:6 and 2:10), the fatherhood of God relates to the election of Israel as Jehovah’s people of possession. But the election upon which the uiJoqesi>a of Israel was founded, is not presented in the aspect of a “begetting through the Spirit;” it is spoken of rather as acquiring or buying ( hn;q; ), making ( `hc;[; ), founding or establishing ( ˆnkO, Deuteronomy 32:6).
Even the expressions, “the Rock that begat thee,” “God that bare thee” (Deuteronomy 32:18), do not point to the idea of spiritual generation, but are to be understood as referring to the creation; just as in Psalm 90:2, where Moses speaks of the mountains as “brought forth” and the earth as “born.” The choosing of Israel as the son of God was an adoption flowing from the free grace of God which involved the loving, fatherly treatment of the son, and demanded obedience, reverence, and confidence towards the Father (Malachi 1:6). It was this which constituted the very essence of the covenant made by Jehovah with Israel, that He treated it with mercy and love (Hosea 11:1; Jeremiah 31:9,20), pitied it as a father pitieth his children (Psalm 103:13), chastened it on account of its sins, yet did not withdraw His mercy from it (2 Samuel 7:14-15; Psalm 89:31-35), and trained His son to be a holy nation by the love and severity of paternal discipline. — Still Israel was not only a son, but the “first-born son” of Jehovah. In this title the calling of the heathen is implied. Israel was not to be Jehovah’s only son, but simply the first-born, who was peculiarly dear to his Father, and had certain privileges above the rest. Jehovah was about to exalt Israel above all the nations of the earth (Deuteronomy 28:1). Now, if Pharaoh would not let Jehovah’s first-born son depart, he would pay the penalty in the life of his own first-born (cf. Exodus 12:29). In this intense earnestness of the divine command, Moses had a strong support to his faith. If Israel was Jehovah’s first-born son, Jehovah could not relinquish him, but must deliver His son from the bondage of Egypt.
Verse 24-26. But if Moses was to carry out the divine commission with success, he must first of all prove himself to be a faithful servant of Jehovah in his own house. This he was to learn from the occurrence at the inn: an occurrence which has many obscurities on account of the brevity of the narrative, and has received many different interpretations. When Moses was on the way, Jehovah met him at the resting-place ( ˆwOlm; , see Genesis 42:27), and sought to kill him. In what manner, is not stated: whether by a sudden seizure with some fatal disease, or, what is more probable, by some act proceeding directly from Himself, which threatened Moses with death.
This hostile attitude on the part of God was occasioned by his neglect to circumcise his son; for, as soon as Zipporah cut off (circumcised) the foreskin of her son with a stone, Jehovah let him go. rxo = rWx , a rock, or stone, here a stone knife, with which, according to hereditary custom, the circumcision commanded by Joshua was also performed; not, however, because “stone knives were regarded as less dangerous than those of metal,” nor because “for symbolical reasons preference was given to them, as a simple production of nature, over the metal knives that had been prepared by human hands and were applied to daily use.”
For if the Jews had detected any religious or symbolical meaning in stone, they would never have given it up for iron or steel, but would have retained it, like the Ethiopian tribe of the Alnaii, who used stone knives for that purpose as late as 150 years ago; whereas, in the Talmud, the use of iron or steel knives for the purpose of circumcision is spoken of, as though they were universally employed. Stone knives belong to a time anterior to the manufacture of iron or steel; and wherever they were employed at a later period, this arose from a devoted adherence to the older and simpler custom (see my Commentary on Joshua 5:2). From the word “her son,” it is evident that Zipporah only circumcised one of the two sons of Moses (v. 20); so that the other, not doubt the elder, had already been circumcised in accordance with the law. Circumcision had been enjoined upon Abraham by Jehovah as a covenant sign for all his descendants; and the sentence of death was pronounced upon any neglect of it, as being a breach of the covenant (Genesis 17:14).
Although in this passage it is the uncircumcised themselves who are threatened with death, yet in the case of children the punishment fell upon the parents, and first of all upon the father, who had neglected to keep the commandment of God. Now, though Moses had probably omitted circumcision simply from regard to his Midianitish wife, who disliked this operation, he had been guilty of a capital crime, which God could not pass over in the case of one whom He had chosen to be His messenger, to establish His covenant with Israel. Hence He threatened him with death, to bring him to a consciousness of his sin, either by the voice of conscience or by some word which accompanied His attack upon Moses; and also to show him with what earnestness God demanded the keeping of His commandments. Still He did not kill him; for his sin had sprung from weakness of the flesh, from a sinful yielding to his wife, which could both be explained and excused on account of his position in the Midianite’s house.
That Zipporah’s dislike to circumcision had been the cause of the omission, has been justly inferred by commentators from the fact, that on Jehovah’s attack upon Moses, she proceeded at once to perform what had been neglected, and, as it seems, with inward repugnance. The expression, “She threw (the foreskin of her son) at his (Moses’) feet,” points to this ( l] [gæn; , as in Isaiah 25:12). The suffix in lg,r, (his feet) cannot refer to the son, not only because such an allusion would give no reasonable sense, but also because the suffix refers to Moses in the immediate context, both before (in tWm , v. 24) and after (in ˆmi , v. 26); and therefore it is simpler to refer it to Moses here. From this it follows, then, that the words, “a bloodbridegroom art thou to me,” were addressed to Moses, and not to the boy.
Zipporah calls Moses a blood-bridegroom, “because she had been compelled, as it were, to acquire and purchase him anew as a husband by shedding the blood of her son” (Glass). “Moses had been as good as taken from her by the deadly attack which had been made upon him. She purchased his life by the blood of her son; she received him back, as it were, from the dead, and married him anew; he was, in fact, a bridegroom of blood to her” (Kurtz). This she said, as the historian adds, after God had let Moses, go, hl;Wm , “with reference to the circumcisions.” The plural is used quite generally and indefinitely, as Zipporah referred not merely to this one instance, but to circumcision generally. Moses was apparently induced by what had occurred to decide not to take his wife and children with him to Egypt, but to send them back to his father-in-law. We may infer this from the fact, that it was not till after Israel had arrived at Sinai that he brought them to him again (Exodus 18:2).
Verse 27-31. After the removal of the sin, which had excited the threatening wrath of Jehovah, Moses once more received a token of the divine favour in the arrival of Aaron, under the direction of God, to meet him at the Mount of God (Exodus 3:1). To Aaron he related all the words of Jehovah, with which He had sent (commissioned) him ( jlæv; with a double accusative, as in 2 Samuel 11:22; Jeremiah 42:5), and all the signs which He had commanded him ( hw;x; also with a double accusative, as in Genesis 6:22). Another proof of the favour of God consisted of the believing reception of his mission on the part of the elders and the people of Israel. “The people believed” ( ˆmæa; ) when Aaron communicated to them the words of Jehovah to Moses, and did the signs in their presence. “And when they heard that Jehovah had visited the children of Israel, and had looked upon their affliction, they bowed and worshipped.” (Knobel is wrong in proposing to alter [mæv; into jæmec; , according to the Sept. rendering, kai> eca>rh ). The faith of the people, and the worship by which their faith was expressed, proved that the promise of the fathers still lived in their hearts. And although this faith did not stand the subsequent test (ch. 5), yet, as the first expression of their feelings, it bore witness to the fact that Israel was willing to follow the call of God.
MOSES AND AARON SENT TO PHARAOH.
The two events which form the contents of this section-viz., (1) the visit of Moses and Aaron to Pharaoh to make known the commands of their God, with the harsh refusal of their request on the part of Pharaoh, by an increase of the tributary labours of Israel (ch. 5); and (2) the further revelations of Jehovah to Moses, with the insertion of the genealogies of Moses and Aaron-not only hang closely together so far as the subject-matter is concerned, inasmuch as the fresh declarations of Jehovah to Moses were occasioned by the complaint of Moses that his first attempt had so signally failed, but both of them belong to the complete equipment of Moses for his divine mission. Their visit to Pharaoh was only preliminary in its character. Moses and Aaron simply made known to the king the will of their God, without accrediting themselves by miraculous signs as the messengers of Jehovah, or laying any particular emphasis upon His demand.
For this first step was only intended to enlighten Moses as to the attitude of Pharaoh and the people of Israel in relation to the work of God, which He was about to perform. Pharaoh answered the demand addressed to him, that he would let the people go for a few days to hold a sacrificial festival in the desert, by increasing their labours; and the Israelites complained in consequence that their good name had been made abhorrent to the king, and their situation made worse than it was. Moses might have despaired on this account; but he laid his trouble before the Lord, and the Lord filled his despondent heart with fresh courage through the renewed and strengthened promise that He would now for the first time display His name Jehovah perfectly-that He would redeem the children of Israel with outstretched arm and with great judgments-would harden Pharaoh’s heart, and do many signs and wonders in the land of Egypt, that the Egyptians might learn through the deliverance of Israel that He was Jehovah, i.e., the absolute God, who works with unlimited freedom (cf. p. 47). At the same time God removed the difficulty which once more arose in the mind of Moses, namely, that Pharaoh would not listen to him because of his want of oratorical power, by the assurance, “I make thee a god for Pharaoh, and Aaron shall be thy prophet” (Exodus 7:1), which could not fail to remove all doubt as to his own incompetency for so great and severe a task. With this promise Pharaoh was completely given up into Moses’ power, and Moses invested with all the plenipotentiary authority that was requisite for the performance of the work entrusted to him.
EXODUS. 5:1-2
Verse 1-2. Pharaoh’s Answer to the Request of Moses and Aaron. — Vv. 1-5. When the elders of Israel had listened with gladness and gratitude to the communications of Moses and Aaron respecting the revelation which Moses had received from Jehovah, that He was now about to deliver His people out of their bondage in Egypt; Moses and Aaron proceeded to Pharaoh, and requested in the name of the God of Israel, that he would let the people of Israel go and celebrate a festival in the wilderness in honour of their God. When we consider that every nation presented sacrifices to its deities, and celebrated festivals in their honour, and that they had all their own modes of worship, which were supposed to be appointed by the gods themselves, so that a god could not be worshipped acceptably in every place; the demand presented to Pharaoh on the part of the God of the Israelites, that he would let His people go into the wilderness and sacrifice to Him, appears so natural and reasonable, that Pharaoh could not have refused their request, if there had been a single trace of the fear of God in his heart. But what was his answer? “Who is Jehovah, that I should listen to His voice, to let Israel go? I know not Jehovah.” There was a certain truth in these last words. The God of Israel had not yet made Himself known to him. But this was no justification. Although as a heathen he might naturally measure the power of the God by the existing condition of His people, and infer from the impotence of the Israelites that their God must be also weak, he would not have dared to refuse the petition of the Israelites, to be allowed to sacrifice to their God or celebrate a sacrificial festival, if he had had any faith in gods at all.
EXODUS. 5:3
The messengers founded their request upon the fact that the God of the Hebrews had met them ( ar;q; , vid., Exodus 3:18), and referred to the punishment which the neglect of the sacrificial festival demanded by God might bring upon the nation. Wn[eN;p]yiAˆp, : “lest He strike us (attack us) with pestilence or sword.” [gæp; : to strike, hit against any one, either by accident or with a hostile intent; ordinarily construed with b¦, also with an accusative, 1 Samuel 10:5, and chosen here probably with reference to ar;q; = hr;q; . “Pestilence or sword:” these are mentioned as expressive of a violent death, and as the means employed by the deities, according to the ordinary belief of the nations, to punish the neglect of their worship. The expression “God of the Hebrews,” for “God of Israel” (v. 1), is not chosen as being “more intelligible to the king, because the Israelites were called Hebrews by foreigners, more especially by the Egyptians (Exodus 1:16; 2:6),” as Knobel supposes, but to convince Pharaoh of the necessity for their going into the desert to keep the festival demanded by their God. In Egypt they might sacrifice to the gods of Egypt, but not to the God of the Hebrews.
EXODUS. 5:4-5
But Pharaoh would hear nothing of any worship. He believed that the wish was simply an excuse for procuring holidays for the people, or days of rest from their labours, and ordered the messengers off to their slave duties: “Get you unto your burdens.” For as the people were very numerous, he would necessarily lose by their keeping holiday. He called the Israelites “the people of the land,” not “as being his own property, because he was the lord of the land” (Baumgarten), but as the working class, “land- people,” equivalent to “common people,” in distinction from the ruling castes of the Egyptians (vid., Jer. 52:25: Ezek. 7:27).
EXODUS. 5:6-8
As Pharaoh possessed neither fear of God ( euse>beia ) nor fear of the gods, but, in the proud security of his might, determined to keep the Israelites as slaves, and to use them as tools for the glorifying of his kingdom by the erection of magnificent buildings, he suspected that their wish to go into the desert was nothing but an excuse invented by idlers, and prompted by a thirst for freedom, which might become dangerous to his kingdom, on account of the numerical strength of the people. He therefore thought that he could best extinguish such desires and attempts by increasing the oppression and adding to their labours. For this reason he instructed his bailiffs to abstain from delivering straw to the Israelites who were engaged in making bricks, and to let them gather it for themselves; but yet not to make the least abatement in the number ( tn,kt]mæ ) to be delivered every day. `µ[æ cgæn; , “those who urged the people on,” were the bailiffs selected from the Egyptians and placed over the Israelitish workmen, the general managers of the work.
Under them there were the rfevo (lit., writers, grammatei>v LXX, from shaaTar to write), who were chosen from the Israelites (vid., v. 14), and had to distribute the work among the people, and hand it over, when finished, to the royal officers. µynibel] ˆbol] : to make bricks, not to burn them; for the bricks in the ancient monuments of Egypt, and in many of the pyramids, are not burnt but dried in the sun (Herod. ii. 136; Hengst. Egypt and Books of Moses, pp. 2 and 79ff.). vvæq; : a denom. verb from vq , to gather stubble, then to stubble, to gather (Numbers 15:32-33). ˆb,T, , of uncertain etymology, is chopped straw; here, the stubble that was left standing when the corn was reaped, or the straw that lay upon the ground.
This they chopped up and mixed with the clay, to give greater durability to the bricks, as may be seen in bricks found in the oldest monuments (cf.
Hgst. p. 79).
EXODUS. 5:9-11
“Let the work be heavy (press heavily) upon the people, and they shall make with it (i.e., stick to their work), and not look at lying words.” By “lying words” the king meant the words of Moses, that the God of Israel had appeared to him, and demanded a sacrificial festival from His people.
In v. 11 special emphasis is laid upon hT;aæ “ye:” “Go, ye yourselves, fetch your straw,” not others for you as heretofore; “for nothing is taken (diminished) from your work.” The word yKi for has been correctly explained by Kimchi as supposing a parenthetical thought, et quidem alacriter vobis eundum est.
EXODUS. 5:12
q vvæq; : “to gather stubble for straw;” not “stubble for, in the sense of instead of straw,” for l] is not equivalent to tjæTæ but to gather the stubble left in the fields for the chopped straw required for the bricks.
EXODUS. 5:13
µwOy µwOy rb;d; , the quantity fixed for every day, “just as when the straw was (there),” i.e., was given out for the work.
EXODUS. 5:14-18
As the Israelites could not do the work appointed them, their overlookers were beaten by the Egyptian bailiffs; and when they complained to the king of this treatment, they were repulsed with harshness, and told “Ye are idle, idle; therefore ye say, Let us go and sacrifice to Jehovah.” `µ[æ af;j; : “and thy people sin;” i.e., not “thy people (the Israelites) must be sinners,” which might be the meaning of af;j; according to Genesis 43:9, but “thy (Egyptian) people sin.” “Thy people” must be understood as applying to the Egyptians, on account of the antithesis to “thy servants,” which not only refers to the Israelitish overlookers, but includes all the Israelites, especially in the first clause. af;j; is an unusual feminine form, for af;j; (vid., Genesis 33:11); and `µ[æ is construed as a feminine, as in Judges 18:7 and Jeremiah 8:5.
EXODUS. 5:19-20
When the Israelitish overlookers saw that they were in evil [ræ as in Psalm 10:6, i.e., in an evil condition), they came to meet Moses and Aaron, waiting for them as they came out from the king, and reproaching them with only making the circumstances of the people worse.
EXODUS. 5:21-23
“Jehovah look upon you and judge” (i.e., punish you, because) “ye have made the smell of us to stink in the eyes of Pharaoh and his servants,” i.e., destroyed our good name with the king and his servants, and turned it into hatred and disgust. jæyre , a pleasant smell, is a figure employed for a good name or repute, and the figurative use of the word explains the connection with the eyes instead of the nose. “To give a sword into their hand to kill us.” Moses and Aaron, they imagined, through their appeal to Pharaoh had made the king and his counsellors suspect them of being restless people, and so had put a weapon into their hands for their oppression and destruction. What perversity of the natural heart! They call upon God to judge, whilst by their very complaining they show that they have no confidence in God and His power to save. Moses turned ( bWv v. 22) to Jehovah with the question, “Why hast Thou done evil to this people,” — increased their oppression by my mission to Pharaoh, and yet not delivered them? “These are not words of contumacy or indignation, but of inquiry and prayer” (Aug. quaest. 14). The question and complaint proceeded from faith, which flies to God when it cannot understand the dealings of God, to point out to Him how incomprehensible are His ways, to appeal to Him to help in the time of need, and to remove what seems opposed to His nature and His will.
EXODUS. 6:1-6
Equipment of Moses and Aaron as Messengers of Jehovah.
Verse 1. In reply to the complaining inquiry of Moses, Jehovah promised him the deliverance of Israel by a strong hand (cf. Exodus 3:19), by which Pharaoh would be compelled to let Israel go, and even to drive them out of his land. Moses did not receive any direct answer to the question, “Why hast Thou so evil-entreated this people?” He was to gather this first of all from his own experience as the leader of Israel. For the words were strictly applicable here: “What I do thou knowest not now, but thou shalt know hereafter” (John 13:7). If, even after the miraculous deliverance of the Israelites from Egypt and their glorious march through the desert, in which they had received so many proofs of the omnipotence and mercy of their God, they repeatedly rebelled against the guidance of God, and were not content with the manna provided by the Lord, but lusted after the fishes, leeks, and onions of Egypt (Numbers 11); it is certain that in such a state of mind as this, they would never have been willing to leave Egypt and enter into a covenant with Jehovah, without a very great increase in the oppression they endured in Egypt. — The brief but comprehensive promise was still further explained by the Lord (vv. 2-9), and Moses was instructed and authorized to carry out the divine purposes in concert with Aaron (vv. 10-13, 28-30; Exodus 7:1-6).
The genealogy of the two messengers is then introduced into the midst of these instructions (Exodus 6:14-27); and the age of Moses is given at the close (7:7). This section does not contain a different account of the calling of Moses, taken from some other source than the previous one; it rather presupposes ch. 3-5, and completes the account commenced in ch. 3 of the equipment of Moses and Aaron as the executors of the divine will with regard to Pharaoh and Israel. For the fact that the first visit paid by Moses and Aaron to Pharaoh was simply intended to bring out the attitude of Pharaoh towards the purposes of Jehovah, and to show the necessity for the great judgments of God, is distinctly expressed in the words, “Now shalt thou see what I will do to Pharaoh.” But before these judgments commenced, Jehovah announced to Moses (v. 2), and through him to the people, that henceforth He would manifest Himself to them in a much more glorious manner than to the patriarchs, namely, as Jehovah; whereas to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, He had only appeared as El Shaddai. The words, “By My name Jehovah was I now known to them,” do not mean, however, that the patriarchs were altogether ignorant of the name Jehovah.
This is obvious from the significant use of that name, which was not an unmeaning sound, but a real expression of the divine nature, and still more from the unmistakeable connection between the explanation given by God here and Genesis 17:1.
When the establishment of the covenant commenced, as described in Genesis 15, with the institution of the covenant sign of circumcision and the promise of the birth of Isaac, Jehovah said to Abram, “I am El Shaddai, God Almighty,” and from that time forward manifested Himself to Abram and his wife as the Almighty, in the birth of Isaac, which took place apart altogether from the powers of nature, and also in the preservation, guidance, and multiplication of his seed. It was in His attribute as El Shaddai that God had revealed His nature to the patriarchs; but now He was about to reveal Himself to Israel as Jehovah, as the absolute Being working with unbounded freedom in the performance of His promises. For not only had He established His covenant with the fathers (v. 4), but He had also heard the groaning of the children of Israel, and remembered His covenant (v. 5; µGæ , not only-but also).
The divine promise not only commences in v. 2, but concludes at v. 8, with the emphatic expression, “I Jehovah,” to show that the work of Israel’s redemption resided in the power of the name Jehovah. In v. 4 the covenant promises of Genesis 17:7-8; 26:3; 35:11-12, are all brought together; and in v. 5 we have a repetition of Exodus 2:24, with the emphatically repeated ynæa (I). On the ground of the erection of His covenant on the one hand, and, what was irreconcilable with that covenant, the bondage of Israel on the other, Jehovah was not about to redeem Israel from its sufferings and make it His own nation. This assurance, which God would carry out by the manifestation of His nature as expressed in the name Jehovah, contained three distinct elements: (a) the deliverance of Israel from the bondage of Egypt, which, because so utterly different from all outward appearances, is described in three parallel clauses: bringing them out from under the burdens of the Egyptians; saving them from their bondage; and redeeming them with a stretched-out arm and with great judgments; (b) the adoption of Israel as the nation of God; (c) the guidance of Israel into the land promised to the fathers (vv. 6-8). hf;n; [æwOrz] , a stretched-out arm, is most appropriately connected with lwOdG; fp,v, , great judgments; for God raises, stretches out His arm, when He proceeds in judgment to smite the rebellious. These expressions repeat with greater emphasis the “strong hand” of v. 1, and are frequently connected with it in the rhetorical language of Deuteronomy (e.g., Exo 4:34; 5:15; 7:19). The “great judgments” were the plagues, the judgments of God, by which Pharaoh was to be compelled to let Israel go.
EXODUS. 6:7-8
The adoption of Israel as the nation of God took place at Sinai (Exodus 19:5). wgw’ ac;n; rv,a , “with regard to which I have lifted up My hand to give it” (v. 8). Lifting up the hand (sc., towards heaven) is the attitude of swearing (Deuteronomy 32:40 cf. Genesis 14:22); and these words point back to Genesis 22:16ff. and Exodus 26:3 (cf. Exodus 24:7 and 50:24).
EXODUS. 6:9-12
When Moses communicated this solemn assurance of God to the people, they did not listen to him jæWr rx,qo , lit., “for shortness of breath;” not “from impatience” (like q¦tsar-ruwach, Prov 14:29, in contrast to ãaæ Ërea; ), but from anguish, inward pressure, which prevents a man from breathing properly. Thus the early belief of the Israelites was changed into the despondency of unbelief through the increase of their oppression. This result also produced despondency in Moses’ mind, so that he once more declined the commission, which followed the promise, viz., to go to Pharaoh and demand that he would let Israel go out of his land (v. 11). If the children of Israel would not listen to him, how should Pharaoh hear him, especially as he was uncircumcised in the lips (v. 12)? hp;c; `lre[; is one whose lips are, as it were, covered with a foreskin, so that he cannot easily bring out his words; in meaning the same as “heavy of mouth” in Exodus 4:10. The reply of God to this objection is given in ch. 7:1-5. For, before the historian gives the decisive answer of Jehovah which removed all further hesitation on the part of Moses, and completed his mission and that of Aaron to Pharaoh, he considers it advisable to introduce the genealogy of the two men of God, for the purpose of showing clearly their genealogical relation to the people of Israel.
EXODUS. 6:13
Verse 13 forms a concluding summary, and prepares the way for the genealogy that follows, the heading of which is given in v. 14. f93 EXODUS 6:14-27 The Genealogy of Moses and Aaron. “These are their (Moses’ and Aaron’s) father’s-houses.” AtyBe twOba; father’s-houses (not fathers’ house) is a composite noun, so formed that the two words not only denote one idea, but are treated grammatically as one word, like µyBxæ[\AtyBe idol-houses (1 Samuel 31:9), and twOmB;AtyBe high-place-houses (cf. Ges. §108, 3; Ewald, §270c). Father’s house was a technical term applied to a collection of families, called by the name of a common ancestor. The father’s-houses were the larger divisions into which the families (mishpachoth ), the largest subdivisions of the tribes of Israel, were grouped. To show clearly the genealogical position of Levi, the tribefather of Moses and Aaron, among the sons of Jacob, the genealogy commences with Reuben, the first-born of Jacob, and gives the names of such of his sons and those of Simeon as were the founders of families (Genesis 46:9-10).
Then follows Levi; and not only are the names of his three sons given, but the length of his life is mentioned (v. 16), also that of his son Kohath and his descendant Amram, because they were the tribe-fathers of Moses and Aaron. But the Amram mentioned in v. 20 as the father of Moses, cannot be the same person as the Amram who was the son of Kohath (v. 18), but must be a later descendant. For, however the sameness of names may seem to favour the identity of the persons, if we simply look at the genealogy before us, a comparison of this passage with Numbers 3:27-28 will show the impossibility of such an assumption. “According to Numbers 3:27-28, the Kohathites were divided (in Moses’ time) into the four branches, Amramites, Izharites, Hebronites, and Uzzielites, who consisted together of 8600 men and boys (women and girls not being included). Of these, about a fourth, or 2150 men, would belong to the Amramites. Now, according to Exodus 18:3-4, Moses himself had only two sons.
Consequently, if Amram the son of Kohath, and tribe-father of the Amramites, was the same person as Amram the father of Moses, Moses must have had 2147 brothers and brothers’ sons (the brothers’ daughters, the sisters, and their daughters, not being reckoned at all). But as this is absolutely impossible, it must be granted that Amram the son of Kohath was not the father of Moses, and that an indefinitely long list of generations has been omitted between the former and his descendant of the same name” (Tiele, Chr. des A. T. p. 36). f94 The enumeration of only four generations, viz., Levi, Iohath, Amram, Moses, is unmistakeably related to Genesis 15:16, where it is stated that the fourth generation would return to Canaan. Amram’s wife Jochebed, who is merely spoken of in general terms as a daughter of Levi (a Levitess) in Exodus 2:1 and Numbers 26:59, is called here the dwOD “aunt” (father’s sister) of Amram, a marriage which was prohibited in the Mosaic law (Leviticus 18:12), but was allowed before the giving of the law; so that there is no reason for following the LXX and Vulgate, and rendering the word, in direct opposition to the usage of the language, patruelis, the father’s brother’s daughter. Amram’s sons are placed according to their age: Aaron, then Moses, as Aaron was three years older than his brother.
Their sister Miriam was older still (vid., Exodus 2:4). In the LXX, Vulg., and one Hebrew MS, she is mentioned here; but this is a later interpolation.
In vv. 21ff. not only are the sons of Aaron mentioned (v. 23), but those of two of Amram’s brothers, Izhar and Uzziel (vv. 21, 22), and also Phinehas, the son of Aaron’s son Eleazar (v. 25); as the genealogy was intended to trace the descent of the principal priestly families, among which again special prominence is given to Aaron and Eleazar by the introduction of their wives. On the other hand, none of the sons of Moses are mentioned, because his dignity was limited to his own person, and his descendants fell behind those of Aaron, and were simply reckoned among the non-priestly families of Levi. The Korahites and Uzzielites are mentioned, but a superior rank was assigned to them in the subsequent history to that of other Levitical families (cf. Numbers 16-17; 26:11, and 3:30 with Leviticus 10:4). Aaron’s wife Elisheba was of the princely tribe of Judah, and her brother Naashon was a tribe-prince of Judah (cf. Numbers 2:3). ba; varo (v. 25), a frequent abbreviation for beeyt-’aabowt raa’sheey, heads of the father’s-houses of the Levites. In vv. 26 and 27, with which the genealogy closes, the object of introducing it is very clearly shown in the expression, “These are that Aaron and Moses,” at the beginning of v. 26; and again, “These are that Moses and Aaron,” at the close of v. 27. The reversal of the order of the names is also to be noticed. In the genealogy itself Aaron stands first, as the elder of the two; in the conclusion, which leads over to the historical narrative that follows, Moses takes precedence of his elder brother, as being the divinely appointed redeemer of Israel. On the expression, “according to their armies,” see Exodus 7:4.
EXODUS. 6:28-30
In vv. 28-30 the thread of the history, which was broken off at v. 12, is again resumed. rbæd; µwOy , on the day, i.e., at the time, when God spake. µwOy is the construct state before an entire clause, which is governed by it without a relative particle, as in Leviticus 7:35; 1 Samuel 25:15 (vid., Ewald, §286i). Moses’ last difficulty (Exodus 6:12, repeated in v. 30) was removed by God with the words: “See, I have made thee a god to Pharaoh, and Aaron thy brother shall be thy prophet” (Exodus 7:1). According to ch. 4:16, Moses was to be a god to Aaron; and in harmony with that, Aaron is here called the prophet of Moses, as being the person who would announce to Pharaoh the revelations of Moses. At the same time Moses was also made a god to Pharaoh; i.e., he was promised divine authority and power over Pharaoh, so that henceforth there was no more necessity for him to be afraid of the king of Egypt, but the latter, notwithstanding all resistance, would eventually bow before him. Moses was a god to Aaron as the revealer of the divine will, and to Pharaoh as the executor of that will. — In vv. 2-5 God repeats in a still more emphatic form His assurance, that notwithstanding the hardening of Pharaoh’s heart, He would bring His people Israel out of Egypt. jlæv; (v. 2) does not mean ut dimittat or mittat (Vulg. Ros.; “that he send,” Eng. ver.); but w is vav consec. perf., “and so he will send.” On v. 3 cf. Exodus 4:21.
EXODUS. 7:4-7
ydiy;Ata, yTitæn;w] : “I will lay My hand on Egypt,” i.e., smite Egypt, “and bring out My armies, My people, the children of Israel.” ab;x; (armies) is used of Israel, with reference to its leaving Egypt equipped (Exodus 13:18) and organized as an army according to the tribes (cf. 6:26 and 12:51 with Numbers 1 and 2), to contend for the cause of the Lord, and fight the battles of Jehovah. In this respect the Israelites were called the hosts of Jehovah. The calling of Moses and Aaron was now concluded. Vv. 6 and pave the way for the account of their performance of the duties consequent upon their call.
MOSES’ NEGOTIATIONS WITH PHARAOH The negotiations of Moses and Aaron as messengers of Jehovah with the king of Egypt, concerning the departure of Israel from his land, commenced with a sign, by which the messengers of God attested their divine mission in the presence of Pharaoh (Exodus 7:8-13), and concluded with the announcement of the last blow that God would inflict upon the hardened king (Exodus 11). The centre of these negotiations, or rather the main point of this lengthened section, which is closely connected throughout, and formally rounded off by Exodus 11:9-10 into an inward unity, is found in the nine plagues which the messengers of Jehovah brought upon Pharaoh and his kingdom at the command of Jehovah, to bend the defiant spirit of the king, and induce him to let Israel go out of the land and serve their God. If we carefully examine the account of these nine penal miracles, we shall find that they are arranged in three groups of three plagues each.
For the first and second, the fourth and fifth, and the seventh and eighth were announced beforehand by Moses to the king (Exodus 7:15; 8:1,20; 9:1,13; 10:1), whilst the third, sixth, and ninth were sent without any such announcement (8:16; 9:8; 10:21). Again, the first, fourth, and seventh were announced to Pharaoh in the morning, and the first and fourth by the side of the Nile (7:15; 8:20), both of them being connected with the overflowing of the river; whilst the place of announcement is not mentioned in the case of the seventh (the hail, Exodus 9:13), because hail, as coming from heaven, was not connected with any particular locality.
This grouping is not a merely external arrangement, adopted by the writer for the sake of greater distinctness, but is founded in the facts themselves, and the effect which God intended the plagues to produce, as we may gather from these circumstances-that the Egyptian magicians, who had imitated the first plagues, were put to shame with their arts by the third, and were compelled to see in it the finger of God (8:19)-that they were smitten themselves by the sixth, and were unable to stand before Moses (9:11)-and that after the ninth, Pharaoh broke off all further negotiation with Moses and Aaron (10:28-29).
The last plague, commonly known as the tenth, which Moses also announced to the king before his departure (Exodus 11:4ff.), differed from the nine former ones both in purpose and form. It was the first beginning of the judgment that was coming upon the hardened king, and was inflicted directly by God Himself, for Jehovah “went out through the midst of Egypt, and smote the first-born of the Egyptians both of man and beast” (11:4; 12:29); whereas seven of the previous plagues were brought by Moses and Aaron, and of the two that are not expressly said to have been brought by them, one, that of the dog-flies, was simply sent by Jehovah (8:21,24), and the other, the murrain of beasts, simply came from His hand (9:3,6). The last blow ( [gæn, 11:1), which brought about the release of Israel, was also distinguished from the nine plagues, as the direct judgment of God, by the fact that it was not effected through the medium of any natural occurrence, as was the case with all the others, which were based upon the natural phenomena of Egypt, and became signs and wonders through their vast excess above the natural measure of such natural occurrences and their supernatural accumulation, blow after blow following one another in less than a year, and also through the peculiar circumstances under which they were brought about.
In this respect also the triple division is unmistakeable. The first three plagues covered the whole land, and fell upon the Israelites as well as the Egyptians; with the fourth the separation commenced between Egyptians and Israelites, so that only the Egyptians suffered from the last six, the Israelites in Goshen being entirely exempted. The last three, again, were distinguished from the others by the fact, that they were far more dreadful than any of the previous ones, and bore visible marks of being the forerunners of the judgment which would inevitably fall upon Pharaoh, if he continued his opposition to the will of the Almighty God.
In this graduated series of plagues, the judgment of hardening was inflicted upon Pharaoh in the manner explained above. In the first three plagues God showed him, that He, the God of Israel, was Jehovah (Exodus 7:17), i.e., that He ruled as Lord and King over the occurrences and powers of nature, which the Egyptians for the most part honoured as divine; and before His power the magicians of Egypt with their secret arts were put to shame. These three wonders made no impression upon the king. The plague of frogs, indeed, became so troublesome to him, that he begged Moses and Aaron to intercede with their God to deliver him from them, and promised to let the people go (8:8). But as soon as they were taken away, he hardened his heart, and would not listen to the messengers of God. Of the three following plagues, the first (i.e., the fourth in the entire series), viz., the plague of swarming creatures or dog-flies, with which the distinction between the Egyptians and Israelites commenced, proving to Pharaoh that the God of Israel was Jehovah in the midst of the land (8:22), made such an impression upon the hardened king, that he promised to allow the Israelites to sacrifice to their God, first of all in the land, and when Moses refused this condition, even outside the land, if they would not go far away, and Moses and Aaron would pray to God for him, that this plague might be taken away by God from him and from his people (8:25ff.). But this concession was only forced out of him by suffering; so that as soon as the plague ceased he withdrew it again, and his hard heart was not changed by the two following plagues.
Hence still heavier plagues were sent, and he had to learn from the last three that there was no god in the whole earth like Jehovah, the God of the Hebrews (Hebrews 9:14). The terrible character of these last plagues so affected the proud heart of Pharaoh, that twice he acknowledged he had sinned (Exodus 9:27; 10:16), and gave a promise that he would let the Israelites go, restricting his promise first of all to the men, and then including their families also (10:11,24). But when this plague was withdrawn, he resumed his old sinful defiance once more (9:34-35; 10:20), and finally was altogether hardened, and so enraged at Moses persisting in his demand that they should take their flocks as well, that he drove away the messengers of Jehovah and broke off all further negotiations, with the threat that he would kill them if ever they came into his presence again (10:28-29).
EXODUS. 7:8-13
Verse 8-13. Attestation of the Divine Mission of Moses and Aaron. — By Jehovah’s directions Moses and Aaron went to Pharaoh, and proved by a miracle ( tpewOm Exodus 4:21) that they were the messengers of the God of the Hebrews. Aaron threw down his staff before Pharaoh, and it became a serpent. Aaron’s staff as no other than the wondrous staff of Moses (Exodus 4:2-4). This is perfectly obvious from a comparison of vv. 15 and 17 with vv. 19 and 20. If Moses was directed, according to vv. 15ff., to go before Pharaoh with his rod which had been turned into a serpent, and to announce to him that he would smite the water of the Nile with the staff in his hand and turn it into blood, and then, according to vv. 19ff., this miracle was carried out by Aaron taking his staff and stretching out his hand over the waters of Egypt, the staff which Aaron held over the water cannot have been any other than the staff of Moses which had been turned into a serpent.
Consequently we must also understand by the staff of Aaron, which was thrown down before Pharaoh and became a serpent, the same wondrous staff of Moses, and attribute the expression “thy (i.e., Aaron’s) staff” to the brevity of the account, i.e., to the fact that the writer restricted himself to the leading facts, and passed over such subordinate incidents as that Moses gave his staff to Aaron for him to work the miracle. For the same reason he has not even mentioned that Moses spoke to Pharaoh by Aaron, or what he said, although in v. 13 he states that Pharaoh did not hearken unto them, i.e., to their message or their words. The serpent, into which the staff was changed, is not called vj;n; here, as in v. 15 and Exodus 4:3, but ˆyNiTæ (LXX dra>kwn , dragon), a general term for snake-like animals. This difference does not show that there were two distinct records, but may be explained on the ground that the miracle performed before Pharaoh had a different signification from that which attested the divine mission of Moses in the presence of his people.
The miraculous sign mentioned here is distinctly related to the art of snakecharming, which was carried to such an extent by the Psylli in ancient Egypt (cf. Bochart, and Hengstenberg, Egypt and Moses, pp. 98ff. transl.).
It is probable that the Israelites in Egypt gave the name ˆyNiTæ (Eng. ver. dragon), which occurs in Deuteronomy 32:33 and Psalm 91:13 as a parallel to ˆt,p, (Eng. ver. asp), to the snake with which the Egyptian charmers generally performed their tricks, the Hayeh of the Arabs. What the magi and conjurers of Egypt boasted that they could perform by their secret or magical arts, Moses was to effect in reality in Pharaoh’s presence, and thus manifest himself to the king as Elohim (v. 1), i.e., as endowed with divine authority and power. All that is related of the Psylli of modern times is, that they understand the art of turning snakes into sticks, or of compelling them to become rigid and apparently dead (for examples see Hengstenberg); but who can tell what the ancient Psylli may have been able to effect, or may have pretended to effect, at a time when the demoniacal power of heathenism existed in its unbroken force?
The magicians summoned by Pharaoh also turned their sticks into snakes (v. 12); a fact which naturally excites the suspicion that the sticks themselves were only rigid snakes, though, with our very limited acquaintance with the dark domain of heathen conjuring, the possibility of their working “lying wonders after the working of Satan,” i.e., supernatural things (2 Thess 2:9), cannot be absolutely denied. The words, “They also, the chartummim of Egypt, did in like manner with their enchantments,” are undoubtedly based upon the assumption, that the conjurers of Egypt not only pretended to possess the art of turning snakes into sticks, but of turning sticks into snakes as well, so that in the persons of the conjurers Pharaoh summoned the might of the gods of Egypt to oppose the might of Jehovah, the God of the Hebrews. For these magicians, whom the Apostle Paul calls Jannes and Jambres, according to the Jewish tradition (2 Tim 3:8), were not common jugglers, but µk;j; “wise men,” men educated in human and divine wisdom, and µfor]jæ , hierogrammatei’s, belonging to the priestly caste (Genesis 41:8); so that the power of their gods was manifested in their secret arts (l¦haaTiym from fhæl; to conceal, to act secretly, like laaTiym in v. 22 from fWl ), and in the defeat of their enchantments by Moses the gods of Egypt were overcome by Jehovah (Exodus 12:12). The supremacy of Jehovah over the demoniacal powers of Egypt manifested itself in the very first miraculous sign, in the fact that Aaron’s staff swallowed those of the magicians; though this miracle made no impression upon Pharaoh (v. 13).
THE FIRST THREE PLAGUES.
When Pharaoh hardened his heart against the first sing, notwithstanding the fact that it displayed the supremacy of the messengers of Jehovah over the might of the Egyptian conjurers and their gods, and refused to let the people of Israel go; Moses and Aaron were empowered by God to force the release of Israel from the obdurate king by a series of penal miracles.
These tpewOm were not purely supernatural wonders, or altogether unknown to the Egyptians, but were land-plagues with which Egypt was occasionally visited, and were raised into miraculous deeds of the Almighty God, by the fact that they burst upon the land one after another at an unusual time of the year, in unwonted force, and in close succession. These plagues were selected by God as miraculous signs, because He intended to prove thereby to the king and his servants, that He, Jehovah, was the Lord in the land, and ruled over the powers of nature with unrestricted freedom and omnipotence. For this reason God not only caused them to burst suddenly upon the land according to His word, and then as suddenly to disappear according to His omnipotent will, but caused them to be produced by Moses and Aaron and disappear again at their word and prayer, that Pharaoh might learn that these men were appointed by Him as His messengers, and were endowed by Him with divine power for the accomplishment of His will.
EXODUS. 7:14-25
The Water of the Nile Turned into Blood.
In the morning, when Pharaoh went to the Nile, Moses took his staff at the command of God; went up to him on the bank of the river, with the demand of Jehovah that he would let His people Israel go; and because hitherto ( hKoAd[æ ) he had not obeyed, announced this first plague, which Aaron immediately brought to pass. Both time and place are of significance here. Pharaoh went out in the morning to the Nile (v. 15; Exodus 8:20), not merely to take a refreshing walk, or to bathe in the river, or to see how high the water had risen, but without doubt to present his daily worship to the Nile, which was honoured by the Egyptians as their supreme deity (vid., Exodus 2:5). At this very moment the will of God with regard to Israel was declared to him; and for his refusal to comply with the will of the Lord as thus revealed to him, the smiting of the Nile with the staff made known to him the fact, that the God of the Hebrews was the true God, and possessed the power to turn the fertilizing water of this object of their highest worship into blood.
The changing of the water into blood is to be interpreted in the same sense as in Joel 3:4, where the moon is said to be turned into blood; that is to say, not as a chemical change into real blood, but as a change in the colour, which caused it to assume the appearance of blood (2 Kings 3:22).
According to the statements of many travellers, the Nile water changes its colour when the water is lowest, assumes first of all a greenish hue and is almost undrinkable, and then, while it is rising, becomes as red as ochre, when it is more wholesome again. The causes of this change have not been sufficiently investigated. The reddening of the water is attributed by many to the red earth, which the river brings down from Sennaar (cf.
Hengstenberg, Egypt and the Books of Moses, pp. 104ff. transl.; Laborde, comment. p. 28); but Ehrenberg came to the conclusion, after microscopical examinations, that it was caused by cryptogamic plants and infusoria.
This natural phenomenon was here intensified into a miracle, not only by the fact that the change took place immediately in all the branches of the river at Moses’ word and through the smiting of the Nile, but even more by a chemical change in the water, which caused the fishes to die, the stream to stink, and, what seems to indicate putrefaction, the water to become undrinkable; whereas, according to the accounts of travellers, which certainly do not quite agree with one another, and are not entirely trustworthy, the Nile water becomes more drinkable as soon as the natural reddening beings. The change in the water extended to “the streams,” or different arms of the Nile; “the rivers,” or Nile canals; “the ponds,” or large standing lakes formed by the Nile; and all “the pools of water,” lit., every collection of their waters, i.e., all the other standing lakes and ponds, left by the overflowings of the Nile, with the water of which those who lived at a distance from the river had to content themselves. “So that there was blood in all the land of Egypt, both in the wood and in the stone;” i.e., in the vessels of wood and stone, in which the water taken from the Nile and its branches was kept for daily use.
The reference is not merely to the earthen vessels used for filtering and cleansing the water, but to every vessel into which water had been put. The “stone” vessels were the stone reservoirs built up at the corners of the streets and in other places, where fresh water was kept for the poor (cf.
Oedmann’s verm. Samml. p. 133). The meaning of this supplementary clause is not that even the water which was in these vessels previous to the smiting of the river was turned into blood, in which Kurtz perceives “the most miraculous part of the whole miracle;” for in that case the “wood and stone” would have been mentioned immediately after the “gatherings of the waters;” but simply that there was no more water to put into these vessels that was not changed into blood. The death of the fishes was a sign, that the smiting had taken away from the river its life-sustaining power, and that its red hue was intended to depict before the eyes of the Egyptians all the terrors of death; but we are not to suppose that there was any reference to the innocent blood which the Egyptians had poured into the river through the drowning of the Hebrew boys, or to their own guilty blood which was afterwards to be shed.
Verse 22-25. This miracle was also imitated by the magicians. The question, where they got any water that was still unchanged, is not answered in the biblical text. Kurtz is of opinion that they took spring water for the purpose; but he has overlooked the fact, that if spring water was still to be had, there would be no necessity for the Egyptians to dig wells for the purpose of finding drinkable water. The supposition that the magicians did not try their arts till the miracle wrought by Aaron had passed away, is hardly reconcilable with the text, which places the return of Pharaoh to his house after the work of the magicians. For it can neither be assumed, that the miracle wrought by the messengers of Jehovah lasted only a few hours, so that Pharaoh was able to wait by the Nile till it was over, since in that case the Egyptians would not have thought it necessary to dig wells; nor can it be regarded as probable, that after the miracle was over, and the plague had ceased, the magicians began to imitate it for the purpose of showing the king that they could do the same, and that it was after this that the king went to his house without paying any need to the miracle.
We must therefore follow the analogy of Exodus 9:25 as compared with ch. 10:5, and not press the expression, “every collection of water” (v. 19), so as to infer that there was no Nile water at all, not even what had been taken away before the smiting of the river, that was not changed, but rather conclude that the magicians tried their arts upon water that was already drawn, for the purpose of neutralizing the effect of the plague as soon as it had been produced. The fact that the clause, “Pharaoh’s heart was hardened,” is linked with the previous clause, “the magicians did so, etc.,” by a vav consecutive, unquestionably implies that the imitation of the miracle by the magicians contributed to the hardening of Pharaoh’s heart.
The expression, “to this also,” in v. 23, points back to the first miraculous sign in vv. 10ff. This plague was keenly felt by the Egyptians; for the Nile contains the only good drinking water, and its excellence is unanimously attested by both ancient and modern writers (Hengstenberg ut sup. pp. 108, 109, transl.). As they could not drink of the water of the river from their loathing at its stench (v. 18), they were obliged to dig round about the river for water to drink (v. 24).
From this it is evident that the plague lasted a considerable time; according to v. 25, apparently seven days. At least this is the most natural interpretation of the words, “and seven days were fulfilled after that Jehovah had smitten the river.” It is true, there is still the possibility that this verse may be connected with the following one, “when seven days were fulfilled...Jehovah said to Moses.” But this is not probable; for the time which intervened between the plagues is not stated anywhere else, nor is the expression, “Jehovah said,” with which the plagues are introduced, connected in any other instance with what precedes. The narrative leaves it quite undecided how rapidly the plagues succeeded one another. On the supposition that the changing of the Nile water took place at the time when the river began to rise, and when the reddening generally occurs, many expositors fix upon the month of June or July for the commencement of the plague; in which case all the plagues down to the death of the first-born, which occurred in the night of the 14th Abib, i.e., about the middle of April, would be confined to the space of about nine months.
But this conjecture is a very uncertain one, and all that is tolerably sure is, that the seventh plague (the hail) occurred in February (vid., Exodus 9:31- 32), and there were (not three weeks, but) eight weeks therefore, or about two months, between the seventh and tenth plagues; so that between each of the last three there would be an interval of fourteen or twenty days. And if we suppose that there was a similar interval in the case of all the others, the first plague would take place in September or October-that is to say, after the yearly overflow of the Nile, which lasts from June to September.
EXODUS. 8:1-6
The plague of Frogs, or the second plague, also proceeded from the Nile, and had its natural origin in the putridity of the slimy Nile water, whereby the marsh waters especially became filled with thousands of frogs. [æDer]pæx] is the small Nile frog, the Dofda of the Egyptians, called rana Mosaica or Nilotica by Seetzen, which appears in large numbers as soon as the waters recede. These frogs [æDer]pæx] in Exodus 8:6, used collectively) became a penal miracle from the fact that they came out of the water in unparalleled numbers, in consequence of the stretching out of Aaron’s staff over the waters of the Nile, as had been foretold to the king, and that they not only penetrated into the houses and inner rooms (“bed-chamber”), and crept into the domestic utensils, the beds ( hF;mi ), the ovens, and the kneadingtroughs (not the “dough” as Luther renders it), but even got upon the men themselves.
EXODUS. 8:7-9
This miracle was also imitated by the Egyptian augurs with their secret arts, and frogs were brought upon the land by them. But if they were able to bring the plague, they could not take it away. The latter is not expressly stated, it is true; but it is evident from the fact that Pharaoh was obliged to send for Moses and Aaron to intercede with Jehovah to take them away.
The king would never have applied to Moses and Aaron for help if his charmers could have charmed the plague away. Moreover the fact that Pharaoh entreated them to intercede with Jehovah to take away the frogs, and promised to let the people go, that they might sacrifice to Jehovah (v. 8), was a sign that he regarded the God of Israel as the author of the plague. To strengthen the impression made upon the king by this plague with reference to the might of Jehovah, Moses said to him (v. 9), “Glorify thyself over me, when I shall entreat for thee,” i.e., take the glory upon thyself of determining the time when I shall remove the plague through my intercession. The expression is elliptical, and rmæa; (saying) is to be supplied, as in Judges 7:2. To give Jehovah the glory, Moses placed himself below Pharaoh, and left him to fix the time for the frogs to be removed through his intercession.
EXODUS. 8:10-15
The king appointed the following day, probably because he hardly thought it possible for so great a work to be performed at once. Moses promised that it should be so: “According to thy word (sc., let it be), that thou mayest know that there is not (a God) like Jehovah our God.” He then went out and cried, i.e., called aloud and earnestly, to Jehovah concerning the matter ( rb;d; `l[æ ) of the frogs, which he had set, i.e., prepared, for Pharaoh ( µWc as in Genesis 45:7). In consequence of his intercession God took the plague away. The frogs died off ( ˆmi tWm , to die away out of, from), out of the houses, and palaces, and fields, and were gathered together by bushels (chaamaariym from rm,jo , the omer, the largest measure used by the Hebrews), so that the land stank with the odour of their putrefaction. Though Jehovah had thus manifested Himself as the Almighty God and Lord of the creation, Pharaoh did not keep his promise; but when he saw that there was breathing-time ( hj;w;r] , ana>psuxiv , relief from an overpowering pressure), literally, as soon as he “got air,” he hardened his heart, so that he did not hearken to Moses and Aaron dbæK; inf. abs. as in Genesis 41:43).
EXODUS. 8:16-17
The Gnats, or the third plague.
The ˆKe , or ˆKe (also ˆKe , probably an old singular form, Ewald, §163f), were not “lice,” but skni’fes, sciniphes, a species of gnats, so small as to be hardly visible to the eye, but with a sting which, according to Philo and Origen, causes a most painful irritation of the skin. They even creep into the eyes and nose, and after the harvest they rise in great swarms from the inundated rice-fields. This plague was caused by the fact that Aaron smote the dust of the ground with his staff, and all the dust throughout the land of Egypt turned into gnats, which were upon man and beast (v. 17). “Just as the fertilizing water of Egypt had twice become a plague, so through the power of Jehovah the soil so richly blessed became a plague to the king and his people.”
EXODUS. 8:18-19
“The magicians did so with their enchantments (i.e., smote the dust with rods), to bring forth gnats, but could not.” The cause of this inability is hardly to be sought for, as Knobel supposes, in the fact that “the thing to be done in this instance, was to call creatures into existence, and not merely to call forth and change creatures and things in existence already, as in the case of the staff, the water, and the frogs.” For after this, they could neither call out the dog-flies, nor protect their own bodies from the boils; to say nothing of the fact, that as gnats proceed from the eggs laid in the dust or earth by the previous generation, their production is not to be regarded as a direct act of creation any more than that of the frogs. The miracle in both plagues was just the same, and consisted not in a direct creation, but simply in a sudden creative generation and supernatural multiplication, not of the gnats only, but also of the frogs, in accordance with a previous prediction.
The reason why the arts of the Egyptians magicians were put to shame in this case, we have to seek in the omnipotence of God, restraining the demoniacal powers which the magicians had made subservient to their purposes before, in order that their inability to bring out these, the smallest of all creatures, which seemed to arise as it were from the dust itself, might display in the sight of every one the impotence of their secret arts by the side of the almighty creative power of the true God. This omnipotence the magicians were compelled to admit: they were compelled to acknowledge, “This is the finger of God.” “But they did not make this acknowledgment for the purpose of giving glory to God Himself, but simply to protect their own honour, that Moses and Aaron might not be thought to be superior to them in virtue or knowledge. It was equivalent to saying, it is not by Moses and Aaron that we are restrained, but by a divine power, which is greater than either” (Bochart). The word Elohim is decisive in support of this view. If they had meant to refer to the God of Israel, they would have used the name Jehovah. The “finger of God” denotes creative omnipotence (Psalm 8:3; Luke 11:20, cf. Exodus 31:18). Consequently this miracle also made no impression upon Pharaoh. THE THREE FOLLOWING PLAGUES.
As the Egyptian magicians saw nothing more than the finger of God in the miracle which they could not imitate, that is to say, the work of some deity, possibly one of the gods of the Egyptians, and not the hand of Jehovah the God of the Hebrews, who had demanded the release of Israel, a distinction was made in the plagues which followed between the Israelites and the Egyptians, and the former were exempted from the plagues: a fact which was sufficient to prove to any one that they came from the God of Israel.
To make this the more obvious, the fourth and fifth plagues were merely announced by Moses to the king. They were not brought on through the mediation of either himself or Aaron, but were sent by Jehovah at the appointed time; no doubt for the simple purpose of precluding the king and his wise men from the excuse which unbelief might still suggest, viz., that they were produced by the powerful incantations of Moses and Aaron.
EXODUS. 8:20-32
Verse 20-22. The fourth plague, the coming of which Moses foretold to Pharaoh, like the first, in the morning, and by the water (on the bank of the Nile), consisted in the sending of “heavy vermin,” probably Dog-Flies. `bro[; , literally a mixture, is rendered kuno’muia (dog-fly) by the LXX, pa’mmuia (all-fly), a mixture of all kinds of flies, by Symmachus. These insects are described by Philo and many travellers as a very severe scourge (vid., Hengstenberg ut sup. p. 113). They are much more numerous and annoying than the gnats; and when enraged, they fasten themselves upon the human body, especially upon the edges of the eyelids, and become a dreadful plague. dbeK; : a heavy multitude, as in Exodus 10:14; Genesis 50:9, etc. These swarms were to fill “the houses of the Egyptians, and even the land upon which they (the Egyptians) were,” i.e., that part of the land which was not occupied by houses; whilst the land of Goshen, where the Israelites dwelt, would be entirely spared. hl;p; (to separate, to distinguish in a miraculous way) is conjugated with an accusative, as in Psalm 4:4. It is generally followed by ˆyBe (Exodus 4:4; 11:7), to distinguish between. `rmæ[; : to stand upon a land, i.e., to inhabit, possess it; not to exist, or live (Exodus 21:21). Verse 23. “And I will put a deliverance between My people and thy people.” tWdp] does not mean diastolh> , divisio (LXX, Vulg.), but redemption, deliverance. Exemption from this plague was essentially a deliverance for Israel, which manifested the distinction conferred upon Israel above the Egyptians. By this plague, in which a separation and deliverance was established between the people of God and the Egyptians, Pharaoh was to be taught that the God who sent this plague was not some deity of Egypt, but “Jehovah in the midst of the land” (of Egypt); i.e., as Knobel correctly interprets it, (a) that Israel’s God was the author of the plague; (b) that He had also authority over Egypt; and (c) that He possessed supreme authority: or, to express it still more concisely, that Israel’s God was the Absolute God, who ruled both in and over Egypt with free and boundless omnipotence.
Verse 24-27. This plague, by which the land was destroyed ( tjæv; ), or desolated, inasmuch as the flies not only tortured, “devoured” (Psalm 78:45) the men, and disfigured them by the swellings produced by their sting, but also killed the plants in which they deposited their eggs, so alarmed Pharaoh that he sent for Moses and Aaron, and gave them permission to sacrifice to their God “in the land.” But Moses could not consent to this restriction. “It is not appointed so to do” ( ˆWK does not mean aptum, conveniens, but statutum, rectum), for two reasons: (1) because sacrificing in the land would be an abomination to the Egyptians, and would provoke them most bitterly (v. 26); and (2) because they could only sacrifice to Jehovah their God as He had directed them (v. 27).
The abomination referred to did not consist in their sacrificing animals which the Egyptians regarded as holy. For the word hbæ[ewOT (abomination) would not be applicable to the sacred animals. Moreover, the cow was the only animal offered in sacrifice by the Israelites, which the Egyptians regarded as sacred. The abomination would rather be this, that the Iran would not carry out the rigid regulations observed by the Egyptians with regard to the cleanness of the sacrificial animals (vid., Hengstenberg, p. 114), and in fact would not observe the sacrificial rites of the Egyptians at all. The Egyptians would be very likely to look upon this as an insult to their religion and their gods; “the violation of the recognised mode of sacrificing would be regarded as a manifestation of contempt for themselves and their gods” (Calvin), and this would so enrage them that they would stone the Israelites. The ˆhe before jbæz; in v. 26 is the interjection lo! but it stands before a conditional clause, introduced without a conditional particle, in the sense of if, which it has retained in the Chaldee, and in which it is used here and there in the Hebrew (e.g., Leviticus 25:20).
Verse 28-32. These reasons commended themselves to the heathen king from his own religious standpoint. He promised, therefore, to let the people go into the wilderness and sacrifice, provided they did not go far away, if Moses and Aaron would release him and his people from this plague through their intercession. Moses promised that the swarms should be removed the following day, but told the king not to deceive them again as he had done before (v. 8). But Pharaoh hardened his heart as soon as the plague was taken away, just as he had done after the second plague (v. 15), to which the word “also” refers (v. 32).
EXODUS. 9:1-2
The fifth plague consisted of a severe Murrain, which carried off the cattle ( hn,q]mi , the living property) of the Egyptians, that were in the field. To show how Pharaoh was accumulating guilt by his obstinate resistance, in the announcement of this plague the expression, “If thou refuse to let them go” (cf. Exodus 8:2), is followed by the words, “and wilt hold them (the Israelites) still” ( `dwO[ still further, even after Jehovah has so emphatically declared His will).
EXODUS. 9:3-5
“The hand of Jehovah will be ( hy;h; , which only occurs here, as the participle of hy;h; , generally takes its form from hy;h; , Neh 6:6; Eccl 2:22) against thy cattle...as a very severe plague ( rb,D, that which sweeps away, a plague), i.e., will smite them with a severe plague. A distinction was again made between the Israelites and the Egyptians. “Of all (the cattle) belonging to the children of Israel, not one ( rb;d; v. 4, = dj;a, v. 6) shall die.” A definite time was also fixed for the coming of the plague, as in the case of the previous one (Exodus 8:23), in order that, whereas murrains occasionally occur in Egypt, Pharaoh might discern in his one the judgment of Jehovah.
EXODUS. 9:6
In the words “all the cattle of the Egyptians died,” all is not to be taken in an absolute sense, but according to popular usage, as denoting such a quantity, that what remained was nothing in comparison; and, according to v. 3, it must be entirely restricted to the cattle in the field. For, according to vv. 9 and 19, much of the cattle of the Egyptians still remained even after this murrain, though it extended to all kinds of cattle, horses, asses, camels, oxen, and sheep, and differed in this respect from natural murrains.
EXODUS. 9:7
But Pharaoh’s heart still continued hardened, though he convinced himself by direct inquiry that the cattle of the Israelites had been spared.
EXODUS. 9:8-12
The sixth plague smote man and beast with Boils Breaking Forth in ˆyjiv] (a common disease in Egypt, Deuteronomy 28:27) from the unusual word ˆkæv; (incaluit) signifies inflammation, then an abscess or boil (Leviticus 13:18ff.; 2 Kings 20:7). h[;Bu[]bæa , from [bær; , to spring up, swell up, signifies blisters, flukti>dev (LXX), pustulae. The natural substratum of this plague is discovered by most commentators in the so-called Nileblisters, which come out in innumerable little pimples upon the scarletcoloured skin, and change in a short space of time into small, round, and thickly-crowded blisters. This is called by the Egyptians Hamm el Nil, or the heat of the inundation. According to Dr. Bilharz, it is a rash, which occurs in summer, chiefly towards the close at the time of the overflowing of the Nile, and produces a burning and pricking sensation upon the skin; or, in Seetzen’s words, “it consists of small, red, and slightly rounded elevations in the skin, which give strong twitches and slight stinging sensations, resembling those of scarlet fever” (p. 209).
The cause of this eruption, which occurs only in men and not in animals, has not been determined; some attributing it to the water, and others to the heat. Leyrer, in Herzog’s Cyclopaedia, speaks of the “Anthrax which stood in a causal relation to the fifth plague; a black, burning abscess, which frequently occurs after a murrain, especially the cattle distemper, and which might be called to mind by the name a>nqrax , coal, and the symbolical sprinkling of the soot of the furnace.” In any case, the manner in which this plague was produced was significant, though it cannot be explained with positive certainty, especially as we are unable to decide exactly what was the natural disease which lay at the foundation of the plague. At the command of God, Moses and Aaron took “handfuls of soot, and sprinkled it towards the heaven, so that it became dust over all the land of Egypt,” i.e., flew like dust over the land, and became boils on man and beast. ˆv;b]Ki jæypi : soot or ashes of the smelting-furnace or lime-kiln. ˆv;b]Ki is not an oven or cooking stove, but, as Kimchi supposes, a smelting-furnace or lime-kiln; not so called, however, a metallis domandis, but from vbæK; in its primary signification to press together, hence (a) to soften, or melt, (b) to tread down.
Burder’s view seems inadmissible; namely, that this symbolical act of Moses had some relation to the expiatory rites of the ancient Egyptians, in which the ashes of sacrifices, particularly human sacrifices, were scattered about. For it rests upon the supposition that Moses took the ashes from a fire appropriated to the burning of sacrifices-a supposition to which neither ˆv;b]Ki nor jæypi is appropriate. For the former does not signify a fire-place, still less one set apart for the burning of sacrifices, and the ashes taken from the sacrifices for purifying purposes were called rp,ae , and not jæypi (Numbers 19:10). Moreover, such an interpretation as this, namely, that the ashes set apart for purifying purposes produced impurity in the hands of Moses, as a symbolical representation of the thought, that “the religious purification promised in the sacrificial worship of Egypt was really a defilement,” does not answer at all to the effect produced. The ashes scattered in the air by Moses did not produce defilement, but boils or blisters; and we have no ground for supposing that they were regarded by the Egyptians as a religious defilement. And, lastly, there was not one of the plagues in which the object was to pronounce condemnation upon the Egyptian worship or sacrifices; since Pharaoh did not wish to force the Egyptian idolatry upon the Israelites, but simply to prevent them from leaving the country.
The ashes or soot of the smelting-furnace or lime-kiln bore, no doubt, the same relation to the plague arising therefrom, as the water of the Nile and the dust of the ground to the three plagues which proceeded from them. As Pharaoh and his people owed their prosperity, wealth, and abundance of earthly goods to the fertilizing waters of the Nile and the fruitful soil, so it was from the lime-kilns, so to speak, that those splendid cities and pyramids proceeded, by which the early Pharaohs endeavoured to immortalize the power and glory of their reigns. And whilst in the first three plagues the natural sources of the land were changed by Jehovah, through His servants Moses and Aaron, into sources of evil, the sixth plague proved to the proud king that Jehovah also possessed the power to bring ruin upon him from the workshops of those splendid edifices, for the erection of which he had made use of the strength of the Israelites, and oppressed them so grievously with burdensome toil as to cause Egypt to become like a furnace for smelting iron (Deuteronomy 4:20), and that He could make the soot or ashes of the lime-kiln, the residuum of that fiery heat and emblem of the furnace in which Israel groaned, into a seed which, when carried through the air at His command, would produce burning boils on man and beast throughout all the land of Egypt. These boils were the first plague which attacked and endangered the lives of men; and in this respect it was the first foreboding of the death which Pharaoh would bring upon himself by his continued resistance. The priests were so far from being able to shelter the king from this plague by their secret arts, that they were attacked by them themselves, were unable to stand before Moses, and were obliged to give up all further resistance. But Pharaoh did not take this plague to heart, and was given up to the divine sentence of hardening.
THE LAST THREE PLAGUES.
EXODUS. 9:13-16
As the plagues had thus far entirely failed to bend the unyielding heart of Pharaoh under the will of the Almighty God, the terrors of that judgment, which would infallibly come upon him, were set before him in three more plagues, which were far more terrible than any that had preceded them.
That these were to be preparatory to the last decisive blow, is proved by the great solemnity with which they were announced to the hardened king (vv. 13-16). This time Jehovah was about to “send all His strokes at the heart of Pharaoh, and against his servants and his people” (v. 14 ËB]liAla, does not signify “against thy person,” for ble is not used for vp,n, , and even the latter is not a periphrasis for “person;” but the strokes were to go to the king’s heart, “It announces that they will be plagues that will not only strike the head and arms, but penetrate the very heart, and inflict a mortal wound” (Calvin).
From the plural “strokes,” it is evident that this threat referred not only to the seventh plague, viz., the hail, but to all the other plagues, through which Jehovah was about to make known to the king that “there was none like Him in all the earth,;” i.e., that not one of the gods whom the heathen worshipped was like Him, the only true God. For, in order to show this, Jehovah had not smitten Pharaoh and his people at once with pestilence and cut them off from the earth, but had set him up to make him see, i.e., discern or feel His power, and to glorify His name in all the earth (vv. 15, 16). In v. 15 wgw’ jlæv; (I have stretched out, etc.) is to be taken as the conditional clause: “If I had now stretched out My hand and smitten thee...thou wouldest have been cut off.” `rmæ[; forms the antithesis to djæK; , and means to cause to stand or continue, as in 1 Kings 15:4; 2 Chronicles 9:8 ( diethrh>qhv LXX). Causing to stand presupposes setting up. In this first sense the Apostle Paul has rendered it exh>geira in Romans 9:17, in accordance with the purport of his argument, because “God thereby appeared still more decidedly as absolutely determining all that was done by Pharaoh” (Philippi on Romans 9:17). The reason why God had not destroyed Pharaoh at once was twofold: (1) that Pharaoh himself might experience ( taor]hæ to cause to see, i.e., to experience) the might of Jehovah, by which he was compelled more than once to give glory to Jehovah (v. 27; Exodus 10:16-17; 12:31); and (2) that the name of Jehovah might be declared throughout all the earth. As both the rebellion of the natural man against the word and will of God, and the hostility of the world-power to the Lord and His people, were concentrated in Pharaoh, so there were manifested in the judgments suspended over him the patience and grace of the living God, quite as much as His holiness, justice, and omnipotence, as a warning to impenitent sinners, and a support to the faith of the godly, in a manner that should by typical for all times and circumstances of the kingdom of God in conflict with the ungodly world. The report of this glorious manifestation of Jehovah spread at once among all the surrounding nations (cf. 15:14ff.), and travelled not only to the Arabians, but to the Greeks and Romans also, and eventually with the Gospel of Christ to all the nations of the earth (vid., Tholuck on Romans 9:17).
EXODUS. 9:17-18
The seventh plague.
To break down Pharaoh’s opposition, Jehovah determined to send such a Hail as had not been heard of since the founding of Egypt, accompanied by thunder and masses of fire, and to destroy every man and beast that should be in the field. llæs; `dwO[ : “thou still dammest thyself up against My people.” llæs; : to set one’s self as a dam, i.e., to oppose; from llæs; , to heap up earth as a dam or rampart. “To-morrow about this time,” to give Pharaoh time for reflection. Instead of “from the day that Egypt was founded until now,” we find in v. 24 “since it became a nation,” since its existence as a kingdom or nation.
EXODUS. 9:19-23
The good advice to be given by Moses to the king, to secure the men and cattle that were in the field, i.e., to put them under shelter, which was followed by the God-fearing Egyptians (v. 21), was a sign of divine mercy, which would still rescue the hardened man and save him from destruction.
Even in Pharaoh’s case the possibility still existed of submission to the will of God; the hardening was not yet complete. But as he paid no heed to the word of the Lord, the predicted judgment was fulfilled (vv. 22-26). “Jehovah gave voices” ( lwOq ); called “voices of God” in v. 28. This term is applied to the thunder (cf. Exodus 19:16; 20:18; Psalm 29:3-9), as being the mightiest manifestation of the omnipotence of God, which speaks therein to men (Rev 10:3-4), and warns them of the terrors of judgment.
These terrors were heightened by masses of fire, which came down from the sky along with the hail that smote man and beast in the field, destroyed the vegetables, and shattered the trees. “And fire ran along upon the ground;” Ëlæh\Ti is a Kal, though it sounds like Hithpael, and signifies grassari, as in Psalm 73:9. EXODUS 9:24 “Fire mingled;” lit., collected together, i.e., formed into balls (cf. Ezekiel 1:4). “The lightning took the form of balls of fire, which came down like burning torches.”
EXODUS. 9:25-28
The expressions, “every herb,” and “every tree,” are not to be taken absolutely, just as in v. 6, as we may see from Exodus 10:5. Storms are not common in Lower or Middle Egypt, but they occur most frequently between the months of December and April; and hail sometimes accompanies them, though not with great severity. In themselves, therefore, thunder, lightning, and hail were not unheard of. They also came at the time of year when they usually occur, namely, when the cattle were in the field, i.e., between January and April, the only period in which cattle are turned out for pasture (for proofs, see Hengstenberg, Egypt and the Books of Moses). The supernatural character of this plague was manifested, not only in its being predicted by Moses, and in the exemption of the land of Goshen, but more especially in the terrible fury of the hailstorm, which made a stronger impression upon Pharaoh than all the previous plagues. For he sent for Moses and Aaron, and confessed to them, “I have sinned this time: Jehovah is righteous; I and my people are the sinners” (vv. 27ff.). But the very limitation “this time” showed that his repentance did not go very deep, and that his confession was far more the effect of terror caused by the majesty of God, which was manifested in the fearful thunder and lightning, than a genuine acknowledgment of his guilt.
This is apparent also from the words which follow: “Pray to Jehovah for me, and let it be enough ( bræ satis, as in Genesis 45:28) of the being ( hy;h; ) of the voices of God and of the hail;” i.e., there has been enough thunder and hail, they may cease now.
EXODUS. 9:29-30
Moses promised that his request should be granted, that he might know “that the land belonged to Jehovah,” i.e., that Jehovah ruled as Lord over Egypt (cf. Exodus 8:18); at the same time he told him that the fear manifested by himself and his servants was no true fear of God. yy’ µynip; arey; denotes the true fear of God, which includes a voluntary subjection to the divine will. Observe the expression, Jehovah, Elohim: Jehovah, who is Elohim, the Being to be honoured as supreme, the true God.
EXODUS. 9:31-32
The account of the loss caused by the hail is introduced very appropriately in vv. 31 and 32, to show how much had been lost, and how much there was still to lose through continued refusal. “The flax and the barley were smitten, for the barley was ear, and the flax was l[ob]Gi (blossom); i.e., they were neither of them quite ripe, but they were already in ear and blossom, so that they were broken and destroyed by the hail. “The wheat,” on the other hand, “and the spelt were not broken down, because they were tender, or late” ( lypia; ); i.e., they had no ears as yet, and therefore could not be broken by the hail. These accounts are in harmony with the natural history of Egypt. According to Pliny, the barley is reaped in the sixth month after the sowing-time, the wheat in the seventh. The barley is ripe about the end of February or beginning of March; the wheat, at the end of March or beginning of April. The flax is in flower at the end of January. In the neighbourhood of Alexandria, and therefore quite in the north of Egypt, the spelt is ripe at the end of April, and farther south it is probably somewhat earlier; for, according to other accounts, the wheat and spelt ripen at the same time (vid., Hengstenberg, p. 119). Consequently the plague of hail occurred at the end of January, or at the latest in the first half of February; so that there were at least eight weeks between the seventh and tenth plagues. The hail must have smitten the half, therefore, of the most important field-produce, viz., the barley, which was a valuable article of food both for men, especially the poorer classes, and for cattle, and the flax, which was also a very important part of the produce of Egypt; whereas the spelt, of which the Egyptians preferred to make their bread (Herod. 2, 36, 77), and the wheat were still spared.
EXODUS. 9:33-35
But even this plague did not lead Pharaoh to alter his mind. As soon as it had ceased on the intercession of Moses, he and his servants continued sinning and hardening their hearts. EXODUS 10:1-2 The eighth plague; the Locusts.
Vv. 1-6. As Pharaoh’s pride still refused to bend to the will of God, Moses was directed to announce another, and in some respects a more fearful, plague. At the same time God strengthened Moses’ faith, by telling him that the hardening of Pharaoh and his servants was decreed by Him, that these signs might be done among them, and that Israel might perceive by this to all generations that He was Jehovah (cf. Exodus 7:3-5). We may learn from Psalm 78 and 105 in what manner the Israelites narrated these signs to their children and children’s children. twOa tyvi , to set or prepare signs (v. 1), is interchanged with µWc (v. 2) in the same sense (vid., Exodus 8:12). The suffix in br,q, (v. 1) refers to Egypt as a country; and that in µyrit;a\ ] (v. 2) to the Egyptians. In the expression, “thou mayest tell,” Moses is addressed as the representative of the nation. `llæ[; : to have to do with a person, generally in a bad sense, to do him harm (1 Samuel 31:4). “How I have put forth My might” (Deuteronomy Wette).
EXODUS. 10:3
As Pharaoh had acknowledged, when the previous plague was sent, that Jehovah was righteous (Exodus 9:27), his crime was placed still more strongly before him: “How long wilt thou refuse to humble thyself before Me?” ( `hn;[; for `hn;[; , as in Exodus 34:24).
EXODUS. 10:4-6
To punish this obstinate refusal, Jehovah would bring locusts in such dreadful swarms as Egypt had never known before, which would eat up all the plants left by the hail, and even fill the houses. “They will cover the eye of the earth.” This expression, which is peculiar to the Pentateuch, and only occurs again in v. 15 and Numbers 22:5,11, is based upon the ancient and truly poetic idea, that the earth, with its covering of plants, looks up to man. To substitute the rendering “surface” for the “eye,” is to destroy the real meaning of the figure; “face” is better. It was in the swarms that actually hid the ground that the fearful character of the plague consisted, as the swarms of locusts consume everything green. “The residue of the escape” is still further explained as “that which remaineth unto you from the hail,” viz., the spelt and wheat, and all the vegetables that were left (vv. 12 and 15). For “all the trees that sprout” (v. 5), we find in v. 15, “all the tree-fruits and everything green upon the trees.”
EXODUS. 10:7-11
The announcement of such a plague of locusts, as their forefathers had never seen before since their existence upon earth, i.e., since the creation of man (v. 6), put the servants of Pharaoh in such fear, that they tried to persuade the king to let the Israelites go. “How long shall this (Moses) be a snare to us?...Seest thou not yet, that Egypt is destroyed?” vqewOm , a snare or trap for catching animals, is a figurative expression for destruction. vwOna’ (v. 7) does not mean the men, but the people. The servants wished all the people to be allowed to go as Moses had desired; but Pharaoh would only consent to the departure of the men ( rb,G, , v. 11).
Verse 8-11. As Moses had left Pharaoh after announcing the plague, he was fetched back again along with Aaron, in consequence of the appeal made to the king by his servants, and asked by the king, how many wanted to go to the feast. ymi ymi , “who and who still further are the going ones;” i.e., those who wish to go? Moses required the whole nation to depart, without regard to age or sex, along with all their flocks and herds. He mentioned “young and old, sons and daughters;” the wives as belonging to the men being included in the “we.” Although he assigned a reason for this demand, viz., that they were to hold a feast to Jehovah, Pharaoh was so indignant, that he answered scornfully at first: “Be it so; Jehovah be with you when I let you and your little ones go;” i.e., may Jehovah help you in the same way in which I let you and your little ones go. This indicated contempt not only for Moses and Aaron, but also for Jehovah, who had nevertheless proved Himself, by His manifestations of mighty power, to be a God who would not suffer Himself to be trifled with.
After this utterance of his ill-will, Pharaoh told the messengers of God that he could see through their intention. “Evil is before your face;” i.e., you have evil in view. He called their purpose an evil one, because they wanted to withdraw the people from his service. “Not so,” i.e., let it not be as you desire. “Go then, you men, and serve Jehovah.” But even this concession was not seriously meant. This is evident from the expression, “Go then,” in which the irony is unmistakeable; and still more so from the fact, that with these words he broke off all negotiation with Moses and Aaron, and drove them from his presence. vræG; : “one drove them forth;” the subject is not expressed, because it is clear enough that the royal servants who were present were the persons who drove them away. “For this are ye seeking:” tae relates simply to the words “serve Jehovah,” by which the king understood the sacrificial festival, for which in his opinion only the men could be wanted; not that “he supposed the people for whom Moses had asked permission to go, to mean only the men” (Knobel). The restriction of the permission to depart to the men alone was pure caprice; for even the Egyptians, according to Herodotus (2, 60), held religious festivals at which the women were in the habit of accompanying the men.
EXODUS. 10:12-15
After His messengers had been thus scornfully treated, Jehovah directed Moses to bring the threatened plague upon the land. “Stretch out thy hand over the land of Egypt with locusts;” i.e., so that the locusts may come. `hl;[; , to go up: the word used for a hostile invasion. The locusts are represented as an army, as in Joel 1:6. Locusts were not an unknown scourge in Egypt; and in the case before us they were brought, as usual, by the wind. The marvellous character of the phenomenon was, that when Moses stretched out his hand over Egypt with the staff, Jehovah caused an east wind to blow over the land, which blew a day and a night, and the next morning brought the locusts (“brought:” inasmuch as the swarms of locusts are really brought by the wind).
Verse 13-14. “An east wind: not no>tov (LXX), the south wind, as Bochart supposed. Although the swarms of locusts are generally brought into Egypt from Libya or Ethiopia, and therefore by a south or south-west wind, they are sometimes brought by the east wind from Arabia, as Denon and others have observed (Hgstb. p. 120). The fact that the wind blew a day and a night before bringing the locusts, showed that they came from a great distance, and therefore proved to the Egyptians that the omnipotence of Jehovah reached far beyond the borders of Egypt, and ruled over every land. Another miraculous feature in this plague was its unparalleled extent, viz., over the whole of the land of Egypt, whereas ordinary swarms are confined to particular districts. In this respect the judgment had no equal either before or afterwards (v. 14). The words, “Before them there were no such locusts as they, neither after them shall be such,” must not be diluted into “a hyperbolical and proverbial saying, implying that there was no recollection of such noxious locusts,” as it is by Rosenmüller. This passage is not at variance with Joel 2:2, for the former relates to Egypt, the latter to the land of Israel; and Joel’s description unquestionably refers to the account before us, the meaning being, that quite as terrible a judgment would fall upon Judah and Israel as had formerly been inflicted upon Egypt and the obdurate Pharaoh. In its dreadful character, this Egyptian plague is a type of the plagues which will precede the last judgment, and forms the groundwork for the description in Rev 9:3-10; just as Joel discerned in the plagues which burst upon Judah in his own day a presage of the day of the Lord (Joel 1:15; 2:1), i.e., of the great day of judgment, which is advancing step by step in all the great judgments of history or rather of the conflict between the kingdom of God and the powers of this world, and will be finally accomplished in the last general judgment.
Verse 15. The darkening of the land, and the eating up of all the green plants by swarms of locusts, have been described by many eye-witnesses of such plagues. “Locustarum plerumque tanta conspicitur in Africa frequentia, ut volantes instar nebulae solis radios operiant” (Leo Afric). “Solemque obumbrant” (Pliny, h. n. ii. 29).
EXODUS. 10:16-17
This plague, which even Pliny calls Deorum irae pestis, so terrified Pharaoh, that he sent for Moses and Aaron in haste, confessed his sin against Jehovah and them, and entreated them but this once more to procure, through their intercession with Jehovah their God, the forgiveness of his sin and the removal of “this death.” He called the locusts death, as bringing death and destruction, and ruining the country. Mors etiam agrorum est et herbarum atque arborum, as Bochart observes with references to Gen. 47:19; Job 14:8; Ps. 48:47.
EXODUS. 10:18-20
To show the hardened king the greatness of the divine long-suffering, Moses prayed to the Lord, and the Lord cast the locusts into the Red Sea by a strong west wind. The expression “Jehovah turned a very strong west wind” is a concise form, for “Jehovah turned the wind into a very strong west wind.” The fact that locusts do perish in the sea is attested by many authorities. Gregatim sublatae vento in maria aut stagna decidunt (Pliny); many others are given by Bochart and Volney. [qæT; : He thrust them, i.e., drove them with irresistible force, into the Red Sea. The Red Sea is called ãWs µy; , according to the ordinary supposition, on account of the quantity of sea-weed which floats upon the water and lies upon the shore; but Knobel traces the name to a town which formerly stood at the head of the gulf, and derived its name from the weed, and supports his opinion by the omission of the article before Suph, though without being able to prove that any such town really existed in the earlier times of the Pharaohs.
EXODUS. 10:21-26
Ninth plague: The Darkness.
As Pharaoh’s defiant spirit was not broken yet, a continuous darkness came over all the land of Egypt, with the exception of Goshen, without any previous announcement, and came in such force that the darkness could be felt. Ëv,j vvæm; : “and one shall feel, grasp darkness.” heemeesh: as in Psalm 115:7; Judges 16:26, pshlafhto>n sko>tov (LXX); not “feel in the dark,” for vvæm; has this meaning only in the Piel with b¦ (Deuteronomy 28:29). hl;pea Ëv,j : darkness of obscurity, i.e., the deepest darkness. The combination of two words or synonyms gives the greatest intensity to the thought. The darkness was so great that they could not see one another, and no one rose up from his place. The Israelites alone “had light in their dwelling-places.” The reference here is not to the houses; so that we must not infer that the Egyptians were unable to kindle any lights even in their houses.
The cause of this darkness is not given in the text; but the analogy of the other plagues, which had all of them a natural basis, warrants us in assuming, as most commentators have done, that there was the same herethat it was in fact the Chamsin, to which the LXX evidently allude in their rendering: sko>tov kai> gno>fov kai> qu>ella . This wind, which generally blows in Egypt before and after the vernal equinox and lasts two or three days, usually rises very suddenly, and fills the air with such a quantity of fine dust and coarse sand, that the sun loses its brightness, the sky is covered with a dense veil, and it becomes so dark that “the obscurity cause by the thickest fog in our autumn and winter days is nothing in comparison” (Schubert). Both men and animals hide themselves from this storm; and the inhabitants of the towns and villages shut themselves up in the innermost rooms and cellars of their houses till it is over, for the dust penetrates even through well-closed windows.
For fuller accounts taken from travels, see Hengstenberg (pp. 120ff.) and Robinson’s Palestine i. pp. 287-289. Seetzen attributes the rising of the dust to a quantity of electrical fluid contained in the air. — The fact that in this case the darkness alone is mentioned, may have arisen from its symbolical importance. “The darkness which covered the Egyptians, and the light which shone upon the Israelites, were types of the wrath and grace of God” (Hengstenberg). This occurrence, in which, according to Arabian chroniclers of the middle ages, the nations discerned a foreboding of the day of judgment or of the resurrection, filled the king with such alarm that he sent for Moses, and told him he would let the people and their children go, but the cattle must be left behind. gxæy; : sistatur, let it be placed, deposited in certain places under the guard of Egyptians, as a pledge of your return.
Maneat in pignus, quod reversuri sitis, as Chaskuni correctly paraphrases it. But Moses insisted upon the cattle being taken for the sake of their sacrifices and burnt-offerings. “Not a hoof shall be left behind.” This was a proverbial expression for “not the smallest fraction.” Bochart gives instances of a similar introduction of the “hoof” into proverbial sayings by both Arabians and Romans (Hieroz. i. p. 490). This firmness on the part of Moses he defended by saying, “We know not with what we shall serve the Lord, till we come thither;” i.e., we know not yet what kind of animals or how many we shall require for the sacrifices; our God will not make this known to us till we arrive at the place of sacrifice. `dbæ[; with a double accusative as in Genesis 30:29; to serve any one with a thing.
EXODUS. 10:27-29
At this demand, Pharaoh, with the hardness suspended over him by God, fell into such wrath, that he sent Moses away, and threatened him with death, if he ever appeared in his presence again. “See my face,” as in Genesis 43:3. Moses answered, “Thou hast spoken rightly.” For as God had already told him that the last blow would be followed by the immediate release of the people, there was no further necessity for him to appear before Pharaoh. EXODUS 11:1 Proclamation of the Tenth Plague; or the Decisive Blow.
Vv. 1-3. The announcement made by Jehovah to Moses, which is recorded here, occurred before the last interview between Moses and Pharaoh (Exodus 10:24-29); but it is introduced by the historian in this place, as serving to explain the confidence with which Moses answered Pharaoh (10:29). This is evident from vv. 4-8, where Moses is said to have foretold to the king, before leaving his presence, the last plague and all its consequences. rmæa; therefore, in v. 1, is to be taken in a pluperfect sense: “had said;” and may be grammatically accounted for from the old Semitic style of historical writing referred to at p. 54, as vv. 1 and 2 contain the foundation for the announcement in vv. 4-8. So far as the facts are concerned, vv. 1-3 point back to Exodus 3:19-22. One stroke more ( [gæn, ) would Jehovah bring upon Pharaoh and Egypt, and then the king would let the Israelites go, or rather drive them out. hl;K; jlæv; , “when he lets you go altogether ( hl;K; adverbial as in Genesis 18:21), he will even drive you away.”
EXODUS. 11:2-3
In this way Jehovah would overcome the resistance of Pharaoh; and even more than that, for Moses was to tell the people to ask the Egyptians for articles of silver and gold, for Jehovah would make them willing to give.
The renown acquired by Moses through his miracles in Egypt would also contribute to this. (For the discussion of this subject, see Exodus 3:21-22.)
The communication of these instructions to the people is not expressly mentioned; but it is referred to in Exodus 12:35-36, as having taken place.
EXODUS. 11:4-8
Moses’ address to Pharaoh forms the continuation of his brief answer in Exodus 10:29. At midnight Jehovah would go out through the midst of Egypt. This midnight could not be “the one following the day on which Moses was summoned to Pharaoh after the darkness,” as Baumgarten supposes; for it was not till after this conversation with the king that Moses received the divine directions as to the Passover, and they must have been communicated to the people at least four days before the feast of the Passover and their departure from Egypt (Exodus 12:3). What midnight is meant, cannot be determined. So much is certain, however, that the last decisive blow did not take place in the night following the cessation of the ninth plague; but the institution of the Passover, the directions of Moses to the people respecting the things which they were to ask for from the Egyptians, and the preparations for the feast of the Passover and the exodus, all came between.
The “going out” of Jehovah from His heavenly seat denotes His direct interposition in, and judicial action upon, the world of men. The last blow upon Pharaoh was to be carried out by Jehovah Himself, whereas the other plagues had been brought by Moses and Aaron. µyiræx]mi Ëw,T; “in (through) the midst of Egypt:” the judgment of God would pass from the centre of the kingdom, the king’s throne, over the whole land. “Every first-born shall die, from the first-born of Pharaoh, that sitteth upon his throne, even unto the first-born of the maid that is behind the mill,” i.e., the meanest slave (cf.
Exodus 12:29, where the captive in the dungeon is substituted for the maid, prisoners being often employed in this hard labour, Judges 16:21; Isaiah 47:2), “and all the first-born of cattle.” This stroke was to fall upon both man and beast as a punishment for Pharaoh’s conduct in detaining the Israelites and their cattle; but only upon the first-born, for God did not wish to destroy the Egyptians and their cattle altogether, but simply to show them that He had the power to do this.
The first-born represented the whole race, of which it was the strength and bloom (Genesis 49:3). But against the whole of the people of Israel “not a dog shall point its tongue” (v. 7). The dog points its tongue to growl and bite. The thought expressed in this proverb, which occurs again in Joshua 10:21 and Judith 11:19, was that Israel would not suffer the slightest injury, either in the case of “man or beast.” By this complete preservation, whilst Egypt was given up to death, Israel would discover that Jehovah had completed the separation between them and the Egyptians. The effect of this stroke upon the Egyptians would be “a great cry,” having no parallel before or after (cf. Exodus 10:14); and the consequence of this cry would be, that the servants of Pharaoh would come to Moses and entreat them to go out with all the people. “At thy feet,” i.e., in thy train (vid., Deuteronomy 11:6; Judges 8:5). With this announcement Moses departed from Pharaoh in great wrath. Moses’ wrath was occasioned by the king’s threat (Exodus 10:28), and pointed to the wrath of Jehovah, which Pharaoh would soon experience. As the more than human patience which Moses had displayed towards Pharaoh manifested to him the long-suffering and patience of his God, in whose name and by whose authority he acted, so the wrath of the departing servant of God was to show to the hardened king, that the time of grace was at an end, and the wrath of God was about to burst upon him.
EXODUS 11:9,10 In vv. 9 and 10 the account of Moses’ negotiations with Pharaoh, which commenced at Exodus 7:8, is brought to a close. What God predicted to His messengers immediately before sending them to Pharaoh (Exodus 7:3), and to Moses before his call (4:21), had now come to pass. And this was the pledge that the still further announcement of Jehovah in Exodus 7:4 and 4:23, which had already been made known to the hardened king (vv. 4ff.), would be carried out. As these verses have a terminal character, the vav consecutive in rmæa; denotes the order of thought and not of time, and the two verses are to be rendered thus: “As Jehovah had said to Moses, Pharaoh will not hearken unto you, that My wonders may be multiplied in the land of Egypt, Moses and Aaron did all these wonders before Pharaoh; and Jehovah hardened Pharaoh’s heart, so that he did not let the children of Israel go out of his land.”
CONSECRATION OF ISRAEL AS THE COVENANT NATION. DELIVERANCE FROM EGYPT. Institution of the Passover The deliverance of Israel from the bondage of Egypt was at hand; also their adoption as the nation of Jehovah (Exodus 6:6-7). But for this a divine consecration was necessary, that their outward severance from the land of Egypt might be accompanied by an inward severance from everything of an Egyptian or heathen nature. This consecration was to be imparted by the Passover-a festival which was to lay the foundation for Israel’s birth (Hosea 2:5) into the new life of grace and fellowship with God, and to renew it perpetually in time to come. This festival was therefore instituted and commemorated before the exodus from Egypt. Vv. 1-28 contain the directions for the Passover: viz., vv. 1-14 for the keeping of the feast of the Passover before the departure from Egypt, and vv. 15-20 for the seven days’ feast of unleavened bread. In vv. 21-27 Moses communicates to the elders of the nation the leading instructions as to the former feast, and the carrying out of those instructions is mentioned in v. 28.
EXODUS. 12:1-28
Verse 1-2. By the words, “in the land of Egypt,” the law of the Passover which follows is brought into connection with the giving of the law at Sinai and in the fields of Moab, and is distinguished in relation to the former as the first or foundation law for the congregation of Jehovah. The creation of Israel as the people of Jehovah (Isaiah 43:15) commenced with the institution of the Passover. As a proof of this, it was preceded by the appointment of a new era, fixing the commencement of the congregation of Jehovah. “This month” (i.e., the present in which ye stand) “be to you the head (i.e., the beginning) of the months, the first let it be to you for the months of the year;” i.e., let the numbering of the months, and therefore the year also, begin with it. Consequently the Israelites had hitherto had a different beginning to their year, probably only a civil year, commencing with the sowing, and ending with the termination of the harvest (cf.
Exodus 23:16); whereas the Egyptians most likely commenced their year with the overflowing of the Nile at the summer solstice (cf. Lepsius, Chron. 1, pp. 148ff.). The month which was henceforth to be the first of the year, and is frequently so designated (Exodus 40:2,17; Leviticus 23:5, etc.), is called Abib (the ear-month) in Exodus 13:4; 23:15; 34:18; Deuteronomy 16:1, because the corn was then in ear; after the captivity it was called Nisan (Neh 2:1; Est 3:7). It corresponds very nearly to our April.
Verse 3-14. Arrangements for the Passover. — “All the congregation of Israel” was the nation represented by its elders (cf. v. 21, and my bibl.
Arch. ii. p. 221). “On the tenth of this (i.e., the first) month, let every one take to himself hc, (a lamb, lit., a young one, either sheep or goats; v. 5, and Deuteronomy 14:4), according to fathers’ houses” (vid., Exodus 6:14), i.e., according to the natural distribution of the people into families, so that only the members of one family or family circle should unite, and not an indiscriminate company. In v. 21 mishpachoth is used instead. “A lamb for the house,” tyiBæ , i.e., the family forming a household.
Verse 4. But if “the house be too small for a lamb” (lit., “small from the existence of a lamb,” ˆmi comparative: hc, hy;h; is an existence which receives its purpose from the lamb, which answers to that purpose, viz., the consumption of the lamb, i.e., if a family is not numerous enough to consume a lamb), “let him (the house-father) and his nearest neighbour against his house take (sc., a lamb) according to the calculation of the persons.” hs;k]mi computatio (Leviticus 27:23), from ssæK; computare; and sk,m, , the calculated amount or number (Numbers 31:28): it only occurs in the Pentateuch. “Every one according to the measure of his eating shall ye reckon for the lamb:” i.e., in deciding whether several families had to unite, in order to consume one lamb, they were to estimate how much each person would be likely to eat. Consequently more than two families might unite for this purpose, when they consisted simply of the father and mother and little children. A later custom fixed ten as the number of persons to each paschal lamb; and Jonathan has interpolated this number into the text of his Targum.
Verse 5. The kind of lamb: µymiT; integer, uninjured, without bodily fault, like all the sacrifices (Leviticus 22:19-20); a male like the burnt-offerings (Leviticus 1:3,11); hn,v; ˆBe one year old ( eniau>siov , LXX). This does not mean “standing in the first year, viz., from the eighth day of its life to the termination of the first year” (Rabb. Cler., etc.), a rule which applied to the other sacrifices only (Exodus 22:29; Leviticus 22:27). The opinion expressed by Ewald and others, that oxen were also admitted at a later period, is quite erroneous, and cannot be proved from Deuteronomy 16:2, or 2 Chronicles 30:24 and 35:7ff. As the lamb was intended as a sacrifice (v. 27), the characteristics were significant. Freedom from blemish and injury not only befitted the sacredness of the purpose to which they were devoted, but was a symbol of the moral integrity of the person represented by the sacrifice. It was to be a male, as taking the place of the male firstborn of Israel; and a year old, because it was not till then that it reached the full, fresh vigour of its life. “Ye shall take it out from the sheep or from the goats:” i.e.,, as Theodoret explains it, “He who has a sheep, let him slay it; and he who has no sheep, let him take a goat.” Later custom restricted the choice to the lamb alone; though even in the time of Josiah kids were still used as well (2 Chronicles 25:7).
Verse 6. “And it shall be to you for preservation (ye shall keep it) until the fourteenth day, and then...slay it at sunset.” Among the reasons commonly assigned for the instruction to choose the lamb on the 10th, and keep it till the 14th, which Jonathan and Rashi supposed to refer to the Passover in Egypt alone, there is an element of truth in the one given most fully by Fagius, “that the sight of the lamb might furnish an occasion for conversation respecting their deliverance from Egypt,...and the mercy of God, who had so graciously looked upon them;” but this hardly serves to explain the interval of exactly four days. Hofmann supposes it to refer to the four doroth (Genesis 15:16), which had elapsed since Israel was brought to Egypt, to grow into a nation. The probability of such an allusion, however, depends upon just what Hofmann denies without sufficient reason, viz., upon the lamb being regarded as a sacrifice, in which Israel consecrated itself to its God. It was to be slain by “the whole assembly of the congregation of Israel:” not by the whole assembled people, as though they gathered together for this purpose, for the slaughtering took place in every house (v. 7); the meaning is simply, that the entire congregation, without any exception, was to slay it at the same time, viz., “between the two evenings” (Numbers 9:3,5,11), or “in the evening at sunset” (Deuteronomy 16:6).
Different opinions have prevailed among the Jews from a very early date as to the precise time intended. Aben Ezra agrees with the Caraites and Samaritans in taking the first evening to be the time when the sun sinks below the horizon, and the second the time of total darkness; in which case, “between the two evenings” would be from 6 o’clock to Exodus 7:20. Kimchi and Rashi, on the other hand, regard the moment of sunset as the boundary between the two evenings, and Hitzig has lately adopted their opinion. According to the rabbinical idea, the time when the sun began to descend, viz., from 3 to 5 o’clock, was the first evening, and sunset the second; so that “between the two evenings” was from 3 to 6 o’clock.
Modern expositors have very properly decided in favour of the view held by Aben Ezra and the custom adopted by the Caraites and Samaritans, from which the explanation given by Kimchi and Rashi does not materially differ.
It is true that this argument has been adduced in favour of the rabbinical practice, viz., that “only by supposing the afternoon to have been included, can we understand why the day of Passover is always called the 14th (Leviticus 23:5; Numbers 9:3, etc.);” and also, that “if the slaughtering took place after sunset, it fell on the 15th Nisan, and not the 14th.” But both arguments are based upon an untenable assumption. For it is obvious from Leviticus 23:32, where the fast prescribed for the day of atonement, which fell upon the 10th of the 7th month, is ordered to commence on the evening of the 9th day, “from even to even,” that although the Israelites reckoned the day of 24 hours from the evening sunset to sunset, in numbering the days they followed the natural day, and numbered each day according to the period between sunrise and sunset. Nevertheless there is no formal disagreement between the law and the rabbinical custom.
The expression in Deuteronomy 16:6, “at (towards) sunset,” is sufficient to show that the boundary line between the two evenings is not to be fixed precisely at the moment of sunset, but only somewhere about that time.
The daily evening sacrifice and the incense offering were also to be presented “between the two evenings” (Exodus 29:39,41; 30:8; Numbers 28:4). Now as this was not to take place exactly at the same time, but to precede it, they could not both occur at the time of sunset, but the former must have been offered before that. Moreover, in later times, when the paschal lamb was slain and offered at the sanctuary, it must have been slain and offered before sunset, if only to give sufficient time to prepare the paschal meal, which was to be over before midnight. It was from these circumstances that the rabbinical custom grew up in the course of time, and the lax use of the word evening, in Hebrew as well as in every other language, left space enough for this. For just as we do not confine the term morning to the time before sunset, but apply it generally to the early hours of the day, so the term evening is not restricted to the period after sunset.
If the sacrifice prescribed for the morning could be offered after sunrise, the one appointed for the evening might in the same manner be offered before sunset.
Verse 7. Some of the blood was to be put ( ˆtæn; as in Leviticus 4:18, where ˆtæn; is distinguished from hizaah, to sprinkle, in v. 17) upon the two posts and the lintel of the door of the house in which the lamb was eaten. This blood was to be to them a sign (v. 13); for when Jehovah passed through Egypt to smite the first-born, He would see the blood, and would spare these houses, and not permit the destroyer to enter them (vv. 13, 23). The two posts with the lintel represented the door (v. 23), which they surrounded; and the doorway through which the house was entered stood for the house itself, as we may see from the frequent expression “in thy gates,” for in thy towns (Exodus 20:10; Deuteronomy 5:14; 12:17, etc.).
The threshold, which belonged to the door quite as much as the lintel, was not to be smeared with blood, in order that the blood might not be trodden under foot. But the smearing of the door-posts and lintel with blood, the house was expiated and consecrated on an altar. That the smearing with blood was to be regarded as an act of expiation, is evident from the simple fact, that a hyssop-bush was used for the purpose (v. 22); for sprinkling with hyssop is never prescribed in the law, except in connection with purification in the sense of expiation (Leviticus 14:49ff.; Numbers 19:18-19). In Egypt the Israelites had no common altar; and for this reason, the houses in which they assembled for the Passover were consecrated as altars, and the persons found in them were thereby removed from the stroke of the destroyer. In this way the smearing of the door-posts and lintel became a sign to Israel of their deliverance from the destroyer. Jehovah made it so by His promise, that He would see the blood, and pass over the houses that were smeared with it. Through faith in this promise, Israel acquired in the sign a firm pledge of its deliverance. The smearing of the doorway was relinquished, after Moses (not Josiah, as Vaihinger supposes, cf.
Deuteronomy 16:5-6) had transferred the slaying of the lambs to the court of the sanctuary, and the blood had been ordered to be sprinkled upon the altar there.
Verse 8-9. With regard to the preparation of the lamb for the meal, the following directions were given: “They shall eat the lamb in that night” (i.e., the night following the 14th), and none of it an; (“underdone” or raw), or lveB; (“boiled,” — lit., done, viz., µyimæ lvæB; , done in water, i.e., boiled, as lvæB; does not mean to be boiled, but to become ripe or done, Joel 3:13); “but roasted with fire, even its head on (along with) its thighs and entrails;” i.e., as Rashi correctly explains it, “undivided or whole, so that neither head nor thighs were cut off, and not a bone was broken (v. 46), and the viscera were roasted in the belly along with the entrails,” the latter, of course, being first of all cleansed. On µy[ir;K] and br,q, see Leviticus 1:9. These regulations are all to be regarded from one point of view.
The first two, neither underdone nor boiled, were connected with the roasting of the animal whole. As the roasting no doubt took place on a spit, since the Israelites while in Egypt can hardly have possessed such ovens of their own, as are prescribed in the Talmud and are met with in Persia, the lamb would be very likely to be roasted imperfectly, or underdone, especially in the hurry that must have preceded the exodus (v. 11). By boiling, again, the integrity of the animal would have been destroyed, partly through the fact that it could never have been got into a pot whole, as the Israelites had no pots or kettles sufficiently large, and still more through the fact that, in boiling, the substance of the flesh is more or less dissolved.
For it is very certain that the command to roast was not founded upon the hurry of the whole procedure, as a whole animal could be quite as quickly boiled as roasted, if not even more quickly, and the Israelites must have possessed the requisite cooking utensils. It was to be roasted, in order that it might be placed upon the table undivided and essentially unchanged. “Through the unity and integrity of the lamb given them to eat, the participants were to be joined into an undivided unity and fellowship with the Lord, who had provided them with the meal” (cf. 1 Cor 10:17). f95 They were to eat it with hX;mæ ( a>zuma , azymi panes; LXX, Vulg.), i.e., (not sweet, or parched, but) pure loaves, nor fermented with leaven; for leaven, which sets the dough in fermentation, and so produces impurity, was a natural symbol of moral corruption, and was excluded from the sacrifices therefore as defiling (Leviticus 2:11). “Over (upon) bitter herbs they shall eat it.” rrom] , pikri>dev (LXX), lactucae agrestes (Vulg.), probably refers to various kinds of bitter herbs.
Bikri>v , according to Aristot. Hist. an. 9, 6, and Plin. h. n. 8, 41, is the same as lactuca silvestris, or wild lettuce; but in Dioscor. 2, 160, it is referred to as the wild se>riv or kicw>rion , i.e., wild endive, the intubus or intubum of the Romans. As lettuce and endive are indigenous in Egypt, and endive is also met with in Syria from the beginning of the winter months to the end of March, and lettuce in April and May, it is to these herbs of bitter flavor that the term merorim chiefly applies; though others may also be included, as the Arabs apply the same term to Scorzonera orient., Picris scabra, Sonclus oler., Hieracium uniflor., and others (Forsk. flor. cxviii. and 143); and in the Mishnah, Pes. 2, 6, five different varieties of bitter herbs are reckoned as merorim, though it is difficult to determine what they are (cf. Bochart, Hieroz. 1, pp. 691ff., and Cels. Hierobot. ii. p. 727).
By `l[æ (upon) the bitter herbs are represented, both here and in Numbers 9:11, not as an accompaniment to the meat, but as the basis of the meal. `l[æ does not signify along with, or indicate accompaniment, not even in Exodus 35:22; but in this and other similar passages it still retains its primary signification, upon or over. It is only used to signify accompaniment in cases where the ideas of protection, meditation, or addition are prominent. If, then, the bitter herbs are represented in this passage as the basis of the meal, and the unleavened bread also in Numbers 9:11, it is evident that the bitter herbs were not intended to be regarded as a savoury accompaniment, by which more flavour was imparted to the sweeter food, but had a more profound signification. The bitter herbs were to call to mind the bitterness of life experienced by Israel in Egypt (Exodus 1:14), and this bitterness was to be overpowered by the sweet flesh of the lamb. In the same way the unleavened loaves are regarded as forming part of the substance of the meal in Numbers 9:11, in accordance with their significance in relation to it (vid., v. 15). There is no discrepancy between this and Deuteronomy 16:3, where the mazzoth are spoken of as an accompaniment to the flesh of the sacrifice; for the allusion there is not to the eating of the paschal lamb, but to sacrificial meals held during the seven days’ festival.
Verse 10-11. The lamb was to be all eaten wherever this was possible; but if any was left, it was to be burned with fire the following day-a rule afterwards laid down for all the sacrificial meals, with one solitary exception (vid., Leviticus 7:15). They were to eat it ˆwOzP;ji , “in anxious flight” (from chaapaz trepidare, Psalm 31:23; to flee in terror, Deuteronomy 20:3; 2 Kings 7:15); in travelling costume therefore-with “the loins girded,” that they might not be impeded in their walking by the long flowing dress (2 Kings 4:29)-with “shoes (Sandals) on their feet,” that they might be ready to walk on hard, rough roads, instead of barefooted, as they generally went (cf. Joshua 9:5,13; Bynaeus de calceis ii. 1, 7; and Bochart, Hieroz. i. pp. 686ff.), and “staff in hand” (Genesis 32:11). The directions in v. 11 had reference to the paschal meal in Egypt only, and had no other signification than to prepare the Israelites for their approaching departure. But though “this preparation was intended to give the paschal meal the appearance of a support for the journey, which the Israelites were about to tale,” this by no means exhausts its signification. The divine instructions close with the words, “it is jsæp, to Jehovah;” i.e., what is prescribed is a pesach appointed by Jehovah, and to be kept for Him (cf.
Exodus 20:10, “Sabbath to Jehovah;” 32:5, “feast to Jehovah”). The word jsæp, , Aram. aj;s]pi , Gr. pa>sca , is derived from jsæp; , lit., to leap or hop, from which these two meanings arise: (1) to limp (1 Kings 18:21; 2 Samuel 4:4, etc.); and (2) to pass over, transire (hence Tiphsah, a passage over, 1 Kings 4:24). It is for the most part used figuratively for uJperbai>nein , to pass by or spare; as in this case, where the destroying angel passed by the doors and houses of the Israelites that were smeared with blood. From this, pesach ( uJpe>rbasiv , Aquil. in v. 11; uJperbasi>a , Joseph. Ant. ii. 14, 6) came afterwards to be used for the lamb, through which, according to divine appointment, the passing by or sparing had been effected (vv. 21, 27; Chronicles 35:1,13, etc.); then for the preparation of the lamb for a meal, in accordance with the divine instructions, or for the celebration of this meal (thus here, v. 11; Leviticus 23:5; Numbers 9:7, etc.); and then, lastly, it was transferred to the whole seven days’ observance of the feast of unleavened bread, which began with this meal (Deuteronomy 16:1), and also to the sacrifices which were to be offered at that feast (Deuteronomy 16:2; 2 Chronicles 35:1,7, etc.). The killing of the lamb appointed for the pesach was a jbæz, , i.e., a slain-offering, as Moses calls it when making known the command of God to the elders (v. 27); consequently the eating of it was a sacrificial feast (“the sacrifice of the feast of the Passover,” Exodus 34:25).
For jbæz, is never applied to slaying alone, as fjæv; is. Even in Prov 17:1 and 1 Samuel 28:24, which Hofmann adduces in support of this meaning, it signifies “to sacrifice” only in a figurative or transferred sense. At the first Passover in Egypt, it is true, there was no presentation ( bræq; ), because Israel had not altar there. But the presentation took place at the very first repetition of the festival at Sinai (Numbers 9:7). The omission of this in Egypt, on account of the circumstances in which they were placed, constituted no essential difference between the first “sacrifice of the Passover” and the repetitions of it; for the choice of the lamb four days before it was slain, was a substitute for the presentation, and the sprinkling of the blood, which was essential to every sacrifice, was effected in the smearing of the door-posts and lintel. The other difference upon which Hofmann lays stress, viz., that at all subsequent Passovers the fat of the animal was burned upon the altar, is very questionable. For this custom cannot be proved from the Old Testament, though it is prescribed in the Mishnah. f96 But even if the burning of the fat of the paschal lamb had taken place shortly after the giving of the law, on the ground of the general command in Leviticus 3:17; 7:23ff. (for this is not taken for granted in Exodus 23:18, as we shall afterwards show), this difference could also be accounted for from the want of an altar in Egypt, and would not warrant us in refusing to admit the sacrificial character of the first Passover. For the appointment of the paschal meal by God does not preclude the idea that it was a religious service, nor the want of an altar the idea of sacrifice, as Hofmann supposes.
All the sacrifices of the Jewish nation were minutely prescribed by God, so that the presentation of them was the consequence of divine instructions.
And even though the Israelites, when holding the first Passover according to the command of God, merely gave expression to their desire to participate in the deliverance from destruction and the redemption of Egypt, and also to their faith in the word and promise of God, we must neither measure the signification of this divine institution by that fact, nor restrict it to this alone, inasmuch as it is expressly described as a sacrificial meal.
Verse 12, 13. In vv. 12 and 13 the name pesach is explained. In that night Jehovah would pass through Egypt, smite all the first-born of man and beast, execute judgment upon all the gods of Egypt, and pass over ( jsæp; ) the Israelites. In what the judgment upon all the gods of Egypt consisted, it is hard to determine. The meaning of these words is not exhausted by Calvin’s remark: “God declared that He would be a judge against the false gods, because it was most apparent then, now little help was to be found in them, and how vain and fallacious was their worship.” The gods of Egypt were spiritual authorities and powers, daimo>nia , which governed the life and spirit of the Egyptians. Hence the judgment upon them could not consist of the destruction of idols, as Ps. Jonathan’s paraphrase supposes: idola fusa colliquescent, lapidea concidentur, testacea confringentur, lignea in cinerem redigentur. For there is nothing said about this; but in v. 29 the death of the first-born of men and cattle alone is mentioned as the execution of the divine threat; and in Numbers 33:4 also the judgment upon the gods is connected with the burial of the first-born, without special reference to anything besides. From this it seems to follow pretty certainly, that the judgments upon the gods of Egypt consisted in the slaying of the first-born of man and beast. But the slaying of the first-born was a judgment upon the gods, not only because the impotence and worthlessness of the fancied gods were displayed in the consternation produced by this stroke, but still more directly in the fact, that in the slaying of the king’s son and many of the first-born animals, the gods of Egypt, which were worshipped both in their kings and also in certain sacred animals, such as the bull Apis and the goat Nendes, were actually smitten themselves.
Verse 13. To the Israelites, on the other hand, the blood upon the houses in which they were assembled would be a sign and pledge that Jehovah would spare them, and no plague should fall upon them to destroy (cf.
Ezek. 21:36; not “for the destroyer,” for there is no article with tyjiv]mæ ).
Verse 14. That day (the evening of the 14th) Israel was to keep “for a commemoration as a feast to Jehovah,” consecrated for all time, as an “eternal ordinance,” rwOD “in your generations,” i.e., for all ages, dorot denoting the succession of future generations (vid., v. 24). As the divine act of Israel’s redemption was of eternal significance, so the commemoration of that act was to be an eternal ordinance, and to be upheld as long as Israel should exist as the redeemed people of the Lord, i.e., to all eternity, just as the new life of the redeemed was to endure for ever. For the Passover, the remembrance of which was to be revived by the constant repetition of the feast, was the celebration of their birth into the new life of fellowship with the Lord. The preservation from the stroke of the destroyer, from which the feast received its name, was the commencement of their redemption from the bondage of Egypt, and their elevation into the nation of Jehovah. The blood of the paschal lamb was atoning blood; for the Passover was a sacrifice, which combined in itself the signification of the future sin-offerings and peace-offerings; in other words, which shadowed forth both expiation and quickening fellowship with God. The smearing of the houses of the Israelites with the atoning blood of the sacrifice set forth the reconciliation of Israel and its God, through the forgiveness and expiation of its sins; and in the sacrificial meal which followed, their communion with the Lord, i.e., their adoption as children of God, was typically completed. In the meal the sacrificium became a sacramentum, the flesh of the sacrifice a means of grace, by which the Lord adopted His spared and redeemed people into the fellowship of His house, and gave them food for the refreshing of their souls.
Verse 15-20. Judging from the words “I brought out” in v. 17, Moses did not receive instructions respecting the seven days’ feast of Mazzoth till after the exodus from Egypt; but on account of its internal and substantial connection with the Passover, it is placed here in immediate association with the institution of the paschal meal. “Seven days shall he eat unleavened bread, only Ëaæ ) on the first day (i.e., not later than the first day) he shall cause to cease (i.e., put away) leaven out of your houses.”
The first day was the 15th of the month (cf. Leviticus 23:6; Numbers 28:17). On the other hand, when ˆwOvari is thus defined in v. 18, “on the 14th day of the month at even,” this may be accounted for from the close connection between the feast of Mazzoth and the feast of Passover, inasmuch as unleavened bread was to be eaten with the paschal lamb, so that the leaven had to be cleared away before this meal. The significance of this feast was in the eating of the mazzoth, i.e., of pure unleavened bread (see v. 8). As bread, which is the principal means of preserving life, might easily be regarded as the symbol of life itself, so far as the latter is set forth in the means employed for its own maintenance and invigoration, so the mazzoth, or unleavened loaves, were symbolical of the new life, as cleansed from the leaven of a sinful nature. But if the eating of mazzoth was to shadow forth the new life into which Israel was transferred, any one who ate leavened bread at the feast would renounce this new life, and was therefore to be cut off from Israel, i.e., “from the congregation of Israel” (v. 19).
Verse 16. On the first and seventh days, a holy meeting was to be held, and labour to be suspended. vd,qoAr;q]mi is not indictio sancti, proclamatio sanctitatis (Vitringa), but a holy assembly, i.e., a meeting of the people for the worship of Jehovah (Ezekiel 46:3,9). ar;q]mi , from ar;q; to call, is that which is called, i.e., the assembly (Isaiah 4:5; Neh 8:8). No work was to be done upon these days, except what was necessary for the preparation of food; on the Sabbath, even this was prohibited (Exodus 35:2-3). Hence in Leviticus 23:7, the “work” is called “servile work,” ordinary handicraft.
Verse 17-20. “Observe the Mazzoth” (i.e., the directions given in vv. and 16 respecting the feast of Mazzoth), “for on this very day I have brought your armies out of the land of Egypt.” This was effected in the night of the 14th-15th, or rather at midnight, and therefore in the early morning of the 15th Abib. Because Jehovah had brought Israel out of Egypt on the 15th Abib, therefore Israel was to keep Mazzoth for seven days. Of course it was not merely a commemoration of this event, but the exodus formed the groundwork of the seven days’ feast, because it was by this that Israel had been introduced into a new vital element. For this reason the Israelites were to put away all the leaven of their Egyptian nature, the leaven of malice and wickedness (1 Cor 5:8), and by eating pure and holy bread, and meeting for the worship of God, to show that they were walking in newness of life.
This aspect of the feast will serve to explain the repeated emphasis laid upon the instructions given concerning it, and the repeated threat of extermination against either native or foreigner, in case the law should be disobeyed (vv. 18-20). To eat leavened bread at this feast, would have been a denial of the divine act, by which Israel was introduced into the new life of fellowship with Jehovah. rGe , a stranger, was a non-Israelite who lived for a time, or possibly for his whole life, in the midst of the Israelitish nation, but without being incorporated into it by circumcision. xr,a, jr;z]a, , a tree that grows upon the soil in which it was planted; hence indigena, the native of a country. This term was applied to the Israelites, “because they had sprung from Isaac and Jacob, who were born in the land of Canaan, and had received it from God as a permanent settlement” (Clericus). The feast of Mazzoth, the commemoration of Israel’s creation as the people of Jehovah (Isaiah 43:15-17), was fixed for seven days, to stamp upon it in the number seven the seal of the covenant relationship. This heptad of days was made holy through the sanctification of the first and last days by the holding of a holy assembly, and the entire suspension of work. The beginning and the end comprehended the whole. In the eating of unleavened bread Israel laboured for meat for the new life (John 6:27), whilst the seal of worship was impressed upon this new life in the holy convocation, and the suspension of labour was the symbol of rest in the Lord.
Verse 21-28. Of the directions given by Moses to the elders of the nation, the leading points only are mentioned here, viz., the slaying of the lamb and the application of the blood (vv. 21, 22). The reason for this is then explained in v. 23, and the rule laid down in vv. 24-27 for its observance in the future.
Verse 21-22. “Withdraw and take:” Ëvæm; is intransitive here, to draw away, withdraw, as in Judges 4:6; 5:14; 20:37. bwOzae hD;gua : a bunch or bundle of hyssop: according to Maimonides, “quantum quis comprehendit manu sua.” bwOzae ( uJ>sswpov ) was probably not the plant which we call hyssop, the hyssopus officinalis, for it is uncertain whether this is to be found in Syria and Arabia, but a species of origanum resembling hyssop, the Arabian zâter, either wild marjoram or a kind of thyme, Thymus serpyllum, mentioned in Forsk. flora Aeg. p. 107, which is very common in Syria and Arabia, and is called zâter, or zatureya, the pepper or bean plant. “That is in the bason;” viz the bason in which the blood had been caught when the animal was killed. [gæn; , “and let it reach to, i.e., strike, the lintel:” in ordinary purifications the blood was sprinkled with the bunch of hyssop (Leviticus 14:51; Numbers 19:18). The reason for the command not to go out of the door of the house was, that in this night of judgment there would be no safety anywhere except behind the blood-stained door.
Verse 23-26. (cf. v. 13). “He will not suffer ( ˆtæn; ) the destroyer to come into your houses:” Jehovah effected the destruction of the first-born through tjæv; , the destroyer, or destroying angel, ho holothreu’oon (Hebrews 11:28), i.e., not a fallen angel, but the angel of Jehovah, in whom Jehovah revealed Himself to the patriarchs and Moses. This is not at variance with Psalm 78:49; for the writer of this psalm regards not only the slaying of the first-born, but also the pestilence (Exodus 9:1-7), as effected through the medium of angels of evil: though, according to the analogy of 1 Samuel 13:17, tjæv; might certainly be understood collectively as applying to a company of angels. V. 24. “This word,” i.e., the instructions respecting the Passover, they were to regard as an institution for themselves and their children for ever ( µl;wO[Ad[æ in the same sense as `µl;wO[ , Genesis 17:7,13); and when dwelling in the promised land, they were to explain the meaning of this service to their sons. The ceremony is called `hd;bo[ , “service,” inasmuch as it was the fulfilment of a divine command, a performance demanded by God, though it promoted the good of Israel.
Verse 27. After hearing the divine instructions, the people, represented by their elders, bowed and worshipped; not only to show their faith, but also to manifest their gratitude for the deliverance which they were to receive in the Passover.
Verse 28. They then proceeded to execute the command, that through the obedience of faith they might appropriate the blessing of this “service.” EXODUS 12:29-36 Death of the first-born, and Release of Israel.
The last blow announced to Pharaoh took place in “the half of the night,” i.e., at midnight, when all Egypt was lying in deep sleep (Matthew 25:5-6), to startle the king and his people out of their sleep of sin. As all the previous plagues rested upon a natural basis, it might seem a probable supposition that this was also the case here, whilst the analogy of 2 Samuel 24:15-16 might lead us to think of a pestilence as the means employed by the destroying angel. In that case we should find the heightening of the natural occurrence into a miracle in the fact, that the first-born both of man and beast, and they alone, were all suddenly slain, whilst the Israelites remained uninjured in their houses. This view would be favoured, too, by the circumstance, that not only are pestilences of frequent occurrence in Egypt, but they are most fatal in the spring months.
On a closer examination, however, the circumstances mentioned tell against rather than in favour of such a supposition. In 2 Samuel 24:15, the pestilence is expressly alluded to; here it is not. The previous plagues were nearly all brought upon Egypt by Moses’ staff, and with most of them the natural sources are distinctly mentioned; but the last plague came direct from Jehovah without the intervention of Moses, certainly for no other reason than to make it apparent that it was a purely supernatural punishment inflicted by His own omnipotence. The words, “There was not a house where there was not one dead,” are to be taken literally, and not merely “as a general expression;” though, of course, they are to be limited, according to the context, to all the houses in which there were first-born of man or beast. The term “first-born” is not to be extended so far, however, as to include even heads of families who had children of their own, in which case there might be houses, as Lapide and others suppose, where the grandfather, the father, the son, and the wives were all lying dead, provided all of them were first-born. The words, “From the son of Pharaoh, who will sit upon his throne, to the son of the prisoners in the prison” (v. compared with Exodus 13:15), point unquestionably to those first-born sons alone who were not yet fathers themselves. But even with this limitation the blow was so terrible, that the effect produced upon Pharaoh and his people is perfectly intelligible.
Verse 30-32. The very same night Pharaoh sent for Moses and Aaron, and gave them permission to depart with their people, their children, and their cattle. The statement that Pharaoh sent for Moses and Aaron is not at variance with Exodus 10:28-29; and there is no necessity to resort to Calvin’s explanation, “Pharaoh himself is said to have sent for those whom he urged to depart through the medium of messengers from the palace.”
The command never to appear in his sight again did not preclude his sending for them under totally different circumstances. The permission to depart was given unconditionally, i.e., without involving an obligation to return. This is evident from the words, “Get you forth from among my people,” compared with Exodus 10:8,24, “Go ye, serve Jehovah,” and 8:25, “Go ye, sacrifice to your God in the land.” If in addition to this we bear in mind, that although at first, and even after the fourth plague (Exodus 8:27), Moses only asked for a three days’ journey to hold a festival, yet Pharaoh suspected that they would depart altogether, and even gave utterance to this suspicion, without being contradicted by Moses (Exodus 8:28, and 10:10); the words “Get you forth from among my people” cannot mean anything else than “depart altogether.”
Moreover, in Exodus 11:1 it was foretold to Moses that the result of the last blow would be, that Pharaoh would let them go, or rather drive them away; so that the effect of this blow, as here described, cannot be understood in any other way. And this is really implied in Pharaoh’s last words, “Go, and bless me also;” whereas on former occasions he had only asked them to intercede for the removal of the plagues (Exodus 8:8,28; 9:28; 10:17). Ërær; , to bless, indicates a final leave-taking, and was equivalent to a request that on their departure they would secure or leave behind the blessing of their God, in order that henceforth no such plague might ever befall him and his people. This view of the words of the king is not at variance either with the expression “as ye have said” in v. 31, which refers to the words “serve the Lord,” or with the same words in v. 32, for there they refer to the flock and herds, or lastly, with the circumstance that Pharaoh pursued the Israelites after they had gone, with the evident intention of bringing them back by force (Exodus 14:5ff.), because this resolution is expressly described as a change of mind consequent upon renewed hardening (Exodus 14:4-5).
Verse 33. “And Egypt urged the people strongly ( `l[æ qzæj; to press hard, katebia>zonto , LXX) to make haste, to send them out of the land;” i.e., the Egyptians urged the Israelites to accelerate their departure, “for they said (sc., to themselves), “We are all dead,” i.e., exposed to death. So great was their alarm at the death of the first-born.
Verse 34-36. This urgency of the Egyptians compelled the Israelites to take the dough, which they were probably about to bake for their journey, before it was leavened, and also their kneading-troughs bound up in their clothes (cloths) upon their shoulders. hl;m]ci , iJma>tion , was a large square piece of stuff or cloth, worn above the under-clothes, and could be easily used for tying up different things together. The Israelites had intended to leaven the dough, therefore, as the command to eat unleavened bread for seven days had not been given to them yet. But under the pressure of necessity they were obliged to content themselves with unleavened bread, or, as it is called in Deuteronomy 16:3, “the bread of affliction,” during the first days of their journey. But as the troubles connected with their departure from Egypt were merely the introduction to the new life of liberty and grace, so according to the counsel of God the bread of affliction was to become a holy food to Israel; the days of their exodus being exalted by the Lord into a seven days’ feast, in which the people of Jehovah were to commemorate to all ages their deliverance from the oppression of Egypt. The long-continued eating of unleavened bread, on account of the pressure of circumstances, formed the historical preparation for the seven days’ feast of Mazzoth, which was instituted afterwards. Hence this circumstance is mentioned both here and in v. 39. On vv. 35 and 36, see Exodus 3:21-22.
EXODUS. 12:37-42
Departure of the children of Israel out of Egypt.
The starting-point was Raëmses, from which they proceeded to Succoth (v. 37), thence to Etham at the end of the desert (Exodus 13:20), and from that by a curve to Hachiroth, opposite to the Red Sea, from which point they passed through the sea (Exodus 14:2,21ff.). Now, if we take these words simply as they stand, Israel touched the border of the desert of Arabia by the second day, and on the third day reached the plain of Suez and the Red Sea. But they could not possibly have gone so far, if Raëmses stood upon the site of the modern Belbeis. For though the distance from Belbeis to Suez by the direct road past “Rejûm el Khail is only a little more than 15 geographical miles, and a caravan with camels could make the journey in two days, this would be quite impossible for a whole nation travelling with wives, children, cattle, and baggage.
Such a procession could never have reached Etham, on the border of the desert, on their second day’s march, and then on the third day, by a circuitous course “of about a day’s march in extent,” have arrived at the plain of Suez between Ajiruud and the sea. This is admitted by Kurtz, who therefore follows v. Raumer in making a distinction between a stage and a day’s journey, on the ground that [Sæmæ signifies the station or place of encampment, and not a day’s journey. But the word neither means station nor place of encampment. It is derived from [sæn; to tear out (sc., the pegs of the tent), hence to take down the tent; and denotes removal from the place of encampment, and the subsequent march (cf. Numbers 33:1). Such a march might indeed embrace more than a day’s journey; but whenever the Israelites travelled more than a day before pitching their tents, it is expressly mentioned (cf. Numbers 10:33, and 33:8, with Exodus 15:22).
These passages show very clearly that the stages from Raëmses to Succoth, thence to Etham, and then again to Hachiroth, were a day’s march each. The only question is, whether they only rested for one night at each of these places. The circumstances under which the Israelites took their departure favour the supposition, that they would get out of the Egyptian territory as quickly as possible, and rest no longer than was absolutely necessary; but the gathering of the whole nation, which was not collected together in one spot, as in a camp, at the time of their departure, and still more the confusion, and interruptions of various kinds, that would inevitably attend the migration of a whole nation, render it probable that they rested longer than one night at each of the places named. This would explain most simply, how Pharaoh was able to overtake them with his army at Hachiroth. But whatever our views on this point may be, so much is certain, that Israel could not have reached the plain of Suez in a three days’ march from Belbeis with the circuitous route by Etham, and therefore that their starting-point cannot have been Belbeis, but must have been in the neighbourhood of Heröopolis; and there are other things that favour this conclusion.
There is, first, the circumstance that Pharaoh sent for Moses the very same night after the slaying of the first-born, and told him to depart. Now the Pentateuch does not mention Pharaoh’s place of abode, but according to Psalm 78:12 it was Zoan, i.e., Tanis, on the eastern bank of the Tanitic arm of the Nile. Abu Keishib (or Heroopolis) is only half as far from Tanis as Belbeis, and the possibility of Moses appearing before the king and returning to his own people between midnight and the morning is perfectly conceivable, on the supposition that Moses was not in Heroopolis itself, but was staying in a more northerly place, with the expectation that Pharaoh would send a message to him, or send for him, after the final blow. Again, Abu Keishib was on the way to Gaza; so that the Israelites might take the road towards the country of the Philistines, and then, as this was not the road they were to take, turn round at God’s command by the road to the desert (Exodus 13:17-18). Lastly, Etham could be reached in two days from the starting-point named. f97 On the situation of Succoth and Etham, see Exo 13:20.
The Israelites departed, “about 600,000 on foot that were men.” ylgr (as in Numbers 11:21, the infantry of an army) is added, because they went out as an army (v. 41), and none are numbered but those who could bear arms, from 20 years old and upwards; and rb,G, because of ãfæ dBæ , “beside the little ones,” which follows. ãfæ is used here in its broader sense, as in Genesis 47:12; Numbers 32:16,24, and applies to the entire family, including the wife and children, who did not travel on foot, but on beasts of burden and in carriages (Genesis 31:17). The number given is an approximative one. The numbering at Sinai gave 603,550 males of 20 years old and upwards (Numbers 1:46), and 22,000 male Levites of a month old and upwards (Numbers 3:39). Now if we add the wives and children, the total number of the people may have been about two million souls.
The multiplication of the seventy souls, who went down with Jacob to Egypt, into this vast multitude, is not so disproportionate to the 430 years of their sojourn there, as to render it at all necessary to assume that the numbers given included not only the descendants of the seventy souls who went down with Jacob, but also those of “several thousand man-servants and maid-servants” who accompanied them. For, apart from the fact, that we are not warranted in concluding, that because Abraham had fighting servants, the twelve sons of Jacob had several thousand, and took them with them into Egypt; even if the servants had been received into the religious fellowship of Israel by circumcision, they cannot have reckoned among the 600,000 who went out, for the simple reason that they are not included in the seventy souls who went down to Egypt; and in Exodus 1:5 the number of those who came out is placed in unmistakeable connection with the number of those who went in.
If we deduct from the 70 souls the patriarch Jacob, his 12 sons, Dinah, Asher’s daughter Zerah, the three sons of Levi, the four grandsons of Judah and Benjamin, and those grandsons of Jacob who probably died without leaving any male posterity, since their descendants are not mentioned among the families of Israel (cf. p. 239), there remain grandsons of Jacob who founded families, in addition to the Levites. Now, if we follow 1 Chronicles 7:20ff., where ten or eleven generations are mentioned between Ephraim and Joshua, and reckon 40 years as a generation, the tenth generation of the 41 grandsons of Jacob would be born about the year 400 of the sojourn in Egypt, and therefore be over years of age at the time of the exodus. Let us assume, that on an average there were three sons and three daughters to every married couple in the first six of these generations, two sons and two daughters in the last four, and we shall find, that in the tenth generation there would be 478,224 sons about the 400th year of the sojourn in Egypt, who would therefore be above 20 years of age at the time of the exodus, whilst 125,326 men of the ninth generation would be still living, so that there would be 478,224 + 125,326, or 603,550 men coming out of Egypt, who were more than years old.
But though our calculation is based upon no more than the ordinary number of births, a special blessing from God is to be discerned not only in this fruitfulness, which we suppose to have been uninterrupted, but still more in the fact, that the presumed number of children continued alive, and begot the same number of children themselves; and the divine grace was peculiarly manifest in the fact, that neither pestilence nor other evils, nor even the measures adopted by the Pharaohs for the suppression of Israel, could diminish their numbers or restrain their increase. If the question be asked, how the land of Goshen could sustain so large a number, especially as the Israelites were not the only inhabitants, but lived along with Egyptians there, it is a sufficient reply, that according to both ancient and modern testimony (cf. Robinson, Pal. i. p. 78), this is the most fertile province in all Egypt, and that we are not so well acquainted with the extent of the territory inhabited by the Israelites, as to be able to estimate the amount of its produce. Verse 38-39. In typical fulfilment of the promise in Genesis 12:3, and no doubt induced by the signs and wonders of the Lord in Egypt to seek their good among the Israelites, a great crowd of mixed people ( bræ `br,[e ) attached themselves to them, whom Israel could not shake off, although they afterwards became a snare to them (Numbers 11:4). `br,[e : lit., a mixture, epi>miktov sc., lao>v (LXX), a swarm of foreigners; called ãsup]sæa\ in Numbers 11:4, a medley, or crowd of people of different nations. According to Deuteronomy 29:10, they seem to have occupied a very low position among the Israelites, and to have furnished the nation of God with hewers of wood and drawers of water. — On v. 29, see v. 34.
Verse 40-41. The sojourn of the Israelites in Egypt had lasted 430 years.
This number is not critically doubtful, nor are the 430 years to be reduced to 215 by an arbitrary interpolation, such as we find in the LXX, hJ de> katoi>khsiv tw>n uiJw>n Israh>l hJ>n katw>khsan (Cod. Alex. autoi> kai> oiJ pate>rev autw>n ) en gh> Aigu>ptw kai> en gh> Canaa>n k . t . l This chronological statement, the genuineness of which is placed beyond all doubt by Onkelos, the Syriac, Vulgate, and other versions, is not only in harmony with the prediction in Genesis 15:13, where the round number 400 is employed in prophetic style, but may be reconciled with the different genealogical lists, if we only bear in mind that the genealogies do not always contain a complete enumeration of all the separate links, but very frequently intermediate links of little historical importance are omitted, as we have already seen in the genealogy of Moses and Aaron (Exodus 6:18-20). For example, the fact that there were more than the four generations mentioned in Exodus 6:16ff. between Levi and Moses, is placed beyond all doubt, not only by what has been adduced at Exodus 6:18-20, but by a comparison with other genealogies also. Thus, in Numbers 26:29ff., Exodus 27:1; Joshua 17:3, we find six generations from Joseph to Zelophehad; in Ruth 4:18ff., 1 Chronicles 2:5-6, there are also six from Judah to Nahshon, the tribe prince in the time of Moses; in 1 Chronicles 2:18 there are seven from Judah to Bezaleel, the builder of the tabernacle; and in 1 Chronicles 7:20ff., nine or ten are given from Joseph to Joshua.
This last genealogy shows most clearly the impossibility of the view founded upon the Alexandrian version, that the sojourn of the Israelites in Egypt lasted only 215 years; for ten generations, reckoned at 40 years each, harmonize very well with 430 years, but certainly not with 215. f98 The statement in v. 41, “the self-same day,” is not to be understood as relating to the first day after the lapse of the 430 years, as though the writer supposed that it was on the 14th Abib that Jacob entered Egypt years before, but points back to the day of the exodus, mentioned in v. 14, as compared with vv. 11ff., i.e., the 15th Abib (cf. v. 51 and Exodus 13:4).
On “the hosts of Jehovah,” see Exodus 7:4.
Verse 42. This day therefore was rMuvi lyilæ , “a preservation-night of the Lord, to bring them out of the land of Egypt.” The apax legomenon rMuvi does not mean “celebration, from rmæv; to observe, to honour” (Knobel), but “preservation,” from rmæv; to keep, to preserve; and hwO;hy] is the same as in v. 27. “This same night is (consecrated) to the Lord as a preservation for all children of Israel in their families.” Because Jehovah had preserved the children of Israel that night from the destroyer, it was to be holy to them, i.e., to be kept by them in all future ages to the glory of the Lord, as a preservation.
EXODUS. 12:43-48
Regulations Concerning the Participants in the Passover.
These regulations, which were supplementary to the law of the Passover in vv. 3-11, were not communicated before the exodus; because it was only by the fact that a crowd of foreigners attached themselves to the Israelites, that Israel was brought into a connection with foreigners, which needed to be clearly defined, especially so far as the Passover was concerned, the festival of Israel’s birth as the people of God. If the Passover was still to retain this signification, of course no foreigner could participate in it. This is the first regulation. But as it was by virtue of a divine call, and not through natural descent, that Israel had become the people of Jehovah, and as it was destined in that capacity to be a blessing to all nations, the attitude assumed towards foreigners was not to be an altogether repelling one.
Hence the further directions in v. 44: purchased servants, who had been politically incorporated as Israel’s property, were to be entirely incorporated by circumcision, so as even to take part in the Passover. But settlers, and servants working for wages, were not to eat of it, for they stood in a purely external relation, which might be any day dissolved. b] lkæa; , lit., to eat at anything, to take part in the eating (Leviticus 22:11). The deeper ground fore this was, that in this meal Israel was to preserve and celebrate its unity and fellowship with Jehovah. This was the meaning of the regulations, which were repeated in vv. 46 and 47 from vv. 4, 9, and 10, where they had been already explained. If, therefore, a foreigner living among the Israelites wished to keep the Passover, he was first of all to be spiritually incorporated into the nation of Jehovah by circumcision (v. 48). pc’ `hc;[; : “And he has made (i.e., made ready) a passover to Jehovah, let every male be circumcised to him (i.e., he himself, and the male members of his house), and then he may draw near (sc., to Jehovah) to keep it.” The first `hc;[; denotes the wish or intention to do it, the second, the actual execution of the wish.
The words ben-neekaar, rGe , bv;wOT and rykic; , are all indicative of non- Israelites. ben-neekaar was applied quite generally to any foreigner springing from another nation; rGe was a foreigner living for a shorter or longer time in the midst of the Israelites; bv;wOT, lit., a dweller, settler, was one who settled permanently among the Israelites, without being received into their religious fellowship; rykic; was the non-Israelite, who worked for an Israelite for wages.
EXODUS. 12:49
There was one law with reference to the Passover which was applicable both to the native and the foreigner: no uncircumcised man was to be allowed to eat of it.
EXODUS. 12:50-51
Verse 50 closes the instructions concerning the Passover with the statement that the Israelites carried them out, viz., in after times (e.g., Numbers 9:5); and in v. 51 the account of the exodus from Egypt is also brought to a close. All that Jehovah promised to Moses in Exodus 6:6 and 26 had now been fulfilled. But although v. 51 is a concluding formula, and so belongs to the account just closed, Abenezra was so far right in wishing to connect this verse with the commencement of the following chapter, that such concluding formulae generally serve to link together the different incidents, and therefore not only wind up what goes before, but introduce what has yet to come. EXODUS 13:1-16 Sanctification of the first-born, and Promulgation of the Law for the Feast of Mazzoth.
Vv. 1, 2. The sanctification of the first-born was closely connected with the Passover. By this the deliverance of the Israelitish first-born was effected, and the object of this deliverance was their sanctification. Because Jehovah had delivered the first-born of Israel, they were to be sanctified to Him. If the Israelites completed their communion with Jehovah in the Passover, and celebrated the commencement of their divine standing in the feast of unleavened bread, they gave uninterrupted effect to their divine sonship in the sanctification of the first-born. For this reason, probably, the sanctification of the first-born was commanded by Jehovah at Succoth, immediately after the exodus, and contemporaneously with the institution of the seven days’ feast of Mazzoth (cf. Exodus 2:15), so that the place assigned it in the historical record is the correct one; whereas the divine appointment of the feast of Mazzoth had been mentioned before (Exodus 12:15ff.), and the communication of that appointment to the people was all that remained to be mentioned here.
Verse 2. Every first-born of man and beast was to be sanctified to Jehovah, i.e., given up to Him for His service. As the expression, “all the first-born,” applied to both man and beast, the explanation is added, “everything that opens the womb among the Israelites, of man and beast.” µj,r,AlK; rf,p, for rf,p,AlK; µj,r, (v. 12): lKo is placed like an adjective after the noun, as in Numbers 8:16, lKo rwOkB] for rwOkB]AlK; , dianoi>gon pa>san mh>tran for pa>n dianoi>gon mh>tran (v. 12, LXX). aWh ttæK; : “it is Mine,” it belongs to Me. This right to the first-born was not founded upon the fact, that “Jehovah was the Lord and Creator of all things, and as every created object owed its life to Him, to Him should its life be entirely devoted,” as Kurtz maintains, though without scriptural proof; but in Numbers 3:13 and 8:17 the ground of the claim is expressly mentioned, viz., that on the day when Jehovah smote all the first-born of Egypt, He sanctified to Himself all the first-born of the Israelites, both of man and beast. Hence the sanctification of the first-born rested not upon the deliverance of the firstborn sons from the stroke of the destroyer through the atoning blood of the paschal lamb, but upon the fact that God sanctified them for Himself at that time, and therefore delivered them. But Jehovah sanctified the first-born of Israel to Himself by adopting Israel as His first-born son (Exodus 4:22), or as His possession. Because Israel had been chosen as the nation of Jehovah, its first-born of man and beast were spared, and for that reason they were henceforth to be sanctified to Jehovah. In what way, is more clearly defined in vv. 12ff.
Verse 3-7. The directions as to the seven days’ feast of unleavened bread (Exodus 12:15-20) were made known by Moses to the people on the day of the exodus, at the first station, namely, Succoth; but in the account of this, only the most important points are repeated, and the yearly commemoration is enjoined. In v. 3, Egypt is called a “slave-house,” inasmuch as Israel was employed in slave-labour there, and treated as a slave population (cf. Exodus 20:2; Deuteronomy 5:6; 6:12, etc.). dy; qz,jo “strength of hand,” in vv. 3, 14, and 16, is more emphatic than the more usual qz;j; dy; (Exodus 3:19, etc.). — On v. 5, see ch. 3:8, and 12:25. In v. 6, the term “feast to Jehovah” points to the keeping of the seventh day by a holy convocation and the suspension of work (Exodus 12:16). It is only of the seventh day that this is expressly stated, because it was understood as a matter of course, that the first was a feast of Jehovah.
Verse 8. “because of that which Jehovah did to me” ( hz, in a relative sense, is qui, for rv,a , see Ewald, §331): sc., “I eat unleavened bread,” or, “I observe this service.” This completion of the imperfect sentence follows readily from the context, and the whole verse may be explained from Exodus 12:26-27.
Verse 9. The festival prescribed was to be to Israel “for a sign upon its hand, and for a memorial between the eyes.” These words presuppose the custom of wearing mnemonic signs upon the hand and forehead; but they are not to be traced to the heathen custom of branding soldiers and slaves with marks upon the hand and forehead. For the parallel passages in Deuteronomy 6:8 and 11:18, “bind them for a sign upon your hand,” are proofs that the allusion is neither to branding nor writing on the hand.
Hence the sign upon the hand probably consisted of a bracelet round the wrist, and the ziccaron between the eyes, of a band worn upon the forehead. The words are then used figuratively, as a proverbial expression employed to give emphasis to the injunction to bear this precept continually in mind, to be always mindful to observe it. This is still more apparent from the reason assigned, “that the law of Jehovah may be in thy mouth.” For it was not by mnemonic slips upon the hand and forehead that a law was so placed in the mouth as to be talked of continually (Deuteronomy 6:7; 11:19), but by the reception of it into the heart and its continual fulfilment. (See also v. 16.) As the origin and meaning of the festival were to be talked of in connection with the eating of unleavened bread, so conversation about the law of Jehovah was introduced at the same time, and the obligation to keep it renewed and brought vividly to mind.
Verse 10. This ordinance the Israelites were to keep d[ewOm , “at its appointed time” (i.e., from the 15th to the 21st Abib)-”from days to days,” i.e., as often as the days returned, therefore from year to year (cf. Judges 11:40; 21:19; 1 Samuel 1:3; 2:19).
Verse 11-14. In vv. 11-16, Moses communicated to the people the law briefly noticed in v. 2, respecting the sanctification of the first-born. This law was to come into force when Israel had taken possession of the promised land. Then everything which opened the womb was to be given up to the Lord. hwO;hy] `rbæ[; : to cause to pass over to Jehovah, to consecrate or give up to Him as a sacrifice (cf. Leviticus 18:21). In “all that openeth the womb” the first-born of both man and beast are included (v. 2). This general expression is then particularized in three clauses, commencing with lKo : (a) hm;heB] cattle, i.e., oxen, sheep, and goats, as clean domestic animals, but only the males; (b) asses, as the most common of the unclean domestic animals, instead of the whole of these animals, Numbers 18:15; (c) the first-born of the children of Israel. The female first-born of man and beast were exempted from consecration.
Of the clean animals the first-born male ( rf,p, abbreviated from µj,r, rf,p, , and rg,v, from the Chaldee rg,v, to throw, the dropped young one) was to belong to Jehovah, i.e., to be sacrificed to Him (v. 15, and Numbers 18:17). This law is still further explained in Exodus 22:29, where it is stated that the sacrificing was not to take place till the eighth day after the birth; and in Deuteronomy 15:21-22, it is still further modified by the command, that an animal which had any fault, and was either blind or lame, was not to be sacrificed, but to be slain and eaten at home, like other edible animals. These two rules sprang out of the general instructions concerning the sacrificial animals. The first-born of the ass was to be redeemed with a male lamb or kid ( hc, , as at Exodus 12:3); and if not redeemed, it was to be killed. `ãræ[; : from `ãr,[o the nape, to break the neck (Deuteronomy 21:4,6).
The first-born sons of Israel were also to be consecrated to Jehovah as a sacrifice; not indeed in the manner of the heathen, by slaying and burning upon the altar, but by presenting them to the Lord as living sacrifices, devoting all their powers of body and mind to His service. Inasmuch as the first birth represented all the births, the whole nation was to consecrate itself to Jehovah, and present itself as a priestly nation in the consecration of the first-born. But since this consecration had its foundation, not in nature, but in the grace of its call, the sanctification of the first birth cannot be deduced from the separation of the first-born to the priesthood. This view, which was very prevalent among early writers, has been thoroughly overthrown by Outram (de Sacrif. 1, c. 4) and Vitringa (observv. ii. c. 2, pp. 272ff.). As the priestly character of the nation did not give a title in itself to the administration of the priesthood within the theocracy, so the first-born were not eo ipso chosen as priests through their consecration to Jehovah. In what way they were to consecrate their life to the Lord, depended upon the appointment of the Lord, which was, that they were to perform the non-priestly work of the sanctuary, to be servants of the priests in their holy service.
Even this work was afterwards transferred to the Levites (Numbers 3). At the same time the obligation was imposed upon the people to redeem their first-born sons from the service which was binding upon them, but was now transferred to the Levites, who were substituted for them; in other words, to pay five shekels of silver per head to the priesthood (Numbers 3:47; 18:16). In anticipation of this arrangement, which was to be introduced afterwards, the redemption ( hd;p; ) of the male first-born is already established here. — On v. 14, see Exodus 12:26. rj;m; : to-morrow, for the future generally, as in Genesis 30:33. tazOAhmæ : what does this mean? quid sibi vult hoc praeceptum ac primogenitura (Jonathan).
Verse 15-16. jlæv; hv;q; : “he made hard” (sc., his heart, cf. Exodus 7:3) “to let us go.” The sanctification of the first-born is enforced in v. 16 in the same terms as the keeping of the feast of Mazzoth in v. 9, with this exception, that instead of ˆwrkzl we have hp;p;wOf , as in Deuteronomy 6:8, and 11:18. The word hp;p;wOf signifies neither amulet nor sti>gmata , but “binding” or headbands, as is evident from the Chaldee ap;f]wOf armlet (2 Samuel 1:10), aT;p]fæwOf tiara (Est 8:15; Ezekiel 24:17,23). This command was interpreted literally by the Talmudists, and the use of tephillim, phylacteries (Matthew 23:5), founded upon it; the Caraites, on the contrary, interpreted it figuratively, as a proverbial expression for constant reflection upon, and fulfilment of, the divine commands.
The correctness of the latter is obvious from the words themselves, which do not say that the commands are to be written upon scrolls, but only that they are to be to the Israelites for signs upon the hand, and for bands between the eyes, i.e., they are to be kept in view like memorials upon the forehead and the hand. The expression in Deuteronomy 6:8, “Thou shalt bind them for a sign upon thine hand, and they shall be as frontlets between thine eyes,” does not point at all to the symbolizing of the divine commands by an outward sign to be worn upon the hand, or to bands with passages of the law inscribed upon them, to be worn on the forehead between the eyes; nor does the “advance in Deuteronomy 6:8 from heart to word, and from word to hand or act,” necessarily lead to the peculiar notion of Schultz, that “the sleeve and turban were to be used as reminders of the divine commands, the former by being fastened to the hand in a peculiar way, the latter by an end being brought down upon the forehead.”
The line of thought referred to merely expresses the idea, that the Israelites were not only to retain the commands of God in their hearts, and to confess them with the mouth, but to fulfil them with the hand, or in act and deed, and thus to show themselves in their whole bearing as the guardians and observers of the law. As the hand is the medium of action, and carrying in the hand represents handling, so the space between the eyes, or the forehead, is that part of the body which is generally visible, and what is worn there is worn to be seen. This figurative interpretation is confirmed and placed beyond doubt by such parallel passages as Prov 3:3, “Bind them (the commandments) about thy neck; write them upon the tables of thine heart” (cf. vv. 21, 22, Exodus 4:21; 6:21-22; 7:3). JOURNEY FROM SUCCOTH, AND PASSAGE THROUGH THE RED SEA.
EXODUS. 13:17-19
Journey from Succoth to Etham.
Succoth, Israel’s first place of encampment after their departure, was probably the rendezvous for the whole nation, so that it was from this point that they first proceeded in an orderly march. The shortest and most direct route from Egypt to Canaan would have been by the road to Gaza, in the land of the Philistines; but God did not lead them by this road, lest they should repent of their movement as soon as the Philistines opposed them, and so desire to return to Egypt, ˆpe : mh> , after rmæa; to say (to himself), i.e., to think, with the subordinate idea of anxiety. The Philistines were very warlike, and would hardly have failed to resist the entrance of the Israelites into Canaan, of which they had taken possession of a very large portion.
But the Israelites were not prepared for such a conflict, as is sufficiently evident from their despair, in Exodus 14:10ff.
For this reason God made them turn round ( bbæs; for yaaceeb, see Ges. §67) by the way of the desert of the Red Sea. Previous to the account of their onward march, it is still further stated in vv. 18, 19, that they went out equipped, and took Joseph’s bones with them, according to his last request. vmuj; , from vm,jo lumbus, lit., lumbis accincti, signifies equipped, as a comparison of this word as it is used in Joshua 1:14; 4:12, with xlæj; in Numbers 32:30,32; Deuteronomy 3:18, places beyond all doubt; that is to say, not “armed,” kaqwplisme>noi (Sym.), but prepared for the march, as contrasted with fleeing in disorder like fugitives. For this reason they were able to fulfil Joseph’s request, from which fact Calvin draws the following conclusion: “In the midst of their adversity the people had never lost sight of the promised redemption. For unless the celebrated adjuration of Joseph had been a subject of common conversation among them all, Moses would never have thought of it.” EXODUS 13:20 From Succoth they went to Etham. With regard to the situation of Succoth (from hK;su huts, probably a shepherd encampment), only so much can be determined, that this place was to the south-east of Raëmses, on the way to Etham. Etham was “at the end of the desert,” which is called the desert of Etham in Numbers 33:8, and the desert of Shur (Jifar, see Genesis 16:7) in Exodus 15:22; so that it was where Egypt ends and the desert of Arabia begins, in a line which curves from the northern extremity of the Gulf of Arabia up to the Birket Temseh, or Crocodile Lake, and then on to Lake Menzalet. According to the more precise statements of travellers, this line is formed from the point of the gulf northwards, by a broad sandy tract of land to the east of Ajrud, which never rises more than about three feet above the water-mark (Robinson, Pal. i. p. 80). It takes in the banks of the old canal, which commence about an hour and a half to the north of Suez, and run northwards for a distance which Seetzen accomplished in 4 hours upon camels (Rob. Pal. i. p. 548; Seetzen, R. iii. p. 151, 152).
Then follow the so-called Bitter Lakes, a dry, sometimes swampy basin, or deep white salt plain, the surface of which, according to the measurements of French engineers, is 40 or 50 feet lower than the ordinary water-mark at Suez. On the north this basin is divided from the Birket Temseh by a still higher tract of land, the so-called Isthmus of Arbek. Hence “Etham at the end of the desert” is to be sought for either on the Isthmus of Arbek, in the neighbourhood of the later Serapeum, or at the southern end of the Bitter Lakes. The distance is a conclusive argument against the former, and in favour of the latter; for although Seetzen travelled from Suez to Arbek in hours, yet according to the accounts of the French savan, de Bois Ayme, who passed through this basin several times, from the northern extremity of the Bitter Lakes to Suez is 60,000 metres (16 hours’ journey)-a distance so great, that the children of Israel could not possibly have gone from Etham to Hachiroth in a day’s march. Hence we must look for Etham at the southern extremity of the basin of the Bitter Lake, which Israel might reach in two days from Abu Keishib, and then on the third day arrive at the plain of Suez, between Ajrud and the sea. Succoth, therefore, must be sought on the western border of the Bitter Lake. EXODUS 13:21,22 From Etham, at the edge of the desert which separates Egypt from Asia, the Israelites were to enter the pathless desert, and leave the inhabited country. Jehovah then undertook to direct the march, and give them a safeconduct, through a miraculous token of His presence. Whilst it is stated in vv. 17, 18, that Elohim led them and determined the direction of their road, to show that they did not take the course, which they pursued, upon their own judgment, but by the direction of God; in vv. 21, 22, it is said that “Jehovah went before them by day in a pillar of cloud, to lead them the way, and by night in a pillar of fire, to give them light, to go by day and night,” i.e., that they might march at all hours. f101 To this sign of the divine presence and guidance there was a natural analogon in the caravan fire, which consisted of small iron vessels or grates, with wood fires burning in them, fastened at the end of long poles, and carried as a guide in front of caravans, and, according to Curtius (de gestis Alex. M. V. 2, 7), in trackless countries in the front of armies also, and by which the direction of the road was indicated in the day-time by the smoke, and at night by the light of the fire. There was a still closer analogy in the custom of the ancient Persians, as described by Curtius (iii. 3, 9), of carrying fire, “which they called sacred and eternal,” in silver altars, in front of the army. But the pillar of cloud and fire must not be confounded with any such caravan and army fire, or set down as nothing more than a mythical conception, or a dressing up of this natural custom. The cloud was not produced by an ordinary caravan fire, nor was it “a mere symbol of the presence of God, which derived all its majesty from the belief of the Israelites, that Jehovah was there in the midst of them,” according to Köster’s attempt to idealize the rationalistic explanation; but it had a miraculous origin and a supernatural character.
We are not to regard the phenomenon as consisting of two different pillars, that appeared alternately, one of cloud, and the other of fire. There was but one pillar of both cloud and fire (Exodus 14:24); for even when shining in the dark, it is still called the pillar of cloud (Exodus 14:19), or the cloud (Numbers 9:21); so that it was a cloud with a dark side and a bright one, causing darkness and also lighting the night (14:20), or “a cloud, and fire in it by night” (40:38). Consequently we have to imagine the cloud as the covering of the fire, so that by day it appeared as a dark cloud in contrast with the light of the sun, but by night as a fiery splendour, “a fire-look” (k¦mar¦’eeh-’eesh, Numbers 9:15-16). When this cloud went before the army of Israel, it assumed the form of a column; so that by day it resembled a dark column of smoke rising up towards heaven, and by night a column of fire, to show the whole army what direction to take.
But when it stood still above the tabernacle, or came down upon it, it most probably took the form of a round globe of cloud; and when it separated the Israelites from the Egyptians at the Red Sea, we have to imagine it spread out like a bank of cloud, forming, as it were, a dividing wall. In this cloud Jehovah, or the Angel of God, the visible representative of the invisible God under the Old Testament, was really present with the people of Israel, so that He spoke to Moses and gave him His commandments out of the cloud. In this, too, appeared “the glory of the Lord” (Exodus 16:10; 40:34; Numbers 17:7), the Shechinah of the later Jewish theology. The fire in the pillar of cloud was the same as that in which the Lord revealed Himself to Moses out of the bush, and afterwards descended upon Sinai amidst thunder and lightning in a thick cloud (Exodus 19:16,18). It was a symbol of the “zeal of the Lord,” and therefore was enveloped in a cloud, which protected Israel by day from heat, sunstroke, and pestilence (Isaiah 4:5-6; 49:10; Psalm 91:5-6; 121:6), and by night lighted up its path by its luminous splendour, and defended it from the terrors of the night and from all calamity (Psalm 27:1ff., 91:5-6); but which also threatened sudden destruction to those who murmured against God (Numbers 17:10), and sent out a devouring fire against the rebels and consumed them (Leviticus 10:2; Numbers 16:35).
As Sartorius has aptly said, “We must by no means regard it as a mere appearance or a poetical figure, and just as little as a mere mechanical clothing of elementary forms, such, for example, as storm-clouds or natural fire. Just as little, too, must we suppose the visible and material part of it to have been an element of the divine nature, which is purely spiritual. We must rather regard it as a dynamic conformation, or a higher corporeal form, composed of the earthly sphere and atmosphere, through the determining influence of the personal and specific (specimen faciens) presence of God upon the earthly element, which corporeal form God assumed and pervaded, that He might manifest His own real presence therein.” f102 Verse 22. This sign of the presence of God did not depart from Israel so long as the people continued in the wilderness. EXODUS 14:1-2 Passage of the Israelites through the Red Sea; Destruction of Pharaoh and His Army.
Vv. 1, 2. At Etham God commanded the Israelites to turn ( bWv ) and encamp by the sea, before Pihachiroth, between Migdol and the sea, before Baalzephon, opposite to it. In Numbers 33:7, the march is described thus: on leaving Etham they turned up to ( `l[æ ) Pihachiroth, which is before ( ynep]Al[æ in the front of) Baalzephon, and encamped before Migdol. The only one of these places that can be determined with any certainty is Pihachiroth, or Hachiroth (Numbers 33:8, pi being simply the Egyptian article), which name has undoubtedly been preserved in the Ajrud mentioned by Edrisi in the middle of the twelfth century. At present this is simply a fort, which a well 250 feet deep, the water of which is so bitter, however, that camels can hardly drink it.
It stands on the pilgrim road from Kahira to Mecca, four hours’ journey to the north-west of Suez (vid., Robinson, Pal. i. p. 65). A plain, nearly ten miles long and about as many broad, stretches from Ajrud to the sea to the west of Suez, and from the foot of Atâkah to the arm of the sea on the north of Suez (Robinson, Pal. i. 65). This plain most probably served the Israelites as a place of encampment, so that they encamped before, i.e., to the east of, Ajrud towards the sea. The other places just also be sought in the neighbourhood of Hachiroth (Ajrud), though no traces of them have been discovered yet. Migdol cannot be the Migdol twelve Roman miles to the south of Pelusium, which formed the north-eastern boundary of Egypt (Ezekiel 29:10), for according to Numbers 33:7, Israel encamped before Migdol; nor is it to be sought for in the hill and mountain-pass called Montala by Burckhardt, el Muntala by Robinson (pp. 63, 64), two hours’ journey to the northwest of Ajrud, as Knobel supposes, for this hill lies too far to the west, and when looked at from the sea is almost behind Ajrud; so that the expression “encamping before Migdol” does not suit this situation, not to mention the fact that a tower ( lD;g]mi ) does not indicate a watchtower ( hp,x]mi ).
Migdol was probably to the south of Ajrud, on one of the heights of the Atâkah, and near it, though more to the south-east, Baalzephon (locus Typhonis), which Michaelis and Forster suppose to be Heroopolis, whilst Knobel places it on the eastern shore, and others to the south of Hachiroth. If Israel therefore did not go straight into the desert from Etham, on the border of the desert, but went southwards into the plain of Suez, to the west of the head of the Red Sea, they were obliged to bend round, i.e., “to turn” from the road they had taken first. The distance from Etham to the place of encampment at Hachiroth must be at least a six hours’ journey (a tolerable day’s journey, therefore, for a whole nation), as the road from Suez to Ajrud takes four hours (Robinson, i. p. 66).
EXODUS. 14:3-9
This turn in their route was not out of the way for the passage through the Red Sea; but apart from this, it was not only out of the way, but a very foolish way, according to human judgment. God commanded Moses to take this road, that He might be honoured upon Pharaoh, and show the Egyptians that He was Jehovah (cf. vv. 30, 31). Pharaoh would say of the Israelites, They have lost their way; they are wandering about in confusion; the desert has shut them in, as in a prison upon which the door is shut ( `l[æ rgæs; as in Job 12:14); and in his obduracy he would resolve to go after them with his army, and bring them under his sway again.
Verse 4-9. When it was announced that Israel had fled, “the heart of Pharaoh and his servants turned against the people,” and they repented that they had let them go. When and whence the information came, we are not told. The common opinion, that it was brought after the Israelites changed their route, has no foundation in the text. For the change in Pharaoh’s feelings towards the Israelites, and his regret that he had let them go, were caused not by their supposed mistake, but by their flight. Now the king and his servants regarded the exodus as a flight, as soon as they recovered from the panic caused by the death of the first-born, and began to consider the consequences of the permission given to the people to leave his service.
This may have occurred as early as the second day after the exodus. In that case, Pharaoh would have had time to collect chariots and horsemen, and overtake the Israelites at Hachiroth, as they could easily perform the same journey in two days, or one day and a half, to which the Israelites had taken more than three. “He yoked his chariot (had it yoked, cf. 1 Kings 6:14), and took his people (i.e., his warriors) with him,” viz., “six hundred chosen war chariots (v. 7), and all the chariots of Egypt” (sc., that he could get together in the time), and “royal guards upon them all.” vyliv; , trista’tai, tristatae qui et terni statores vocantur, nomen est secundi gradus post regiam dignitatem (Jerome on Ezekiel 23:23), not charioteers (see my Com. on 1 Kings 9:22).
According to v. 9, the army raised by Pharaoh consisted of chariot horses ( bk,r, sWs ), riding horses ( vr;p; , lit., runners, 1 Kings 5:6), and lyijæ , the men belonging to them. War chariots and cavalry were always the leading force of the Egyptians (cf. Isaiah 31:1; 36:9). Three times (vv. 4, 8, and 17) it is stated that Jehovah hardened Pharaoh’s heart, so that he pursued the Israelites, to show that God had decreed this hardening, to glorify Himself in the judgment and death of the proud king, who would not honour God, the Holy One, in his life. “And the children of Israel were going out with a high hand:” v. 8. is a conditional clause in the sense of, “although they went out” (Ewald, §341). µWr dy; , the high hand, is the high hand of Jehovah with the might which it displayed (Isaiah 26:11), not the armed hand of the Israelites. This is the meaning also in Numbers 33:3; it is different in Numbers 15:30. The very fact that Pharaoh did not discern the lifting up of Jehovah’s hand in the exodus of Israel displayed the hardening of his heart. “Beside Pihachiroth:” see v. 2.
EXODUS. 14:10-12
When the Israelites saw the advancing army of the Egyptians, they were greatly alarmed; for their situation to human eyes was a very unfortunate one. Shut in on the east by the sea, on the south and west by high mountains, and with the army of the Egyptians behind them, destruction seemed inevitable, since they were neither outwardly armed nor inwardly prepared for a successful battle. Although they cried unto the Lord, they had no confidence in His help, notwithstanding all the previous manifestation so the fidelity of the true God; they therefore gave vent to the despair of their natural heart in complaints against Moses, who had brought them out of the servitude of Egypt to give them up to die in the desert. “Hast thou, because there were no graves at all ( ˆyiaæ yliB] , a double negation to give emphasis) in Egypt, fetched us to die in the desert?” Their further words in v. 12 exaggerated the true state of the case from cowardly despair. For it was only when the oppression increased, after Moses’ first interview with Pharaoh, that they complained of what Moses had done (Exodus 5:21), whereas at first they accepted his proposals most thankfully (Exodus 4:31), and even afterwards implicitly obeyed his directions. EXODUS 14:13 Moses met their unbelief and fear with the energy of strong faith, and promised them such help from the Lord, that they would never see again the Egyptians, whom they had seen that day. ha;r; rv,a does not mean oJ>n tro>pon eJwra>kate (LXX), quemadmodum vidistis (Ros., Kn.); but the sentence is inverted: “The Egyptians, whom ye have seen to-day, ye will never see again.”
EXODUS. 14:14
“Jehovah will fight for you ( ttæK; , dat comm.), but you will be silent,” i.e., keep quiet, and not complain any more (cf. Genesis 34:5).
EXODUS. 14:15-19
The words of Jehovah to Moses, “What criest thou to Me?” imply that Moses had appealed to God for help, or laid the complaints of the people before Him, and do not convey any reproof, but merely an admonition to resolute action. The people were to move forward, and Moses was to stretch out his hand with his staff over the sea and divide it, so that the people might go through the midst on dry ground. Vv. 17 and 18 repeat the promise in vv. 3, 4. The command and promise were followed by immediate help (vv. 19-29). Whilst Moses divided the water with his staff, and thus prepared the way, the angel of God removed from before the Israelites, and placed himself behind them as a defence against the Egyptians, who were following them. “Upon his chariots, and upon his horsemen” (v. 17), is in apposition to “all his host;” as Pharaoh’s army consisted entirely of chariots and horsemen (cf. v. 18).
EXODUS. 14:20
“And it was the cloud and the darkness (sc., to the Egyptians), and lighted up the night (sc., to the Israelites).” Fuit nubes partim lucida et partim tenebricosa, ex una parte tenebricosa fuit Aegyptiis, ex altera lucida Israelitis (Jonathan). Although the article is striking in Ëv,j , the difficulty is not to be removed, as Ewald proposes, by substituting w¦hecheshik¦, “and as for the cloud, it caused darkness;” for in that case the grammar would require the imperfect withw consec. This alteration of the text is also rendered suspicious from the fact that both Onkelos and the LXX read and render the word as a substantive.
EXODUS. 14:21-24
When Moses stretched out his hand with the staff (v. 16) over the sea, “Jehovah made the water go (flow away) by a strong east wind the whole night, and made the sea into dry (ground), and the water split itself” (i.e., divided by flowing northward and southward); “and the Israelites went in the midst of the sea (where the water had been driven away by the wind) in the dry, and the water was a wall (i.e., a protection formed by the damming up of the water) on the right and on the left.” µydiq; , the east wind, which may apply either to the south-east or north-east, as the Hebrew has special terms for the four quarters only. Whether the wind blew directly from the east, or somewhat from the south-east or north-east, cannot be determined, as we do not know the exact spot where the passage was made. in any case, the division of the water in both directions could only have been effected by an east wind; and although even now the ebb is strengthened by a north-east wind, as Tischendorf says, and the flood is driven so much to the south by a strong north-west wind that the gulf can be ridden through, and even forded on foot, to the north of Suez (v. Schub. Reise ii. p. 269), and “as a rule the rise and fall of the water in the Arabian Gulf is nowhere so dependent upon the wind as it is at Suez” (Wellsted, Arab. ii. 41, 42), the drying of the sea as here described cannot be accounted for by an ebb strengthened by the east wind, because the water is all driven southwards in the ebb, and not sent in two opposite directions. Such a division could only be produced by a wind sent by God, and working with omnipotent force, in connection with which the natural phenomenon of the ebb may no doubt have exerted a subordinate influence. f103 The passage was effected in the night, through the whole of which the wind was blowing, and in the morning watch (between three and six o’clock, v. 24) it was finished.
As to the possibility of a whole nation crossing with their flocks, Robinson concludes that this might have been accomplished within the period of an extraordinary ebb, which lasted three, or at the most four hours, and was strengthened by the influence of a miraculous wind. “As the Israelites,” he observes, “numbered more than two millions of persons, besides flocks and herds, they would of course be able to pass but slowly. If the part left dry were broad enough to enable them to cross in a body one thousand abreast, which would require a space of more than half a mile in breadth (and is perhaps the largest supposition admissible), still the column would be more than two thousand persons in depth, and in all probability could not have extended less than two miles. It would then have occupied at least an hour in passing over its own length, or in entering the sea; and deducting this from the largest time intervening, before the Egyptians also have entered the sea, there will remain only time enough, under the circumstances, for the body of the Israelites to have passed, at the most, over a space of three or four miles.” (Researches in Palestine, vol. i. p. 84.)
But as the dividing of the water cannot be accounted for by an extraordinary ebb, even though miraculously strengthened, we have no occasion to limit the time allowed for the crossing to the ordinary period of an ebb. If God sent the wind, which divided the water and laid the bottom dry, as soon as night set in, the crossing might have begun at nine o’clock in the evening, if not before, and lasted till four of five o’clock in the morning (see v. 27). By this extension of the time we gain enough for the flocks, which Robinson has left out of his calculation. The Egyptians naturally followed close upon the Israelites, from whom they were only divided by the pillar of cloud and fire; and when the rear of the Israelites had reached the opposite shore, they were in the midst of the sea. And in the morning watch Jehovah cast a look upon them in the pillar of cloud and fire, and threw their army into confusion (v. 24).
The breadth of the gulf at the point in question cannot be precisely determined. At the narrowest point above Suez, it is only two-thirds of a mile in breadth, or, according to Niebuhr, 3450 feet; but it was probably broader formerly, and even now is so farther up, opposite to Tell Kolzum (Rob. i. pp. 84 and 70). The place where the Israelites crossed must have been broader, otherwise the Egyptian army, with more than six hundred chariots and many horsemen, could not have been in the sea and perished there when the water returned. — “And Jehovah looked at the army of the Egyptians in (with) the pillar of cloud and fire, and troubled it.” This look of Jehovah is to be regarded as the appearance of fire suddenly bursting forth from the pillar of cloud that was turned towards the Egyptians, which threw the Egyptian army into alarm and confusion, and not as “a storm with thunder and lightning,” as Josephus and even Rosenmüller assume, on the ground of Psalm 78:18-19, though without noticing the fact that the psalmist has merely given a poetical version of the event, and intends to show “how all the powers of nature entered the service of the majestic revelation of Jehovah, when He judged Egypt and set Israel free” (Delitzsch). The fiery look of Jehovah was a much more stupendous phenomenon than a storm; hence its effect was incomparably grander, viz., a state of confusion in which the wheels of the chariots were broken off from the axles, and the Egyptians were therefore impeded in their efforts to escape.
EXODUS. 14:25
“And (Jehovah) made the wheels of his (the Egyptian’s) chariots give way, and made, that he (the Egyptian) drove in difficulty.” ghæn; to drive a chariot (2 Samuel 6:3, cf. 2 Kings 9:20).
EXODUS. 14:26-29
Then God directed Moses to stretch out his staff again over the sea, and the sea came back with the turning of the morning (when the morning turned, or approached) to its position ( ˆt;yae perennitas, the lasting or permanent position), and the Egyptians were flying to meet it. “When the east wind which divided the sea ceased to blow, the sea from the north and south began to flow together on the western side;” whereupon, to judge from Exodus 15:10, the wind began immediately to blow from the west, and drove the waves in the face of the flying Egyptians. “And thus Jehovah shook the Egyptians (i.e., plunged them into the greatest confusion) in the midst of the sea,” so that Pharaoh’s chariots and horsemen, to the very last man, were buried in the waves.
EXODUS 14:30,31 This miraculous deliverance of Israel from the power of Egypt, through the mighty hand of their God, produced so wholesome a fear of the Lord, that they believed in Jehovah, and His servant Moses.
Verse 31. “The great hand:” i.e., the might which Jehovah had displayed upon Egypt. In addition to the glory of God through the judgment upon Pharaoh (vv. 4, 17), the guidance of Israel through the sea was also designed to establish Israel still more firmly in the fear of the Lord and in faith. But faith in the Lord was inseparably connected with faith in Moses as the servant of the Lord. Hence the miracle was wrought through the hand and staff of Moses. But this second design of the miraculous guidance of Israel did not exclude the first, viz., glory upon Pharaoh. From this manifestation of Jehovah’s omnipotence, the Israelites were to discern not only the merciful Deliverer, but also the holy Judge of the ungodly, that they might grow in the fear of God, as well as in the faith which they had already shown, when, trusting in the omnipotence of Jehovah, they had gone, as though upon dry land (Hebrews 11:29), between the watery walls which might at any moment have overwhelmed them.
MOSES’ SONG AT THE RED SEA.
EXODUS. 15:1-21
In the song of praise which Moses and the children of Israel sang at the Red Sea, in celebration of the wonderful works of Jehovah, the congregation of Israel commemorated the fact of its deliverance and its exaltation into the nation of God. By their glorious deliverance from the slave-house of Egypt, Jehovah had practically exalted the seed of Abraham into His own nation; and in the destruction of Pharaoh and his host, He had glorified Himself as God of the gods and King of the heathen, whom no power on earth could defy with impunity. As the fact of Israel’s deliverance from the power of its oppressors is of everlasting importance to the Church of the Lord in its conflict with the ungodly powers of the world, in which the Lord continually overthrows the enemies of His kingdom, as He overthrew Pharaoh and his horsemen in the depths of the sea: so Moses’ song at the Red Sea furnishes the Church of the Lord with the materials for its songs of praise in all the great conflicts which it has to sustain, during its onward course, with the powers of the world. Hence not only does the key=note of this song resound through all Israel’s songs, in praise of the glorious works of Jehovah for the good of His people (see especially Isaiah 12), but the song of Moses the servant of God will also be sung, along with the song of the Lamb, by the conquerors who stand upon the “sea of glass,” and have gained the victory over the beast and his image (Rev 15:3).
The substance of this song, which is entirely devoted to the praise and adoration of Jehovah, is the judgment inflicted upon the heathen power of the world in the fall of Pharaoh, and the salvation which flowed from this judgment to Israel. Although Moses is not expressly mentioned as the author of the song, its authenticity, or Mosaic authorship, is placed beyond all doubt by both the contents and the form. The song is composed of three gradually increasing strophes, each of which commences with the praise of Jehovah, and ends with a description of the overthrow of the Egyptian host (vv. 2-5, 6-10, 11-18). The theme announced in the introduction in v. 1 is thus treated in three different ways; and whilst the omnipotence of God, displayed in the destruction of the enemy, is the prominent topic in the first two strophes, the third depicts with prophetic confidence the fruit of this glorious event in the establishment of Israel, as a kingdom of Jehovah, in the promised inheritance.
Modern criticism, it is true, has taken offence at this prophetic insight into the future, and rejected the song of Moses, just because the wonders of God are carried forward in vv. 16, 17, beyond the Mosaic times. But it was so natural a thing that, after the miraculous deliverance of the Israelites from Egypt, they should turn their eyes to Canaan, and, looking forward with certainty to the possession of the promised land, should anticipate with believing confidence the foundation of a sanctuary there, in which their God would dwell with them, that none but those who altogether reject the divine mission of Moses, and set down the mighty works of God in Egypt as myths, could ever deny to Moses this anticipation and prospect. Even Ewald admits that this grand song of praise “was probably the immediate effect of first enthusiasm in the Mosaic age,” though he also ignores the prophetic character of the song, and denies the reality of any of the supernatural wonders of the Old Testament. There is nothing to prevent our understanding words, “then sang Moses,” as meaning that Moses not only sang this song with the Israelites, but composed it for the congregation to the praise of Jehovah. 1b-5. Introduction and first strophe. — The introduction, which contains the theme of the song, “Sing will I to the Lord, for highly exalted is He, horse and his rider He hath thrown into the sea,” was repeated, when sung, as an anti-strophe by a chorus of women, with Miriam at their head (cf. vv. 20, 21); whether after every verse, or only at the close of the longer strophes, cannot be determined. ha;G; to arise, to grow up, trop. to show oneself exalted; connected with an inf. abs. to give still further emphasis.
Jehovah had displayed His superiority to all earthly power by casting horses and riders, the proud army of the haughty Pharaoh, into the sea.
This had filled His people with rejoicing: (v. 2), “My strength and song is Jah, He became my salvation; He is my God, whom I extol, my father’s God, whom I exalt.” `z[o strength, might, not praise or glory, even in Psalm 8:2. tr;m]zi , an old poetic form for hr;m]zi , from rmæz; , primarily to hum; thence zimeer psa’llein, to play music, or sing with a musical accompaniment.
Jah, the concentration of Jehovah, the God of salvation ruling the course of history with absolute freedom (cf. p. 46), has passed from this song into the Psalms, but is restricted to the higher style of poetry. “For He became salvation to me, granted me deliverance and salvation:” on the use of vav consec. in explanatory clauses, see Genesis 26:12. This clause is taken from our song, and introduced in Isaiah 12:2; Psalm 118:14. lae hz, : this Jah, such an one is my God. hwn : Hiphil of hwn , related to n’h, n’wh, to be lovely, delightful, Hiph. to extol, to praise, doxa>sw , glorificabo (LXX, Vulg.). “The God of my father:” i.e., of Abraham as the ancestor of Israel, or, as in Exodus 3:6, of the three patriarchs combined. What He promised them (Genesis 15:14; 46:3-4) He had now fulfilled.
Verse 3-4. “Jehovah is a man of war:” one who knows how to make war, and possesses the power to destroy His foes. “Jehovah is His name:” i.e., He has just proved Himself to be the God who rules with unlimited might.
For (v. 4) “Pharaoh’s chariots and his might (his military force) He cast into the sea, and the choice (the chosen ones) of his knights (shelishim, see Exodus 14:7) were drowned in the Red Sea.”
Verse 5. “Floods cover them hs;K; , defectively written for Wys]kæy] = hs;K; , and the suffix Wm for wOm , only used here); they go down into the deep like stone,” which never appears again.
Verse 6-10. Jehovah had not only proved Himself to be a true man of war in destroying the Egyptians, but also as the glorious and strong one, who overthrows His enemies at the very moment when they think they are able to destroy His people.
Verse 6-7. “Thy right hand, Jehovah, glorified in power (gloriously equipped with power: on the Yod in rdæa; , see Genesis 31:39; the form is masc., and ˆymiy; , which is of common gender, is first of all construed as a masculine, as in Prov 27:16, and then as a feminine), “Thy right hand dashes in pieces the enemy.” x[ær; = xxær; : only used here, and in Judges 10:8. The thought it quite a general one: the right hand of Jehovah smites every foe. This thought is deduced from the proof just seen of the power of God, and is still further expanded in v. 7, “In the fulness of Thy majesty Thou pullest down Thine opponents.” sræh; generally applied to the pulling down of buildings; then used figuratively for the destruction of foes, who seek to destroy the building (the work) of God; in this sense here and Psalm 28:5. µWq : those that rise up in hostility against a man (Deuteronomy 33:11; Psalm 18:40, etc.). “Thou lettest out Thy burning heat, it devours them like stubble.” ˆwOrj; , the burning breath of the wrath of God, which Jehovah causes to stream out like fire (Ezekiel 7:3), was probably a play upon the fiery look cast upon the Egyptians from the pillar of cloud (cf. Isaiah 9:18; 10:17; and on the last words, Isaiah 5:24; Nah 1:10).
Verse 8-10. Thus had Jehovah annihilated the Egyptians. “And by the breath of Thy nostrils (i.e., the strong east wind sent by God, which is described as the blast of the breath of His nostrils; cf. Psalm 18:16) the waters heaped themselves up (piled themselves up, so that it was possible to go between them like walls); the flowing ones stood like a heap” ( dne cumulus; it occurs in Joshua 3:13,16, and Psalm 33:7; 78:13, where it is borrowed from this passage. lzæn; : the running, flowing ones; a poetic epithet applied to waves, rivers, or brooks, Psalm 78:16,44; Isaiah 44:3). “The waves congealed in the heart of the sea:” a poetical description of the piling up of the waves like solid masses.
Verse 9. “The enemy said: I pursue, overtake, divide spoil, my soul becomes full of them; I draw my sword, my hand will root them out.” By these short clauses following one another without any copula, the confidence of the Egyptian as he pursued them breathing vengeance is very strikingly depicted. vp,n, : the soul as the seat of desire, i.e., of fury, which sought to take vengeance on the enemy, “to cool itself on them.” vræy; : to drive from their possession, to exterminate (cf. Numbers 14:12).
Verse 10. “Thou didst blow with Thy breath: the sea covered them, they sank as lead in the mighty waters.” One breath of God was sufficient to sink the proud foe in the waves of the sea. The waters are called ryDiaæ , because of the mighty proof of the Creator’s glory which is furnished by the waves as they rush majestically along. Verse 11-18. Third strophe. On the ground of this glorious act of God, the song rises in the third strophe into firm assurance, that in His incomparable exaltation above all gods Jehovah will finish the word of salvation, already begun, fill all the enemies of Israel with terror at the greatness of His arm, bring His people to His holy dwelling-place, and plant them on the mountain of His inheritance. What the Lord had done thus far, the singer regarded as a pledge of the future.
Verse 11-12. “Who is like unto Thee among the gods, O Jehovah ( lyiaæ : not strong ones, but gods, Elohim, Psalm 86:8, because none of the many so-called gods could perform such deeds), who is like unto Thee, glorified in holiness?” God had glorified Himself in holiness through the redemption of His people and the destruction of His foes; so that Asaph could sing, “Thy way, O God, is in holiness” (Psalm 78:13). vd,qo , holiness, is the sublime and incomparable majesty of God, exalted above all the imperfections and blemishes of the finite creature (vid., Exodus 19:6). “Fearful for praises, doing wonders.” The bold expression hL;hiT] arey; conveys more than summe venerandus, s. colendus laudibus, and signifies terrible to praise, terribilis laudibus. As His rule among men is fearful (Psalm 66:5), because He performs fearful miracles, so it is only with fear and trembling that man can sing songs of praise worthy of His wondrous works. Omnium enim laudantium vires, linguas et mentes superant ideoque magno cum timore et tremore eum laudant omnes angeli et sancti (C. a Lap.). “Thou stretchest out Thy hand, the earth swallows them.” With these words the singer passes in survey all the mighty acts of the Lord, which were wrapt up in this miraculous overthrow of the Egyptians. The words no longer refer to the destruction of Pharaoh and his host. What Egypt had experienced would come upon all the enemies of the Lord and His people. Neither the idea of the earth swallowing them, nor the use of the imperfect, is applicable to the destruction of the Egyptians (see vv. 1, 4, 5, 10, 19, where the perfect is applied to it as already accomplished).
Verse 13. “Thou leadest through Thy mercy the people whom Thou redeemest; Thou guidest them through Thy might to Thy holy habitation.”
The deliverance from Egypt and guidance through the Red Sea were a pledge to the redeemed people of their entrance into the promised land.
The holy habitation of God was Canaan (Psalm 78:54), which had been consecrated as a sacred abode for Jehovah in the midst of His people by the revelations made to the patriarchs there, and especially by the appearance of God at Bethel (Genesis 28:16ff., Exodus 31:13; 35:7).
Verse 14. “People hear, they are afraid; trembling seizes the inhabitants of Philistia.”
Verse 15. “Then are the princes (alluphim, see Genesis 36:15) of Edom confounded; the mighty men of Moab, trembling seizes them; all the inhabitants of Canaan despair.” lyiaæ , like µyliWa in 2 Kings 24:15, scriptio plena for lyiaæ , strong, powerful ones. As soon as these nations should hear of the miraculous guidance of Israel through the Red Sea, and Pharaoh’s destruction, they would be thrown into despair from anxiety and alarm, and would not oppose the march of Israel through their land.
Verse 16. “Fear and dread fall upon them; for the greatness of Thine arm (the adjective lwOdG; placed as a substantive before the noun) they are dumb ( µmæD; from µmæD; ) as stones, till Thy people pass through, Jehovah, till the people which Thou hast purchased pass through.” Israel was still on its march to Canaan, an evident proof that vv. 13-15 do not describe what was past, but that future events were foreseen in spirit, and are represented by the use of perfects as being quite as certain as if they had already happened. The singer mentions not only Edom and Moab, but Philistia also, and the inhabitants of Canaan, as enemies who are so paralyzed with terror, as to offer no resistance to the passage of Israel through their territory; whereas the history shows that Edom did oppose their passing through its land, and they were obliged to go round in consequence (Numbers 20:18ff.; Deuteronomy 2:3,8), whilst Moab attempted to destroy them through the power of Balaam’s curse (Numbers 22:2ff.); and what the inhabitants of Philistia and Canaan had to fear, was not their passing through, but their conquest of the land. f104 We learn, however, from Joshua 2:9-10 and 9:9, that the report of Israel’s miraculous passage through the Red Sea had reached to Canaan, and filled its inhabitants with terror.
Verse 17-18. “Thou wilt bring and plant them in the mountain of Thine inheritance, the place which Thou hast made for Thy dwelling-place, Jehovah, for the sanctuary, Lord, which Thy hands prepared.” On the dagesh dirim. in vD;q]mi , see Exodus 2:3. The futures are not to be taken as expressive of wishes, but as simple predictions, and are not to be twisted into preterites, as they have been by Knobel. The “mountain of Jehovah’s inheritance” was not the hill country of Canaan (Deuteronomy 3:25), but the mountain which Jehovah had prepared for a sanctuary (Psalm 78:54), and chosen as a dwelling-place through the sacrifice of Isaac. The planting of Israel upon this mountain does not signify the introduction of the Israelites into the promised land, but the planting of the people of God in the house of the Lord (Psalm 92:14), in the future sanctuary, where Jehovah would perfect His fellowship with His people, and where the people would show themselves by their sacrifices to be the “people of possession,” and would serve Him for ever as their King. This was the goal, to which the redemption from Egypt pointed, and to which the prophetic foresight of Moses raised both himself and his people in this song, as he beholds in spirit and ardently desires the kingdom of Jehovah in its ultimate completion. f105 The song closes in v. 18 with an inspiring prospect of the time, when “Jehovah will be King (of His people) for ever and ever;” and in v. 19, it is dovetailed into the historical narrative by the repetition of the fact to which it owed its origin, and by the explanatory “for,” which points back to the opening verse.
Verse 19-21. In the words “Pharaoh’s horse, with his chariots and horsemen,” Pharaoh, riding upon his horse as the leader of the army, is placed at the head of the enemies destroyed by Jehovah. In v. 20, Miriam is called “the prophetess,” not ob poeticam et musicam facultatem (Ros.), but because of her prophetic gift, which may serve to explain her subsequent opposition to Moses (Numbers 11:1,6); and “the sister of Aaron,” though she was Moses’ sister as well, and had been his deliverer in his infancy, not “because Aaron had his own independent spiritual standing by the side of Moses” (Baumg.), but to point out the position which she was afterwards to occupy in the congregation of Israel, namely, as ranking, not with Moses, but with Aaron, and like him subordinate to Moses, who had been placed at the head of Israel as the mediator of the Old Covenant, and as such was Aaron’s god (Exodus 4:16, Kurtz). As prophetess and sister of Aaron she led the chorus of women, who replied to the male chorus with timbrels and dancing, and by taking up the first strophe of the song, and in this way took part in the festival; a custom that was kept up in after times in the celebration of victories (Judges 11:34; 1 Samuel 18:6-7; 21:12; 29:5), possibly in imitation of an Egyptian model (see my Archäologie, §137, note 8). ISRAEL CONDUCTED FROM THE RED SEA TO THE MOUNTAIN OF GOD.
March from the Red Sea to Marah and Elim. — Being thus delivered from Egypt and led safely through the Red Sea, Israel was led into the desert to the sanctuary of Sinai, to be adopted and consecrated by Jehovah as His possession.
EXODUS. 15:22-27
Verse 22-24. Leaving the Red Sea, they went into the desert of Shur. This name is given to the tract of desert which separates Egypt from Palestine, and also from the more elevated parts of the desert of Arabia, and stretches from the Mediterranean to the head of the Arabian Gulf or Red Sea, and thence along the eastern shore of the sea to the neighbourhood of the Wady Gharandel. In Numbers 33:8 it is called the desert of Etham, from the town of Etham, which stood upon the border (see Exodus 13:20). The spot where the Israelites encamped after crossing the sea, and sang praises to the Lord for their gracious deliverance, is supposed to have been the present Ayun Musa (the springs of Moses), the only green spot in the northern part of this desolate tract of desert, where water could be obtained. At the present time there are several springs there, which yield a dark, brackish, though drinkable water, and a few stunted palms; and even till a very recent date country houses have been built and gardens laid out there by the richer inhabitants of Suez. From this point the Israelites went three days without finding water, till they came to Marah, where there was water, but so bitter that they could not drink it.
The first spot on the road from Ayun Musa to Sinai where water can be found, is in the well of Howâra, 33 English miles from the former. It is now a basin of 6 or 8 feet in diameter, with two feet of water in it, but so disagreeably bitter and salt, that the Bedouins consider it the worst water in the whole neighbourhood (Robinson, i. 96). The distance from Ayun Musa and the quality of the water both favour the identity of Howâra and Marah.
A whole people, travelling with children, cattle, and baggage, could not accomplish the distance in less than three days, and there is no other water on the road from Ayum Musa to Howâra. Hence, from the time of Burckhardt, who was the first to rediscover the well, Howâra has been regarded as the Marah of the Israelites. In the Wady Amara, a barren valley two hours to the north of Howâra, where Ewald looked for it, there is not water to be found; and in the Wady Gharandel, two hours to the south, to which Lepsius assigned it, the quality of the water does not agree with our account. f106 It is true that no trace of the name has been preserved; but it seems to have been given to the place by the Israelites simply on account of the bitterness of the water. This furnished the people with an inducement to murmur against Moses (v. 24). They had probably taken a supply of water from Ayum Musa for the three days’ march into the desert. But this store was now exhausted; and, as Luther says, “when the supply fails, our faith is soon gone.” Thus even Israel forgot the many proofs of the grace of God, which it had received already.
Verse 25-26. When Moses cried to the Lord in consequence, He showed him some wood which, when thrown into the water, took away its bitterness. The Bedouins, who know the neighbourhood, are not acquainted with such a tree, or with any other means of making bitter water sweet; and this power was hardly inherent in the tree itself, though it is ascribed to it in Ecclus. 38:5, but was imparted to it through the word and power of God. We cannot assign any reason for the choice of this particular earthly means, as the Scripture says nothing about any “evident and intentional contrast to the change in the Nile by which the sweet and pleasant water was rendered unfit for use” (Kurtz). The word `x[e “wood” (see only Numbers 19:6), alone, without anything in the context to explain it, does not point to a “living tree” in contrast to the “dead stick.” And if any contrast had been intended to be shown between the punishment of the Egyptians and the training of the Israelites, this intention would certainly have been more visibly and surely accomplished by using the staff with which Moses not only brought the plagues upon Egypt, but afterwards brought water out of the rock. If by `x[e we understand a tree, with which Ëlæv; , however, hardly agrees, it would be much more natural to suppose that there was an allusion to the tree of life, especially if we compare Genesis 2:9 and 3:22 with Rev 22:2, “the leaves of the tree of life were for the healing of the nations,” though we cannot regard this reference as established. All that is clear and undoubted is, that by employing these means, Jehovah made Himself known to the people of Israel as their Physician, and for this purpose appointed the wood for the healing of the bitter water, which threatened Israel with disease and death (2 Kings 4:40). By this event Jehovah accomplished two things: (a) “there He put (made) for it (the nation) an ordinance and a right,” and (b) “there He proved it.”
The ordinance and right which Jehovah made for Israel did not consist in the words of God quoted in v. 26, for they merely give an explanation of the law and right, but in the divine act itself. The leading of Israel to bitter water, which their nature could not drink, and then the sweetening or curing of this water, were to be a qjo for Israel, i.e., an institution or law by which God would always guide and govern His people, and a fp;v]mi or right, inasmuch as Israel could always reckon upon the help of God, and deliverance from every trouble. But as Israel had not yet true confidence in the Lord, this was also a trial, serving to manifest its natural heart, and, through the relief of its distress on the part of God, to refine and strengthen its faith. The practical proof which was given of Jehovah’s presence was intended to impress this truth upon the Israelites, that Jehovah as their Physician would save them from all the diseases which He had sent upon Egypt, if they would hear His voice, do what was right in His eyes, and keep all His commandments.
Verse 27. Elim, the next place of encampment, has been sought from olden time in the Wady Gharandel, about six miles south of Howâra; inasmuch as this spot, with its plentiful supply of comparatively good water, and its luxuriance of palms, tamarisks, acacias, and tall grass, which cause it to be selected even now as one of the principal halting-places between Suez and Sinai, quite answers to Elim, with its twelve wells of water and seventy palm-trees (cf. Rob. i. pp. 100, 101, 105). It is true the distance from Howâra is short, but the encampments of such a procession as that of the Israelites are always regulated by the supply of water. Both Baumgarten and Kurtz have found in Elim a place expressly prepared for Israel, from its bearing the stamp of the nation in the number of its wells and palms: a well for every tribe, and the shade of a palm-tree for the tent of each of the elders. But although the number of the wells corresponded to the twelve tribes of Israel, the number of the elders was much larger than that of the palms (Exodus 29:9). One fact alone is beyond all doubt, namely, that at Elim, this lovely oasis in the barren desert, Israel was to learn how the Lord could make His people lie down in the green pastures, and lead them beside still waters, even in the barren desert of this life (Psalm 23:2). EXODUS 16:1 Quails and Manna in the Desert of Sin.
Verse 1. From Elim the congregation of Israel proceeded into the desert of Sin. According to Numbers 33:10, they encamped at the Red Sea between Elim and the desert of Sin; but this is passed over here, as nothing of importance happened there. Judging from the nature of the ground, the place of encampment at the Red Sea is to be found at the mouth of the Wady Taiyibeh. For the direct road from the W. Gharandel to Sinai, and the only practicable one for caravans, goes over the tableland between this wady and the Wady Useit to the upper end of the W. Taiyibeh, a beautiful valley, covered with tamarisks and shrubs, where good water may be found by digging, and which winds about between steep rocks, and opens to the sea at Ras Zelimeh. To the north of this the hills and rocks come close to the sea, but to the south they recede, and leave a sandy plain with numerous shrubs, which is bounded on the east by wild and rugged rocky formations, and stretches for three miles along the shore, furnishing quite space enough therefore for the Israelitish camp.
It is about eight hours’ journey from Wady Gharandel, so that by a forced march the Israelites might have accomplished it in one day. From this point they went “to the desert of Sin, which is between Elim and Sinai.” The place of encampment here is doubtful. There are two roads that lead from W. Taiyibeh to Sinai: the lower, which enters the desert plain by the sea at the Murkha or Morcha well, not far from the mouth of the Wady eth Thafary, and from which you can either go as far as Tûr by the sea-coast, and then proceed in a north-easterly direction to Sinai, or take a more direct road through Wady Shellâl and Badireh into Wady Mukatteb and Feirân, and so on to the mountains of Horeb; and the upper road, first pointed out by Burckhardt and Robinson, which lies in a S.E. direction from W. Taiyibeh through W. Shubeikeh, across en elevated plain, then through Wady Humr to the broad sandy plain of el Debbe or Debbet en Nasb, thence through Wady Nasb to the plain of Debbet er Ramleh, which stretches far away to the east, and so on across the Wadys Chamile and Seich in almost a straight line to Horeb. One of these two roads the Israelites must have taken.
The majority of modern writers have decided in favour of the lower road, and place the desert of Sin in the broad desert plain, which commences at the foot of the mountain that bounds the Wady Taiyibeh towards the south, and stretches along the sea-coast to Ras Muhammed, the southernmost point of the peninsula, the southern part of which is now called el Kâa. The encampment of the Israelites in the desert of Sin is then supposed to have been in the northern part of this desert plain, where the well Murkha still furnishes a resting-place plentifully supplied with drinkable water. Ewald has thus represented the Israelites as following the desert of el Kâa to the neighbourhood of Tûr, and then going in a north-easterly direction to Sinai. But apart from the fact that the distance is too great for the three places of encampment mentioned in Numbers 33:12-14, and a whole nation could not possibly reach Rephidim in three stages by this route, it does not tally with the statement in Numbers 33:12, that the Israelites left the desert of Sin and went to Dofkah; so that Dofkah and the places that follow were not in the desert of Sin at all.
For these and other reasons, Deuteronomy Laborde, v. Raumer, and others suppose the Israelites to have gone from the fountain of Murkha to Sinai by the road which enters the mountains not far from this fountain through Wady Shellâl, and so continues through Wady Mukatteb to Wady Ferân (Robinson, i. p. 105). But this view is hardly reconcilable with the encampment of the Israelites “in the desert of Sin, which is between Elim and Sinai.” For instance, the direct road from W. Gharandel (Elim) to Sinai does not touch the desert plain of el Kâa at all, but turns away from it towards the north-east, so that it is difficult to understand how this desert could be said to lie between Elim and Sinai. For this reason, even Kurtz does not regard the clause “which is between Elim and Sinai” as pointing out the situation of the desert itself, but (contrary to the natural sense of the words) as a more exact definition of that part or point of the desert of Sin at which the road from Elim to Sinai crosses it.
But nothing is gained by this explanation. There is no road from the place of encampment by the Red Sea in the Wady Taiyibeh by which a whole nation could pass along the coast to the upper end of this desert, so as to allow the Israelites to cross the desert on the way from Taiyibeh to the W.
Shellâl. As the mountains to the south of the W. Taiyibeh come so close to the sea again, that it is only at low water that a narrow passage is left (Burckhardt, p. 985), the Israelites would have been obliged to turn eastwards from the encampment by the Red Sea, to which they had no doubt gone for the sake of the water, and to go all round the mountain to get to the Murkha spring. This spring (according to Burckhardt, p. 983), “a small lake in the sandstone rock, close at the foot of the mountain”) is “the principal station on this road,” next to Ayun Musa and Gharandel; but the water is “of the worst description, partly from the moss, the bog, and the dirt with which the well is filled, but chiefly no doubt from the salt of the soil by which it is surrounded,” and men can hardly drink it; whereas in the Wady Thafary, a mile (? five English miles) to the north-east of Murkha, there is a spring that “yields the only sweet water between Tor and Suez” (p. 982).
Now, even if we were to assume that the Israelites pitched their camp, not by this, the only sweet water in the neighbourhood, but by the bad water of Murkha, the Murkah spring is not situated in the desert of el Kâa, but only on the eastern border of it; so that if they proceeded thence into the Wady Shellâl, and so on to the Wady Feirân, they would not have crossed the desert at all. In addition to this, although the lower road through the valley of Mukatteb is described by Burckhardt as “much easier and more frequented,” and by Robinson as “easier” than the upper road across Nasseb (Nasb), there are two places in which it runs through very narrow defiles, by which a large body of people like the Israelites could not possibly have forced their way through to Sinai. From the Murkha spring, the way into the valley of Mukatteb is through “a wild mountain road,” which is shut out from the eyes of the wanderer by precipitous rocks. “We got off our dromedaries,” says Dieterici, ii. p. 27, “and left them to their own instinct and sure tread to climb the dangerous pass. We looked back once more at the desolate road which we had threaded between the rocks, and saw our dromedaries, the only signs of life, following a serpentine path, and so climbing the pass in this rocky theatre Nakb el Butera.” Strauss speaks of this road in the following terms: “We went eastwards through a large plain, overgrown with shrubs of all kinds, and reached a narrow pass, only broad enough for one camel to go through, so that our caravan emerged in a very pictorial serpentine fashion. The wild rocks frowned terribly on every side.” Moreover, it is only through a “terribly wild pass” that you can descend from the valley Mukatteb into the glorious valley of Feiran (Strauss, p. 128). f107 For these reasons we must adopt Knobel’s conclusions, and seek the desert of Sin in the upper road which leads from Gharandel to Sinai, viz., in the broad sandy table-land el Debbe or Debbet er Ramle, which stretches from the Tih mountains over almost the whole of the peninsula from N.W. to S.E. (vid., Robinson, i. 112), and in its south-eastern part touches the northern walls of the Horeb or Sinai range, which helps to explain the connection between the names Sin and Sinai, though the meaning “thorncovered” is not established, but is merely founded upon the idea that ˆysi has the same meaning as hn,s] . This desert table-land, which is essentially distinguished from the limestone formations of the Tih mountains, and the granite mass of Horeb, by its soil of sand and sandstone, stretches as far as Jebel Humr to the north-west, and the Wady Khamile and Barak to the south-west (vid., Robinson, i. p. 101, 102). Now, if this sandy table-land is to be regarded as the desert of Sin, we must look for the place of Israel’s encampment somewhere in this desert, most probably in the north-western portion, in a straight line between Elim (Gharandel) and Sinai, possibly in Wady Nasb, where there is a well surrounded by palm-trees about six miles to the north-west of Sarbut el Khadim, with a plentiful supply of excellent water, which Robinson says was better than he had found anywhere since leaving the Nile (i. 110). The distance from W. Taiyibeh to this spot is not greater than that from Gharandel to Taiyibeh, and might therefore be accomplished in a hard day’s march.
EXODUS. 16:2-8
Here, in this arid sandy waste, the whole congregation murmured against Moses and Aaron on account of the want of food. What they brought with them from Egypt had been consumed in the 30 days that had elapsed since they came out (v. 1). In their vexation the people expressed the wish that they had died in Egypt by the flesh-pot, in the midst of plenty, “by the hand of Jehovah,” i.e., by the last plague which Jehovah sent upon Egypt, rather than here in the desert of slow starvation. The form ˆWl is a Hiphil according to the consonants, and should be pointed yaliynuw, from hiliyn for heeliyn (see Ges. §72, Anm. 9, and Ewald, §114c.). As the want really existed, Jehovah promised them help (v. 4). He would rain bread from heaven, which the Israelites should gather every day for their daily need, to try the people, whether they would walk in His law or not.
In what the trial was to consist, is briefly indicated in v. 5: “And it will come to pass on the sixth day (of the week), that they will prepare what they have brought, and it will be double what they gather daily.” The meaning is, that what they gathered and brought into their tents on the sixth day of the week, and made ready for eating, would be twice as much as what they gathered on every other day; not that Jehovah would miraculously double what was brought home on the sixth day, as Knobel interprets the words in order to make out a discrepancy between v. 5 and v. 22. ˆWK, to prepare, is to be understood as applying partly to the measuring of what had been gathered (v. 18), and partly to the pounding and grinding of the grains of manna into meal (Numbers 11:8). In what respect this was a test for the people, is pointed out in vv. 16ff. Here, in vv. 4 and 5, the promise of God is only briefly noticed, and its leading points referred to; it is described in detail afterwards, in the communications which Moses and Aaron make to the people.
In vv. 6, 7, they first tell the people, “At even, then shall ye know that Jehovah hath brought you out of Egypt; and in the morning, then shall ye see the glory of the Lord.” Bearing in mind the parallelism of the clauses, we obtain this meaning, that in the evening and in the morning the Israelites would perceive the glory of the Lord, who had brought them out of Egypt. “Seeing” is synonymous with “knowing.” Seeing the glory of Jehovah did not consist in the sight of the glory of the Lord which appeared in the cloud, as mentioned in v. 10, but in their perception or experience of that glory in the miraculous gift of flesh and bread (v. 8, cf. Numbers 14:22). “By His hearing” [mæv; ), i.e., because He has heard, “your murmuring against Jehovah (“Against Him” in v. 8, as in Genesis 19:24); for what are we, that ye murmur against us?” The murmuring of the people against Moses and Aaron as their leaders really affected Jehovah as the actual guide, and not Moses and Aaron, who had only executed His will. Jehovah would therefore manifest His glory to the people, to prove to them that He had heard their murmuring. The announcement of this manifestation of God is more fully explained to the people by Moses in v. 8, and the explanation is linked on to the leading clause in v. 7 by the words, “when He giveth,” etc. Ye shall see the glory of Jehovah, when Jehovah shall give you, etc.
EXODUS. 16:9-12
But before Jehovah manifested Himself to the people in His glory, by relieving their distress, He gave them to behold His glory in the cloud, and by speaking out of the cloud, confirmed both the reproaches and promises of His servants. In the murmuring of the people, their unbelief in the actual presence of God had been clearly manifested. “It was a deep unbelief,” says Luther, “that they had thus fallen back, letting go the word and promise of God, and forgetting His former miracles and aid.” Even the pillar of cloud, this constant sign of the gracious guidance of God, had lost its meaning in the eyes of the people; so that it was needful to inspire the murmuring multitude with a salutary fear of the majesty of Jehovah, not only that their rebellion against the God who had watched them with a father’s care might be brought to mind, but also that the fact might be deeply impressed upon their hearts, that the food about to be sent was a gift of His grace. “Coming near before Jehovah” (v. 9), was coming out of the tents to the place where the cloud was standing. On thus coming out, “they turned towards the desert” (v. 10), i.e., their faces were directed towards the desert of Sin; “and, behold, the glory of Jehovah appeared in the cloud,” i.e., in a flash of light bursting forth from the cloud, and revealing the majesty of God. This extraordinary sign of the glory of God appeared in the desert, partly to show the estrangement of the murmuring nation from its God, but still more to show to the people, that God could glorify Himself by bestowing gifts upon His people even in the barren wilderness.
For Jehovah spoke to Moses out of this sign, and confirmed to the people what Moses had promised them (vv. 11, 12).
EXODUS. 16:13-15
The same evening (according to v. 12, “between the two evenings,” vid., Exodus 12:6) quails came up and covered the camp. `hl;[; : to advance, applied to great armies. wl;c] , with the article indicating the generic word, and used in a collective sense, are quails, ortugomee’tra (LXX); i.e., the quail-king, according to Hesychius o>rtux uJpermege>qhv , and Phot. o>rtux me>gav , hence a large species of quails, o’rtuges (Josephus), coturnices (Vulg.). Some suppose it to be the Katà or the Arabs, a kind of partridge which is found in great abundance in Arabia, Palestine, and Syria. These fly in such dense masses that the Arab boys often kill two or three at a time, by merely striking at them with a stick as they fly (Burckhardt, Syr. p. 681). But in spring the quails also come northwards in immense masses from the interior of Africa, and return in autumn, when they sometimes arrive so exhausted, that they can be caught with the hand (cf. Diod. Sic. i. 60; v. Schubert, Reise ii. p. 361).
Such a flight of quails was now brought by God, who caused them to fall in the camp of the Israelites, so that it was completely covered by them.
Then in the morning there came an “effusion of dew round about the camp; and when the effusion of dew ascended (i.e., when the mist that produced the dew had cleared away), behold there (it lay) upon the surface of the desert, fine, congealed, fine as the hoar-frost upon the ground.” The meaning of the hap leg sPæs]jæ is uncertain. The meaning, scaled off, scaly, decorticatum, which is founded upon the Chaldee rendering m¦qaleep, is neither suitable to the word nor to the thing. The rendering volutatum, rotundum, is better; and better still perhaps that of Meier, “run together, curdled.” When the Israelites noticed this, which they had never seen before, they said to one another, aWh ˆm; , ti> esti tou>to (LXX), “what is this?” for they knew not what it was. ˆm; for hm; belongs to the popular phraseology, and has been retained in the Chaldee and Ethiopic, so that it is undoubtedly to be regarded as early Semitic. From the question, man hu, the divine bread received the name of man (v. 31), or manna. Kimchi, however, explains it as meaning donum et portio. Luther follows him, and says, “Mann in Hebrew means ready money, a present or a gift;” whilst Gesenius and others trace the word to hn;m; , to divide, to apportion, and render aWh ˆm; “what is apportioned, a gift or present.” But the Arabic word to which appeal is made, is not early Arabic; and this explanation does not suit the connection. How could the people say “it is apportioned,” when they did not know what it was, and Moses had to tell them, it is the bread which Jehovah has given you for food? If they had seen at once that it was food sent them by God, there would have been no necessity for Moses to tell them so.
EXODUS. 16:16-18
After explaining the object of the manna, Moses made known to them at once the directions of God about gathering it. In the first place, every one was to gather according to the necessities of his family, a bowl a head, which held, according to v. 36, the tenth part of an ephah. Accordingly they gathered, “he that made much, and he that made little,” i.e., he that gathered much, and he that gathered little, and measured it with the omer; and he who gathered much had no surplus, and he who gathered little had no lack: “every one according to the measure of his eating had they gathered.” These words are generally understood by the Rabbins as meaning, that whether they had gathered much or little, when they measured it in their tents, they had collected just as many omers as they needed for the number in their families, and therefore that no one had either superfluity or deficiency. Calvin, on the other hand, and other Christian commentators, suppose the meaning to be, that all that was gathered was placed in a heap, and then measured out in the quantity that each required. In the former case, the miraculous superintendence of God was manifested in this, that no one was able to gather either more or less than what he needed for the number in his family; in the second case, in the fact that the entire quantity gathered, amounted exactly to what the whole nation required. In both cases, the superintending care of God would be equally wonderful, but the words of the text decidedly favour the old Jewish view.
EXODUS. 16:19-21
In the second place, Moses commanded them, that no one was to leave any of what had been gathered till the next morning. Some of them disobeyed, but what was left went into worms ( [l;wOT µWr literally rose into worms) and stank. Israel was to take no care for the morrow (Matthew 6:34), but to enjoy the daily bread received from God in obedience to the giver. The gathering was to take place in the morning (v. 21); for when the sun shone brightly, it melted away.
EXODUS. 16:22-26
Moreover, God bestowed His gift in such a manner, that the Sabbath was sanctified by it, and the way was thereby opened for its sanctification by the law. On the sixth day of the week the quantity yielded was twice as much, viz., two omers for one (one person). When the princes of the congregation informed Moses of this, he said to them, “Let tomorrow be rest ( ˆwOtB;væ ), a holy Sabbath to the Lord.” They were to bake and boil as much as was needed for the day, and keep what was over for the morrow, for on the Sabbath they would find none in the field. They did this, and what was kept for the Sabbath neither stank nor bred worms. It is perfectly clear from this event, that the Israelites were not acquainted with any sabbatical observance at that time, but that, whilst the way was practically opened, it was through the decalogue that it was raised into a legal institution (see Exodus 10:8ff.). ˆwOtB;væ is an abstract noun denoting “rest,” and tB;væ a concrete, literally the observer, from which it came to be used as a technical term for the seventh day of the week, which was to be observed as a day of rest to the Lord. EXODUS 16:27-30 On the seventh day some of the people went out to gather manna, notwithstanding Moses’ command, but they found nothing. Whereupon God reproved their resistance to His commands, and ordered them to remain quietly at home on the seventh day. Through the commandments which the Israelites were to keep in relation to the manna, this gift assumed the character of a temptation, or test of their obedience and faith (cf. v. 4).
EXODUS. 16:31
The manna was “like coriander-seed, white; and the taste of it like cake with honey.” dGæ : Chald. ad;ygi ; LXX ko>rion ; Vulg. coriandrum; according to Dioscorid. 3, 64, it was called goi>d by the Carthaginians. tjiypixæ is rendered e>gkriv by the LXX; according to Athenaeus and the Greek Scholiasts, a sweet kind of confectionary made with oil. In Numbers 11:7-8, the manna is said to have had the appearance of bdellium, a fragrant and transparent resin, resembling wax (Genesis 2:12). It was ground in handmills or pounded in mortars, and either boiled in pots or baked on the ashes, and tasted like ˆm,v, dvæl] , “dainty of oil,” i.e., sweet cakes boiled with oil.
This “bread of heaven” (Psalm 78:24; 105:40) Jehovah gave to His people for the first time at a season of the year and also in a place in which natural manna is still found. It is ordinarily met with in the peninsula of Sinai in the months of June and July, and sometimes even in May. It is most abundant in the neighbourhood of Sinai, in Wady Feirân and es Sheikh, also in Wady Gharandel and Taiyibeh, and some of the valleys to the south-east of Sinai (Ritter, 14, p. 676; Seetzen’s Reise iii. pp. 76, 129). In warm nights it exudes from the branches of the tarfah-tree, a kind of tamarisk, and falls down in the form of small globules upon the withered leaves and branches that lie under the trees; it is then gathered before sunrise, but melts in the heat of the sun. In very rainy seasons it continues in great abundance for six weeks long; but in many seasons it entirely fails. It has the appearance of gum, and has a sweet, honey-like taste; and when taken in large quantities, it is said to act as a mild aperient (Burckhardt, Syr. p. 954; Wellsted in Ritter, p. 674).
There are striking points of resemblance, therefore, between the manna of the Bible and the tamarisk manna. Not only was the locality in which the Israelites first received the manna the same as that in which it is obtained now; but the time was also the same, inasmuch as the 15th day of the second month (v. 1) falls in the middle of our May, if not somewhat later.
The resemblance in colour, form, and appearance is also unmistakeable; for, though the tamarisk manna is described as a dirty yellow, it is also said to be white when it falls upon stones. Moreover, it falls upon the earth in grains, is gathered in the morning, melts in the heat of the sun, and has the flavour of honey. But if these points of agreement suggest a connection between the natural manna and that of the Scriptures, the differences, which are universally admitted, point with no less distinctness of the miraculous character of the bread of heaven.
This is seen at once in the fact that the Israelites received the manna for years, in all parts of the desert, at every season of the year, and in sufficient quantity to satisfy the wants of so numerous a people. According to v. 35, they ate manna “until they came to a land inhabited, unto the borders of the land of Canaan;” and according to Joshua 5:11-12, the manna ceased, when they kept the Passover after crossing the Jordan, and ate of the produce of the land of Canaan on the day after the Passover. Neither of these statements is to be so strained as to be made to signify that the Israelites ate no other bread than manna for the whole 40 years, even after crossing the Jordan: they merely affirm that the Israelites received no more manna after they had once entered the inhabited land of Canaan; that the period of manna or desert food entirely ceased, and that of bread baked from corn, or the ordinary food of the inhabited country, commenced when they kept the Passover in the steppes of Jericho, and ate unleavened bread and parched cakes of the produce of the land as soon as the new harvest had been consecrated by the presentation of the sheaf of first-fruits to God.
But even in the desert the Israelites had other provisions at command. In the first place, they had brought large flocks and herds with them out of Egypt (Exodus 12:38; 17:3); and these they continued in possession of, not only at Sinai (Exodus 34:3), but also on the border of Edom and the country to the east of the Jordan (Numbers 20:19; 32:1). Now, if the maintenance of these flocks necessitated, on the one hand, their seeking for grassy spots in the desert; on the other hand, the possession of cattle secured them by no means an insignificant supply of milk and flesh for food, and also of wool, hair, and skins for clothing. Moreover, there were different tribes in the desert at that very time, such as the Ishmaelites and Amalekites, who obtained a living for themselves from the very same sources which must necessarily have been within reach of the Israelites.
Even now there are spots in the desert of Arabia where the Bedouins sow and reap; and no doubt there was formerly a much larger number of such spots than there are now, since the charcoal trade carried on by the Arabs has interfered with the growth of trees, and considerably diminished both the fertility of the valleys and the number and extent of the green oases (cf.
Rüppell, Nubien, pp. 190, 201, 256).
For the Israelites were not always wandering about; but after the sentence was pronounced, that they were to remain for 40 years in the desert, they may have remained not only for months, but in some cases even for years, in certain places of encampment, where, if the soil allowed, they could sow, plant, and reap. There were many of their wants, too, that they could supply by means of purchases made either from the trading caravans that travelled through the desert, or from tribes that were settled there; and we find in one place an allusion made to their buying food and water from the Edomites (Deuteronomy 2:6-7). It is also very obvious from Leviticus 8:2; 26:31-32; 9:4; 10:12; 24:5ff., and Numbers 7:13ff., that they were provided with wheaten meal during their stay at Sinai. f108 But notwithstanding all these resources, the desert was “great and terrible” (Deuteronomy 9:19; 8:15); so that, even though it is no doubt the fact that the want of food is very trifling in that region (cf. Burckhardt, Syria, p. 901), there must often have been districts to traverse, and seasons to endure, in which the natural resources were either insufficient for so numerous a people, or failed altogether. It was necessary, therefore, that God should interpose miraculously, and give His people bread and water and flesh by supernatural means. So that it still remains true, that God fed Israel with manna for 40 years, until their entrance into an inhabited country rendered it possible to dispense with these miraculous supplies. We must by no means suppose that the supply of manna was restricted to the neighbourhood of Sinai; for it is expressly mentioned after the Israelites had left Sinai (Numbers 11:7ff.), and even when they had gone round the land of Edom (Numbers 21:5).
But whether it continued outside the true desert-whether, that is to say, the Israelites were still fed with manna after they had reached the inhabited country, viz., in Gilead and Bashan, the Amoritish kingdoms of Sihon and Og, which extended to Edrei in the neighbourhood of Damascus, and where there was no lack of fields, and vineyards, and wells of water (Numbers 21:22), that came into the possession of the Israelites on their conquest of the land-or during their encampment in the fields of Moab opposite to Jericho, where they were invited by the Moabites and Edomites to join in their sacrificial meals (Numbers 25:2), and where they took possession, after the defeat of the Midianites, of their cattle and all that they had, including 675,000 sheep and 72,000 beeves (Numbers 31:31ff.)- cannot be decided in the negative, as Hengstenberg supposes; still less can it be answered with confidence in the affirmative, as it has been by C. v.
Raumer and Kurtz. For if, as even Kurtz admits, the manna was intended either to supply the want of bread altogether, or where there was bread to be obtained, though not in sufficient quantities, to make up the deficiency, it might be supposed that no such deficiency would occur in these inhabited and fertile districts, where, according to Joshua 1:11, there were sufficient supplies, at hand to furnish ample provision for the passage across the Jordan. It is possible too, that as there were more trees in the desert at that time than there are now, and, in fact, more vegetation generally, there may have been supplies of natural manna in different localities, in which it is not met with at present, and that this manna harvest, instead of yielding only or 7 cwt., as is the case now, produced considerably more. f109 Nevertheless, the quantity which the Israelites gathered every day-Viz. an omer a head, or at least 2 lbs. — still remains a divine miracle; though this statement in vv. 16ff. is not to be understood as affirming, that for 40 years they collected that quantity every day, but only, that whenever and wherever other supplies failed, that quantity could be and was collected day by day.
Moreover, the divine manna differed both in origin and composition from the natural produce of the tamarisk. Though the tamarisk manna resembles the former in appearance, colour, and taste, yet according to the chemical analysis to which it has been submitted by Mitscherlich, it contains no farina, but simply saccharine matter, so that the grains have only the consistency of wax; whereas those of the manna supplied to the Israelites were so hard that they could be ground in mills and pounded in mortars, and contained so much meal that it was made into cakes and baked, when it tasted like honey-cake, or sweet confectionary prepared with oil, and formed a good substitute for ordinary bread. There is no less difference in the origin of the two. The manna of the Israelites fell upon the camp with the morning dew (vv. 13, 14; Numbers 11:9), therefore evidently out of the air, so that Jehovah might be said to have rained it from heaven (v. 4); whereas the tamarisk manna drops upon the ground from the fine thin twigs of this shrub, and, in Ehrenberg’s opinion, in consequence of the puncture of a small, yellow insect, called coccus maniparus. But it may possibly be produced apart from this insect, as Lepsius and Tischendorf found branches with a considerable quantity of manna upon them, and saw it drop from trees in thick adhesive lumps, without being able to discover any coccus near (see (Ritter, 14, pp. 675-6). Now, even though the manna of the Bible may be connected with the produce of the tamarisk, the supply was not so inseparably connected with these shrubs, as that it could only fall to the earth with the dew, as it was exuded from their branches. After all, therefore, we can neither deny that there was some connection between the two, nor explain the gift of the heavenly manna, as arising from an unrestricted multiplication and increase of this gift of nature. We rather regard the bread of heaven as the production and gift of the grace of God, which fills all nature with its powers and productions, and so applies them to its purposes of salvation, as to create out of that which is natural something altogether new, which surpasses the ordinary productions of nature, both in quality and quantity, as far as the kingdom of nature is surpassed by the kingdom of grace and glory.
EXODUS. 16:32-35
As a constant memorial of this bread of God for succeeding generations, Jehovah commanded Moses to keep a bowl full ( `rm,[o alm] , the filling of a bowl) of the manna. Accordingly Aaron placed a jar of manna (as it is stated in vv. 34, 35, by way of anticipation, for the purpose of summing up everything of importance relating to the manna) “before Jehovah,” or speaking still more exactly, “before the testimony,” i.e., the tables of the law (see Exodus 25:16), or according to Jewish tradition, in the ark of the covenant (Hebrews 9:4). tn,x,n]xi , from tsaanan to guard round, to preserve, signifies a jar or bottle, not a basket. According to the Jerusalem Targum, it was an earthenware jar; in the LXX it is called sta>mnov crusou>v , a golden jar, but there is nothing of this kind in the original text.
EXODUS. 16:36
In conclusion, the quantity of the manna collected for the daily supply of each individual, which was preserved in the sanctuary, is given according to the ordinary measurement, viz., the ephah. The common opinion, that `rm,[o was the name for a measure of capacity, which was evidently shared by the Seventy, who have rendered the word gomo>r , has no foundation so far as the Scriptures are concerned. Not only is it a fact, that the word omer is never used as a measure except in this chapter, but the tenth of an ephah is constantly indicated, even in the Pentateuch, by “the tenth part of an ephah” (Leviticus 5:11; 6:13; Numbers 5:15; 28:5), or “a tenth deal” (Exodus 29:40; Leviticus 14:10, etc.; in all 30 times). The omer was a small vessel, cup, or bowl, which formed part of the furniture of every house, and being always of the same size, could be used as a measure in case of need. f110 The ephah is given by Bertheau as consisting of 1985·77 Parisian cubic inches, and holding 739,800 Parisian grains of water; Thenius, however, gives only 1014·39 Parisian, or 1124·67 Rhenish inches. (See my Archäologie, ii. 141-2.)
EXODUS. 17:1-7
Want of Water at Rephidim.
Verse 1. On leaving the desert of Sin, the Israelites came [Sæmæ , “according to their journeys,” i.e., in several marches performed with encampings and departures, to Rephidim, at Horeb, where they found no water. According to Numbers 33:12-14, they encamped twice between the desert of Sin and Rephidim, viz., at Dofkah and Alush. The situation of Rephidim may be determined with tolerable certainty, partly from v. 6 as compared with Exodus 18:5, which shows that it is to be sought for at Horeb, and partly from the fact, that the Israelites reached the desert of Sinai, after leaving Rephidim, in a single day’s march (Exodus 19:2). As the only way from Debbet er Ramleh to Horeb or Sinai, through which a whole nation could pass, lies through the large valley of es-Sheikh, Rephidim must be sought for at the point where this valley opens into the broad plain of er Rahah; and not in the defile with Moses’ seat (Jokad Seidna Musa) in it, which is a day’s journey from the foot of Sinai, or five hours from the point at which the Sheikh valley opens into the plain or er Rahah, or the plain of Szueir or Suweiri, because this plain is so far from Sinai, that the Israelites could not possibly have travelled thence to the desert of Sinai in a single day; nor yet at the fountain of Abu Suweirah, which is three hours to the north of Sinai (Strauss, p. 131), for the Sheikh valley, which is only a quarter of a mile broad at this spot, and enclosed on both sides by tall cliffs (Robinson, i. 215), would not afford the requisite space for a whole nation; and the well found here, which though small is never dry (Robinson, i. 216), neither tallies with the want of water at Rephidim, nor stands “upon the rock at (in) Horeb,” so that it could be taken to be the spring opened by Moses. The distance from Wady Nasb (in the desert of Sin) to the point at which the upper Sinai road reaches the Wady es Sheikh is about 15 hours (Robinson, vol. iii. app.), and the distance thence to the plain of er Rahah through the Sheikh valley, which runs in a large semicircle to Horeb, hours more (Burckhardt, pp. 797ff.), whereas the straight road across el Oerf, Wady Solaf, and Nukb Hawy to the convent of Sinai is only seven hours and a half (Robinson, vol. iii. appendix).
The whole distance from Wady Nasb to the opening of the Sheikh valley into the plain of er Rahah, viz., 25 hours in all, the Israelites might have accomplished in three days, answering to the three stations, Dofkah, Alush, and Rephidim. A trace of Dofkah seems to have been retained in el Tabbacha, which Seetzen found in the narrow rocky valley of Wady Gne, i.e., Kineh, after his visit to Wady Mukatteb, on proceeding an hour and a half farther in a north-westerly(?) direction, and where he saw some Egyptian antiquities. Knobel supposes the station Alush to have been in the Wady Oesch or Osh (Robinson, i. 125; Burckhardt, p. 792), where sweet water may be met with at a little distance off. But apart from the improbability of Alush being identical with Osh, even if al were the Arabic article, the distance is against it, as it is at least twelve camel-hours from Horeb through the Sheikh valley. Alush is rather to be sought for at the entrance to the Sheikh valley; for in no other case could the Israelites have reached Rephidim in one day.
Verse 2-6. As there was no water to drink in Rephidim, the people murmured against Moses, for having brought them out of Egypt to perish with thirst in the wilderness. This murmuring Moses called “tempting God,” i.e., unbelieving doubt in the gracious presence of the Lord to help them (v. 7). In this the people manifested not only their ingratitude to Jehovah, who had hitherto interposed so gloriously and miraculously in every time of distress or need, but their distrust in the guidance of Jehovah and the divine mission of Moses, and such impatience of unbelief as threatened to break out into open rebellion against Moses. “Yet a little,” he said to God (i.e., a very little more), “and they stone me;” and the divine long-suffering and grace interposed in this case also, and provided for the want without punishing their murmuring. Moses was to pass on before the people, and, taking some of the elders with him, and his staff with which he smote the Nile, to go to the rock at Horeb, and smite upon the rock with the staff, at the place where God should stand before him, and water would come out of the rock.
The elders were to be eye-witnesses of the miracle, that they might bear their testimony to it before the unbelieving people, “ne dicere possint, jam ab antiquis temporibus fontes ibi fuisse” (Rashi). Jehovah’s standing before Moses upon the rock, signified the gracious assistance of God. µynip; `rmæ[; frequently denotes the attitude of a servant when standing before his master, to receive and execute his commands. Thus Jehovah condescended to come to the help of Moses, and assist His people with His almighty power. His gracious presence caused water to flow out of the hard dry rock, though not till Moses struck it with his staff, that the people might acknowledge him afresh as the possessor of supernatural and miraculous powers. The precise spot at which the water was smitten out of the rock cannot be determined; for there is no reason whatever for fixing upon the summit of the present Horeb, Ras el Sufsafeh, from which you can take in the whole of the plain of er Rahah (Robinson, i. p. 154).
Verse 7. From this behaviour of the unbelieving nation the place received the names Massah and Meribah, “temptation and murmuring,” that this sin of the people might never be forgotten (cf. Deuteronomy 6:16; Psalm 78:20; 95:8; 105:41).
CONFLICT WITH AMALEK.
EXODUS. 17:8-13
The want of water had only just been provided for, when Israel had to engage in a conflict with the Amalekites, who had fallen upon their rear and smitten it (Deuteronomy 25:18). The expansion of this tribe, that was descended from a grandson of Esau (see Genesis 36:12), into so great a power even in the Mosaic times, is perfectly conceivable, if we imagine the process to have been analogous to that which we have already described in the case of the leading branches of the Edomites, who had grown into a powerful nation through the subjugation and incorporation of the earlier population of Mount Seir. The Amalekites had no doubt come to the neighbourhood of Sinai for the same reason for which, even in the present day, the Bedouin Arabs leave the lower districts at the beginning of summer, and congregate in the mountain regions of the Arabian peninsula, viz., because the grass is dried up in the former, whereas in the latter the pasturage remains green much longer, on account of the climate being comparatively cooler (Burckhardt, Syr. p. 789).
There they fell upon the Israelites, probably in the Sheikh valley, where the rear had remained behind the main body, not merely for the purpose of plundering or of disputing the possession of this district and its pasture ground with the Israelites, but to assail Israel as the nation of God, and if possible to destroy it. The divine command to exterminate Amalek (v. 14) points to this; and still more the description given of the Amalekites in Balaam’s utterances, as ywOG tyviare , “the beginning,” i.e., the first and foremost of the heathen nations (Numbers 24:20). In Amalek the heathen world commenced that conflict with the people of God, which, while it aims at their destruction, can only be terminated by the complete annihilation of the ungodly powers of the world. Earlier theologians pointed out quite correctly the deepest ground for the hostility of the Amalekites, when they traced the causa belli to this fact, “quod timebat Amalec, qui erat de semine Esau, jam implendam benedictionem, quam Jacob obtinuit et praeripuit ipsi Esau, praesertim cum in magna potentia venirent Israelitae, ut promissam occuparent terram” Münster, C. a Lapide, etc.). This peculiar significance in the conflict is apparent, not only from the divine command to exterminate the Amalekites, and to carry on the war of Jehovah with Amalek from generation to generation (vv. 14 and 16), but also from the manner in which Moses led the Israelites to battle and to victory. Whereas he had performed all the miracles in Egypt and on the journey by stretching out his staff, on this occasion he directed his servant Joshua to choose men for the war, and to fight the battle with the sword.
He himself went with Aaron and Hur to the summit of a hill to hold up the staff of God in his hands, that he might procure success to the warriors through the spiritual weapons of prayer.
The proper name of Joshua, who appears here for the first time in the service of Moses, as Hosea ( [ævewOh ); he was a prince of the tribe of Ephraim (Numbers 13:8,16; Deuteronomy 32:44). The name [æWvwOhy] , “Jehovah is help” (or, God-help), he probably received at the time when he entered Moses’ service, either before or after the battle with the Amalekites (see Numbers 13:16, and Hengstenberg, Dissertations, vol. ii.). Hur, who also held a prominent position in the nation, according to Exodus 24:14, in connection with Aaron, was the son of Caleb, the son of Hezron, the grandson of Judah (1 Chronicles 2:18-20), and the grandfather of Bezaleel, the architect of the tabernacle (Exodus 31:2; 35:30; 38:22, cf. Chronicles 2:19-20). According to Jewish tradition, he was the husband of Miriam.
The battle was fought on the day after the first attack (v. 9). The hill h[;b]Gi , not Mount Horeb), upon the summit of which Moses took up his position during the battle, along with Aaron and Hur, cannot be fixed upon with exact precision, but it was probably situated in the table-land of Fureia, to the north of er Rahah and the Sheikh valley, which is a fertile piece of pasture ground (Burckhardt, p. 801; Robinson, i. pp. 139, 215), or else in the plateau which runs to the north-east of the Horeb mountains and to the east of the Sheikh valley, with the two peaks Umlanz and Um Alawy; supposing, that is, that the Amalekites attacked the Israelites from Wady Muklifeh or es Suweiriyeh. Moses went to the top of the hill that he might see the battle from thence. He took Aaron and Hur with him, not as adjutants to convey his orders to Joshua and the army engaged, but to support him in his own part in connection with the conflict.
This was to hold up his hand with the staff of God in it. To understand the meaning of this sign, it must be borne in mind that, although v. 11 merely speaks of the raising and dropping of the hand (in the singular), yet, according to v. 12, both hands were supported by Aaron and Hur, who stood one on either side, so that Moses did not hold up his hands alternately, but grasped the staff with both his hands, and held it up with the two. The lifting up of the hands has been regarded almost with unvarying unanimity by Targumists, Rabbins, Fathers, Reformers, and nearly all the more modern commentators, as the sign or attitude of prayer.
Kurtz, on the contrary, maintains, in direct opposition to the custom observed throughout the whole of the Old Testament by all pious and earnest worshipers, of lifting up their hands to God in heaven, that this view attributes an importance to the outward form of prayer which has no analogy even in the Old Testament; he therefore agrees with Lakemacher, in Rosenmüller’s Scholien, in regarding the attitude of Moses with his hand lifted up as “the attitude of a commander superintending and directing the battle,” and the elevation of the hand as only the means adopted for raising the staff, which was elevated in the sight of the warriors of Israel as the banner of victory. But this meaning cannot be established from vv. 15 and 16. For the altar with the name “Jehovah my banner,” and the watchword “the hand on the banner of Jehovah, war of the Lord against Amalek,” can neither be proved to be connected with the staff which Moses held in his hand, nor be adduced as a proof that Moses held the staff in front of the Israelites as the banner of victory. The lifting up of the staff of God was, no doubt, a banner to the Israelites of victory over their foes, but not in this sense, that Moses directed the battle as commander-in-chief, for he had transferred the command to Joshua; nor yet in this sense, that he imparted divine powers to the warriors by means of the staff, and so secured the victory. To effect this, he would not have lifted it up, but have stretched it out, either over the combatants, or at all events towards them, as in the case of all the other miracles that were performed with the staff.
The lifting up of the staff secured to the warriors the strength needed to obtain the victory, from the fact that by means of the staff Moses brought down this strength from above, i.e., from the Almighty God in heaven; not indeed by a merely spiritless and unthinking elevation of the staff, but by the power of his prayer, which was embodied in the lifting up of his hands with the staff, and was so far strengthened thereby, that God had chosen and already employed this staff as a medium of the saving manifestation of His almighty power. There is no other way in which we can explain the effect produced upon the battle by the raising and dropping ( jæWn ) of the staff in his hands. As long as Moses held up the staff, he drew down from God victorious powers for the Israelites by means of his prayer; but when he let it fall through the exhaustion of the strength of his hands, he ceased to draw down the power of God, and Amalek gained the upper hand.
The staff, therefore, as it was stretched out on high, was not a sign to the Israelites that were fighting, for it is by no means certain that they could see it in the heat of the battle; but it was a sign to Jehovah, carrying up, as it were, to God the wishes and prayers of Moses, and bringing down from God victorious powers for Israel. If the intention had been the hold it up before the Israelites as a banner of victory. Moses would not have withdrawn to a hill apart from the field of battle, but would either have carried it himself in front of the army, or have given it to Joshua as commander, to be borne by him in front of the combatants, or else have entrusted it to Aaron, who had performed the miracles in Egypt, that he might carry it at their head. The pure reason why Moses did not do this, but withdrew from the field of battle to lift up the staff of God upon the summit of a hill, and to secure the victory by so doing, is to be found in the important character of the battle itself.
As the heathen world was now commencing its conflict with the people of God in the persons of the Amalekites, and the prototype of the heathen world, with its hostility to God, was opposing the nation of the Lord, that had been redeemed from the bondage of Egypt and was on its way to Canaan, to contest its entrance into the promised inheritance; so the battle which Israel fought with this foe possessed a typical significance in relation to all the future history of Israel. It could not conquer by the sword alone, but could only gain the victory by the power of God, coming down from on high, and obtained through prayer and those means of grace with which it had been entrusted. The means now possessed by Moses were the staff, which was, as it were, a channel through which the powers of omnipotence were conducted to him. In most cases he used it under the direction of God; but God had not promised him miraculous help for the conflict with the Amalekites, and for this reason he lifted up his hands with the staff in prayer to God, that he might thereby secure the assistance of Jehovah for His struggling people.
At length he became exhausted, and with the falling of his hands and the staff he held, the flow of divine power ceased, so that it was necessary to support his arms, that they might be kept firmly directed upwards ( hn;Wma’ , lit., firmness) until the enemy was entirely subdued. And from this Israel was to learn the lesson, that in all its conflicts with the ungodly powers of the world, strength for victory could only be procured through the incessant lifting up of its hands in prayer. “And Joshua discomfited Amalek and his people (the Amalekites and their people) with the edge of the sword” (i.e., without quarter. See Genesis 34:26).
EXODUS. 17:14-16
As this battle and victory were of such significance, Moses was to write it for a memorial rp,se , in “the book” appointed for a record of the wonderful works of God, and “to put it into the ears of Joshua,” i.e., to make known to him, and impress upon him, that Jehovah would utterly put out the remembrance of Amalek from under heaven; not “in order that he might carry out this decree of God on the conquest of Canaan, as Knobel supposes, but to strengthen his confidence in the help of the Lord against all the enemies of Israel. In Deuteronomy 25:19 the Israelites are commanded to exterminate Amalek, when God should have given them rest in the land of Canaan from all their enemies round about.
Verse 15, 16. To praise God for His help, Moses built an altar, which he called “Jehovah my banner,” and said, when he did so, “The hand on the throne (or banner) of Jah! War to the Lord from generation to generation!”
There is nothing said about sacrifices being offered upon this altar. It has been conjectured, therefore, that as a place of worship and thank-offering, the altar with its expressive name was merely to serve as a memorial to posterity of the gracious help of the Lord, and that the words which were spoken by Moses were to serve as a watchword for Israel, keeping this act of God in lively remembrance among the people in all succeeding generations. yKi (v. 16) merely introduces the words as in Genesis 4:23, etc. The expression Hy; sKeAl[æ dy; is obscure, chiefly on account of the hap leg sKe . In the ancient versions (with the exception of the Septuagint, in which hy sk is treated as one word, and rendered krufai>a ) sKe is taken to be equivalent to tSeKi (1 Kings 10:19; Job 26:9) for aSeKi , and the clause is rendered “the hand upon the throne of the Lord.” But whilst some understand the laying of the hand (sc., of God) upon the throne to be expressive of the attitude of swearing, others regard the hand as symbolical of power.
There are others again, like Clericus, who suppose the hand to denote the hand laid by the Amalekites upon the throne of the Lord, i.e., on Israel. But if sKe signifies throng or adytum arcanum, the words can hardly be understood in any other sense than “the hand lifted up to the throne of Jehovah in heaven, war to the Lord,” etc.; and thus understood, they can only contain an admonition to Israel to follow the example of Moses, and wage war against Amalek with the hands lifted up to the throne of Jehovah. Modern expositors, however, for the most part regard sKe as a corruption of sne , “the hand on the banner of the Lord.” But even admitting this, though many objections may be offered to its correctness, we must not understand by “the banner of Jehovah” the staff of Moses, but only the altar with the name Jehovah-nissi, as the symbol or memorial of the victorious help afforded by God in the battle with the Amalekites. JETHRO THE MIDIANITE IN THE CAMP OF ISRAEL.
EXODUS. 18:1-5
The Amalekites had met Israel with hostility, as the prototype of the heathen who would strive against the people and kingdom of God. But Jethro, the Midianitish priest, appeared immediately after in the camp of Israel, not only as Moses’ father-in-law, to bring back his wife and children, but also with a joyful acknowledgement of all that Jehovah had done to the Israelites in delivering them from Egypt, to offer burntofferings to the God of Israel, and to celebrate a sacrificial meal with Moses, Aaron, and all the elders of Israel; so that in the person of Jethro the first-fruits of the heathen, who would hereafter seek the living God, entered into religious fellowship with the people of God. As both the Amalekites and Midianites were descended from Abraham, and stood in blood-relationship to Israel, the different attitudes which they assumed towards the Israelites foreshadowed and typified the twofold attitude which the heathen world would assume towards the kingdom of God. (On Jethro, see Exodus 2:18; on Moses’ wife and sons, see ch. 2:21-22; and on the expression in v. 2, “after he had sent her back,” Exodus 4:26.)-Jethro came to Moses “into the wilderness, where he encamped at the mount of God.” The mount of God is Horeb (Exodus 3:1); and the place of encampment is Rephidim, at Horeb, i.e., at the spot where the Sheikh valley opens into the plain of er Rahah (Exodus 17:1).
This part is designated as a wilderness; and according to Robinson (1, pp. 130, 131) the district round this valley and plain is “naked desert,” and “wild and desolate.” The occasion for Jethro the priest to bring back to his son-in-law his wife and children was furnished by the intelligence which had reached him, that Jehovah had brought Israel out of Egypt (v. 1), and, as we may obviously supply, had led them to Horeb. When Moses sent his wife and sons back to Jethro, he probably stipulated that they were to return to him on the arrival of the Israelites at Horeb. For when God first called Moses at Horeb, He foretold to him that Israel would be brought to this mountain on its deliverance from Egypt (Exodus 3:12). f112 EXODUS 18:6-11 When Jethro announced his arrival to Moses (“he said,” sc., through a messenger), he received his father-in-law with the honour due to his rank; and when he had conducted him to his tent, he related to him all the leading events connected with the departure from Egypt, and all the troubles they had met with on the way, and how Jehovah had delivered them out of them all. Jethro rejoiced at this, and broke out in praise to Jehovah, declaring that Jehovah was greater than all gods, i.e., that He had shown Himself to be exalted above all gods, for God is great in the eyes of men only when He makes known His greatness through the display of His omnipotence.
He then gave a practical expression to his praise by a burnt-offering and slain-offering, which he presented to God. The second yKi in v. 11 is only an emphatic repetition of the first, and rv,a rb;d; is not dependent upon [dæy; , but upon lwOdG; , or upon ldæG; understood, which is to be supplied in thought after the second yKi : “That He has proved Himself great by the affair in which they (the Egyptians) dealt proudly against them (the Israelites).” Compare Neh 9:10, from which it is evident, that to refer these words to the destruction of Pharaoh and his army in the Red Sea as a punishment for their attempt to destroy the Israelites in the water (Exodus 1:22) is too contracted an interpretation; and that they rather relate to all the measures adopted by the Egyptians for the oppression and detention of the Israelites, and signify that Jehovah had shown Himself great above all gods by all the plagues inflicted upon Egypt down to the destruction of Pharaoh and his army in the Red Sea.
EXODUS. 18:12
The sacrifices, which Jethro offered to God, were applied to a sacrificial meal, in which Moses joined, as well as Aaron and all the elders. Eating bread before God signified the holding of a sacrificial meal, which was eating before God, because it was celebrated in a holy place of sacrifice, where God was supposed to be present.
EXODUS. 18:13-23
The next day Jethro saw how Moses was occupied from morning till evening in judging the people, who brought all their disputes to him, that he might settle them according to the statutes of God. `l[æ `rmæ[; : as in Genesis 18:8. The people came to Moses “to seek or inquire of God” (v. 15), i.e., to ask for a decision from God: in most cases, this means to inquire through an oracle; here it signifies to desire a divine decision as to questions in dispute. By judging or deciding the cases brought before him, Moses made known to the people the ordinances and laws of God. For every decision was based upon some law, which, like all true justice here on earth, emanated first of all from God. This is the meaning of v. 16, and not, as Knobel supposes, that Moses made use of the questions in dispute, at the time they were decided, as good opportunities for giving laws to the people.
Jethro condemned this plan (vv. 18ff.) as exhausting, wearing out ( lben; lit., to fade away, Psalm 37:2), both for Moses and the people: for the latter, inasmuch as they not only got wearied out through long waiting, but, judging from v. 23, very often began to take the law into their own hands on account of the delay in the judicial decision, and so undermined the well-being of the community at large; and for Moses, inasmuch as the work was necessarily too great for him, and he could not continue for any length of time to sustain such a burden alone (v. 18). The obsolete form of the inf. const. `ashuw for `astow is only used here, but is not without analogies in the Pentateuch. Jethro advised him (vv. 19ff.) to appoint judged from the people for all the smaller matters in dispute, so that in future only the more difficult cases, which really needed a superior or divine decision, would be brought to him that he might lay them before God. “I will give thee counsel, and God be with thee (i.e., help thee to carry out this advice): Be thou to the people µyhila’ lWm , towards God,” i.e., lay their affairs before God, take the place of God in matters of judgment, or, as Luther expresses it, “take charge of the people before God.” To this end, in the first place, he was to instruct the people in the commandments of God, and their own walk and conduct ( ryhiz]hi with a double accusative, to enlighten, instruct; Ër,D, the walk, the whole behaviour; hc,[mæ particular actions); secondly, he was to select able men ( lyijæ vyai men of moral strength, 1 Kings 1:52) as judges, men who were God-fearing, sincere, and unselfish (gain-hating), and appoint them to administer justice to the people, by deciding the simpler matters themselves, and only referring the more difficult questions to him, and so to lighten his own duties by sharing the burden with these judges. `l[æ llæq; (v. 22) “make light of (that which lies) upon thee.” If he would do this, and God would command him, he would be able to stand, and the people would come to their place, i.e., to Canaan, in good condition ( µwOlv; ). The apodosis cannot begin with hw;x; , “then God will establish thee,” for hw;x; never has this meaning; but the idea is this, “if God should preside over the execution of the plan proposed.”
EXODUS. 18:24
Moses followed this sage advice, and, as he himself explains in Deuteronomy 1:12-18, directed the people to nominate wise, intelligent, and well-known men from the heads of the tribes, whom he appointed as judges, instructing them to administer justice with impartiality and without respect of persons.
EXODUS. 18:25-27
The judges chosen were arranged as chiefs ( rcæ ) over thousands, hundreds, fifties, and tens, after the analogy of the military organization of the people on their march (Numbers 31:14), in such a manner, however, that this arrangement was linked on to the natural division of the people into tribes, families, etc. (see my Archäologie, §140). For it is evident that the decimal division was not made in an arbitrary manner according to the number of heads, from the fact that, on the one hand, the judges were chosen from the heads of their tribes and according to their tribes (Deuteronomy 1:13); and on the other hand, the larger divisions of the tribes, viz., the families (mishpachoth), were also called thousands (Numbers 1:15; 10:4; Joshua 22:14, etc.), just because the number of their heads of families would generally average about a thousand; so that in all probability the hundreds, fifties, and tens denote smaller divisions of the nation, in which there were about this number of fathers.
Thus in Arabic, for example, “the ten” is a term used to signify a family (cf.
Hengstenberg, Dissertations v. ii. 343, and my Arch. §149). The difference between the harder or greater matters and the smaller matters consisted in this: questions which there was not definite law to decide were great or hard; whereas, on the other hand, those which could easily be decided from existing laws or general principles of equity were simple or small. (Vide Joh. Selden de Synedriis i. c. 16, in my Arch. §149, Not. 3, where the different views are discussed respecting the relative positions and competency of the various judges, about which there is no precise information given in the law.) So far as the total number of judges is concerned, all that can be affirmed with certainty is, that the estimated number of 600 judges over thousands, 6000 over hundreds, 12,000 over fifties, and 60,000 over tens, in all 78,600 judges, which is given by Grotius and in the Talmud, and according to which there must have been a judge for every seven adults, is altogether erroneous (cf. J. Selden l.c. pp. 339ff.).
For if the thousands answered to the families (Mishpachoth), there cannot have been a thousand males in every one; and in the same way the hundreds, etc., are not to be understood as consisting of precisely that number of persons, but as larger or smaller family groups, the numerical strength of which we do not know.
And even if we did know it, or were able to estimate it, this would furnish no criterion by which to calculate the number of the judges, for the text does not affirm that every one of these larger or smaller family groups had a judge of its own; in fact, the contrary may rather be inferred, from the fact that, according to Deuteronomy 1:15, the judges were chosen out of the heads of the tribes, so that the number of judges must have been smaller than that of the heads, and can hardly therefore have amounted to many hundreds, to say nothing of many thousands.
ARRIVAL AT SINAI, AND PREPARATION FOR THE COVENANT.
EXODUS. 19:1-2
In the third month after their departure from Egypt, the Israelites arrived at Sinai, proceeding from Rephidim into the desert of Sinai, and encamping there before the mountain. On what day of the month, the received text does not state. The striking expression hz, µwOy (“the same day”), without any previous notice of the day, cannot signify the first day of the month; nor can yviyliv] vd,jo signify the third new moon in the year, and be understood as referring to the first day of the third month. For although, according to the etymology of vd,jo (from vd;j; to be new), it might denote the new moon, yet in chronological data it is never used in this sense; but the day of the month is invariably appended after the month itself has been given (e.g., vd,jo dj;a, Exodus 40:2,17; Genesis 8:5,13; Numbers 1:1; 29:1; 33:38, etc.). Moreover, in the Pentateuch the word vd,jo never signifies new moon; but the new moons are called vd,jo varo (Numbers 10:10; 28:11, cf. Hengstenberg, Dissertations, vol. ii. 297).
And even in such passages as 1 Samuel 20:5; 18:24; 2 Kings 4:23; Amos 8:5; Isaiah 1:13, etc., where vd,jo is mentioned as a feast along with the Sabbaths and other feasts, the meaning new moon appears neither demonstrable nor necessary, as vd,jo in this case denotes the feast of the month, the celebration of the beginning of the month. If, therefore, the text is genuine, and the date of the month has not dropt out (and the agreement of the ancient versions with the Masoretic text favours this conclusion), there is no other course open, than to understand µwOy , as in Genesis 2:4 and Numbers 3:1, and probably also in the unusual expression vd,jo µwOy , Exodus 40:2, in the general sense of time; so that here, and also in Numbers 9:1; 20:1, the month only is given, and not the day of the month, and it is altogether uncertain whether the arrival in the desert of Sinai took place on one of the first, one of the middle, or one of the last days of the month. The Jewish tradition, which assigns the giving of the law to the fiftieth day after the Passover, is of far too recent a date to pass for historical (see my Archäologie, §83, 6).
The desert of Sinai is not the plain of er Rahah to the north of Horeb, but the desert in front ( dg,n, ) of the mountain, upon the summit of which Jehovah came down, whilst Moses ascended it to receive the law (v. and Exodus 34:2). This mountain is constantly called Sinai so long as Israel stayed there (vv. 18, 20, 23, 24:16; 34:2,4,29,32; Leviticus 7:38; 25:1; 26:46; 27:34; Numbers 3:1; see also Numbers 28:6 and Deuteronomy 33:2); and the place of their encampment by the mountain is also called the “desert of Sinai,” never the desert of Horeb (Leviticus 7:38; Numbers 1:1,19; 3:14; 9:1; 10:12; 26:64; 33:15). But in Exodus 33:6 this spot is designated as “Mount Horeb,” and in Deuteronomy, as a rule, it is spoken of briefly as “Horeb” (Deut. 1:2,6,19; 4:10,15; 5:2; 9:8; 18:16; 28:69).
And whilst the general identity of Sinai and Horeb may be inferred from this; the fact, that wherever the intention of the writer is to give a precise and geographical description of the place where the law was given, the name Sinai is employed, leads to the conclusion that the term Horeb was more general and comprehensive than that of Sinai; in other words, that Horeb was the range of which Sinai was one particular mountain, which only came prominently out to view when Israel had arrived at the mount of legislation. This distinction between the two names, which Hengstenberg was the first to point out and establish (in his Dissertations, vol. ii. p. 325), is now generally admitted; so that the only room that is left for any difference of opinion is with reference to the extent of the Horeb range.
There is no ground for supposing that the name Horeb includes the whole of the mountains in the Arabian peninsula. Sufficient justice is done to all the statements in the Bible, if we restrict this name to the southern and highest range of the central mountains-to the exclusion, therefore, of the Serbal group. f113 This southern range, which Arabian geographers and the Bedouins call Jebel Tur or Jebel Tur Sina, consists of three summits: (1) a central one, called by the Arabs Jebel Musa (Moses’ Mountain), and by Christians either Horeb or else Horeb-Sinai, in which case the northern and lower peak, or Ras es Sufsafeh, is called Horeb, and the southern and loftier one Sinai; (2) a western one, called Jebel Humr, with Mount Catherine on the south, the loftiest point in the whole range; and (3) an eastern one, called Jebel el Deir (Convent Mountain) or Episteme (vide Ritter, 14, pp. 527ff.). — Near this range there are two plains, which furnish space enough for a large encampment. One of these is the plain of er Rahah, on the north and north-west of Horeb-Sinai, with a level space of an English square mile, which is considerably enlarged by the Sheikh valley that opens into it from the east.
At its southern extremity Horeb, with its granite rocks, runs almost precipitously to the height of 1200 or 1500 feet; and towards the west it is also shut in as with a wall by the equally precipitous spurs of Jebel Humr.
The other plain, which is called Sebayeh, lies to the south-east of Sinai, or Jebel Musa in the more restricted sense; it is from 1400 to 1800 feet broad, 12,000 feet long, and is shut in towards the south and east by mountains, which rise very gently, and do not reach any considerable height. There are three wadys leading to this plain from er Rahah and the Sheikh valley. The most westerly of these, which separates Horeb-Sinai from Jebel Humr with Mount Catherine on the south, is called el Leja, and is a narrow defile full of great blocks of stone, and shut in towards the south like a cul de sac by Mount Catherine. The central one, which separates Horeb from Jebel Deir, is Wady Shoeib (Jethro valley), with the convent of Sinai in it, which is also called the Convent Valley in consequence.
This is less confined, and not so much strewed with stones; towards the south it is not quite shut in, and yet not quite open, but bounded by a steep pass and a grassy mountain-saddle, viz., the easily accessible Jebel Sebayeh. The third and most easterly is the Wady es Sebayeh, which is from 400 to 600 feet broad, and leads form the Sheikh valley, in a southern and south-westerly direction, to the plain of the same name, which stretches like an amphitheatre to the southern slope of Sinai, or Jebel Musa, in the more restricted sense. When seen from this plain, “Jebel Musa has the appearance of a lofty and splendid mountain cone, towering far above the lower gravelly hills by which it is surrounded” (Ritter, pp. 540, 541).
Since Robinson, who was the first to describe the plain of er Rahah, and its fitness for the encampment of Israel, visited Sinai, this plain has generally been regarded as the site where Israel encamped in the “desert of Sinai.”
Robinson supposed that he had discovered the Sinai of the Bible in the northern peak of Mount Horeb, viz., Ras es Sufsafeh. But Ritter, Kurtz, and others have followed Laborde and Fa. A. Strauss, who were the first to point out the suitableness of the plain of Sebayeh to receive a great number of people, in fixing upon Jebel Musa in the stricter sense, the southern peak of the central group, which tradition had already indicated as the scene of the giving of the law, as the true Mount Sinai, where Moses received the laws from God, and the plain of Sebayeh as the spot to which Moses led the people (i.e., the men) on the third day, out of the camp of God and through the Sebayeh valley (v. 16).
For this plain is far better adapted to be the scene of such a display of the nation, than the plain of er Rahah: first, because the hills in the background slope gradually upwards in the form of an amphitheatre, and could therefore hold a larger number of people; whereas the mountains which surround the plain of er Rahah are so steep and rugged, that they could not be made use of in arranging the people:-and secondly, because the gradual sloping of the plain upwards, both on the east and south, would enable even the furthest rows to see Mount Sinai in all its majestic grandeur; whereas the plain of er Rahah slopes downwards towards the north, so that persons standing in the background would be completely prevented by those in front from seeing Ras es Sufsafeh. — If, however, the plain of es Sebayeh so entirely answers to all the topographical data of the Bible, that we must undoubtedly regard it as the spot where the people of God were led up to the foot of the mountain, we cannot possibly fix upon the plain of er Rahah as the place of encampment in the desert of Sinai. The very expression “desert of Sinai,” which is applied to the place of encampment, is hardly reconcilable with this opinion.
For example, if the Sinai of the Old Testament is identical with the present Jebel Musa, and the whole group of mountains bore the name of Horeb, the plain of er Rahah could not with propriety be called the desert of Sinai, for Sinai cannot even be seen from it, but is completely hidden by the Ras es Sufsafeh of Horeb. Moreover, the road from the plain of er Rahah into the plain of es Sebayeh through the Sebayeh valley is so long and so narrow, that the people of Israel, who numbered more than 600,000 men, could not possibly have been conducted from the camp in er Rahah into the Sebayeh plain, and so up to Mount Sinai, and then, after being placed in order there, and listening to the promulgation of the law, have returned to the camp again, all in a single day. The Sebayeh valley, or the road from the Sheikh valley to the commencement of the plain of Sebayeh, is, it is true, only an hour long. But we have to add to this the distance from the point at which the Sebayeh valley opens into the Sheikh valley to the western end of the plain of er Rahah, viz., two hours’ journey, and the length of the plain of Sebayeh itself, which is more than five miles long; so that the Israelites, at least those who were encamped in the western part of the plain of er Rahah, would have to travel four or five hours before they could be posted at the foot of Sinai. f115 Tischendorf calls this a narrow, bad road, which the Israelites were obliged to pass through to Sinai, when they came out of the Sheikh valley. At any rate, this is true of the southern end of the valley of Sebayeh, from the point at which it enters the plain of Sebayeh, where we can hardly picture it to ourselves as broad enough for two hundred men to walk abreast in an orderly procession through the valley; consequently, 600,000 men would have required two hours’ time simply to pass through the narrow southern end of the valley of Sebayeh. Now, it is clear enough from the narrative itself that Moses did not take merely the elders, as the representatives of the nation, from the camp to the mountain to meet with God (v. 17), but took the whole nation, that is to say, all the adult males of 20 years old and upwards; and this is especially evident from the command so emphatically and repeatedly given, that no one was to break through the hedge placed round the mountain. It may also be inferred from the design of the revelation itself, which was intended to make the deepest impression upon the whole nation of that majesty of Jehovah and the holiness of His law.
Under these circumstances, if the people had been encamped in the plain of er Rahah and the Sheikh valley, they could not have been conducted to the foot of Sinai and stationed in the plain of Sebayeh in the course of six hours, and then, after hearing the revelation of the law, have returned to their tents on the same day; even assuming, as Kurtz does (iii. p. 117), that “the people were overpowered by the majesty of the promulgation of the law, and fled away in panic;” for flight through so narrow a valley would have caused inevitable confusion, and therefore would have prevented rather than facilitated rapidity of movement. There is not a word, however, in the original text about a panic, or about the people flying (see Exodus 20:18): it is merely stated, that as soon as the people witnessed the alarming phenomena connected with the descent of God upon the mountain, they trembled in the camp (Exodus 19:16), and that when they were conducted to the foot of the mountain, and “saw the thunderings, and the lightnings, and the noise of the trumpet, and the mountain smoking,” and heard the solemn promulgation of the decalogue, they trembled ( [æWn , Exodus 19:16), and said to Moses, through their elders and the heads of tribes, that they did not wish God to speak directly to them any more, but wished Moses to speak to God and listen to His words; whereupon, after God had expressed His approval of these words of the people, Moses directed the people to return to their tents (Exodus 20:18ff.; Deuteronomy 5:23-30).
If, again, we take into consideration, that after Moses had stationed the people at the foot of the mountain, he went up to God to the summit of Sinai, and came down again at the command of God to repeat the charge to the people, not to break through the hedge round the mountain (vv. 20- 25), and it was not till after this, that God proclaimed the decalogue, and that this going up and down must also have taken up time, it cannot have been for so very short a time that the people continued standing round the bottom of the mountain. But if all these difficulties be regarded as trivial, and we include the evening and part of the night in order to afford time for the people to return to their tents; not only is there nothing in the biblical text to require the hypothesis which assigns the encampment to the plain of er Rahah, and the posting of the people at Sinai to the plain of Sebayeh, but there are various allusions which seem rather to show that such a hypothesis is inadmissible.
It is very obvious from Exodus 24:17, that the glory of the Lord upon the top of the mountain could be seen from the camp; and from Exodus 34:1-3, that the camp, with both the people and their cattle in it, was so immediately in the neighbourhood of Sinai, that the people could easily have ascended the mountain, and the cattle could have grazed upon it.
Now this does not apply in the least to the plain of er Rahah, from which not even the top of Jebel Musa can be seen, and where the cattle could not possibly have grazed upon it, but only to the plain of Sebayeh; and therefore proves that the camp in “the desert of Sinai” is not to be sought for in the plain of er Rahah, but in the plain of Sebayeh, which reaches to the foot of Sinai. If it should be objected, on the other hand, that there is not room in this plain for the camp of the whole nation, this objection is quite as applicable to the plain of er Rahah, which is not large enough in itself to take in the entire camp, without including a large portion of the Sheikh valley; and it loses all its force from the fact, that the mountains by which the plain of Sebayeh is bounded, both on the south and east, rise so gently and gradually, that they could be made use of for the camp, and on these sides therefore the space is altogether unlimited, and would allow of the widest dispersion of the people and their flocks.
EXODUS. 19:3-4
Moses had known from the time of his call that Israel would serve God on this mountain (Exodus 3:12); and as soon as the people were encamped opposite to it, he went up to God, i.e., up the mountain, to the top of which the cloud had probably withdrawn. There God gave him the necessary instructions for preparing for the covenant: first of all assuring him, that He had brought the Israelites to Himself to make them His own nation, and that He would speak to them from the mountain (vv. 4-9); and then ordering him to sanctify the people for this revelation of the Lord (vv. 10-15). The promise precedes the demand; for the grace of God always anticipates the wants of man, and does not demand before it has given.
Jehovah spoke to Moses “from Mount Horeb.” Moses had probably ascended one of the lower heights, whilst Jehovah is to be regarded as on the summit of the mountain. The words of God (vv. 4ff.) refer first of all to what He had done for the Egyptians, and how He had borne the Israelites on eagles’ wings; manifesting in this way not only the separation between Israel and the Egyptians, but the adoption of Israel as the nation of His especial grace and favour. The “eagles’ wings” are figurative, and denote the strong and loving care of God. The eagle watches over its young in the most careful manner, flying under them when it leads them from the nest, least they should fall upon the rocks, and be injured or destroyed (cf.
Deuteronomy 32:11, and for proofs from profane literature, Bochart, Hieroz, ii. pp. 762, 765ff.). “And brought you unto Myself:” i.e., not “led you to the dwelling-place of God on Sinai,” as Knobel supposes; but took you into My protection and My especial care.
EXODUS. 19:5-6
This manifestation of the love of God to Israel formed only the prelude, however, to that gracious union which Jehovah was now about to establish between the Israelites and Himself. If they would hear His voice, and keep the covenant which as about to be established with them, they should be a costly possession to Him out of all nations (cf. Deuteronomy 7:6; 14:2; 26:18). hL;gus] does not signify property in general, but valuable property, that which is laid by, or put aside (caagal), hence a treasure of silver and gold (1 Chronicles 29:3; Eccl 2:8). In the Sept. the expression is rendered lao>v periou>siov , which the Scholiast in Octat. interprets exai’retos, and in Malachi 3:17 eiv peripoi>hsin : hence the two phrases in the New Testament, lao>v periou>siov in Titus 2:14, and lao>v eiv peripoi>hsin in 1 Peter 2:9. Jehovah had chosen Israel as His costly possession out of all the nations of the earth, because the whole earth was His possession, and all nations belonged to Him as Creator and Preserver. The reason thus assigned for the selection of Israel precludes at the very outset the exclusiveness which would regard Jehovah as merely a national deity. The idea of the segullah is explained in v. 6: “Ye shall be unto Me a kingdom of priests.” hk;l;m]mæ signifies both kingship, as the embodiment of royal supremacy, exaltation, and dignity, and the kingdom, or the union of both king and subjects, i.e., the land and nation, together with its king. In the passage before us, the word has been understood by most of the early commentators, both Jewish and Christian, and also in the ancient versions, in the first or active sense, so that the expression contains the idea, “Ye shall be all priests and kings” (Luther); praeditos fore tam sacerdotali quam regio honore (Calvin); quod reges et sacerdotes sunt in republica, id vos eritis mihi (Drusius). This explanation is required by both the passage itself and the context. For apart from the fact that kingship is the primary and most general meaning of the word hk;l;m]mæ (cf. rwiD; hk;l;m]mæ , the kingship, or government of David), the other (passive) meaning would not be at all suitable here; for a kingdom of priests could never denote the fellowship existing in a kingdom between the king and the priests, but only a kingdom or commonwealth consisting of priests, i.e., a kingdom the members and citizens of which were priests, and as priests constituted the hk;l;m]mæ , in other words, were possessed of royal dignity and power; for hk;l;m]mæ , basilei>a , always includes the idea of Ëlæm; or ruling ( basileu>ein ).
The LXX have quite hit the meaning in their rendering: basi>leion iJera>teuma . Israel was to be a regal body of priests to Jehovah, and not merely a nation of priests governed by Jehovah. The idea of the theocracy, or government of God, as founded by the establishment of the Sinaitic covenant institution in Israel, is not at all involved in the term “kingdom of priests.” The theocracy established by the conclusion of the covenant (ch. 24) was only the means adopted by Jehovah for making His chosen people a royal body of priests; and the maintenance of this covenant was the indispensable subjective condition, upon which their attainment of this divinely appointed destiny and glory depended. This promise of Jehovah expressed the design of the call of Israel, to which it was to be fully conducted by the covenant institution of the theocracy, if it maintained the covenant with Jehovah. The object of Israel’s kingship and priesthood was to be found in the nations of the earth, out of which Jehovah had chosen Israel as a costly possession.
This great and glorious promise, the fulfilment of which could not be attained till the completion of the kingdom of God, when the Israel of God, the Church of the Lord, which Jesus Christ, the first-begotten from the dead, and prince ( a>rcwn , ruler) of the kings of the earth, has made a “kingdom,” “priests unto God and His Father” (Rev 1:6 and 5:10, where the reading should be basilei>v kai> iJerei>v ), is exalted to glory with Christ as the first-born among many brethren, and sits upon His throne and reigns, has not been introduced abruptly here. On the contrary, the way was already prepared by the promises made to the patriarchs, of the blessing which Abraham would become to all the nations of the earth, and of the kings who were to spring from him and come out of the loins of Israel (Genesis 12:3; 17:6; 35:11), and still more distinctly by Jacob’s prophecy of the sceptre of Judah, to whom, through Shiloh, the willing submission of the nations should be made (Genesis 49:10). But these promises and prophecies are outshone by the clearness, with which kingship and priesthood over and for the nations are foretold of Israel here.
This kingship, however, is not merely of a spiritual kind, consisting, as Luther supposes, in the fact, that believers “are lords over death, the devil, hell, and all evil,” but culminates in the universal sway foretold by Balaam in Numbers 24:8 and 17ff., by Moses in his last words (Deuteronomy 33:29), and still more distinctly in Dan 7:27, to the people of the saints of the Most High, as the ultimate end of their calling from God. The spiritual attitude of Israel towards the nations was the result of its priestly character.
As the priest is a mediator between God and man, so Israel was called to be the vehicle of the knowledge and salvation of God to the nations of the earth. By this it unquestionably acquired an intellectual and spiritual character; but this includes, rather than excludes, the government of the world. For spiritual and intellectual supremacy and rule must eventually ensure the government of the world, as certainly as spirit is the power that overcomes the world. And if the priesthood of Israel was the power which laid the foundation for its kingship-in other words, if Israel obtained the hk;l;m]mæ or government over the nations solely as a priestly nation-the Apostle Peter, when taking up this promise (1 Peter 2:9), might without hesitation follow the Septuagint rendering ( basi>leion iJera>teuma ), and substitute in the place of the “priestly kingdom,” a “royal priesthood;” for there is no essential difference between the two, the kingship being founded upon the priesthood, and the priesthood completed by the kingship.
As a kingdom of priests, it was also necessary that Israel should be a “holy nation.” Gens sancta hic dicitur non respectu pietatis vel sanctimoniae, sed quam Deus singulari privilegio ab aliis separavit. Verum ab hac sanctificatione pendet altera, nempe ut sanctitatem colant, qui Dei gratia eximii sunt, atque ita vicissim Deum sanctificent (Calvin). This explanation is in general a correct one; for these words indicate the dignity to which Israel was to be elevated by Jehovah, the Holy One, through its separation from the nations of the earth. But it cannot be shown that vwOdq; ever means “separated.” Whether we suppose it to be related to vd;j; , and vd,jo the newly shining moonlight, or compare it with the Sanskrit dhûsch, to be splendid, or beautiful, in either case the primary meaning of the word is, “to be splendid, pure, untarnished.” Diestel has correctly observed, that the holiness of God and Israel is most closely connected with the covenant relationship; but he is wrong in the conclusion which lie draws from this, namely, that “holy” was originally only a “relative term,” and that a thing was holy “so far as it was the property of God.” For the whole earth is Jehovah’s property (v. 5), but it is not holy on that account. Jehovah is not holy only “so far as within the covenant He is both possession and possessor, absolute life and the source of life, and above all, both the chief good and the chief model for His people” (Diestel), or “as the truly separate One, enclosed within Himself, who is self-existent, in contrast with the world to which He does not belong” (Hofmann); but holiness pertains to God alone, and to those who participate in the divine holiness-not, however, to God as the Creator and Preserver of the world, but to God as the Redeemer of man.
Light is the earthly reflection of His holy nature: the Holy One of Israel is the light of Israel (Isaiah 10:17, cf. 1 Tim 6:16). The light, with its purity and splendour, is the most suitable earthly element to represent the brilliant and spotless purity of the Holy One, in whom there is no interchange of light and darkness (James 1:17). God is called the Holy One, because He is altogether pure, the clear and spotless light; so that in the idea of the holiness of God there are embodied the absolute moral purity and perfection of the divine nature, and His unclouded glory. Holiness and glory are inseparable attributes in God; but in His relation to the world they are so far distinguished, that the whole earth is full of His glory, whilst it is to and in Israel that His holiness is displayed (Isaiah 6:3); in other words, the glory of God is manifested in the creation and preservation of the world, and His holy name in the election and guidance of Israel (compare Psalm 104 with Psalm 103).
God has displayed the glory of His name in the creation of the heavens and the earth (Psalm 8); but His way in Israel (Psalm 77:14), i.e., the work of God in His kingdom of grace, is holy; so that it might be said, that the glory of God which streams forth in the material creation is manifested as holiness in His saving work for a sinful world, to rescue it from the fqora> of sin and death and restore it to the glory of eternal life, and that it was manifested here in the fact, that by the counsels of His own spontaneous love (Deuteronomy 4:37) He chose Israel as His possession, to make of it a holy nation, if it hearkened to His voice and kept His covenant. It was not made this, however, by being separated from the other nations, for that was merely the means of attaining the divine end, but by the fact, that God placed the chosen people in the relation of covenant fellowship with Himself, founded His kingdom in Israel, established in the covenant relationship an institution of salvation, which furnished the covenant people with the means of obtaining the expiation of their sins, and securing righteousness before God and holiness of life with God, in order that by the discipline of His holy commandments, under the guidance of His holy arm, He might train and guide them to the holiness and glory of the divine life.
But as sin opposes holiness, and the sinner resists sanctification, the work of the holiness of God reveals itself in His kingdom of grace, not only positively in the sanctification of those who suffer themselves to be sanctified and raised to newness of life, but negatively also, in the destruction of all those who obstinately refuse the guidance of His grace; so that the glory of the thrice Holy One (Isaiah 6:3) will be fully manifested both in the glorification of His chosen people and the deliverance of the whole creation from the bondage of corruption into the glorious liberty of the children of God (Romans 8:21), and also in the destruction of hardened sinners, the annihilation of everything that is ungodly in this world, the final overthrow of Satan and his kingdom, and the founding of the new heaven and new earth. Hence not only is every person, whom God receives into the sphere of His sin-destroying grace, vwOdq; , or holy; but everything which is applied to the realization of the divine work of salvation, or consecrated by God to this object. The opposite of vwOdq; , holy, is ljo , koino>v , profanus (from llæj; , to be loose, lit., the unbound), not devoted to holy purposes and uses (cf. Leviticus 10:10); and this term was applied, not only to what was sinful and unclean ( amef; ), but to everything earthly in its natural condition, because the whole earth, with all that is upon it, has been involved in the consequences of sin.
EXODUS. 19:7-9
When Moses communicated to the people through their elders this incomparable promise of the Lord, they promised unanimously ( djæyæ ) to do all that Jehovah said; and when Moses reported to the Lord what the people had answered, He said to Moses, “I will come to thee in the darkness of the cloud, that the people may listen to My speaking to thee (b¦ [mæv; , as in Genesis 27:5, etc.), and also believe thee for ever.” As God knew the weakness of the sinful nation, and could not, as the Holy One, come into direct intercourse with it on account of its unholiness, but was about to conclude the covenant with it through the mediation of Moses, it was necessary, in order to accomplish the design of God, that the chosen mediator should receive special credentials; and these were to consists in the fact that Jehovah spoke to Moses in the sight and hearing of the people, that is to say, that He solemnly proclaimed the fundamental law of the covenant in the presence of the whole nation (Exodus 19:16-20:18), and showed by this fact that Moses was the recipient and mediator of the revelation of God, in order that the people might believe him “for ever,” as the law was to possess everlasting validity (Matthew 5:18).
EXODUS. 19:10-15
God then commanded Moses to prepare the people for His appearing or speaking to them: (1) by their sanctification, through the washing of the body and clothes (see Genesis 35:2), and abstinence from conjugal intercourse (v. 15) on account of the defilement connected therewith (Leviticus 15:18); and (2) by setting bounds round the people, that they might not ascend or touch the mountain. The hedging or bounding ( lyBin]hi ) of the people is spoken of in v. 23 as setting bounds about the mountain, and consisted therefore in the erection of a barrier round the mountain, which was to prevent the people form ascending or touching it. Any one who touched it ( hx,q; , “its end,” i.e., the outermost or lowest part of the mountain) was to be put to death, whether man or beast. “No hand shall touch him” (the individual who passed the barrier and touched the mountain), i.e., no one was to follow him within the appointed boundaries, but he was to be killed from a distance either by stones or darts. ( hr;y; for yiuwaareh, see Gesenius, §69.) Not till “the drawing out of the trumpet blast,” or, as Luther renders it, “only when it sounded long,” could they ascend the mountain (v. 13). lbewOy , from lbæy; to stream violently with noise, is synonymous with lbewOy ˆr,q, (Joshua 6:5), and was really the same thing as the rp;wOv , i.e., a long wind instrument shaped like a horn. lbewOy Ëvæm; is to draw the horn, i.e., to blow the horn with tones long drawn out.
This was done either to give a signal to summon the people to war (Judges 3:27; 6:34), or to call them to battle (Judges 7:18; Job 39:24-25, etc.), or for other public proclamations. No one (this is the idea) was to ascend the mountain on pain of death, or even to touch its outermost edge; but when the horn was blown with a long blast, and the signal to approach was given thereby, then they might ascend it (see v. 21)-of course not 600,000 men, which would have been physically impossible, but the people in the persons of their representatives the elders. rhæ `hl;[; signifies to go up the mountain in v. 13 as well as in v. 12, and not merely to come to the foot of the mountain (see Deuteronomy 5:5).
EXODUS. 19:16-25
After these preparations, on the morning of the third day (from the issuing of this divine command), Jehovah came down upon the top of Mount Sinai (v. 20), manifesting His glory in fire as the mighty, jealous God, in the midst of thunders ( lwOq ) and lightnings, so that the mountain burned with fire (Deuteronomy 4:11; 5:20), and the smoke of the burning mountain ascended as the smoke ( `ˆv;[; for `ˆv;[; ), and the whole mountain trembled (v. 18), at the same time veiling in a thick cloud the fire of His wrath and jealousy, by which the unholy are consumed. Thunder and lightning bursting forth from the thick cloud, and fire with smoke, were the elementary substrata, which rendered the glory of the divine nature visible to men, though in such a way that the eye of mortals beheld no form of the spiritual and invisible Deity. These natural phenomena were accompanied by a loud trumpet blast, which “blew long and waxed louder and louder” (vv. 16 and 19; see Genesis 8:3), and was, as it were, the herald’s call, announcing to the people the appearance of the Lord, and summoning them to assemble before Him and listen to His words, as they sounded forth from the fire and cloudy darkness.
The blast ( lwOq ) of the shophar (v. 19), i.e., the sa>lpigx Qeou> , the trump of God, such a trumpet as is used in the service of God (in heaven,1 Thess 4:16; see Winer’s Grammar), is not “the voice of Jehovah,” but a sound resembling a trumpet blast. Whether this sound was produced by natural means, or, as some of the earlier commentators supposed, by angels, of whom myriads surrounded Jehovah when He came down upon Sinai (Deuteronomy 33:2), it is impossible to decide. At this alarming phenomenon, “all the people that was in the camp trembled” (v. 16). For according to Exodus 20:20 (17), it was intended to inspire them with a salutary fear of the majesty of God. Then Moses conducted the people (i.e., the men) out of the camp of God, and stationed them at the foot of the mountain outside the barrier (v. 17); and “Moses spake” (v. 19), i.e., asked the Lord for His commands, “and God answered loud” ( lwOq ), and told him to come up to the top of the mountain.
He then commanded him to go down again, and impress upon the people that no one was to break through to Jehovah to see, i.e., to break down the barriers that were erected around the mountain as the sacred place of God, and attempt to penetrate into the presence of Jehovah. Even the priests, who were allowed to approach God by virtue of their office, were to sanctify themselves, that Jehovah might not break forth upon them ( xræp ), i.e., dash them to pieces. (On the form `dW[ for `dW[ , see Ewald, §199 a).
The priests were neither “the sons of Aaron,” i.e., Levitical priest, nor the first-born or principes populi, but “those who had hitherto discharged the duties of the priestly office according to natural right and custom” (Baumgarten). Even these priests were too unholy to be able to come into the presence of the holy God. This repeated enforcement of the command not to touch the mountain, and the special extension of it even to the priests, were intended to awaken in the people a consciousness of their own unholiness quite as much as of the unapproachable holiness of Jehovah. But this separation from God, which arose from the unholiness of the nation, did not extend to Moses and Aaron, who were to act as mediators, and were permitted to ascend the mountain.
Moreover, the prospect of ascending the holy mountain “at the drawing of the blast” was still before the people (v. 13). And the strict prohibition against breaking through the barrier, to come of their own accord into the presence of Jehovah, is by no means at variance with this. When God gave the sign to ascend the mountain, the people might and were to draw near to Him. This sign, viz., the long-drawn trumpet blast, was not to be given in any case till after the promulgation of the ten words of the fundamental law. But it was not given even after this promulgation; not, however, because “the development was altogether an abnormal one, and not in accordance with the divine appointment in v. 13, inasmuch as at the thunder, the lightning, and the sound of the trumpet, with which the giving of the law was concluded, they lost all courage, and instead of waiting for the promised signal, were overcome with fear, and ran from the spot,” for there is not a word in the text about running away; but because the people were so terrified by the alarming phenomena which accompanied the coming down of Jehovah upon the mountain, that they gave up the right of speaking with God, and from a fear of death entreated Moses to undertake the intercourse with God in their behalf (Exodus 20:18-21).
Moreover, we cannot speak of an “abnormal development” of the drama, for the simple reason, that God not only foresaw the course and issue of the affair, but at the very outset only promised that He would come to Moses in a thick cloud (v. 9), and merely announced and carried out His own descent upon Mount Sinai before the eyes of the people in the terrible glory of His sacred majesty (v. 11), for the purpose of proving the people, that His fear might be before their eyes (Exodus 20:20; cf. Deuteronomy 5:28-29). Consequently, apart from the physical impossibility of 600,000 ascending the mountain, it never was intended that all the people should do so. f118 What God really intended, came to pass. After the people had been received into fellowship with Jehovah through the atoning blood of the sacrifice, they were permitted to ascend the mountain in the persons of their representatives, and there to see God (Exodus 24:9-11).
THE TEN WORDS OF JEHOVAH.
EXODUS. 20:1
The promulgation of the ten words of God, containing the fundamental law of the covenant, took place before Moses ascended the mountain again with Aaron (Exodus 19:24). “All these words” are the words of God contained in vv. 2-17, which are repeated again in Deuteronomy 5:6-18, with slight variations that do not materially affect the sense, and are called the “words of the covenant, the ten words,” in Exodus 34:28, and Deuteronomy 4:13; 10:4. God spake these words directly to the people, and not “through the medium of His finite spirits,” as v. Hofmann, Kurtz, and others suppose. There is not a word in the Old Testament about any such mediation. Not only was it Elohim, according to the chapter before us, who spake these words to the people, and called Himself Jehovah, who had brought Israel out of Egypt (v. 2), but according to Deuteronomy 5:4, Jehovah spake these words to Israel “face to face, in the mount, out of the midst of the fire.” Hence, according to Buxtorf (Dissert. de Decalogo in genere, 1642), the Jewish commentators almost unanimously affirm that God Himself spake the words of the decalogue, and that words were formed in the air by the power of God, and not by the intervention and ministry of angels. f120 And even from the New Testament this cannot be proved to be a doctrine of the Scriptures. For when Stephen says to the Jews, in Acts 7:53, “Ye have received the law” eiv diataga>v agge>lwn (Eng. Ver. “by the disposition of angels”), and Paul speaks of the law in Galatians 3:19 as diatagei>v di> agge>lwn (“ordained by angels”), these expressions leave it quite uncertain in what the diata>ssein of the angels consisted, or what part they took in connection with the giving of the law. f121 So again, in Hebrews 2:2, where the law, “the word spoken by angels” ( di> agge>lwn ), is placed in contrast with the “salvation which at the first began to be spoken by the Lord” ( dia> tou> Kuri>ou ), the antithesis is of so indefinite a nature that it is impossible to draw the conclusion with any certainty, that the writer of this epistle supposed the speaking of God at the promulgation of the decalogue to have been effected through the medium of a number of finite spirits, especially when we consider that in the Epistle to the Hebrews speaking is the term applied to the divine revelation generally (see Exodus 1:1). As his object was not to describe with precision the manner in which God spake to the Israelites from Sinai, but only to show the superiority of the Gospel, as the revelation of salvation, to the revelation of the law; he was at liberty to select the indefinite expression di> agge>lwn , and leaven it to the readers of his epistle to interpret it more fully for themselves from the Old Testament. According to the Old Testament, however, the law was given through the medium of angels, only so far as God appeared to Moses, as He had done to the patriarchs, in the form of the “Angel of the Lord,” and Jehovah came down upon Sinai, according to Deuteronomy 33:2, surrounded by myriads of holy angels as His escort. f122 The notion that God spake through the medium of “His finite spirits” can only be sustained in one of two ways: either by reducing the angels to personifications of natural phenomena, such as thunder, lightning, and the sound of a trumpet, a process against which the writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews enters his protest in Exodus 12:19, where he expressly distinguishes the “voice of words” from these phenomena of nature; or else by affirming, with v. Hofmann, that God, the supernatural, cannot be conceived of without a plurality of spirits collected under Him, or apart from His active operation in the world of bodies, in distinction from which these spirits are comprehended with Him and under Him, so that even the ordinary and regular phenomena of nature would have to be regarded as the workings of angels; in which case the existence of angels as created spirits would be called in question, and they would be reduced to mere personifications of divine powers.
The words of the covenant, or ten words, were written by God upon two tables of stone (Exodus 31:18), and are called the law and the commandment hw;x]mi hr;wOT) in Exodus 24:12, as being the kernel and essence of the law. But the Bible contains neither distinct statements, nor definite hints, with reference to the numbering and division of the commandments upon the two tables-a clear proof that these points do not possess the importance which has frequently been attributed to them. The different views have arisen in the course of time. Some divide the ten commandments into two pentads, one upon each table. Upon the first they place the commandments concerning (1) other gods, (2) images, (3) the name of God, (4) the Sabbath, and (5) parents; on the second, those concerning (1) murder, (2) adultery, (3) stealing, (4) false witness, and (5) coveting.
Others, again, reckon only three to the first table, and seven to the second.
In the first they include the commandments respecting (1) other gods, (2) the name of God, (3) the Sabbath, or those which concern the duties towards God; and in the second, those respecting (1) parents, (2) murder, (3) adultery, (4) stealing, (5) false witness, (6) coveting a neighbour’s house, (7) coveting a neighbour’s wife, servants, cattle, and other possession, or those which concern the duties towards one’s neighbour.
The first view, with the division into two fives, we find in Josephus (Ant. iii. 5, 5) and Philo (quis rer. divin. haer. §35, de Decal. §12, etc.); it is unanimously supported by the fathers of the first four centuries, and has been retained to the present day by the Eastern and Reformed Churches.
The later Jews agree so far with this view, that they only adopt one commandment against coveting; but they differ from it in combining the commandment against images with that against false gods, and taking the introductory words “I am the Lord thy God” to be the first commandment.
This mode of numbering, of which we find the first traces in Julian Apostata (in Cyrilli Alex. c. Julian l. V. init.), and in an allusion made by Jerome (on Hosea 10:10), is at any rate of more recent origin, and probably arose simply from opposition to the Christians. It still prevails, however, among the modern Jews. f124 The second view was brought forward by Augustine, and no one is known to have supported it previous to him. In his Quaest. 71 on Ex., when treating of the question how the commandments are to be divided (“utrum quatuor sint usque ad praeceptum de Sabbatho, quae ad ipsum Deum pertinent, sex autem reliqua, quorum primum: Honora patrem et matrem, quae ad hominem pertinent: an potius illa tria sint et ipsa septem”), he explains the two different views, and adds, “Mihi tamen videntur congruentius accipi illa tria et ista septem, quoniam Trinitatem videntur illa, quae ad Deum pertinent, insinuare diligentius intuentibus.” He then proceeds still further to show that the commandment against images is only a fuller explanation of that against other gods, but that the commandment not to covet is divided into two commandments by the repetition of the words, “Thou shalt not covet,” although “concupiscentia uxoris alienae et concupiscentia domus alienae tantum in peccando differant.” In this division Augustine generally reckons the commandment against coveting the neighbour’s wife as the ninth, according to the text of Deuteronomy; although in several instances he places it after the coveting of the house, according to the text of Exodus. Through the great respect that was felt for Augustine, this division became the usual one in the Western Church; and it was adopted even by Luther and the Lutheran Church, with this difference, however, that both the Catholic and Lutheran Churches regard the commandment not to covet a neighbour’s house as the ninth, whilst only a few here and there give the preference, as Augustine does, to the order adopted in Deuteronomy.
Now if we inquire, which of these divisions of the ten commandments is the correct one, there is nothing to warrant either the assumption of the Talmud and the Rabbins, that the words, “I am Jehovah thy God,” etc., form the first commandment, or the preference given by Augustine to the text of Deuteronomy. The words, “I am the Lord,” etc., contain no independent member of the decalogue, but are merely the preface to the commandments which follow. “Hic sermo nondum sermo mandati est, sed quis sit, qui mandat, ostendit” (Origen, homil. 8 in Ex.). But, as we have already shown, the text of Deuteronomy, in all its deviations from the text of Exodus, can lay no claim to originality. As to the other two views which have obtained a footing in the Church, the historical credentials of priority and majority are not sufficient of themselves to settle the question in favour of the first, which is generally called the Philonian view, from its earliest supporter.
It must be decided from the text of the Bible alone. Now in both substance and form this speaks against the Augustinian, Catholic, and Lutheran view, and in favour of the Philonian, or Oriental and Reformed. In substance; for whereas no essential difference can be pointed out in the two clauses which prohibit coveting, so that even Luther has made but one commandment of them in his smaller catechism, there was a very essential difference between the commandment against other gods and that against making an image of God, so far as the Israelites were concerned, as we may see not only from the account of the golden calf at Sinai, but also from the image worship of Gideon (Judges 8:27), Micah (Judges 17), and Jeroboam (1 Kings 12:28ff.). In form; for the last five commandments differ from the first five, not only in the fact that no reasons are assigned for the former, whereas all the latter are enforced by reasons, in which the expression “Jehovah thy God” occurs every time; but still more in the fact, that in the text of Deuteronomy all the commandments after “Thou shalt do no murder” are connected together by the copula w , which is repeated before every sentence, and from which we may see that Moses connected the commandments which treat of duties to one’s neighbour more closely together, and by thus linking them together showed that they formed the second half of the decalogue.
The weight of this testimony is not counterbalanced by the division into parashoth and the double accentuation of the Masoretic text, viz., by accents both above and below, even if we assume that this was intended in any way to indicate a logical division of the commandments. In the Hebrew MSS and editions of the Bible, the decalogue is divided into ten parashoth, with spaces between them marked either by c (Setuma) or p (Phetucha); and whilst the commandments against other gods and images, together with the threat and promise appended to them (vv. 3-6), form one parashah, the commandment against coveting (v. 14) is divided by a setuma into two. But according to Kennicott (ad Exodus 10:17; Deuteronomy 5:18, and diss. gener. p. 59) this setuma was wanting in of the 694 MSS consulted by him, and in many exact editions of the Bible as well; so that the testimony is not unanimous here.
It is no argument against this division into parashoth, that it does not agree either with the Philonian or the rabbinical division of the ten commandments, or with the Masoretic arrangement of the verses and the lower accents which correspond to this. For there can be no doubt that it is older than the Masoretic treatment of the text, though it is by no means original on that account. Even when the Targum on the Song of Sol. (5:13) says that the tables of stone were written in ten hF;vi or hF;vi , i.e., rows or strophes, like the rows of a garden full of sweet odours, this Targum is much too recent to furnish any valid testimony to the original writing and plan of the decalogue. And the upper accentuation of the decalogue, which corresponds to the division into parashoth, has must as little claim to be received as a testimony in favour of “a division of the verses which was once evidently regarded as very significant” (Ewald); on the contrary, it was evidently added to the lower accentuation simply in order that the decalogue might be read in the synagogues on particular days after the parashoth. f125 Hence the double accentuation was only so far of importance, as showing that the Masorites regarded the parashoth as sufficiently important, to be retained for reading in the synagogue by a system of accentuation which corresponded to them. But if this division into parashoth had been regarded by the Jews from time immemorial as original, or Mosaic, in its origin; it would be impossible to understand either the rise of other divisions of the decalogue, or the difference between this division and the Masoretic accentuation and arrangement of the verses. From all this so much at any rate is clear, that form a very early period there was a disposition to unite together the two commandments against other gods and images; but assuredly on no other ground than because of the threat and promise with which they are followed, and which must refer, as was correctly assumed, to both commandments. But if these two commandments were classified as one, there was no other way of bringing out the number ten, than to divide the commandment against coveting into two. But as the transposition of the wife and the house in the two texts could not well be reconciled with this, the setuma which separated them in v. 14 did not meet with universal reception.
Lastly, on the division of the ten covenant words upon the two tables of stone, the text of the Bible contains no other information, than that “the tables were written on both their sides” (Exodus 32:15), from which we may infer with tolerable certainty, what would otherwise have the greatest probability as being the most natural supposition, viz., that the entire contents of the “ten words” were engraved upon the tables, and not merely the ten commandments in the stricter sense, without the accompanying reasons. f126 But if neither the numbering of the ten commandments nor their arrangement on the two tables was indicated in the law as drawn up for the guidance of the people of Israel, so that it was possible for even the Israelites to come to different conclusions on the subject; the Christian Church has all the more a perfect right to handle these matters with Christian liberty and prudence for the instruction of congregations in the law, from the fact that it is no longer bound to the ten commandments, as a part of the law of Moses, which has been abolished for them through the fulfilment of Christ, but has to receive them for the regulation of its own doctrine and life, simply as being the unchangeable norm of the holy will of God which was fulfilled through Christ.
EXODUS. 20:2
The Ten Words commenced with a declaration of Jehovah concerning Himself, which served as a practical basis for the obligation on the part of the people to keep the commandments: “I am Jehovah thy God, who brought thee,” etc. By bringing them out of Egypt, the house of bondage, Jehovah had proved to the Israelites that He was their God. This glorious act, to which Israel owed its existence as an independent nation, was peculiarly fitted, as a distinct and practical manifestation of unmerited divine love, to kindle in the hearts of the people the warmest love in return, and to incite them to keep the commandments. These words are not to be regarded, as Knobel supposes, as either a confession, or the foundation of the whole of the theocratical law, just as Saleucus, Plato, and other lawgivers placed a belief in the existence of the gods at the head of their laws. They were rather the preamble, as Calvin says, by which God prepared the minds of the people for obeying them, and in this sense they were frequently repeated to give emphasis to other laws, sometimes in full, as in Exodus 29:46; Leviticus 19:36; 23:43; 25:38,55; 26:13, etc., sometimes in the abridged form, “I am Jehovah your God,” as in Leviticus 11:44; 18:2,4,30; 19:4,10,25,31,34; 20:7, etc., for which the simple expression, “I am Jehovah,” is now and then substituted, as in Leviticus 19:12-13,16,18, etc.
EXODUS. 20:3
The First Word “Let there not be to thee (thou shalt have no) other gods µynip; `l[æ ,” lit., beyond Me ( `l[æ as in Genesis 48:22; Psalm 16:2), or in addition to Me ( `l[æ as in Genesis 31:50; Deuteronomy 19:9), equivalent to plh>n emou> (LXX), “by the side of Me” (Luther). “Before Me,” coram me (Vulg., etc.), is incorrect; also against Me, in opposition to Me. (On µynip; see Exodus 33:14.) The singular hy;h; does not require that we should regard Elohim as an abstract noun in the sense of Deity; and the plural rjeaæ would not suit this rendering (see Genesis 1:14). The sentence is quite a general one, and not only prohibits polytheism and idolatry, the worship of idols in thought, word, and deed (cf. Deuteronomy 8:11,17,19), but also commands the fear, love, and worship of God the Lord (cf. Deuteronomy 6:5,13,17; 10:12,20). Nearly all the commandments are couched in the negative form of prohibition, because they presuppose the existence of sin and evil desires in the human heart. EXODUS 20:4-6 The Second Word.
To the prohibition of idolatrous worship there is linked on, as a second word, the prohibition of the worship of images. “After declaring in the first commandment who was the true God, He commanded that He alone should be worshipped; and now He defines what is His lawful worship” (Calvin). “Thou shalt not make to thyself a likeness and any form of that which is in heaven above,” etc. `hc;[; is construed with a double accusative, so that the literal rendering would be “make, as a likeness and any form, that which is in heaven,” etc. ls,p, , from lsæp; to carve wood or stone, is a figure made of wood or stone, and is used in Judges 17:3ff. for a figure representing Jehovah, and in other places for figures of heathen deities-of Asherah, for example, in 2 Kings 21:7. hm;WmTi does not signify an image made by man, but a form which is seen by him (Numbers 12:8; Deuteronomy 4:12,15ff.; Job 4:16; Psalm 17:15).
In Deuteronomy 5:8 (cf. Exodus 4:16) we find hn;WmT]AlK; ls,p, “likeness of any form:” so that in this passage also hn;WmT]Alk;w] is to be taken as in apposition to ls,p, , and the w] as vav explic.: “and indeed any form,” viz., of Jehovah, not of heathen gods. That the words should be so understood, is demanded by Deuteronomy 4:15ff., where Moses lays stress upon the command, not to make to themselves an image ( lsp ) in the form of any sculpture ( lm,s, ), and gives this as the reason: “For ye saw no form in the day when Jehovah spake to you at Horeb.” This authoritative exposition of the divine prohibition on the part of Moses himself proves undeniably, that pcl and tmwnh are to be understood as referring to symbolical representations of Jehovah. And the words which follow also receive their authoritative exposition from Deuteronomy 4:17 and 18. By “that which is in heaven” we are to understand the birds, not the angels, or at the most, according to Deuteronomy 4:19, the stars as well; by “that which is in earth,” the cattle, reptiles, and the larger or smaller animals; and by “that which is in the water,” fishes and water animals. “Under the earth” is appended to the “water,” to express in a pictorial manner the idea of its being lower than the solid ground (cf. Deuteronomy 4:18).
It is not only evident from the context that the allusion is not to the making of images generally, but to the construction of figures of God as objects of religious reverence or worship, but this is expressly stated in v. 5; so that even Calvin observes, that “there is no necessity to refute what some have foolishly imagined, that sculpture and painting of every kind are condemned here.” With the same aptness he has just before observed, that “although Moses only speaks of idols, there is no doubt that by implication he condemns all the forms of false worship, which men have invented for themselves.”
Verse 5-6. “Thou shalt not pray to them and serve them.” (On the form `dbæ[; with the o- sound under the guttural, see Ewald, §251d.). hish¦tachawaah signifies bending before God in prayer, and invoking His name; `dbæ[; , worship by means of sacrifice and religious ceremonies. The suffixes ttK; ] and ee-m (to them, and them) refer to the things in heaven, etc., which are made into pesel, symbols of Jehovah, as being the principal object of the previous clause, and not to hn;WmT]Alk;w] ls,p, , although ls,p, `dbæ[; is applied in Psalm 97:7 and 2 Kings 17:41 to a rude idolatrous worship, which identifies the image as the symbol of deity with the deity itself, Still less do they refer to rjeaæ µyhila’ in v. 3.
The threat and promise, which follow in vv. 5b and 6, relate to the first two commandments, and not to the second alone; because both of them, although forbidding two forms of idolatry, viz., idolo-latry and ikono-latry, are combined in a higher unity, by the fact, that whenever Jehovah, the God who cannot be copied because He reveals His spiritual nature in no visible form, is worshipped under some visible image, the glory of the invisible God is changed, or Jehovah changed into a different God from what He really is. Through either form of idolatry, therefore, Israel would break its covenant with Jehovah. For this reason God enforces the two commandments with the solemn declaration: “I, Jehovah thy God, am aN;qæ lae a jealous God;” i.e., not only zhlwth>v , a zealous avenger of sinners, but zeelotu’pos, a jealous God, who will not transfer to another the honour that is due to Himself (Isaiah 42:8; 48:11), nor tolerate the worship of any other god (Exodus 34:14), but who directs the warmth of His anger against those who hate Him (Deuteronomy 6:15), with the same energy with which the warmth of His love (Song of Sol. 8:6) embraces those who love Him, except that love in the form of grace reaches much further than wrath. The sin of the fathers He visits (punishes) on the children to the third and fourth generation. vLevi third (sc., children) are not grandchildren, but great-grandchildren, and [æBeri the fourth generation. On the other hand He shows mercy to the thousandths, i.e., to the thousandth generation (cf.
Deuteronomy 7:9, where rwOD ãl,a, stands for ãl,a, ). The cardinal number is used here for the ordinal, for which there was no special form in the case of ãl,a, . The words yaæn]cl] and bhæa; , in which the punishment and grace are traced to their ultimate foundation, are of great importance to a correct understanding of this utterance of God. The l] before yanc does not take up the genitive with `ˆwO[; again, as Knobel supposes, for no such use of l] can be established from Genesis 7:11; 16:3; 14:18; 41:12, or in fact in any way whatever.
In this instance l] signifies “at” or “in relation to;” and yanvl , from its very position, cannot refer to the fathers alone, but to the fathers and children to the third and fourth generation. If it referred to the fathers alone, it would necessarily stand after ba; . wgw ybhal is to be taken in the same way. God punishes the sin of the fathers in the children to the third and fourth generation in relation to those who hate Him, and shows mercy to the thousandth generation in relation to those who love Him. The human race is a living organism, in which not only sin and wickedness are transmitted, but evil as the curse of the sin and the punishment of the wickedness. As children receive their nature from their parents, or those who beget them, so they have also to bear and atone for their fathers’ guilt.
This truth forced itself upon the minds even of thoughtful heathen from their own varied experience (cf. Aeschyl. Sept. 744; Eurip. according to Plutarch de sera num. vind. 12, 21; Cicero de nat. deorum 3, 38; and Baumgarten-Crusius, bibl. Theol. p. 208).
Yet there is no fate in the divine government of the world, no irresistible necessity in the continuous results of good and evil; but there reigns in the world a righteous and gracious God, who not only restrains the course of His penal judgments, as soon as the sinner is brought to reflection by the punishment and hearkens to the voice of God, but who also forgives the sin and iniquity of those who love Him, keeping mercy to the thousandth generation (Exodus 34:7). The words neither affirm that sinning fathers remain unpunished, nor that the sins of fathers are punished in the children and grandchildren without any fault of their own: they simply say nothing about whether and how the fathers themselves are punished; and, in order to show the dreadful severity of the penal righteousness of God, give prominence to the fact, that punishment is not omitted-that even when, in the long-suffering of God, it is deferred, it is not therefore neglected, but that the children have to bear the sins of their fathers, whenever, for example (as naturally follows from the connection of children with their fathers, and, as Onkelos has added in his paraphrase of the words), “the children fill up the sins of their fathers,” so that the descendants suffer punishment for both their own and their forefathers’ misdeeds (Leviticus 26:39; Isaiah 65:7; Amos 7:17; Jeremiah 16:11ff.; Dan 9:16).
But when, on the other hand, the hating ceases, when the children forsake their fathers’ evil ways, the warmth of the divine wrath is turned into the warmth of love, and God becomes dseje `hc;[; (“showing mercy”) to them; and this mercy endures not only to the third and fourth generation, but to the thousandth generation, though only in relation to those who love God, and manifest this love by keeping His commandments. “If God continues for a long time His visitation of sin, He continues to all eternity His manifestation of mercy, and we cannot have a better proof of this than in the history of Israel itself” (Schultz). f127 EXODUS 20:7 The Third Word, “Thou shalt not take the name of Jehovah thy God in vain,” is closely connected with the former two. Although there is no God beside Jehovah, the absolute One, and His divine essence cannot be seen or conceived of under any form, He had made known the glory of His nature in His name (Exodus 3:14ff., 6:2), and this was not to be abused by His people. µve ac;n; does not mean to utter the name ( ac;n; never has this meaning), but in all the passages in which it has been so rendered it retains its proper meaning, “to take up, life up, raise;” e.g., to take up or raise (begin) a proverb (Numbers 23:7; Job 27:1), to lift up a song (Psalm 81:3), or a prayer (Isaiah 37:4). And it is evident from the parallel in Psalm 24:4, “to lift up his soul to vanity,” that it does not mean “to utter” here. ad]v; does not signify a lie ( rq,v, ), but according to its etymon ha;v; , to be waste, it denotes that which is waste and disorder, hence that which is empty, vain, and nugatory, for which there is no occasion. The word prohibits all employment of the name of God for vain and unworthy objects, and includes not only false swearing, which is condemned in Leviticus 19:12 as a profanation of the name of Jehovah, but trivial swearing in the ordinary intercourse of life, and every use of the name of God in the service of untruth and lying, for imprecation, witchcraft, or conjuring; whereas the true employment of the name of God is confined to “invocation, prayer, praise, and thanksgiving,” which proceeds from a pure, believing heart. The natural heart is very liable to transgress this command, and therefore it is solemnly enforced by the threat, “for Jehovah will not hold him guiltless” (leave him unpunished), etc.
EXODUS. 20:8-11
The Fourth Word, “Remember the Sabbath-day, to keep it holy,” presupposes an acquaintance with the Sabbath, as the expression “remember” is sufficient to show, but not that the Sabbath had been kept before this. From the history of the creation that had been handed down, Israel must have known, that after God had created the world in six days He rested the seventh day, and by His resting sanctified the day (Genesis 2:3). But hitherto there had been no commandment given to man to sanctify the day. This was given for the first time to Israel at Sinai, after preparation had been made for it by the fact that the manna did not fall on the seventh day of the week (Exodus 16:22). Here therefore the mode of sanctifying it was established for the first time. The seventh day was to be tB;væ (a festival-keeper, see Exodus 16:23), i.e., a day of rest belonging to the Lord, and to be consecrated to Him by the fact that no work was performed upon it.
The command not to do any ( lKo ) work applied to both man and beast without exception. Those who were to rest are divided into two classes by the omission of the cop. w before `db,[, (v. 10): viz., first, free Israelites (“thou”) and their children (“thy son and thy daughter”); and secondly, their slaves (man-servant and maid-servant), and cattle (beasts of draught and burden), and their strangers, i.e., foreign labourers who had settled among the Israelites. “Within thy gates” is equivalent to in the cities, towns, and villages of thy land, not in thy houses (cf. Deuteronomy 5:14; 14:21, etc.). r[ævæ (a gate) is only applied to the entrances to towns, or large enclosed courts and palaces, never to the entrances into ordinary houses, huts, and tents. hk;al;m] work (cf. Genesis 2:2), as distinguished from `hd;bo[ labour, is not so much a term denoting a lighter kind of labour, as a general and comprehensive term applied to the performance of any task, whether easy or severe. `hd;bo[ is the execution of a definite task, whether in field labour (Psalm 104:23) and mechanical employment (Exodus 39:32) on the one hand, or priestly service and the duties connected with worship on the other (Exodus 12:25-26; Numbers 4:47).
On the Sabbath (and also on the day of atonement, Leviticus 23:28,31) every occupation was to rest; on the other feast-days only laborious occupations ( `hd;bo[ hk;al;m] , Leviticus 23:7ff.), i.e., such occupations as came under the denomination of labour, business, or industrial employment. Consequently, not only were ploughing and reaping (Exodus 34:21), pressing wine and carrying goods (Neh 13:15), bearing burdens (Jeremiah 17:21), carrying on trade (Amos 8:5), and holding markets (Neh 13:15ff.) prohibited, but collecting manna (Exodus 16:26ff.), gathering wood (Numbers 15:32ff.), and kindling fire for the purpose of boiling or baking (Exodus 35:3). The intention of this resting from every occupation on the Sabbath is evident from the foundation upon which the commandment is based in v. 11, viz., that at the creation of the heaven and the earth Jehovah rested on the seventh day, and therefore blessed the Sabbath-day and hallowed it.
This does not imply, however, that “Israel was to follow the Lord by keeping the Sabbath, and, in imitation of His example, to be active where the Lord was active, and rest where the Lord rested; to copy the Lord in accordance with the lofty aim of man, who was created in His likeness, and make the pulsation of the divine life in a certain sense his own” (Schultz).
For although a parallel is drawn, between the creation of the world by God in six days and His resting upon the seventh day on the one hand, and the labour of man for six days and his resting upon the seventh on the other; the reason for the keeping of the Sabbath is not to be found in this parallel, but in the fact that God blessed the seventh day and hallowed it, because He rested upon it. The significance of the Sabbath, therefore, is to be found in God’s blessing and sanctifying the seventh day of the week at the creation, i.e., in the fact, that after the work of creation was finished on the seventh day, God blessed and hallowed the created world, filling it with the powers of peace and good belonging to His own blessed rest, and raising it to a participation in the pure light of His holy nature (see Genesis 2:3).
For this reason His people Israel were to keep the Sabbath now, not for the purpose of imitating what God had done, and enjoying the blessing of God by thus following God Himself, but that on this day they also might rest from their work; and that all the more, because their work was no longer the work appointed to man at the first, when he was created in the likeness of God, work which did not interrupt his blessedness in God (Genesis 2:15), but that hard labour in the sweat of his brow to which he had been condemned in consequence of the fall. In order therefore that His people might rest from toil so oppressive to both body and soul, and be refreshed, God prescribed the keeping of the Sabbath, that they might thus possess a day for the repose and elevation of their spirits, and a foretaste of the blessedness into which the people of God are at last to enter, the blessedness of the eternal kata>pausiv apo> tw>n e>rgwn autou> (Hebrews 4:10), the ana>pausiv ek tw>n ko>pwn (Rev 14:13). See my Archaeologie, §77).
But instead of this objective ground for the sabbatical festival, which furnished the true idea of the Sabbath, when Moses recapitulated the decalogue, he adduced only the subjective aspect of rest or refreshing (Deuteronomy 5:14-15), reminding the people, just as in Exodus 23:12, of their bondage in Egypt and their deliverance from it by the strong arm of Jehovah, and then adding, “therefore (that thou mightest remember this deliverance from bondage) Jehovah commanded thee to keep the Sabbathday.”
This is not at variance with the reason given in the present verse, but simply gives prominence to a subjective aspect, which was peculiarly adapted to warm the hearts of the people towards the observance of the Sabbath, and to render the Sabbath rest dear to the people, since it served to keep the Israelites constantly in mind of the rest which Jehovah had procured for them from the slave labour of Egypt. For resting from every work is the basis of the observance of the Sabbath; but this observance is an institution peculiar to the Old Testament, and not to be met with in any other nation, though there are many among whom the division of weeks occurs.
The observance of the Sabbath, by being adopted into the decalogue, was made the foundation of all the festal times and observances of the Israelites, as they all culminated in the Sabbath rest. At the same time, as an entolh> tou> no>mou , an ingredient in the Sinaitic law, it belonged to the “shadow of (good) things to come” (Colossians 2:17, cf. Hebrews 10:1), which was to be done away when the “body” in Christ had come. Christ is Lord of the Sabbath (Matthew 12:8), and after the completion of His work, He also rested on the Sabbath. But He rose again on the Sunday; and through His resurrection, which is the pledge to the world of the fruits of His redeeming work, He has made this day the kuriakh> hJme>ra (Lord’s day) for His Church, to be observed by it till the Captain of its salvation shall return, and having finished the judgment upon all His foes to the very last shall lead it to the rest of that eternal Sabbath, which God prepared for the whole creation through His own resting after the completion of the heaven and the earth.
EXODUS. 20:12
The Fifth Word, “Honour thy father and thy mother,” does not refer to fellow-men, but to “those who are the representatives (vicarii) of God.
Therefore, as God is to be served with honour and fear, His representatives are to be so too” (Luther decem. praec.). This is placed beyond all doubt by Leviticus 19:3, where reverence towards parents is placed on an equality with the observance of the Sabbath, and arey; (fear) is substituted for dbæK; (honour). It also follows from dbæK; , which, as Calvin correctly observes, nihil aliud est quam Deo et hominibus, qui dignitate pollent, justum honorem deferre. Fellow-men or neighbours ( [ære ) are to be loved (Leviticus 19:18): parents, on the other hand, are to be honoured and feared; reverence is to be shown to them with heart, mouth, and hand-in thought, word, and deed. But by father and mother we are not to understand merely the authors and preservers of our bodily life, but also the founders, protectors, and promoters of our spiritual life, such as prophets and teachers, to whom sometimes the name of father is given (2 Kings 2:12; 13:14), whilst at other times paternity is ascribed to them by their scholars being called sons and daughters (Psalm 34:12; 45:11; Prov 1:8,10,15, etc.); also the guardians of our bodily and spiritual life, the powers ordained of God, to whom the names of father and mother (Genesis 45:8; Judges 5:7) may justly be applied, since all government has grown out of the relation of father and child, and draws its moral weight and stability, upon which the prosperity and well-being of a nation depends, from the reverence of children towards their parents. f128 And the promise, “that thy days may be long (thou mayest live long) in the land which Jehovah thy God giveth thee,” also points to this. There is a double promise here. So long as the nation rejoiced in the possession of obedient children, it was assured of a long life or existence in the land of Canaan; but there is also included the promise of a long life, i.e., a great age, to individuals (cf. Deuteronomy 6:2; 22:7), just as we find in 1 Kings 3:14 a good old age referred to as a special blessing from God. In Deuteronomy 5:16, the promise of long life is followed by the words, “and that it may be well with thee,” which do not later the sense, but merely explain it more fully.
As the majesty of God was thus to be honoured and feared in parents, so the image of God was to be kept sacred in all men. This thought forms the transition to the rest of the commandments.
EXODUS. 20:13-17
The other Five Words or commandments, which determine the duties to one’s neighbour, are summed up in Leviticus 19:18 in the one word, “Love thy neighbour as thyself.” The order in which they follow one another is the following: they first of all secure life, marriage, and property against active invasion or attack, and then, proceeding from deed to word and thought, they forbid false witness and coveting. f129 If, therefore, the first three commandments in this table refer primarily to deeds; the subsequent advance to the prohibition of desire is a proof that the deed is not to be separated from the disposition, and that “the fulfilment of the law is only complete when the heart itself is sanctified” (Oehler). Accordingly, in the command, “Thou shalt not kill,” not only is the accomplished fact of murder condemned, whether it proceed from open violence or stratagem (Exodus 21:12,14,18), but every act that endangers human life, whether it arise from carelessness (Deuteronomy 22:8) or wantonness (Leviticus 19:14), or from hatred, anger, and revenge (Leviticus 19:17-18). Life is placed at the head of these commandments, not as being the highest earthly possession, but because it is the basis of human existence, and in the life the personality is attacked, and in that the image of God (Genesis 9:6). The omission of the object still remains to be noticed, as showing that the prohibition includes not only the killing of a fellow-man, but the destruction of one’s own life, or suicide. — The two following commandments are couched in equally general terms.
Adultery, ãaæn; , which is used in Leviticus 20:10 of both man and woman, signifies (as distinguished from hn;z; to commit fornication) the sexual intercourse of a husband with the wife of another, or of a wife with the husband of another. This prohibition is not only directed against any assault upon the husband’s dearest possession, for the tenth commandment guards against that, but upholds the sacredness of marriage as the divine appointment for the propagation and multiplication of the human race; and although addressed primarily to the man, like all the commandments that were given to the whole nation, applies quite as much to the woman as to the man, just as we find in Leviticus 20:10 that adultery was to be punished with death in the case of both the man and the woman. — Property was to be equally inviolable. The command, “Thou shalt not steal,” prohibited not only the secret or open removal of another person’s property, but injury done to it, or fraudulent retention of it, through carelessness or indifference (Exodus 21:33; 22:13; 23:4-5; Deuteronomy 22:1-4). — But lest these commandments should be understood as relating merely to the outward act as such, as they were by the Pharisees, in opposition to whom Christ set forth their true fulfilment (Matthew 5:21ff.), God added the further prohibition, “Thou shalt not answer as a false witness against thy neighbour,” i.e., give false testimony against him. `hn;[; and b] : to answer or give evidence against a person (Genesis 30:33). `d[e is not evidence, but a witness.
Instead of rq,v, `d[e , a witness of a lie, who consciously gives utterance to falsehood, we find ad]v; `d[e in Deuteronomy, one who says what is vain, worthless, unfounded ( ad]v; [mæve , Exodus 23:1; on awv see v. 7). From this it is evident, that not only is lying prohibited, but false and unfounded evidence in general; and not only evidence before a judge, but false evidence of every kind, by which (according to the context) the life, married relation, or property of a neighbour might be endangered (cf.
Exodus 23:1; Numbers 35:30; Deuteronomy 17:6; 19:15; 22:13ff.). — The last or tenth commandment is directed against desiring (coveting), as the root from which every sin against a neighbour springs, whether it be in word or deed. The dmæj; , epiqumei>n (LXX), coveting, proceeds from the heart (Prov 6:25), and brings forth sin, which “is finished” in the act (James 1:14-15).
The repetition of the words, “Thou shalt not covet,” does not prove that there are two different commandments, any more than the substitution of hW,aæt]Ti in Deuteronomy 5:18 for the second dmæj; . dmæj; and hW;aæt]hi are synonyms-the only difference between them being, that “the former denotes the desire as founded upon the perception of beauty, and therefore excited from without, the latter, desire originating at the very outset in the person himself, and arising from his own want or inclination” (Schultz). The repetition merely serves to strengthen and give the great emphasis to that which constitutes the very kernel of the command, and is just as much in harmony with the simple and appropriate language of the law, as the employment of a synonym in the place of the repetition of the same word is with the rhetorical character of Deuteronomy. Moreover, the objects of desire do not point to two different commandments. This is evident at once from the transposition of the house and wife in Deuteronomy. tyiBæ (the house) is not merely the dwelling, but the entire household (as in Genesis 15:2; Job 8:15), either including the wife, or exclusive of her. In the text before us she is included; in Deuteronomy she is not, but is placed first as the crown of the man, and a possession more costly than pearls (Prov 12:4; 31:10). In this case, the idea of the “house” is restricted to the other property belonging to the domestic economy, which is classified in Deuteronomy as fields, servants, cattle, and whatever else a man may have; whereas in Exodus the “house” is divided into wife, servants, cattle, and the rest of the possessions.
EXODUS. 20:18-19
(cf. Deuteronomy 5:19-33). The terrible phenomena, amidst which the Lord displayed His majesty, made the intended impression upon the people who were stationed by the mountain below, so that they desired that God would not speak to them any more, and entreated Moses through their elders to act as mediator between them, promising at the same time that they would hear him (cf. Exodus 19:9,16-19). ha;r; , perceiving: ha;r; to see being frequently used for perceiving, as being the principle sense by which most of the impressions of the outer world are received (e.g., Genesis 42:1; Isaiah 44:16; Jeremiah 33:24). dyPilæ , fire-torches, are the vivid flashes of lightning (Exodus 19:16). “They trembled and stood afar off:” not daring to come nearer to the mountain, or to ascend it. “And they said,” viz., the heads of the tribes and elders: cf. Deuteronomy 5:20, where the words of the people are more fully given. “Lest we die:” cf.
Deuteronomy 5:21-23. Though they had discovered that God speaks with man, and yet man lives; they felt so much that they were rc;B; , flesh, i.e., powerless, frail, and alienated by sin from the holy God, that they were afraid lest they should be consumed by this great fire, if they listened any longer to the voice of God. EXODUS 20:20 To direct the sinner’s holy awe in the presence of the holy God, which was expressed in these words of the people, into the proper course of healthy and enduring penitence, Moses first of all took away the false fear of death by the encouraging answer, “Fear not,” and then immediately added, “for God is come to prove you.” hs;n; referred to the testing of the state of the heart in relation to God, as it is explained in the exegetical clause which follows: “that His fear may be before your faces, that ye sin not.” By this terrible display of His glory, God desired to inspire them with the true fear of Himself, that they might not sin through distrust, disobedience, or resistance to His guidance and commands.
EXODUS. 20:21
“So the people stood afar off” (as in v. 18), not “went far away,” although, according to Deuteronomy 5:30, Moses was directed by God to tell the people to return to their tents. This is passed over here, and it is merely observed, for the purpose of closing the first act in the giving the law, and preparing the way for the second, that the people remained afar off, whereas Moses (and Aaron, cf. Exodus 19:24) drew near to the darkness where God was, to receive the further commands of the Lord.
THE LEADING FEATURES IN THE COVENANT CONSTITUTION.
These refer, first of all, to the general form of divine worship in Israel (Exodus 20:22-26); secondly, to the rights of the Israelites, (a) in a civil or social point of view, i.e., so far as their relation to one another was concerned (21:1-23:13), and (b) in their religious and theocratical relation to Jehovah (Exodus 23:14-19); and thirdly, to the attitude which Jehovah would maintain towards Israel (Exodus 23:20-33). EXODUS 20:22-23 The General Form of Divine Worship in Israel.
As Jehovah had spoken to the Israelites from heaven, they were not to make gods of earthly materials, such as silver and gold, by the side of Him, but simply to construct an altar of earth or unhewn stones without steps, for the offering up of His sacrifices at the place where He would reveal Himself. “From heaven” Jehovah came down upon Sinai enveloped in the darkness of a cloud; and thereby He made known to the people that His nature was heavenly, and could not be imitated in any earthly material. “Ye shall not make with Me,” place by the side of, or on a par with Me,” “gods of silver and gold,” — that is to say, idols primarily intended to represent the nature of God, and therefore meant as symbols of Jehovah, but which became false gods from the very fact that they were intended as representations of the purely spiritual God.
EXODUS. 20:24-26
For the worship of Jehovah, the God of heaven, Israel needed only an altar, on which to cause its sacrifices to ascend to God. The altar, as an elevation built up of earth or rough stones, was a symbol of the elevation of man to God, who is enthroned on high in the heaven; and because man was to raise himself to God in his sacrifices, Israel also was to make an altar, though only of earth, or if of stones, not of hewn stones. “For if thou swingest thy tool ( br,j, lit., sharpness, then any edge tool) over it (over the stone), thou defilest it” (v. 25). “Of earth:” i.e., not “of comparatively simple materials, such as befitted a representation of the creature” (Schultz on Deuteronomy 12); for the altar was not to represent the creature, but to be the place to which God came to receive man into His fellowship there.
For this reason the altar was to be made of the same material, which formed the earthly soil for the kingdom of God, either of earth or else of stones, just as they existed in their natural state; not, however, “because unpolished stones, which retain their true and native condition, appear to be endowed with a certain native purity, and therefore to be most in harmony with the sanctity of an altar” (Spencer de legg. Hebr. rit. lib. ii. c. 6), for the “native purity” of the earth does not agree with Genesis 3:17; but because the altar was to set forth the nature of the simple earthly soil, unaltered by the hand of man. The earth, which has been involved in the curse of sin, is to be renewed and glorified into the kingdom of God, not by sinful men, but by the gracious hand of God alone. Moreover, Israel was not to erect the altar for its sacrifices in any place that it might choose, but only in every place in which Jehovah should bring His name to remembrance. wgw µve rkæz; does not mean “to make the name of the Lord remembered,” i.e., to cause men to remember it; but to establish a memorial of His name, i.e., to make a glorious revelation of His divine nature, and thereby to consecrate the place into a holy soil (cf. Exodus 3:5), upon which Jehovah would come to Israel and bless it. Lastly, the command not to go up to the altar by steps (v. 26) is followed by the words, “that thy nakedness be not discovered thereon.” It was in the feeling of shame that the consciousness of sin first manifested itself, and it was in the shame that the sin was chiefly apparent (Genesis 3:7); hence the nakedness was a disclosure of sin, through which the altar of God would be desecrated, and for this reason it was forbidden to ascend to the altar by steps.
These directions with reference to the altar to be built do not refer merely to the altar, which was built for the conclusion of the covenant, nor are they at variance with the later instructions respecting the one altar at the tabernacle, upon which all the sacrifices were to be presented (Leviticus 17:8-9; Deuteronomy 12:5ff.), nor are they merely “provisional” but they lay the foundation for the future laws with reference to the places of worship, though without restricting them to one particular locality on the one hand, or allowing an unlimited number of altars on the other. Hence “several places and altars are referred to here, because, whilst the people were wandering in the desert, there could be no fixed place for the tabernacle” (Riehm). But the erection of the altar is unquestionably limited to every place which Jehovah appointed for the purpose by a revelation.
We are not to understand the words, however, as referring merely to those places in which the tabernacle and its altar were erected, and to the site of the future temple (Sinai, Shilloh, and Jerusalem), but to all those places also where altars were built and sacrifices offered on extraordinary occasions, on account of God-appearing there such, for example, as Ebal (Joshua 8:30 compared with Deuteronomy 27:5), the rock in Ophrah (Judges 6:25-26), and many other places besides. EXODUS 21:1 Fundamental Rights of the Israelites in their Civil or Social Relations.
Ch. Exodus 21:1-11. The mishpatim (v. 1) are not the “laws, which were to be in force and serve as rules of action,” as Knobel affirms, but the rights, by which the national life was formed into a civil commonwealth and the political order secured. These rights had reference first of all to the relation in which the individuals stood one towards another. The personal rights of dependants are placed at the head (vv. 2-11); and first those of slaves (vv. 2-6), which are still more minutely explained in Deuteronomy 15:12-18, where the observance of them is urged upon the hearts of the people on subjective grounds.
EXODUS. 21:2
The Hebrew servant was to obtain his freedom without paying compensation, after six years of service. According to Deuteronomy 15:12, this rule applied to the Hebrew maid-servant as well. The predicate `yrib][i limits the rule to Israelitish servants, in distinction from slaves of foreign extraction, to whom this law did not apply (cf. Deuteronomy 15:12, “thy brother”). f130 An Israelite might buy his own countryman, either when he was sold by a court of justice on account of theft (Exodus 22:1), or when he was poor and sold himself (Leviticus 25:39). The emancipation in the seventh year of service was intimately connected with the sabbatical year, though we are not to understand it as taking place in that particular year. “He shall go out free,” sc., from his master’s house, i.e., be set at liberty. µN;ji : without compensation. In Deuteronomy the master is also commanded not to let him go out empty, but to load him ( qyni[\hæ to put upon his neck) from his flock, his threshing-floor, and his wine-press (i.e., with corn and wine); that is to say, to give him as much as he could carry away with him. The motive for this command is drawn from their recollection of their own deliverance by Jehovah from the bondage of Egypt. And in v. 18 an additional reason is supplied, to incline the heart of the master to this emancipation, viz., that “he has served thee for six years the double of a labourer’s wages,” — that is to say, “he has served and worked so much, that it would have cost twice as much, if it had been necessary to hire a labourer in his place” (Schultz)-and “Jehovah thy God hath blessed thee in all that thou doest,” sc., through his service.
EXODUS. 21:3-6
There were three different circumstances possible, under which emancipation might take place. The servant might have been unmarried and continued so ( ãGæ : with his body, i.e., alone, single): in that case, of course, there was no one else to set at liberty. Or he might have brought a wife with him; and in that case his wife was to be set at liberty as well. Or his master might have given him a wife in his bondage, and she might have borne him children: in that case the wife and children were to continue the property of the master. This may appear oppressive, but it was an equitable consequence of the possession of property in slaves at all. At the same time, in order to modify the harshness of such a separation of husband and wife, the option was given to the servant to remain in his master’s service, provided he was willing to renounce his liberty for ever (vv. 5, 6).
This would very likely be the case as a general rule; for there were various legal arrangements, which are mentioned in other places, by which the lot of Hebrew slaves was greatly softened and placed almost on an equality with that of hired labourers (cf. Exodus 23:12; Leviticus 25:6,39,43,53; Deuteronomy 12:18; 16:11). In this case the master was to take his servant µyhila’ lae , lit., to God, i.e., according to the correct rendering of the LXX, pro>v to> krith>rion , to the place where judgment was given in the name of God (Deuteronomy 1:17; cf. Exodus 22:7-8, and Deuteronomy 19:17), in order that he might make a declaration there that he gave up his liberty. His ear was then to be bored with an awl against the door or lintel of the house, and by this sign, which was customary in many of the nations of antiquity, to be fastened as it were to the house for ever. That this was the meaning of the piercing of the ear against the door of the house, is evident from the unusual expression in Deuteronomy 15:17, “and put (the awl) into his ear and into the door, that he may be thy servant for ever,” where the ear and the door are co-ordinates. “For ever,” i.e., as long as he lives. Josephus and the Rabbins would restrict the service to the time ending with the year of jubilee, but without sufficient reason, and contrary to the usage of the language, as `µl;wO[ is used in Leviticus 25:46 to denote service which did not terminate with the year of jubilee. (See the remarks on Leviticus 25:10; also my Archäologie.) EXODUS 21:7-11 The daughter of an Israelite, who had been sold by her father as a maidservant ( hm;a; ), i.e., as the sequel shows, as a housekeeper and concubine, stood in a different relation to her master’s house. She was not to go out like the men-servants, i.e., not to be sent away as free at the end of six years of service; but the three following regulations, which are introduced by µai (v. 8), µai (v. 9), and µai (v. 11), were to be observed with regard to her. In the first place (v. 8), “if she please not her master, who hath betrothed her to himself, then shall he let her be redeemed.” The alo before d[æy; is one of the fifteen cases in which alo has been marked in the Masoretic text as standing for ttK; ]; and it cannot possibly signify not in the passage before us.
For if it were to be taken as a negative, “that he do not appoint her,” sc., as a concubine for himself, the pronoun ttæK; would certainly not be omitted. hd;p; (for hd;p; , see Ges. §53, Note 6), to let her be redeemed, i.e., to allow another Israelite to buy her as a concubine; for there can hardly have been any thought of redemption on the part of the father, as it would no doubt be poverty alone that caused him to sell his daughter (Lev. 35:39).
But “to sell her unto a strange nation (i.e., to any one but a Hebrew), he shall have no power, if he acts unfaithfully towards her,” i.e., if he do not grant her the promised marriage. In the second place (vv. 9, 10), “if he appoint her as his son’s wife, he shall act towards her according to the rights of daughters,” i.e., treat her as a daughter; “and if he take him (the son) another (wife)-whether because the son was no longer satisfied, or because the father gave the son another wife in addition to her-”her food ( raev] flesh as the chief article of food, instead of µj,l, , bread, because the lawgiver had persons of property in his mind, who were in a position to keep concubines), her raiment, and her duty of marriage he shall not diminish,” i.e., the claims which she had as a daughter for support, and as his son’s wife for conjugal rights, were not to be neglected; he was not to allow his son, therefore, to put her away or treat her badly.
With this explanation the difficulties connected with every other are avoided. For instance, if we refer the words of v. 9 to the son, and understand them as meaning, “if the son should take another wife,” we introduce a change of subject without anything to indicate it. If, on the other hand, we regard them as meaning, “if the father (the purchaser) should take to himself another wife,” this ought to have come before v. 9.
In the third place (v. 11), “if he do not (do not grant) these three unto her, she shall go out for nothing, without money.” “These three” are food, clothing, and conjugal rights, which are mentioned just before; not “si eam non desponderit sibi nec filio, nec redimi sit passus” (Rabbins and others), nor “if he did not give her to his son as a concubine, but diminished her,” as Knobel explains it.
EXODUS. 21:12-17
Still higher than personal liberty, however, is life itself, the right of existence and personality; and the infliction of injury upon this was not only prohibited, but to be followed by punishment corresponding to the crime.
The principle of retribution, jus talionis, which is the only one that embodies the idea of justice, lies at the foundation of these threats.
Verse 12-13. A death-blow was to be punished with death (cf. Genesis 9:6; Leviticus 24:17). “He that smiteth a man and (so that) he die (whether on the spot or directly afterwards did not matter), he shall be put to death.”
This general rule is still further defined by a distinction being drawn between accidental and intentional killing. “But whoever has not lain in wait (for another’s life), and God has caused it to come to his hand” (to kill the other); i.e., not only if he did not intend to kill him, but did not even cherish the intention of smiting him, or of doing him harm from hatred and enmity (Numbers 35:16-23; Deuteronomy 19:4-5), and therefore did so quite unawares, according to a dispensation of God, which is generally called an accident because it is above our comprehension. For such a man God would appoint places of refuge, where he should be protected against the avenger of blood. (On this point, see Numbers 35:9ff.).
Verse 14-17. “But he who acts presumptuously against his neighbour, to slay him with guile, thou shalt take him from Mine altar that he may die.”
These words are not to be understood as meaning, that only intentional and treacherous killing was to be punished with death; but, without restricting the general rule in v. 12, they are to be interpreted from their antithesis to v. 13, as signifying that even the altar of Jehovah was not to protect a man who had committed intentional murder, and carried out his purpose with treachery. (More on this point at Numbers 35:16ff.) By this regulation, the idea, which was common to the Hebrews and many other nations, that the altar as God’s abode afforded protection to any life that was in danger from men, was brought back to the true measure of its validity, and the place of expiation for sins of weakness (cf. Leviticus 4:2; 5:15,18; Numbers 15:27-31) was prevented from being abused by being made a place of refuge for criminals who were deserving of death.
Maltreatment of a father and mother through striking (v. 15), man-stealing (v. 16), and cursing parents (v. 17, cf. Leviticus 20:9), were all to be placed on a par with murder, and punished in the same way. By the “smiting” ( hk;n; ) of parents we are not to understand smiting to death, for in that case tWm would be added as in v. 12, but any kind of maltreatment.
The murder of parents is not mentioned at all, as not likely to occur and hardly conceivable. The cursing ( llæq; as in Genesis 12:3) of parents is placed on a par with smiting, because it proceeds from the same disposition; and both were to be punished with death, because the majesty of God was violated in the persons of the parents (cf. Exodus 20:12). Manstealing was also no less a crime, being a sin against the dignity of man, and a violation of the image of God. For vyai “a man,” we find in Deuteronomy 24:7, vp,n, “a soul,” by which both man and woman are intended, and the still more definite limitation, “of his brethren of the children of Israel.” The crime remained the same whether he had sold him (the stolen man), or whether he was still found in his hand. (For w¦-w¦ as a sign of an alternative in the linking together of short sentences, see Prov 29:9, and Ewald, §361.) This is the rendering adopted by most of the earlier translators, and we get no intelligent sense if we divide the clauses thus: “and sell him so that he is found in his hand.”
EXODUS. 21:18-32
Fatal blows and the crimes placed on a par with them are now followed in simple order by the laws relating to bodily injuries.
Verse 18-19. If in the course of a quarrel one man should hit another with a stone or with his fist, so that, although he did not die, he “lay upon his bed,” i.e., became bedridden; if the person struck should get up again and walk out with his staff, the other would be innocent, he should “only give him his sitting and have him cured,” i.e., compensate him for his loss of time and the cost of recovery. This certainly implies, on the one hand, that if the man died upon his bed, the injury was to be punished with death, according to v. 12; and on the other hand, that if he died after getting up and going out, no further punishment was to be inflicted for the injury done.
Verse 20-21. The case was different with regard to a slave. The master had always the right to punish or “chasten” him with a stick (Prov 10:13; 13:24); this right was involved in the paternal authority of the master over the servants in his possession. The law was therefore confined to the abuse of this authority in outbursts of passion, in which case, “if the servant or the maid should die under his hand (i.e., under his blows), he was to be punished” ( µqæn; µqæn; : “vengeance shall surely be taken”). But in what the µqæn; was to consist is not explained; certainly not in slaying by the sword, as the Jewish commentators maintain. The lawgiver would have expressed this by tWm tWm . No doubt it was left to the authorities to determine this according to the circumstances. The law in v. 12 could hardly be applied to a case of this description, although it was afterwards extended to foreigners as well as natives (Leviticus 24:21-22), for the simple reason, that it is hardly conceivable that a master would intentionally kill his slave, who was his possession and money. How far the lawgiver was from presupposing any such intention here, is evident from the law which follows in v. 21, “Notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two (i.e., remain alive), it shall not be avenged, for he is his money.” By the continuance of his life, if only for a day or two, it would become perfectly evident that the master did not wish to kill his servant; and if nevertheless he died after this, the loss of the slave was punishment enough for the master. There is no ground whatever for restricting this regulation, as the Rabbins do, to slaves who were not of Hebrew extraction.
Verse 22-25. If men strove and thrust against a woman with child, who had come near or between them for the purpose of making peace, so that her children come out (come into the world), and no injury was done either to the woman or the child that was born, a pecuniary compensation was to be paid, such as the husband of the woman laid upon him, and he was to give it lylip; by (by an appeal to) arbitrators. A fine is imposed, because even if no injury had been done to the woman and the fruit of her womb, such a blow might have endangered life. (For ax;y; to go out of the womb, see Genesis 25:25-26.) The plural dl,y, is employed for the purpose of speaking indefinitely, because there might possibly be more than one child in the womb. “But if injury occur (to the mother or the child), thou shalt give soul for soul, eye for eye,...wound for wound:” thus perfect retribution was to be made.
Verse 26-27. But the lex talionis applied to the free Israelite only, not to slaves. In the case of the latter, if the master struck out an eye and destroyed it, i.e., blinded him with the blow, or struck out a tooth, he was to let him go free, as a compensation for the loss of the member. Eye and tooth are individual examples selected to denote all the members, from the most important and indispensable down to the very least.
Verse 28-30. The life of man is also protected against injury from cattle (cf. Genesis 9:5). “If an ox gore a man or a woman, that they die, the ox shall be stoned, and its flesh shall not be eaten;” because, as the stoning already shows, it was laden with the guilt of murder, and therefore had become unclean (cf. Numbers 35:33). The master or owner of the ox was innocent, sc., if his ox had not bee known to do so before. But if this were the case, “if his master have been warned l[æBæ `dW[ , lit., testimony laid against its master), and notwithstanding this he have not kept it in,” then the master was to be put to death, because through his carelessness in keeping the ox he had caused the death, and therefore shared the guilt. As this guilt, however, had not been incurred through an intentional crime, but had arisen simply from carelessness, he was allowed to redeem his forfeited life by the payment of expiation money ( rp,Ko , lit., covering, expiation, cf.
Exodus 30:12), “according to all that was laid upon him,” sc., by the judge.
Verse 31-32. The death of a son or a daughter through the goring of an ox was also to be treated in the same way; but that of a slave (man-servant or maid-servant) was to be compensated by the payment of thirty shekels of silver (i.e., probably the ordinary price for the redemption of a slave, as the redemption price of a free Israelite was fifty shekels, Leviticus 27:3) on the part of the owner of the ox; but the ox was to be killed in this case also.
There are other ancient nations in whose law books we find laws relating to the punishment of animals for killing or wounding a man, but not one of them had a law which made the owner of the animal responsible as well, for they none of them looked upon human life in its likeness of God.
EXODUS. 21:33-36
Passing from life to property, in connection with the foregoing, the life of the animal, the most important possession of the Israelites, is first of all secured against destruction through carelessness. If any one opened or dug a pit or cistern, and did not close it up again, and another man’s ox or ass (mentioned, for the sake of example, as the most important animals among the live stock of the Israelites) fell in and was killed, the owner of the pit was to pay its full value, and the dead animal to belong to him. If an ox that was not known to be vicious gored another man’s ox to death, the vicious animal was to be sold, and its money (what it fetched) to be divided; the dead animal was also to be divided, so that both parties bore an equal amount of damage. If, on the other hand, the ox had been known to be vicious before, and had not been kept in, carefully secured, by its possessor, he was to compensate the owner of the one that had been killed with the full value of an ox, but to receive the dead one instead.
EXODUS. 22:1-4
22:1-4 (or v. 37-ch.22:3). With regard to cattle-stealing, the law makes a distinction between what had been killed or sold, and what was still alive and in the thief’s hand (or possession). In the latter case, the thief was to restore piece for piece twofold (v. 4); in the former, he was to restore an ox fivefold and a small animal (a sheep or a goat) fourfold (v. 1). The difference between the compensation for an ox and a small animal is to be accounted for from the comparative worth of the cattle to the possessor, which determined the magnitude of the theft and the amount of the compensation. But the other distinctions of twofold, fourfold, and fivefold restitution cannot be accounted for, either by supposing “that the animal slain or sold was lost to its master, and might have been of peculiar value to him” (Knobel), for such a consideration of personal feelings would have been quite foreign to the law-not to mention the fact that an animal that had been sold might be recovered by purchase; or from the fact that “the thief in this case had carried his crime still further” (Baumgarten), for the main thing was still the theft, not the consumption or sale of the animal stolen. The reason can only have lain in the educational purpose of the law: viz., in the intention to lead the thief to repent of his crime, to acknowledge his guilt, and to restore what he had stolen. Now, as long as he still retained the stolen animal in his own possession, having neither consumed nor parted with it, this was always in his power; but the possibility was gone as soon as it had either been consumed or sold (see by Archäologie, §154, Note 3). f132 Verse 2-4. Into the midst of the laws relating to theft, we have one introduced here, prescribing what was to be done with the thief. “If the thief be found breaking in (i.e., by night according to v. 3), and be smitten so that he die, there shall be no blood to him (the person smiting him); if the sun has risen upon him (the thief breaking in), there is blood to him:” i.e., in the latter case the person killing him drew upon himself bloodguiltiness ( µD; lit., drops of blood, blood shed), in the former case he did not. “The reason for this disparity between a thief by night and one in the day is, that the power and intention of a nightly thief are uncertain, and whether he may not have come for the purpose of committing murder; and that by night, if thieves are resisted, they often proceed to murder in their rage; and also that they can neither be recognised, nor resisted and apprehended with safety” (Calovius). In the latter case the slayer contracted blood-guiltiness, because even the life of a thief was to be spared, as he could be punished for his crime, and what was stolen be restored according to the regulations laid down in vv. 1 and 4. But if he had not sufficient to make retribution, he was to be sold “for his stolen,” i.e., for the value of what he had stolen, that he might earn by his labour the compensation to be paid.
EXODUS 22:5,6 Injury done to another man’s field or corn was also to be made good by compensation for the injury done. If any one should consume a field or a vineyard, and let loose his beast, so that it fed in another man’s field, he was to give the best of his field and vineyard as restitution. These words do not refer to wilful injury, for jlæv; does not mean to drive in, but simply to let loose, set at liberty; they refer to injury done from carelessness, when any one neglected to take proper care of a beast that was feeding in his field, and it strayed in consequence, and began grazing in another man’s.
Hence simple compensation was all that was demanded; though this was to be made “from the best of his field,” i.e., quicquid optimum habebit in agro vel vinea (Jerome). f133 Verse 6. Verse 6 also relates to unintentional injury, arising from want of proper care: “If fire break out and catch thorns (thorn-hedges surrounding a corn-field, Isaiah 5:5; Sir. 28:24), and sheaves, or the standing seed ( hm;q; the corn standing in the straw), or the field be consumed, he that kindleth the fire shall make compensation (for the damage done).” EXODUS 22:7-9 In cases of dishonesty, or the loss of property entrusted, the following was to be the recognised right: If money or articles ( yliK] , not merely tools and furniture, but clothes and ornaments, cf. Deuteronomy 22:5; Isaiah 61:10) given to a neighbour to keep should be stolen out of his house, the thief was to restore double if he could be found; but if he could not be discovered, the master of the house was to go before the judicial court ( µyhila’ lae , see Exodus 21:6; lae bræq; to draw near to), to see “whether he has not stretched out his hand to his neighbour’s goods.” hk;al;m] : lit., employment, then something earned by employment, a possession. Before the judicial court he was to cleanse himself of the suspicion of having fraudulently appropriated what had been entrusted to him; and in most cases this could probably be only done by an oath of purification.
The Sept. and Vulg. both point to this by interpolating kai> omei>tai , et jurabit (“and he shall swear”), though we are not warranted in supplying [æbeV;yewæ in consequence. For, apart from the fact that alOAµai is not to be regarded as a particle of adjuration here, as Rosenmüller supposes, since this particle signifies “truly” when employed in an oath, and therefore would make the declaration affirmative, whereas the oath was unquestionably to be taken as a release from the suspicion of fraudulent appropriation, and in case of confession an oath was not requisite at all;- apart from all this, if the lawgiver had intended to prescribe an oath for such a case, he would have introduced it here, just as he has done in v. 11.
If the man could free himself before the court from the suspicion of unfaithfulness, he would of course not have to make compensation for what was lost, but the owner would have to bear the damage.
This legal process is still further extended in v. 9: [væp,ArbæD]AlK;Al[æ , “upon every matter of trespass” (by which we are to understand, according to the context, unfaithfulness with regard to, or unjust appropriation of, the property of another man, not only when it had been entrusted, but also if it had been found), “for ox, for ass, etc., or for any manner of lost thing, of which one says that it is this (“this,” viz., the matter of trespass), the cause of both (the parties contending about the right of possession) shall come to the judicial court; and he whom the court (Elohim) shall pronounce guilty (of unjust appropriation) shall give double compensation to his neighbour: only double as in vv. 4 and 7, not four or fivefold as in v. 1, because the object in dispute had not been consumed.
EXODUS. 22:10-13
If an animal entrusted to a neighbour to take care of had either died or hurt itself ( rbæv; , broken a limb), or been driven away by robbers when out at grass (1 Chronicles 5:21; 2 Chronicles 14:14, cf. Job 1:15,17), without any one (else) seeing it, an oath was to be taken before Jehovah between both (the owner and the keeper of it), “whether he had not stretched out his hand to his neighbour’s property,” i.e., either killed, or mutilated, or disposed of the animal. This case differs from the previous one, not only in the fact that the animal had either become useless to the owner or was altogether lost, but also in the fact that the keeper, if his statement were true, had not been at all to blame in the matter. The only way in which this could be decided, if there was ha;r; ˆyiaæ , i.e., no other eye-witness present than the keeper himself at the time when the fact occurred, was by the keeper taking an oath before Jehovah, that is to say, before the judicial court. And if he took the oath, the master (owner) of it (the animal that had perished, or been lost or injured) was to accept (sc., the oath), and he (the accused) was not to make reparation. “But if it had been stolen `µ[i from with him (i.e., from his house or stable), he was to make it good,” because he might have prevented this with proper care (cf. Genesis 31:39). On the other hand, if it had been torn in pieces (viz., by a beast of prey, while it was out at grass), he was not to make any compensation, but only to furnish a proof that he had not been wanting in proper care. `d[e awOB “let him bring it as a witness,” viz., the animal that had been torn in pieces, or a portion of it, from which it might be seen that he had chased the wild beast to recover its prey (cf. 1 Samuel 17:34-35; Amos 3:12).
EXODUS. 22:14-15
If any one borrowed an animal of his neighbour (to use it for some kind of work), and it got injured and died, he was to make compensation to the owner, unless the latter were present at the time; but not if he were. “For either he would see that it could not have been averted by any human care; or if it could, seeing that he, the owner himself, was present, and did not avert it, it would only be right that he should suffer the consequence of his own neglect to afford assistance” (Calovius). The words which follow, wgw rykic; µai , cannot have any other meaning than this, “if it was hired, it has come upon his hire,” i.e., he has to bear the injury or loss for the money which he got for letting out the animal. The suggestion which Knobel makes with a “perhaps,” that rykic; refers to a hired labourer, to whom the word is applied in other places, and that the meaning is this, “if it is a labourer for hire, he goes into his hire-i.e., if the hirer is a daily labourer who has nothing with which to make compensation, he is to enter into the service of the person who let him the animal, for a sufficiently long time to make up for the loss,” — is not only opposed to the grammar (the perfect awOB for which awOB should be used), but is also at variance with the context, “not make it good.”
EXODUS. 22:16-17
The seduction of a girl, who belonged to her father as long as she was not betrothed (cf. Exodus 21:7), was also to be regarded as an attack upon the family possession. Whoever persuaded a girl to let him lie with her, was to obtain her for a wife by the payment of a dowry ( rhæmo see Genesis 34:12); and if her father refused to give her to him, he was to weigh (pay) money equivalent to the dowry of maidens, i.e., to pay the father just as much for the disgrace brought upon him by the seduction of his daughter, as maidens would receive for a dowry upon their marriage. The seduction of a girl who was betrothed, was punished much more severely (see Deuteronomy 22:23-24).
EXODUS. 22:18-19
The laws which follow, from v. 18 onwards, differ both in form and subject-matter from the determinations of right which we have been studying hitherto: in form, through the omission of the yKi with which the others were almost invariably introduced; in subject-matter, inasmuch as they make demands upon Israel on the ground of its election to be the holy nation of Jehovah, which go beyond the sphere of natural right, not only prohibiting every inversion of the natural order of things, but requiring the manifestation of love to the infirm and needy out of regard to Jehovah. The transition from the former series to the present one is made by the command in v. 18, “Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live;” witchcraft being, on the one hand, “the vilest way of injuring a neighbour in his property, or even in his body and life” (Ranke), whilst, on the other hand, employment of powers of darkness for the purpose of injuring a neighbour was a practical denial of the divine vocation of Israel, as well as of Jehovah the Holy One of Israel. The witch is mentioned instead of the wizard, “not because witchcraft was not to be punished in the case of men, but because the female sex was more addicted to this crime” (Calovius). hy;j; alo (shalt not suffer to live) is chosen instead of the ordinary tWm tWm (shall surely die), which is used in Leviticus 20:27 of wizards also, not “because the lawgiver intended that the Hebrew witch should be put to death in any case, and the foreigner only if she would not go when she was banished” (Knobel), but because every Hebrew witch was not to be put to death, but regard was to be had to the fact that witchcraft is often nothing but jugglery, and only those witches were to be put to death who would not give up their witchcraft when it was forbidden. Witchcraft is followed in v. 19 by the unnatural crime of lying with a beast; and this is also threatened with the punishment of death (see Leviticus 18:23, and 20:15-16).
EXODUS. 22:20
Whoever offered sacrifice to strange gods instead of to Jehovah alone, was liable to death. µræj; he shall be banned, put under the ban (cherem), i.e., put to death, and by death devoted to the Lord, to whom he would not devote himself in life (cf. Leviticus 27:29, and my Archäologie, §70).
EXODUS. 22:21-24
The Israelites were not to offer sacrifice to foreign deities; but a foreigner himself they were not only to tolerate, but were not to vex or oppress him, bearing in mind that they also had been foreigners in Egypt (cf. Exodus 23:9, and Leviticus 19:33-34). — Whilst the foreigner, as having no rights, is thus commended to the kindness of the people through their remembrance of what they themselves had experienced in Egypt, those members of the nation itself who were most in need of protection (viz., widows and orphans) are secured from humiliation by an assurance of the special care and watchfulness of Jehovah, under which such forsaken ones stand, inasmuch as Jehovah Himself would take their troubles upon Himself, and punish their oppressors with just retribution. `hn;[; to humiliate, includes not only unjust oppression, but every kind of cold and contemptuous treatment. The suffix in tae (v. 23) refers to both hn;m;l]aæ and µwOty; , according to the rule that when there are two or more subjects of different genders, the masculine is employed (Ges. §148, 2). The yKi before µai expresses a strong assurance: “yea, if he cries to Me, I will hearken to him” (see Ewald, §330b). “Killing with the sword” points to wars, in which men and fathers of families perish, and their wives and children are made widows and orphans.
EXODUS. 22:25-27
If a man should lend to one of the poor of his own people, he was not to oppress him by demanding interest; and if he gave his upper garment as a pledge, he was to give it him back towards sunset, because it was his only covering; as the poorer classes in the East use the upper garment, consisting of a large square piece of cloth, to sleep in. “It is his clothing for his skin:” i.e., it serves for a covering to his body. “Wherein shall he lie?” i.e., in what shall be wrap himself to sleep? (cf. Deuteronomy 24:6,10-13). — With vv. 28ff. God directs Himself at once to the hearts of the Israelites, and attacks the sins of selfishness and covetousness, against which the precepts in vv. 21-27 were directed in their deepest root, for the purpose of opposing all inward resistance to the promotion of His commands.
EXODUS. 22:28
“Thou shalt not despise God, and the prince among thy people thou shalt not curse.” Elohim does not mean either the gods of other nations, as Josephus, Philo, and others, in their dead and work-holy monotheism, have rendered the word; or the rulers, as Onkelos and others suppose; but simply God, deity in general, whose majesty was despised in every break of the commandments of Jehovah, and who was to be honoured in the persons of the rulers (cf. Prov 24:21; 1 Peter 2:17). Contempt of God consists not only in blasphemies of Jehovah openly expressed, which were to be punished with death (Leviticus 24:11ff.), but in disregard of His threats with reference to the oppression of the poorer members of His people (vv. 22-27), and in withholding from them what they ought to receive (vv. 29-31). Understood in this way, the command is closely connected not only with what precedes, but also with what follows. The prince ( aycin; , lit., the elevated one) is mentioned by the side of God, because in his exalted position he has to administer the law of God among His people, and to put a stop to what is wrong. EXODUS 22:29-30 “Thy fulness and thy flowing thou shalt not delay (to Me).” alem; fulness, signifies the produce of corn (Deuteronomy 22:9); and [mæD, (lit., tear, flowing, liquor stillans), which only occurs here, is a poetical epithet for the produce of the press, both wine and oil (cf. da>kruon tw>n de>ndrwn , LXX; arborum lacrimae, Plin. Exodus 11:6). The meaning is correctly given by the LXX: aparca>v aJ>lwnov kai> lhnou> sou> . That the command not to delay and not to withhold the fulness, etc., relates to the offering of the first-fruits of the field and vineyard, as is more fully defined in Exodus 23:19 and Deuteronomy 26:2-11, is evident from what follows, in which the law given at the exodus from Egypt, with reference to the sanctification of the first-born of man and beast (13:2,12), is repeated and incorporated in the rights of Israel, inasmuch as the adoption of the first-born on the part of Jehovah was a perpetual guarantee to the whole nation of the right of covenant fellowship. (On the rule laid down in v. 30, see Leviticus 22:27.)
EXODUS. 22:31
As the whole nation sanctified itself to the Lord in the sanctification of the first-born, the Israelites were to show themselves to be holy men unto the Lord by not eating “flesh torn to pieces in the field,” i.e., the flesh of an animal that had been torn to pieces by a wild beast in the field. Such flesh they were to throw to the dogs, because eating it would defile (cf.
Leviticus 17:15).
EXODUS. 23:1-13
-Vv. 1-9. Lastly, no one was to violate another’s rights. — Verse 1. “Thou shalt not raise (bring out) an empty report.” ad]v; [mæve , a report that has no foundation, and, as the context shows, does injury to another, charges him with wrongdoing, and involves him in legal proceedings. “Put not thine hand with a wicked man (do not offer him thy hand, or render him assistance), to be a witness of violence.” This clause is unquestionably connected with the preceding one, and implies that raising a false report furnishes the wicked man with a pretext for bringing the man, who is suspected of crime on account of this false report, before a court of law; in consequence of which the originator or propagator of the empty report becomes a witness of injustice and violence. Verse 2-3. Just as little should a man follow a multitude to pervert justice. “Thou shalt not be behind many (follow the multitude) to evil things, nor answer concerning a dispute to incline thyself after many (i.e., thou shalt not give such testimony in connection with any dispute, in which thou takest part with the great majority), so as to pervert” ( hf;n; ), sc., justice.
But, on the other hand, “neither shalt thou adorn the poor man in his dispute” (v. 3), i.e., show partiality to the poor or weak man in an unjust cause, out of weak compassion for him. (Compare Leviticus 19:15, a passage which, notwithstanding the fact that rdæh; is applied to favour shown to the great or mighty, overthrows Knobel’s conjecture, that lwOdG; should be read for lDæ , inasmuch as it prohibits the showing of favour to the one as much as to the other.)
Verse 4-5. Not only was their conduct not to be determined by public opinion, the direction taken by the multitude, or by weak compassion for a poor man; but personal antipathy, enmity, and hatred were not to lead them to injustice or churlish behaviour. On the contrary, if the Israelite saw his enemy’s beast straying, he was to bring it back again; and if he saw it lying down under the weight of its burden, he was to help it up again (cf.
Deuteronomy 22:1-4). The words wgw `bzæ[; ldæj; , “cease (desist) to leave it to him (thine enemy); thou shalt loosen it (let it loose) with him,” which have been so variously explained, cannot have any other signification than this: “beware of leaving an ass which has sunk down beneath its burden in a helpless condition, even to thine enemy, to try whether he can help it up alone; rather help him to set it loose from its burden, that it may get up again.” This is evident from Deuteronomy 22:4, where T]m]Læ[æt]hi alo , “withdraw not thyself,” is substituted for `bzæ[; ldæj; , and `µ[i µWq µWq , “set up with him,” for `µ[i `bzæ[; `bzæ[; . From this it is obvious that `bzæ[; is used in the first instance in the sense of leaving it alone, leaving it in a helpless condition, and immediately afterwards in the sense of undoing or letting loose. The peculiar turn given to the expression, “thou shalt cease from leaving,” is chosen because the ordinary course, which the natural man adopts, is to leave an enemy to take care of his own affairs, without troubling about either him or his difficulties. Such conduct as this the Israelite was to give up, if he ever found his enemy in need of help.
Verse 6-8. The warning against unkindness towards an enemy is followed by still further prohibitions of injustice in questions of right: viz., in v. 6, a warning against perverting the right of the poor in his cause; in v. 7, a general command to keep far away from a false matter, and not to slay the innocent and righteous, i.e., not to be guilty of judicial murder, together with the threat that God would not justify the sinner; and in v. 8, the command not to accept presents, i.e., to be bribed by gifts, because “the gift makes seeing men ( jæQepi open eyes) blind, and perverts the causes of the just.” The rendering “words of the righteous” is not correct; for even if we are to understand the expression “seeing men” as referring to judges, the “righteous” can only refer to those who stand at the bar, and have right on their side, which judges who accept of bribes may turn into wrong.
Verse 9. The warning against oppressing the foreigner, which is repeated from Exodus 22:20, is not tautological, as Bertheau affirms for the purpose of throwing suspicion upon this verse, but refers to the oppression of a stranger in judicial matters by the refusal of justice, or by harsh and unjust treatment in court (Deuteronomy 24:17; 27:19). “For ye know the soul (animus, the soul as the seat of feeling) of the stranger,” i.e., ye know from your own experience in Egypt how a foreigner feels.
Verse 10-13. Here follow directions respecting the year of rest and day of rest, the first of which lays the foundation for the keeping of the sabbatical and jubilee years, which are afterwards instituted in Leviticus 25, whilst the latter gives prominence to the element of rest and refreshment involved in the Sabbath, which had been already instituted (Exodus 20:9-11), and presses it in favour of beasts of burden, slaves, and foreigners. Neither of these instructions is to be regarded as laying down laws for the feasts; so that they are not to be included among the rights of Israel, which commence at v. 14. On the contrary, as they are separated from these by v. 13, they are to be reckoned as forming part of the laws relating to their mutual obligations one towards another. This is evident from the fact, that in both of them the care of the poor stands in the foreground. From this characteristic and design, which are common to both, we may explain the fact, that there is no allusion to the keeping of a Sabbath unto the Lord, as in Exodus 20:10 and Leviticus 25:2, in connection with either the seventh year or seventh day: all that is mentioned being their sowing and reaping for six years, and working for six days, and then letting the land lie fallow in the seventh year, and their ceasing or resting from labour on the seventh day. “The seventh year thou shalt let (thy land) loose ( fmæv; to leave unemployed), and let it lie; and the poor of thy people shall eat (the produce which grows of itself), and their remainder (what they leave) shall the beast of the field eat.” hinaapeesh: lit., to breathe one’s self, to draw breath, i.e., to refresh one’s self (cf. Exodus 31:17; 2 Samuel 16:14). — With v. 13a the laws relating to the rights of the people, in their relations to one another, are concluded with the formula enforcing their observance, “And in all that I say to you, take heed,” viz., that ye carefully maintain all the rights which I have given you. There is then attached to this, in v. 14b, a warning, which forms the transition to the relation of Israel to Jehovah: “Make no mention of the name of other gods, neither let it be heard out of thy mouth.” This forms a very fitting boundary line between the two series of mishpatim, inasmuch as the observance and maintenance of both of them depended upon the attitude in which Israel stood towards Jehovah.
EXODUS. 23:14-16
The Fundamental Rights of Israel in its Religious and Theocratical Relation to Jehovah.
As the observance of the Sabbath and sabbatical year is not instituted in vv. 10-12, so vv. 14-19 do not contain either the original or earliest appointment of the feasts, or a complete law concerning the yearly feasts.
They simply command the observance of three feasts during the year, and the appearance of the people three times in the year before the Lord; that is to say, the holding of three national assemblies to keep a feast before the Lord, or three annual pilgrimages to the sanctuary of Jehovah. The leading points are clearly set forth in vv. 14 and 17, to which the other verses are subordinate. These leading points are fp;v]mi or rights, conferred upon the people of Israel in their relation to Jehovah; for keeping a feast to the Lord, and appearing before Him, were both of them privileges bestowed by Jehovah upon His covenant people. Even in itself the festal rejoicing was a blessing in the midst of this life of labour, toil, and trouble; but when accompanied with the right of appearing before the Lord their God and Redeemer, to whom they were indebted for everything they had and were, it was one that no other nation enjoyed. For though they had their joyous festivals, these festivals bore the same relation to those of Israel, as the dead and worthless gods of the heathen to the living and almighty God of Israel.
Of the three feasts at which Israel was to appear before Jehovah, the feast of Mazzoth, or unleavened bread, is referred to as already instituted, by the words “as I have commanded thee,” and “at the appointed time of the earing month,” which point back to chs. 12 and 13; and all that is added here is, “ye shall not appear before My face empty.” “Not empty:” i.e., not with empty hands, but with sacrificial gifts, answering to the blessing given by the Lord (Deuteronomy 16:16-17). These gifts were devoted partly to the general sacrifices of the feast, and partly to the burnt and peaceofferings which were brought by different individuals to the feasts, and applied to the sacrificial meals (Numbers 28 and 29). This command, which related to all the feasts, and therefore is mentioned at the very outset in connection with the feast of unleavened bread, did indeed impose a duty upon Israel, but such a duty as became a source of blessing to all who performed it.
The gifts demanded by God were the tribute, it is true, which the Israelites paid to their God-King, just as all Eastern nations are required to bring presents when appearing in the presence of their kings; but they were only gifts from God’s own blessing, a portion of that which He had bestowed in rich abundance, and they were offered to God in such a way that the offerer was thereby more and more confirmed in the rights of covenant fellowship. The other two festivals are mentioned here for the first time, and the details are more particularly determined afterwards in Leviticus 23:15ff., and Numbers 28:26ff. One was called the feast of Harvest, “of the first-fruits of thy labours which thou hast sown in the field,” i.e., of thy field-labour. According to the subsequent arrangements, the first of the field-produce was to be offered to God, not the first grains of the ripe corn, but the first loaves of bread of white or wheaten flour made from the new corn (Leviticus 23:17ff.). In Exo 24:22 it is called the “feast of Weeks,” because, according to Leviticus 23:15-16; Deuteronomy 16:9, it was to be kept seven weeks after the feast of Mazzoth; and the “feast of the firstfruits of wheat harvest,” because the loaves of first-fruits to be offered were to be made of wheaten flour.
The other of these feasts, i.e., the third in the year, is called “the feast of Ingathering, at the end of the year, in the gathering in of thy labours out of the field.” This general and indefinite allusion to time was quite sufficient for the preliminary institution of the feast. In the more minute directions respecting the feasts given in Leviticus 23:34; Numbers 29:12, it is fixed for the fifteenth day of the seventh month, and placed on an equality with the feast of Mazzoth as a seven days’ festival. hn,v; ax;y; does not mean after the close of the year, finito anno, any more than the corresponding expression in Exodus 34:22, hn,v; hp;WqT] , signifies at the turning of the year. The year referred to here was the so-called civil year, which began with the preparation of the ground for the harvest-sowing, and ended when all the fruits of the field and garden had been gathered in.
No particular day was fixed for its commencement, nor was there any new year’s festival; and even after the beginning of the earing month had been fixed upon for the commencement of the year (Exodus 12:2), this still remained in force, so far as all civil matters connected with the sowing and harvest were concerned; though there is no evidence that a double reckoning was carried on at the same time, or that a civil reckoning existed side by side with the religious. ãsæa; does not mean, “when thou hast gathered,” postquam collegisti; for b] does not stand for rjæaæ , nor has the infinitive the force of the preterite. On the contrary, the expression “at thy gathering in,” i.e., when thou gatherest in, is kept indefinite both here and in Leviticus 23:39, where the month and days in which this feast was to be kept are distinctly pointed out; and also in Deuteronomy 16:13, in order that the time for the feast might not be made absolutely dependent upon the complete termination of the gathering in, although as a rule it would be almost over. The gathering in of “thy labours out of the field” is not to be restricted to the vintage and gathering of fruits: this is evident not only from the expression “out of the field,” which points to field-produce, but also from the clause in Deuteronomy 16:13, “gathering of the floor and wine-press,” which shows clearly that the words refer to the gathering in of the whole of the year’s produce of corn, fruit, oil, and wine.
EXODUS. 23:17
“Three times in the year” (i.e., according to v. 14 and Deuteronomy 16:16, at the three feasts just mentioned) “all thy males shall appear before the face of the Lord Jehovah.” The command to appear, i.e., to make a pilgrimage to the sanctuary, was restricted to the male members of the nation, probably to those above 20 years of age, who had been included in the census (Numbers 1:3). But this did not prohibit the inclusion of women and boys (cf. 1 Samuel 1:3ff., and Luke 2:31ff.).
EXODUS 23:18,19 The blessing attending their appearing before the Lord was dependent upon the feasts being kept in the proper way, by the observance of the three rules laid down in vv. 18 and 19. “Thou shalt not offer the blood of My sacrifice upon leavened bread.” `l[æ upon, as in Exodus 12:8, denoting the basis upon which the sacrifice was offered. The meaning has been correctly given by the early commentators, viz., “as long as there is any leavened bread in your houses,” or “until the leaven has been entirely removed from your houses.” The reference made here to the removal of leaven, and the expression “blood of My sacrifice,” both point to the paschal lamb, which was regarded as the sacrifice of Jehovah kat> exoch>n , on account of its great importance. Onkelos gives this explanation: “My Passover” for “My sacrifice.” — “Neither shall the fat of My feast remain ( ˆWl to pass the night) until the morning.” “The fat of My feast” does not mean the fat of My festal sacrifice, for gjæ , a feast, is not used for the sacrifice offered at the feast; it signifies rather the best of My feast, i.e., the paschal sacrifice, as we may see from Exodus 34:25, where “the sacrifice of the feast of the Passover” is given as the explanation of “the fat of My feast.”
As the paschal sacrifice was the sacrifice of Jehovah par excellence, so the feast of the Passover was the feast of Jehovah par excellence. The expression “fat of My feast” is not to be understood as referring at all to the fat of the lamb, which was burned upon the altar in the case of the expiatory and whole offerings; for there could have been no necessity for the injunction not to keep this till the morning, inasmuch as those parts of every sacrifice which were set apart for the altar were burned immediately after the sprinkling of the blood. The allusion is to the flesh of the paschal lamb, which was eaten in the night before daybreak, after which anything that remained was to be burned. `ad-boqer (without the article) till morning, has the same meaning as rq,Bo “for the (following) morning” in Exodus 34:25.
Verse 19. The next command in v. 19a has reference to the feast of Harvest, or feast of Weeks. In “the first-fruits of thy land” there is an unmistakeable allusion to “the first-fruits of thy labours” in v. 16. It is true the words, “the first of the first-fruits of thy land thou shalt bring into the house of the Lord thy God,” are so general in their character, that we can hardly restrict them to the wave-loaves to be offered as first-fruits at the feast of Weeks, but must interpret them as referring to all the first-fruits, which they had already been commanded not to delay to offer (Exodus 22:29), and the presentation of which is minutely prescribed in Numbers 18:12-13, and Deuteronomy 26:2-11-including therefore the sheaf of barley to be offered in the second day of the feast of unleavened bread (Leviticus 23:9ff.). At the same time the reference to the feast of Weeks is certainly to be retained, inasmuch as this feast was an express admonition to Israel, to offer the first of the fruits of the Lord. In the expression rWKBi tyviare , the latter might be understood as explanatory of the former and in apposition to it, since they are both of them applied to the first-fruits of the soil (vid., Deuteronomy 26:2,10, and Numbers 18:13).
But as tyviare could hardly need any explanation in this connection, the partitive sense is to be preferred; though it is difficult to decide whether “the first of the first-fruits” signifies the first selection from the fruits that had grown, ripened, and been gathered first-that is to say, not merely of the entire harvest, but of every separate production of the field and soil, according to the rendering of the LXX aparca>v tw>n prwtogennhma>twn th>v gh>v -or whether the word tyviare is used figuratively, and signifies the best of the first-fruits. There is no force in the objection offered to the former view, that “in no other case in which the offering of first-fruits generally is spoken of, is one particular portion represented as holy to Jehovah, but the first-fruits themselves are that portion of the entire harvest which was holy to Jehovah.” For, apart from Numbers 18:12, where a different rendering is sometimes given to tyviare , the expression tyviare in Deuteronomy 26:2 shows unmistakeably that only a portion of the first of all the fruit of the ground had to be offered to the Lord. On the other hand, this view is considerably strengthened by the fact, that whilst rWKBi , rWKBi signify those fruits which ripened first, i.e., earliest, tyviare is used to denote the aparch> , the first portion or first selection from the whole, not only in Deuteronomy 26:2,10, but also in Leviticus 23:10, and most probably in Numbers 18:12 as well. — Now if these directions do not refer either exclusively or specially to the loaves of first-fruits of the feast of Weeks, the opinion which has prevailed from the time of Abarbanel to that of Knobel, that the following command, “Thou shalt not seethe a kid in his mother’s milk,” refers to the feast of Ingathering, is deprived of its principal support.
And any such allusion is rendered very questionable by the fact, that in Deuteronomy 14:21, where this command is repeated, it is appended to the prohibition against eating the flesh of an animal that had been torn to pieces. Very different explanations have been given to the command. In the Targum, Mishnah, etc., it is regarded as a general prohibition against eating flesh prepared with milk. Luther and others suppose it to refer to the cooking of the kid, before it has been weaned from its mother’s milk. But the actual reference is to the cooking of a kid in the milk of its own mother, as indicating a contempt of the relation which God has established and sanctified between parent and young, and thus subverting the divine ordinances. As kids were a very favourite food (Genesis 27:9,14; Judges 6:19; 13:15; 1 Samuel 16:20), it is very likely that by way of improving the flavour they were sometimes cooked in milk. According to Aben Ezra and Abarbanel, this was a custom adopted by the Ishmaelites; and at the present day the Arabs are in the habit of cooking lamb in sour milk. A restriction is placed upon this custom in the prohibition before us, but there is no intention to prevent the introduction of a superstitious usage customary at the sacrificial meals of other nations, which Spencer and Knobel have sought to establish as at all events probable, though without any definite historical proofs, and for the most part on the strength of farfetched analogies.
EXODUS. 23:20-33
Relation of Jehovah to Israel.
The declaration of the rights conferred by Jehovah upon His people is closed by promises, through which, on the one hand, God insured to the nation the gifts and benefits involved in their rights, and, on the other hand, sought to promote that willingness and love which were indispensable to the fulfilment of the duties incumbent upon every individual in consequence of the rights conferred upon them. These promises secured to the people not only the protection and help of God during their journey through the desert, and in the conquest of Canaan, but also preservation and prosperity when they had taken possession of the land.
Verse 20-26. Jehovah would send an angel before them, who should guard them on the way from injury and destruction, and bring them to the place prepared for them, i.e., to Canaan. The name of Jehovah was in this angel (v. 21), that is to say, Jehovah revealed Himself in him; and hence he is called in Exodus 33:15-16, the face of Jehovah, because the essential nature of Jehovah was manifested in him. This angel was not a created spirit, therefore, but the manifestation of Jehovah Himself, who went before them in the pillar of cloud and fire, to guide and to defend them (Exodus 13:21). But because it was Jehovah who was guiding His people in the person of the angel, He demanded unconditional obedience (v. 21), and if they provoked Him ( rræm; for rræm; , see Exodus 13:18) by disobedience, He would not pardon their transgression; but if they followed Him and hearkened to His voice, He would be an enemy to their enemies, and an adversary to their adversaries (v. 22).
And when the angel of the Lord had brought them to the Canaanites and exterminated the latter, Israel was still to yield the same obedience, by not serving the gods of the Canaanites, or doing after their works, i.e., by not making any idolatrous images, but destroying them (these works), and smiting to pieces the pillars of their idolatrous worship ( hb;Xemæ does not mean statues erected as idols, but memorial stones or columns dedicated to idols: see my Comm. on 1 Kings 14:23), and serving Jehovah alone. Then would He bless them in the land with bountiful provision, health, fruitfulness, and length of life (vv. 23-26). “Bread and water” are named, as being the provisions which are indispensable to the maintenance of life, as in Isaiah 3:1; 30:20; 33:16. The taking away of “sickness” (cf. Exodus 15:26) implied the removal of everything that could endanger life. The absence of anything that miscarried, or was barren, insured the continuance and increase of the nation; and the promise that their days should be fulfilled, i.e., that they should not be liable to a premature death (cf. Isa. 55:20), was a pledge of their well-being.
Verse 27. But the most important thing of all for Israel was the previous conquest of the promised land. And in this God gave it a special promise of His almighty aid. “I will send My fear before thee.” This fear was to be the result of the terrible acts of God performed on behalf of Israel, the rumour of which would spread before them and fill their enemies with fear and trembling (cf. Exodus 15:14ff.; Deuteronomy 2:26; and Joshua 2:11, where the beginning of the fulfilment is described), throwing into confusion and putting to flight every people against whom ( µyrit;a rvua ) Israel came. ãr,[O byeaOAta, ˆtæn; to give the enemy to the neck, i.e., to cause him to turn his back, or flee (cf. Psalm 18:41; 21:13; Joshua 7:8,12). lae : in the direction towards thee.
Verse 28-30. In addition to the fear of God, hornets h[;r]xi construed as a generic word with the collective article), a very large species of wasp, that was greatly dreaded both by man and beast on account of the acuteness of its sting, should come and drive out the Canaanites, of whom three tribes are mentioned instar omnium, from before the Israelites. Although it is true that Aelian (hist. anim. 11, 28) relates that the Phaselians, who dwelt near the Solymites, and therefore probably belonged to the Canaanites, were driven out of their country by wasps, and Bochart (Hieroz. iii. pp. 409ff.) has collected together accounts of different tribes that have been frightened away from their possessions by frogs, mice, and other vermin, “the sending of hornets before the Israelites” is hardly to be taken literally, not only because there is not a word in the book of Joshua about the Canaanites being overcome and exterminated in any such way, but chiefly on account of Joshua 24:12, where Joshua says that God sent the hornet before them, and drove out the two kings of the Amorites, referring thereby to their defeat and destruction by the Israelites through the miraculous interposition of God, and thus placing the figurative use of the term hornet beyond the possibility of doubt.
These hornets, however, which are very aptly described in Wisdom 12:8, on the basis of this passage, as prodro>mouv , the pioneers of the army of Jehovah, do not denote merely varii generis mala, as Rosenmüller supposes, but acerrimos timoris aculeos, quibus quodammodo volantibus rumoribus pungebantur, ut fugerent (Augustine, quaest. 27 in Jos.). If the fear of God which fell upon the Canaanites threw them into such confusion and helpless despair, that they could not stand before Israel, but turned their backs towards them, the stings of alarm which followed this fear would completely drive them away. Nevertheless God would not drive them away at once, “in one year,” lest the land should become a desert for want of men to cultivate it, and the wild beasts should multiply against Israel; in other words, lest the beasts of prey should gain the upper hand and endanger the lives of man and beast (Leviticus 26:22; Ezekiel 14:15,21), which actually was the case after the carrying away of the ten tribes (2 Kings 17:25-26).
He would drive them out by degrees f[æm] f[æm] , only used here and in Deuteronomy 7:22), until Israel was sufficiently increased to take possession of the land, i.e., to occupy the whole of the country. This promise was so far fulfilled, according to the books of Joshua and Judges, that after the subjugation of the Canaanites in the south and north of the land, when all the kings who fought against Israel had been smitten and slain and their cities captured, the entire land was divided among the tribes of Israel, in order that they might exterminate the remaining Canaanites, and take possession of those portions of the land that had not yet been conquered (Joshua 13:1-7). But the different tribes soon became weary of the task of exterminating the Canaanites, and began to enter into alliance with them, and were led astray by them to the worship of idols; whereupon God punished them by withdrawing His assistance, and they were oppressed and humiliated by the Canaanites because of their apostasy from the Lord (Judges 1 and 2).
Verse 31-33. The divine promise closes with a general indication of the boundaries of the land, whose inhabitants Jehovah would give up to the Israelites to drive them out, and with a warning against forming alliances with them and their gods, lest they should lead Israel astray to sin, and thus become a snare to it. On the basis of the promise in Genesis 15:18, certain grand and prominent points are mentioned, as constituting the boundaries towards both the east and west. On the west the boundary extended from the Red Sea (see Exodus 13:18) to the sea of the Philistines, or Mediterranean Sea, the south-eastern shore of which was inhabited by the Philistines; and on the east from the desert, i.e., according to Deuteronomy 11:24, the desert of Arabia, to the river (Euphrates). The poetic suffix mow affixed to vræG; answers to the elevated oratorical style. Making a covenant with them and their gods would imply the recognition and toleration of them, and, with the sinful tendencies of Israel, would be inevitably followed by the worship of idols. The first yKi in v. 33 signifies if; the second, imo, verily, and serves as an energetic introduction to the apodosis. vqewOm , a snare (vid., Exodus 10:7); here a clause of destruction, inasmuch as apostasy from God is invariably followed by punishment (Judges 2:3).
EXODUS. 24:1-2
These two verses form part of the address of God in Exodus 20:22-23:33; for rmæa; hv,m lae (“but to Moses He said”) cannot be the commencement of a fresh address, which would necessarily require m lae rmæa; (cf. v. 12; Exodus 19:21; 20:22). The turn given to the expression m lae presupposes that God had already spoken to others, or that what had been said before related not to Moses himself, but to other persons. But this cannot be affirmed of the decalogue, which applied to Moses quite as much as to the entire nation (a sufficient refutation of Knobel’s assertion, that these verses are a continuation of Exodus 19:20-25, and are linked on to the decalogue), but only of the address concerning the mishpatim, or “rights,” which commences with Exodus 20:22, and, according to ch. 20:22 and 21:1, was intended for the nation, and addressed to it, even though it was through the medium of Moses. What God said to the people as establishing its rights, is here followed by what He said to Moses himself, namely, that he was to go up to Jehovah, along with Aaron, Nadab, Abihu, and seventy elders. At the same time, it is of course implied that Moses, who had ascended the mountain with Aaron alone (Exodus 20:21), was first of all to go down again and repeat to the people the “rights” which God had communicated to him, and only when this had been done, to ascend again with the persons named. According to vv. 3 and 12 (? 9), this is what Moses really did. But Moses alone was to go near to Jehovah: the others were to worship afar off, and the people were not to come up at all.
CONCLUSION OF THE COVENANT.
EXODUS. 24:3-4
The ceremony described in vv. 3-11 is called “the covenant which Jehovah made with Israel” (v. 8). It was opened by Moses, who recited to the people “all the words of Jehovah” (i.e., not the decalogue, for the people had heard this directly from the mouth of God Himself, but the words in Exodus 20:22-26), and “all the rights” (ch. 21-23); whereupon the people answered unanimously ( dj;a, lwOq ), “All the words which Jehovah hath spoken will we do.” This constituted the preparation for the conclusion of the covenant. It was necessary that the people should not only know what the Lord imposed upon them in the covenant about to be made with them, and what He promised them, but that they should also declare their willingness to perform what was imposed upon them. The covenant itself was commenced by Moses writing all the words of Jehovah in “the book of the covenant” (vv. 4 and 7), for the purpose of preserving them in an official record. The next day, early in the morning, he built an altar at the foot of the mountain, and erected twelve boundary-stones or pillars for the twelve tribes, most likely round about the altar and at some distance from it, so as to prepare the soil upon which Jehovah was about to enter into union with the twelve tribes. As the altar indicated the presence of Jehovah, being the place where the Lord would come to His people to bless them (Exodus 20:24), so the twelve pillars, or boundary-stones, did not serve as mere memorials of the conclusion of the covenant, but were to indicate the place of the twelve tribes, and represent their presence also.
EXODUS. 24:5
After the foundation and soil had been thus prepared in the place of sacrifice, for the fellowship which Jehovah was about to establish with His people; Moses sent young men of the children of Israel to prepare the sacrifices, and directed them to offer burnt-offering and sacrifice slainofferings, viz., µl,v, , “peace-offerings (see at Leviticus 3:1) for Jehovah,” for which purpose rpæ , bullocks, or young oxen, were used. The young men were not first-born sons, who had officiated as priests previous to the institution of the Levitical priesthood, according to the natural right of primogeniture, as Onkelos supposes; nor were they the sons of Aaron, as Augustine maintains: they simply acted as servants of Moses; and the priestly duty of sprinkling the blood was performed by him as the mediator of the covenant. It is merely as young men, therefore, i.e., as strong and active, that they are introduced in this place, and not as representatives of the nation, “by whom the sacrifice was presented, and whose attitude resembled that of a youth just ready to enter upon his course” (Kurtz, O.
C. iii. 143). For, as Oehler says, “this was not a sacrifice presented by the nation on its own account. The primary object was to establish that fellowship, by virtue of which it could draw near to Jehovah in sacrifice.
Moreover, according to vv. 1 and 9, the nation possessed its proper representatives in the seventy elders” (Herzog’s Cyclopaedia). But even though these sacrifices were not offered by the representatives of the nation, and for this very reason Moses selected young men from among the people to act as servants at this ceremony, they had so far a substitutionary position, that in their persons the nation was received into fellowship with God by means of the sprinkling of the blood, which was performed in a peculiar manner, to suit the unique design of this sacrificial ceremony.
EXODUS. 24:6-8
The blood was divided into two parts. One half was swung by Moses upon the altar ( qræz; to swing, shake, or pour out of the vessel, in distinction from hizaah to sprinkle) the other half he put into basins, and after he had read the book of the covenant to the people, and they had promised to do and follow all the words of Jehovah, he sprinkled it upon the people with these words: “Behold the blood of the covenant, which Jehovah has made with you over all these words.” As several animals were slaughtered, and all of them young oxen, there must have been a considerable quantity of blood obtained, so that the one half would fill several basins, and many persons might be sprinkled with it as it was being swung about. The division of the blood had reference to the two parties to the covenant, who were to be brought by the covenant into a living unity; but it had no connection whatever with the heathen customs adduced by Bähr and Knobel, in which the parties to a treaty mixed their own blood together.
For this was not a mixture of different kinds of blood, but it was a division of one blood, and that sacrificial blood, in which animal life was offered instead of human life, making expiation as a pure life for sinful man, and by virtue of this expiation restoring the fellowship between God and man which had been destroyed by sin. But the sacrificial blood itself only acquired this signification through the sprinkling or swinging upon the altar, by virtue of which the human soul was received, in the soul of the animal sacrificed for man, into the fellowship of the divine grace manifested upon the altar, in order that, through the power of this sin-forgiving and sin-destroying grace, it might be sanctified to a new and holy life. In this way the sacrificial blood acquired the signification of a vital principle endued with the power of divine grace; and this was communicated to the people by means of the sprinkling of the blood.
As the only reason for dividing the sacrificial blood into two parts was, that the blood sprinkled upon the altar could not be taken off again and sprinkled upon the people; the two halves of the blood are to be regarded as one blood, which was first of all sprinkled upon the altar, and then upon the people. In the blood sprinkled upon the altar, the natural life of the people was given up to God, as a life that had passed through death, to be pervaded by His grace; and then through the sprinkling upon the people it was restored to them again, as a life renewed by the grace of God. In this way the blood not only became a bond of union between Jehovah and His people, but as the blood of the covenant, it became a vital power, holy and divine, uniting Israel and its God; and the sprinkling of the people with this blood was an actual renewal of life, a transposition of Israel into the kingdom of God, in which it was filled with the powers of God’s spirit of grace, and sanctified into a kingdom of priests, a holy nation of Jehovah (Exodus 19:6). And this covenant was made “upon all the words” which Jehovah had spoken, and the people had promised to observe.
Consequently it had for its foundation the divine law and right, as the rule of life for Israel.
EXODUS. 24:9-11
Through their consecration with the blood of the covenant, the Israelites were qualified to ascend the mountain, and there behold the God of Israel and celebrate the covenant meal; of course, not the whole of the people, for that would have been impracticable on physical grounds, but the nation in the persons of its representatives, viz., the seventy elders, with Aaron and his two eldest sons. The fact that the latter were summoned along with the elders had reference to their future election to the priesthood, the bearers of which were to occupy the position of mediators between Jehovah and the nation, an office for which this was a preparation. The reason for choosing seventy out of the whole body of elders (v. 3) is to be found in the historical and symbolical significance of this number (see p. 240). “They saw the God of Israel.” This title is very appropriately given to Jehovah here, because He, the God of the fathers, had become in truth the God of Israel through the covenant just made.
We must not go beyond the limits drawn in Exodus 33:20-23 in our conceptions of what constituted the sight ( hz;j; v. 11) of God; at the same time we must regard it as a vision of God in some form of manifestation which rendered the divine nature discernible to the human eye. Nothing is said as to the form in which God manifested Himself. This silence, however, is not intended “to indicate the imperfection of their sight of God,” as Baumgarten affirms, nor is it to be explained, as Hofmann supposes, on the ground that “what they saw differed from what the people had constantly before their eyes simply in this respect, that after they had entered the darkness, which enveloped the mountain that burned as it were with fire at its summit, the fiery sign separated from the cloud, and assumed a shape, beneath which it was bright and clear, as an image of untroubled bliss.” The words are evidently intended to affirm something more than, that they saw the fiery form in which God manifested Himself to the people, and that whilst the fire was ordinarily enveloped in a cloud, they saw it upon the mountain without the cloud.
For, since Moses saw the form ( hm;WmTi ) of Jehovah (Numbers 12:8), we may fairly conclude, notwithstanding the fact that, according to v. 2, the representatives of the nation were not to draw near to Jehovah, and without any danger of contradicting Deuteronomy 4:12 and 15, that they also saw a form of God. Only this form is not described, in order that no encouragement might be given to the inclination of the people to make likenesses of Jehovah. Thus we find that Isaiah gives no description of the form in which he saw the Lord sitting upon a high and lofty throne (Isaiah 6:1). Ezekiel is the first to describe the form of Jehovah which he saw in the vision, “as the appearance of a man” (Ezekiel 1:26; compare Dan 7:9 and 13). “And there was under His feet as it were work of clear sapphire ( hn;b]li , from ˆb;l; whiteness, clearness, not from hn;bel] a brick ), and as the material ( `µx,[, body, substance) of heaven in brilliancy,” — to indicate that the God of Israel was enthroned above the heaven in super-terrestrial glory and undisturbed blessedness. And God was willing that His people should share in this blessedness, for “He laid not His hand upon the nobles of Israel,” i.e., did not attack them. “They saw God, and did eat and drink,” i.e., they celebrated thus near to Him the sacrificial meal of the peace-offerings, which had been sacrificed at the conclusion of the covenant, and received in this covenant meal a foretaste of the precious and glorious gifts with which God would endow and refresh His redeemed people in His kingdom. As the promise in Exodus 19:5-6, with which God opened the way for the covenant at Sinai, set clearly before the nation that had been rescued from Egypt the ultimate goal of its divine calling; so this termination of the ceremony was intended to give to the nation, in the persons of its representatives, a tangible pledge of the glory of the goal that was set before it. The sight of the God of Israel was a foretaste of the blessedness of the sight of God in eternity, and the covenant meal upon the mountain before the face of God was a type of the marriage supper of the Lamb, to which the Lord will call, and at which He will present His perfected Church in the day of the full revelation of His glory (Rev 19:7-9).
EXODUS. 24:12-18
Verses 12-18 prepare the way for the subsequent revelation recorded in ch. 25-31, which Moses received concerning the erection of the sanctuary. At the conclusion of the covenant meal, the representatives of the nation left the mountain along with Moses. This is not expressly stated, indeed; since it followed as a matter of course that they returned to the camp, when the festival for which God had called them up was concluded. A command was then issued again to Moses to ascend the mountain, and remain there ( µv;Ahyeh]w, ), for He was about to give him the tables of stone, with ( w] as in Genesis 3:24) the law and commandments, which He had written for their instruction (cf. Exodus 31:18).
Verse 13-14. When Moses was preparing to ascend the mountain with his servant Joshua (vid., Joshua 17:9), he ordered the elders to remain in the camp ( hz, i.e., where they were) till their return, and appointed Aaron and Hur (vid., Exodus 17:10) as administrators of justice in case of any disputes occurring among the people. µyrib;D] l[æbæAymi : whoever has matters, matters of dispute (on this meaning of l[æBæ see Genesis 37:19).
Verse 15-17. When he ascended the mountain, upon which the glory of Jehovah dwelt, it was covered for six days with the cloud, and the glory itself appeared to the Israelites in the camp below like devouring fire (cf.
Exodus 19:16); and on the seventh day He called Moses into the cloud.
Whether Joshua followed him we are not told; but it is evident from Exodus 32:17 that he was with him on the mountain, though, judging from v. 2 and Exodus 33:11, he would not go into the immediate presence of God.
Verse 18. “And Moses was on the mountain forty days and forty nights,” including the six days of waiting-the whole time without eating and drinking (Deuteronomy 9:9). The number forty was certainly significant, since it was not only repeated on the occasion of his second protracted stay upon Mount Sinai (Exodus 34:28; Deuteronomy 9:18), but occurred again in the forty days of Elijah’s journey to Horeb the mount of God in the strength of the food received from the angel (1 Kings 19:8), and in the fasting of Jesus at the time of His temptation (Matthew 4:2; Luke 4:2), and even appears to have been significant in the forty years of Israel’s wandering in the desert (Deuteronomy 8:2). In all these cases the number refers to a period of temptation, of the trial of faith, as well as to a period of the strengthening of faith through the miraculous support bestowed by God. DIRECTIONS CONCERNING THE SANCTUARY AND PRIESTHOOD.
To give a definite external form to the covenant concluded with His people, and construct a visible bond of fellowship in which He might manifest Himself to the people and they might draw near to Him as their God, Jehovah told Moses that the Israelites were to erect Him a sanctuary, that He might dwell in the midst of them (Exodus 25:8). The construction and arrangement of this sanctuary were determined in all respects by God Himself, who showed to Moses, when upon the mountain, a pattern of the dwelling and its furniture, and prescribed with great minuteness both the form and materials of all the different parts of the sanctuary and all the things required for the sacred service. If the sanctuary was to answer its purpose, the erection of it could not be left to the inventive faculty of any man whatever, but must proceed from Him, who was there to manifest Himself to the nation, as the Holy One, in righteousness and grace. The people could only carry out what God appointed, and could only fulfil their covenant duty, by the readiness with which they supplied the materials required for the erection of the sanctuary and completed the work with their own hands. The divine directions extended to all the details, because they were all of importance in relation to the design of God. The account therefore is so elaborate, that it contains a description not only of the directions of God with reference to the whole and every separate part (ch. 25-31), but also of the execution of the work in all its details (ch. 35-40).
The following is the plan upon which this section is arranged. After the command of God to the people to offer gifts for the sanctuary about to be erected, which forms the introduction to the whole (Exodus 25:1-9), the further directions commence with a description of the ark of the covenant, which Jehovah had appointed as His throne in the sanctuary, that is to say, as it were, with the sanctuary in the sanctuary (Exodus 25:10-22). Then follow (1) the table of shew-bread and the golden candlestick (vv. 23-40), as the two things by means of which the continual communion of Israel with Jehovah was to be maintained; (2) the construction of the dwelling, with an account of the position to be occupied by the three things already named (ch. 26); (3) the altar of burnt-offering, together with the court which was to surround the holy dwelling (Exodus 27:1-19).
This is immediately followed by the command respecting the management of the candlestick (vv. 20, 21), which prepares the way for an account of the institution of the priesthood, and the investiture and consecration of the priests (ch. 28 and 29), and by the directions as to the altar of incense, and the service to be performed at it (Exodus 30:1-10); after which, there only remain a few subordinate instructions to complete the whole (Exodus 30:11-31:17). “The description of the entire sanctuary commences, therefore,” as Ranke has aptly observed, “with the ark of the law, the place of the manifestation of Jehovah, and terminates with the altar of incense, which stood immediately in front of it.” The dwelling was erected round Jehovah’s seat, and round this the court. The priests first of all presented the sacrifices upon the altar of burnt-offering, and then proceeded into the holy place and drew near to Jehovah. The highest act in the daily service of the priests was evidently this standing before Jehovah at the altar of incense, which was only separated by the curtain from the most holy place.
EXODUS. 25:1-9
Verse 1-3. (cf. Exodus 35:1-9). The Israelites were to bring to the Lord a heave-offering ( hm;WrT] from µWr , a gift lifted, or heaved by a man from his own property to present to the Lord; see at Leviticus 2:9), “on the part of every one whom his heart drove,” i.e., whose heart was willing (cf. ble bydin; Exodus 35:5,22): viz., gold, silver, brass, etc.
Verse 4. tl,keT] , uJa>kinqov , purple of a dark blue shade, approaching black rather than bright blue. ˆm;G;r]aæ , porfu>ra (Chald. ˆw;G]r]aæ , 2 Chron, Exodus 2:6; Dan 5:7,16;-Sanskrit, râgaman or râgavan, colore rubro praeditus), true purple of a dark red colour. yniv; [l;wOT, literally the crimson prepared from the dead bodies and nests of the glow-worm, f135 then the scarlet-red purple, or crimson. vve , bu>ssov , from shuwsh to be white, a fine white cotton fabric, not linen, muslin, or net. `z[e goats, here goats’ hair ( tri>cev aigei>ai , LXX).
Verse 5. µd;a; lyiaæ `rwO[ rams’ skins reddened, i.e., dyed red. vjæTæ is either the seal, phoca, or else, as this is not known to exist in the Arabian Gulf, the fw>kov = fw>kaina of the ancients, as Knobel supposes, or kh>tov qala>ssion oJ>moion delfi>ni , the sea-cow (Manati, Halicora), which is found in the Red Sea, and has a skin that is admirably adapted for sandals.
Hesychius supposes it to have been the latter, which is probably the same as the large fish Tûn or Atûm, that is caught in the Red Sea, and belongs to the same species as the Halicora (Robinson, Pal. i. p. 170); as its skin is also used by the Bedouin Arabs for making sandals (Burckhardt, Syr. p. 861). In the Manati the upper skin differs from the under; the former being larger, thicker, and coarser than the latter, which is only two lines in thickness and very tough, so that the skin would be well adapted either for the thick covering of tents or for the finer kinds of ornamental sandals (Ezekiel 16:10). hF;vi `x[e acacia-wood. hF;vi for hf;n]vi , the true acacia (acacia vera), which grows in Egypt and on the Arabian peninsula into a tree of the size of a nut-tree, or even larger; the only tree in Arabia deserta from which planks could be cut, and the wood of which is very light and yet very durable.
Verse 6. Oil for the candlestick (see at Exodus 27:20). µc,B, perfumes, spices for the anointing oil (see at Exodus 30:22ff.), and for the incense ( µsæ , lit., the scents, because the materials of which it was composed were not all of them fragrant; see at Exodus 30:34ff.).
Verse 7. Lastly, precious stones, µhævo ˆb,a, probably beryls (see at Genesis 2:12), for the ephod (Exodus 28:9), and aLumi ˆb,a, , lit., stones of filling, i.e., jewels that are set (see Exodus 28:16ff.). On ephod ( dwOpae ), see at ch. 28:6; and on ˆv,j , at Exodus 28:15. The precious stones were presented by the princes of the congregation (Exodus 35:27).
Verse 8-9. With these freewill-offerings they were to make the Lord a sanctuary, that He might dwell in the midst of them (see at v. 22). “According to all that I let thee see (show thee), the pattern of the dwelling and the pattern of all its furniture, so shall ye make it.” The participle ha,r]mæ does not refer to the past; and there is nothing to indicate that it does, either in v. 40, where “in the mount” occurs, or in the use of the preterite in Exodus 26:30; 27:8. It does not follow from the expression, “which is showed thee in the mount,” that Moses had already left the mountain and returned to the camp; and the use of the preterite in the passages last named may be simply explained, either on the supposition that the sight of the pattern or model of the whole building and its component parts preceded the description of the different things required for the completion of the building, or that the instructions to make the different parts in such and such a way, pointed to a time when the sight of the model really belonged to the past.
On the other hand, the model for the building could not well be shown to Moses, before he had been told that the gifts to be made by the people were to be devoted to the building of a sanctuary. tynib]Tæ , from hn;B; to build, lit., a building, then a figure of anything, a copy of representation of different things, Deuteronomy 4:17ff.; a drawing or sketch, 2 Kings 16:10: it never means the original, not even in Psalm 144:12, as Delitzsch supposes (see his Com. on Hebrews 8:5). In such passages as 1 Chronicles 28:11-12,19, where it may be rendered plan, it does not signify an original, but simply means a model or drawing, founded upon an idea, or taken from some existing object, according to which a building was to be constructed.
Still less can the object connected with tbnyt in the genitive be understood as referring to the original, from which the tbnyt was taken; so that we cannot follow the Rabbins in their interpretation of this passage, as affirming that the heavenly originals of the tabernacle and its furniture had been shown to Moses in a vision upon the mountain.
What was shown to him was simply a picture or model of the earthly tabernacle and its furniture, which were to be made by him. Both Acts 7:44 and Hebrews 8:5 are perfectly reconcilable with this interpretation of our verse, which is the only one that can be grammatically sustained. The words of Stephen, that Moses was to make the tabernacle kata> to>n tu>pon oJ>n eJwra>kei , “according to the fashion that he had seen,” are so indefinite, that the text of Exodus must be adduced to explain them. And when the writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews cites the words, “See that thou make all things kata> to>n tu>pon to>n deicqe>nta soi en tw> o>rei “ (according to the pattern showed to thee in the mount), from v. 40 of this chapter, as a proof the Levitical priests only served the type and shadow of heavenly things ( tw>n epourani>wn ); it is true, his words may be understood as showing that he regarded the earthly tabernacle with all its arrangements as only the counterpart and copy of a heavenly original.
But this interpretation is neither necessary nor well founded. For although the author, by following the Sept., in which tynib]Tæ is rendered kata> to>n tu>pon , the suffix being dropped, leaves it just a possible thing to understand the tu>pov shown to Moses as denoting a heavenly tabernacle (or temple); yet he has shown very clearly that this was not his own view, when he explains the “patterns of things in the heavens” ( uJpodei>gmata tw>n en ouranoi>v ) and “the true” things ( ta> alhqina> ) of both the tabernacle and its furniture as denoting the “heaven” ( ourano>v ) into which Christ had entered, and not any temple in heaven. If the epoura>nia are heaven itself, the tu>pov showed to Moses cannot have been a temple in heaven, but either heaven itself, or, more probably still, as there could be no necessity for this to be shown to Moses in a pictorial representation, a picture of heavenly things or divine realities, which was shown to Moses that he might copy and embody it in the earthly tabernacle. f137 If we understand the verse before us in this sense, it merely expresses what is already implied in the fact itself. If God showed Moses a picture or model of the tabernacle, and instructed him to make everything exactly according to this pattern, we must assume that in the tabernacle and its furniture heavenly realities were to be expressed in earthly forms; or, to put it more clearly, that the thoughts of God concerning salvation and His kingdom, which the earthly building was to embody and display, were visibly set forth in the pattern shown. The symbolical and typical significance of the whole building necessarily follows from this, though without our being obliged to imitate the Rabbins, and seek in the tabernacle the counterpart or copy of a heavenly temple. What these divine thoughts were that were embodied in the tabernacle, can only be gathered from the arrangement and purpose of the whole building and its separate parts; and upon this point the description furnishes so much information, that when read in the light of the whole of the covenant revelation, it gives to all the leading points precisely the clearness that we require.
EXODUS. 25:10-15
The Ark of the Covenant (cf. Exodus 37:1-9). — They were to make an ark ( ˆwOra; ) of acacia-wood, two cubits and a half long, one and a half broad, and one and a half high, and to plate it with pure gold both within and without. Round about it they were to construct a golden rze , i.e., probably a golden rim, encircling it like an ornamental wreath. They were also to cast four golden rings and fasten them to the four feet ( tmo[;p] walking feet, feet bent as if for walking) of the ark, two on either side; and to cut four poles of acacia-wood and plate them with gold, and put them through the rings for carrying the ark. The poles were to remain in the rings, without moving from them, i.e., without being drawn out, that the bearers might not touch the ark itself (Numbers 4:15).
EXODUS. 25:16
Into this ark Moses was to put “the testimony” ( `tWd[e ; cf. Exodus 40:20).
This is the name given to the two tables of stone, upon which the ten words spoken by God to the whole nation were written, and which Moses was to receive from God (Exodus 24:12). Because these ten words were the declaration of God upon the basis of which the covenant was concluded (Exodus 34:27-28; Deuteronomy 4:13; 10:1-2), these tables were called the tables of testimony (ch. Exodus 31:18; 34:29), or tables of the covenant (Deuteronomy 9:9; 11:15).
EXODUS. 25:17-18
In addition to this, Moses was to make a capporeth ( iJlasth>rion epi>qema , LXX; propitiatorium, Vulg.), an atoning covering. The meaning operculum, lid (Ges.), cannot be sustained, notwithstanding the fact that the capporeth was placed upon the ark (v. 21) and covered the tables laid within it; for the verb rp,Ko has not the literal signification of covering or covering up either in Kal or Piel. In Kal it only occurs in Genesis 6:14, where it means to pitch or tar; in Piel it is only used in the figurative sense of covering up sin or guilt, i.e., of making atonement. 1 Chronicles 28:11 is decisive on this point, where the holy of holies, in which the capporeth was, is called tr,PoKæ tyiBæ , which cannot possibly mean the covering-house, but must signify the house of atonement. The force of this passage is not weakened by the remark made by Delitzsch and others, to the effect that it was only in the later usage of the language that the idea of covering gave place to that of the covering up or expiation of sin; for neither in the earlier nor earliest usage of the language can the supposed primary meaning of the word be anywhere discovered.
Knobel’s remark has still less force, viz., that the ark must have had a lid, and it must have been called a lid. For if from the very commencement this lid had a more important purpose than that of a simple covering, it might also have received its name from this special purpose, even though this was not fully explained to the Israelites till a later period in the giving of the law (Leviticus 16:15-16). It must, however, have been obvious to every one, that it was to be something more than the mere lid of the ark, from the simple fact that it was not to be made, like the ark, of wood plated with gold, but to be made of pure gold, and to have two golden cherubs upon the top. The cherubim (see p. 67) were to be made of gold hv;q]mi (from hv,q; to turn), i.e., literally, turned work (cf. Isaiah 3:24), here, according to Onkelos, dygin; opus ductile, work beaten with the hammer and rounded, so that the figures were not solid but hollow (see Bähr, i. p. 380).
EXODUS. 25:19
“Out of the capporeth shall ye make the cherubs at its two ends,” i.e., so as to form one whole with the capporeth itself, and be inseparable from it.
EXODUS. 25:20-22
“And let the cherubs be stretching out wings on high, screening ( Ëkæs; , suskia’zontes) with their wings above the capporeth, and their faces (turned) one to the other; towards the capporeth let the faces of the cherubs be.” That is to say, the cherubs were to spread out their wings in such a manner as to form a screen over the capporeth, with their faces turned towards one another, but inclining or stooping towards the capporeth. The reason for this is given in v. 22. There-viz., above the capporeth that was placed upon the ark containing the testimony-Jehovah would present Himself to Moses (now`ad, from d[æy; to appoint, to present one’s self to a person at an appointed place, to meet with him), and talk with him “from above the capporeth, out from between the two cherubs upon the ark of testimony, all that I shall command thee for the sons of Israel” (cf. Exodus 29:42).
Through this divine promise and the fulfilment of it (Exo 40:35; Lev. 1:1; Num. 1:1; 17:19), the ark of the covenant together with the capporeth became the throne of Jehovah in the midst of His chosen people, the footstool of the God of Israel (1 Chronicles 28:2, cf. Psalm 132:7; 99:5; Lam 2:1). The ark, with the tables of the covenant as the self-attestation of God, formed the foundation of this throne, to show that the kingdom of grace which was established in Israel through the medium of the covenant, was founded in justice and righteousness (Psalm 89:15; 97:2). The gold plate upon the ark formed the footstool of the throne for Him, who caused His name, i.e., the real presence of His being, to dwell in a cloud between the two cherubim above their outspread wings; and there He not only made known His will to His people in laws and commandments, but revealed Himself as the jealous God who visited sin and showed mercy (Exodus 20:5-6; 34:6-7)-the latter more especially on the great day of atonement, when, through the medium of the blood of the sin-offering sprinkled upon and in front of the capporeth, He granted reconciliation to His people for all their transgressions in all their sin (Leviticus 16:14ff.). Thus the footstool of God became a throne of grace (Hebrews 4:16, cf. Exodus 9:5), which received its name capporeth or iJlasth>rion from the fact that the highest and most perfect act of atonement under the Old Testament was performed upon it.
Jehovah, who betrothed His people to Himself in grace and mercy for an everlasting covenant (Hosea 2:2), was enthroned upon it, above the wings of the two cherubim, which stood on either side of His throne; and hence He is represented as “dwelling (between) the cherubim” bWrK] bvæy; (1 Samuel 4:4; 2 Samuel 6:2; Psalm 80:2, etc.). The cherubs were not combinations of animal forms, taken from man, the lion, the ox, and the eagle, as many have inferred from Ezekiel 1 and 10, for even the composite beings which Ezekiel saw with four faces had a human figure (Ezekiel 1:5); but they are to be regarded as figures made in a human form, and not in a kneeling posture, but, according to the analogy of 2 Chronicles 3:13, standing upright. Consequently, as the union of four faces in one cherub is peculiar to Ezekiel, and the cherubs of the ark of the covenant, like those of Solomon’s temple, had but one face each, not only did the human type form the general basis of these figures, but in every respect, with the exception of the wings, they were made in the likeness of men.
And this is the only form which would answer the purpose for which they were intended, viz., to represent the cherubim, or heavenly spirits, who were stationed to prevent the return of the first man to the garden of Eden after his expulsion thence, and keep the way to the tree of life (see p. 67).
Standing upon the capporeth of the ark of the covenant, the typical foundation of the throne of Jehovah, which Ezekiel saw in the vision as [æyqir; tWmD] “the likeness of a firmament” (Ezekiel 1:22,25), with their wings outspread and faces lowered, they represented the spirits of heaven, who surround Jehovah, the heavenly King, when seated upon His throne, as His most exalted servants and the witnesses of His sovereign and saving glory; so that Jehovah enthroned above the wings of the cherubim was set forth as the God of Hosts who is exalted above all the angels, surrounded by the assembly or council of the holy ones (Psalm 89:6-9), who bow their faces towards the capporeth, studying the secrets of the divine counsels of love (1 Peter 1:12), and worshipping Him that liveth for ever and ever (Rev 4:10).
EXODUS. 25:23-28
The Table of Shew-Bread (cf. Exodus 37:10-16). — The table for the shew-bread (v. 30) was to be made of acacia-wood, two cubits long, one broad, and one and a half high, and to be plated with pure gold, having a golden wreath round, and a “finish ( tr,G,s]mi ) of a hand-breadth round about,” i.e., a border of a handbreadth in depth surrounding and enclosing the four sides, upon which the top of the table was laid, and into the four corners of which the feet of the table were inserted. A golden wreath was to be placed round this rim. As there is no article attached to zeer-zaahaab in v. 25 (cf. 37:12), so as to connect it with the rze in v. 24, we must conclude that there were two such ornamental wreaths, one round the slab of the table, the other round the rim which was under the slab. At the four corners of the four feet, near the point at which they joined the rim, four rings were to be fastened for tyiBæ , i.e., to hold the poles with which the table was carried, as in the case of the ark.
EXODUS. 25:29
Vessels of pure gold were also to be made, to stand upon the table (cf.
Exodus 37:16). tro[;q] , ta> teubli>a (LXX), large deep plates, in which the shew-bread was not only brought to the table, but placed upon it. These plates cannot have been small, for the silver hr;[;q] , presented by Nahshon the tribe prince, weighed 130 shekels (Numbers 7:13). ãKæ , from ãKæ a hollow hand, small scoops, according to Numbers 7:14, only ten shekels in weight, used to put out the incense belonging to the shew-bread upon the table (cf. Leviticus 24:7 and Numbers 7:14): LXX qui>skh , i.e., according to the Etymol. Magn., ska>fh hJ ta> qu>mata decome>nh . There were also two vessels “to pour out,” sc., the drink-offering, or libation of wine: viz., hc;q; , spondei>a (LXX), sacrificial spoons to make the libation of wine with, and tyOQinæm] , ku>aqoi (LXX), goblets into which the wine was poured, and in which it was placed upon the table. (See Exodus 37:16 and Numbers 4:7, where the goblets are mentioned before the sacrificial spoons.)
EXODUS. 25:30
Bread of the face ( µynip; µj,l, ), the mode of preparing and placing which is described in Leviticus 24:5ff., was to lie continually before ( µynip; ) Jehovah. These loaves were called “bread of the face” (shew-bread), because they were to lie before the face of Jehovah as a meat-offering presented by the children of Israel (Leviticus 24:8), not as food for Jehovah, but as a symbol of the spiritual food which Israel was to prepare (John 6:27, cf. 4:32,34), a figurative representation of the calling it had received from God; so that bread and wine, which stood upon the table by the side of the loaves, as the fruit of the labour bestowed by Israel upon the soil of its inheritance, were a symbol of its spiritual labour in the kingdom of God, the spiritual vineyard of its Lord.
EXODUS. 25:31-40
(cf. Exodus 37:17-24). The Candlestick was to be made of pure gold, “beaten work.” hv;q]mi : see v. 18. For the form `hc;[; instead of `hc;[; (which is probably the work of a copyist, who thought the reading should be `hc;[; in the Niphal, as the y is wanting in many MSS), see Gesenius, Lehrgeb. p. 52, and Ewald, §83b. “Of it shall be (i.e., there shall issue from it so as to form one complete whole) its Ërey; ” (lit., the loins, the upper part of the thigh, which is attached to the body, and from which the feet proceed-in this case the base or pedestal, upon which the candelabrum stood); its hn,q; , or reed, i.e., the hollow stem of the candelabrum rising up from the pedestal;-”its [æybiG] ,” cups, resembling the calix of a yriTop]Kæ , knobs, in a spherical shape (cf. Amos 9:1; Zeph 2:14);-”and µyjir;p] ,” flowers, ornaments in the form of buds just bursting.
Verse 32. From the sides of the candlestick, i.e., of the upright stem in the middle, there were to be six branches, three on either side.
Verse 33-34. On each of these branches (the repetition of the same words expresses the distributive sense) there were to be “three cups in the form of an almond-flower, (with) knob and flower,” and on the shaft of the candlestick, or central stem, “four cups in the form of almond-flowers, its knobs and its flowers.” As both jræp, rTop]Kæ (v. 33) and jræp, rTop]Kæ (v. 34) are connected with the previous words without a copula, Knobel and Thenius regard these words as standing in explanatory apposition to the preceding ones, and suppose the meaning to be that the flower-cups were to consist of knobs with flowers issuing from them. But apart from the singular idea of calling a knob or bulb with a flower bursting from it a flower-cup, v. 31 decidedly precludes any such explanation; for cups, knobs, and flowers are mentioned there in connection with the base and stem, as three separate things which were quite as distinct the one from the other as the base and the stem. The words in question are appended in both verses to dqæv; [æybiG] in the sense of subordination; w] is generally used in such cases, but it is omitted here before kptr, probably to avoid ambiguity, as the two words to be subordinated are brought into closer association as one idea by the use of this copula. And if rtpk and jrp are to be distinguished from [ybg , the objection made by Thenius to our rendering dqæv; “almond-blossom-shaped,” namely, that neither the almond nor the almond-blossom has at all the shape of a basin, falls entirely to the ground; and there is all the less reason to question this rendering, on account of the unanimity with which it has been adopted in the ancient versions, whereas the rendering proposed by Thenius, “wakened up, i.e., a burst or opened calix,” has neither foundation nor probability.
Verse 35. “and every pipe under the two branches shall be out from them (be connected with them) for the six (side) pipes going out from the candlestick;” i.e., at the point where the three pairs of the six side pipes or arms branched off from the main pipe or stem of the candlestick, a knob should be so placed that the arms should proceed from the knob, or from the main stem immediately above the knob.
Verse 36-37. “Their knobs and their pipes (i.e., the knobs and pipes of the three pairs of arms) shall be of it (the candlestick, i.e., combined with it so as to form one whole), all one (one kind of) beaten work, pure gold.” From all this we get the following idea of the candlestick: Upon the vase there rose an upright central pipe, from which three side pies branched out one above another on either side, and curved upwards in the form of a quadrant to the level of the central stem. On this stem a calix and a knob and blossom were introduced four separate times, and in such a manner that there was a knob wherever the side pipes branched off from the main stem, evidently immediately below the branches; and the fourth knob, we may suppose, was higher up between the top branches and the end of the stem.
As there were thus four calices with a knob and blossom in the main stem, so again there were three in each of the branches, which were no doubt placed at equal distances from one another.
With regard to the relative position of the calix, the knob, and the blossom, we may suppose that the spherical knob was underneath the calix, and that the blossom sprang from the upper edge of the latter, as if bursting out of it. The candlestick had thus seven arms, and seven lights or lamps were to be made and placed upon them ( `hl;[; ). “And they (all the lamps) are to give light upon the opposite side of its front” (v. 37): i.e., the lamp was to throw its light upon the side that was opposite to the front of the candlestick. The µynip; of the candlestick (v. 37 and Numbers 8:2) was the front shown by the seven arms, as they formed a straight line with their seven points; and `rb,[e does not mean the side, but the opposite side, as is evident from Numbers 8:2, where we find lWm lae instead. As the place assigned to the candlestick was on the south side of the dwelling-place, we are to understand by this opposite side the north, and imagine the lamp to be so placed that the line of lamps formed by the seven arms ran from front to back, by which arrangement the holy place would be better lighted, than if the candlestick had stood with the line of lamps from south to north, and so had turned all its seven lamps towards the person entering the holy place. The lamps were the receptacles for the wick and oil, which were placed on the top of the arms, and could be taken down to be cleaned. The hole from which the wick projected was not made in the middle, but at the edge, so that the light was thrown upon one side.
Verse 38. The other things belonging to the candlestick were µyijæq;l]m, tongs (Isaiah 6:6), i.e., snuffers, and hT;j]mæ snuff-dishes, i.e., dishes to receive the snuff when taken from the wicks; elsewhere the word signifies an ash-pan, or vessel used for taking away the coal from the fire (Exodus 27:3; Leviticus 16:12; Numbers 17:3ff.).
Verse 39-40. “Of a talent of pure gold (i.e., 822,000 Parisian grains) shall he make it (the candlestick) and all these vessels,” i.e., according to Exodus 37:24, all the vessels belonging to the candlestick. From this quantity of gold it was possible to make a candlestick of very considerable size. The size is not given anywhere in the Old Testament, but, according to Bähr’s conjecture, it corresponded to the height of the table of shew- bread, namely, a cubit and a half in height and the same in breadth, or a cubit and a half between the two outside lamps.
The signification of the seven-armed candlestick is apparent from its purpose, viz., to carry seven lamps, which were trimmed and filled with oil every morning, and lighted every evening, and were to burn throughout the night (Exodus 27:20-21; 30:7-8; Leviticus 24:3-4). As the Israelites were to prepare spiritual food in the shew-bread in the presence of Jehovah, and to offer continually the fruit of their labour in the field of the kingdom of God, as a spiritual offering to the Lord; so also were they to present themselves continually to Jehovah in the burning lamps, as the vehicles and media of light, as a nation letting its light shine in the darkness of this world (cf. Matthew 5:14,16; Luke 12:35; Phil 2:15). The oil, through which the lamps burned and shone, was, according to its peculiar virtue in imparting strength to the body and restoring vital power, a representation of the Godlike spirit, the source of all the vital power of man; whilst the oil, as offered by the congregation of Israel, and devoted to sacred purposes according to the command of God, is throughout the Scriptures a symbol of the Spirit of God, by which the congregation of God was tilled with higher light and life.
By the power of this Spirit, Israel, in covenant with the Lord, was to let its light shine, the light of its knowledge of God and spiritual illumination, before all the nations of the earth. In its seven arms the stamp of the covenant relationship was impressed upon the candlestick; and the almondblossom with which it was ornamented represented the seasonable offering of the flowers and fruits of the Spirit, the almond-tree deriving its name dqev; from the fact that it is the earliest of all the trees in both its blossom and its fruit (cf. Jeremiah 1:11-12). The symbolical character of the candlestick is clearly indicated in the Scriptures. The prophet Zechariah (ch. 4) sees a golden candlestick with seven lamps and two olive-trees, one on either side, from which the oil-vessel is supplied; and the angel who is talking with him informs him that the olive-trees are the two sons of oil, that is to say, the representatives of the kingdom and priesthood, the divinely appointed organs through which the Spirit of God was communicated to the covenant nation. And in Rev 1:20, the seven churches, which represent the new people of God, i.e., the Christian Church, are shown to the holy seer in the form of seven candlesticks standing before the throne of God. — On v. 40, see at v. 9. EXODUS 26:1 (cf. Exodus 36:8-38). The Dwelling-Place. — This was to be formed of a framework of wood, and of tapestry and curtains. The description commences with the tapestry or tent-cloth (vv. 1-14), which made the framework (vv. 15-30) into a dwelling. The inner lining is mentioned first (vv. 1-6), because this made the dwelling into a tent (tabernacle). This inner tent-cloth was to consist of ten curtains h[;yriy] , aulai>ai ), or, as Luther has more aptly rendered it, Teppiche, pieces of tapestry, i.e., of cloth composed of byssus yarn, hyacinth, purple, and scarlet. rzæv; twisted, signifies yarn composed of various colours twisted together, from which the finer kinds of byssus, for which the Egyptians were so celebrated, were made (vid., Hengstenberg, Egypt, pp. 139ff.). The byssus yarn was of a clear white, and this was woven into mixed cloth by combination with dark blue, and dark and fiery red. It was not to be in simple stripes or checks, however; but the variegated yarn was to be woven (embroidered) into the white byssus, so as to form artistic figures of cherubim (“cherubim, work of the artistic weaver, shalt thou make it”). bvæj; hc,[mæ (lit., work or labour of the thinker) is applied to artistic weaving, in which either figures or gold threads (Exodus 28:6,8,15) are worked into the cloth, and which is to be distinguished from µqær; hc,[mæ variegated weaving (v. 36).
EXODUS. 26:2-3
The length of each piece was to be 28 cubits, and the breadth 4 cubits, one measure for all; and five of these pieces were to be “joined together one to another,” i.e., joined or sewed together into a piece of 28 cubits in length and 20 in breadth, and the same with the other five.
EXODUS. 26:4-5
They were also to make 50 hyacinth loops “on the border of the one piece of tapestry, from the end in the join,” i.e., on the extreme edge of the five pieces that were sewed together; and the same “on the border of the last piece in the second joined tapestry.” Thus there were to be fifty loops in each of the two large pieces, and these loops were to be lbæq; “taking up the loops one the other;” that is to say, they were to be so made that the loops in the two pieces should exactly meet. EXODUS 26:6 Fifty golden clasps were also to be made, to fasten the pieces of drapery (the two halves of the tent-cloth) together, “that it might be a dwellingplace.”
This necessarily leads to Bähr’s conclusion, that the tent-cloth, which consisted of two halves fastened together with the loops and clasps, answering to the two compartments of the dwelling-place (v. 33), enclosed the whole of the interior, not only covering the open framework above, but the side walls also, and therefore that it hung down inside the walls, and that it was not spread out upon the wooden framework so as to form the ceiling, but hung down on the walls on the outside of the wooden beams, so that the gilded beams were left uncovered in the inside. For if this splendid tent-cloth had been intended for the ceiling only, and therefore only 30 cubits had been visible out of the 40 cubits of its breadth, and only 10 out of the 28 of its length-that is to say, if not much more than a third of the whole had been seen and used for the inner lining of the dwelling-that is to say, if not much more than a third of the whole had been seen and used for the inner lining of the dwelling-it would not have been called “the dwelling” so constantly as it is (cf. Exodus 36:8; 40:18), nor would the goats’-hair covering which was placed above it have been just as constantly called the “tent above the dwelling” (v. 7; Exodus 36:14; 40:19).
This inner tent-cloth was so spread out, that whilst it was fastened to the upper ends of the beams in a way that is not explained in the text, it formed the ceiling of the whole, and the joining came just above the curtain which divided the dwelling into two compartments. One half therefore, viz., the front half, formed the ceiling of the holy place with its entire breadth of cubits and 10 cubits of its length, and the remaining 18 cubits of its length hung down over the two side walls, 9 cubits down each wall-the planks that formed the walls being left uncovered, therefore, to the height of cubit from the ground. In a similar manner the other half covered the holy of holies, 10 cubits of both length and breadth forming the ceiling, and the 10 cubits that remained of the entire length covering the end wall; whilst the folds in the corners that arose from the 9 cubits that hung down on either side, were no doubt so adjusted that the walls appeared to be perfectly smooth. (For further remarks, see Exodus 39:33.) EXODUS 26:7-8 The outer tent-cloth, “for the tent over the dwelling,” was to consist of eleven lengths of goats’ hair, i.e., of cloth made of goats’ hair; each piece being thirty cubits long and four broad.
EXODUS. 26:9
Five of these were to be connected (sewed together) by themselves ( dBæ ), and the other six in the same manner; and the sixth piece was to be made double, i.e., folded together, towards the front of the tent, so as to form a kind of gable, as Josephus has also explained the passage (Ant. iii. 6, 4).
EXODUS. 26:10-11
Fifty loops and clasps were to be made to join the two halves together, as in the case of the inner tapestry, only the clasps were to be of brass or copper.
EXODUS. 26:12-13
This tent-cloth was two cubits longer than the inner one, as each piece was 30 cubits long instead of 28; it was also two cubits broader, as it was composed of 11 pieces, the eleventh only reckoning as two cubits, as it was to be laid double. Consequently there was an excess ( `ãdæ[ that which is over) of two cubits each way; and according to vv. 12 and 13 this was to be disposed of in the following manner: “As for the spreading out of the excess in the tent-cloths, the half of the cloth in excess shall spread out over the back of the dwelling; and the cubit from here and from there in the excess in the length of the tent-cloths (i.e., the cubit over in the length in each of the cloths) shall be spread out on the sides of the dwelling from here and from there to cover it.” Now since, according to this, one half of the two cubits of the sixth piece which was laid double was to hang down the back of the tabernacle, there only remained one cubit for the gable of the front. It follows, therefore, that the joining of the two halves with loops and clasps would come a cubit farther back, than the place where the curtain of the holy of holies divided the dwelling. But in consequence of the cloth being a cubit longer in every direction, it nearly reached the ground on all three sides, the thickness of the wooden framework alone preventing it from reaching it altogether. EXODUS 26:14 “The other coverings were placed on the top of this tent: one made of rams’ skins dyed red, “as a covering for the tent,” and another upon the top of this, made of the skins of the sea-cow ( vjæTæ , see at Exodus 25:5).
EXODUS. 26:15-16
The wooden framework.
Vv. 15, 16. The boards for the dwelling were to be made “of acacia-wood standing,” i.e., so that they could stand upright; each ten cubits long and one and a half broad. The thickness is not given; and if, on the one hand, we are not to imagine them too thin, as Josephus does, for example, who says they were only four fingers thick (Ant. iii. 6, 3), we have still less reason for following Rashi, Lund, Bähr and others, who suppose them to have been a cubit in thickness, thus making simple boards into colossal blocks, such as could neither have been cut from acacia-trees, nor carried upon desert roads. f139 To obtain boards of the required breadth, to or three planks were no doubt joined together according to the size of the trees.
EXODUS. 26:17
Every board was to have two dy; (lit., hands or holders) to hold them upright, pegs therefore; and they were to be “bound to one another” ( bL;vum] , from blæv; in Chald. to connect, hence µyBilæv] in 1 Kings 7:28, the corner plates that hold together the four sides of a chest), not “pegged into one another,” but joined together by a fastening dovetailed into the pegs, by which the latter were fastened still more firmly to the boards, and therefore had greater holding power than if each one had been simply sunk into the edge of the board.
EXODUS. 26:18-21
Twenty of these boards were to be prepared for the side of the dwelling that was turned towards the south, and forty sockets ( ˆd,a, foundations, Job 38:6) or bases for the pegs, i.e., to put the pegs of the boards into, that the boards might stand upright; and the same number of boards and sockets for the north side. ˆm;yTe , “southward,” is added to bg,n, ha;pe in v. 18, to give a clearer definition of negeb, which primarily means the dry, and then the country to the south; an evident proof that at that time negeb was not established as a geographical term for the south, and therefore that it was not written here by a Palestinian, as Knobel supposes, but by Moses in the desert. The form of the “sockets” is not explained, and even in Exodus 38:27, in the summing up of the gifts presented for the work, it is merely stated that a talent of silver (about 93 lb.) was applied to every socket.
EXODUS. 26:22-24
Six boards were to be made for the back of the dwelling westwards ( µy; ), and two boards “for the corners or angels of the dwelling at the two outermost (hinder) sides.” h[;x]qum] (for cornered), from [x;qum] , equivalent to [æwOxq]mi an angle (v. 24; Ezekiel 46:21-22), from [xæq; to cut off, lit., a section, something cut off, hence an angle, or corner-piece. These corner boards (v. 24) were to be “doubled ( µaæT; ) from below, and whole ( µT; , integri, forming a whole) at its head (or towards its head, cf. lae Exodus 36:29) with regard to the one ring, so shall it be to both of them (so shall they both be made); to the two corners shall they be” (i.e., designed for the two hinder corners). The meaning of these words, which are very obscure in some points, can only be the following: the two corner beams at the tack were to consist of two pieces joined together at a right angle, so as to form as double boards one single whole from the bottom to the top.
The expressions “from below” and “up to its head” are divided between the two predicates “doubled” ( µaæT; ) and “whole” ( µT; ), but they belong to both of them. Each of the corner beams was to be double from the bottom to the top, and still to form one whole. There is more difficulty in the words tj;a,h; t[æBæFæhæAla, in v. 24. It is impossible to attach any intelligible meaning to the rendering “to the first ring,” so that even Knobel, who proposed it, has left it unexplained. There is hardly any other way of explaining it, than to take the word lae in the sense of “having regard to a thing,” and to understand the words as meaning, that the corner beams were to form one whole, from the face that each received only one ring, probably at the corner, and not two, viz., one on each side. This one ring was placed half-way up the upright beam in the corner or angle, in such a manner that the central bolt, which stretched along the entire length of the walls (v. 28), might fasten into it from both the side and back.
EXODUS. 26:25-27
Sixteen sockets were to be made for these eight boards, two for each. — Vv. 26-29. To fasten the boards, that they might not separate from one another, bars of acacia-wood were to be made and covered with gold, five for each of the three sides of the dwelling; and though it is not expressly stated, yet the reference to rings in v. 29 as holders of the bars ( jæyriB] tyiBæ ) is a sufficient indication that they were passed through golden rings fastened into the boards.
EXODUS. 26:28-29
“And the middle bar in the midst of the boards (i.e., at an equal distance from both top and bottom) shall be fastening ( jræB; ) from one end to the other.” As it thus expressly stated with reference to the middle bar, that it was to fasten, i.e., to reach along the walls from one end to the other, we necessarily conclude, with Rashi and others, that the other four bars on every side were not to reach the whole length of the walls, and may therefore suppose that they were only half as long as the middle one, so that there were only three rows of bars on each wall, the upper and lower being composed of two bars each.
EXODUS. 26:30
“And set up the dwelling according to its right, as was shown thee upon the mountain” (cf. Exodus 25:9). Even the setting up and position of the dwelling were not left to human judgment, but were to be carried out fp;v]mi , i.e., according to the direction corresponding to its meaning and purpose. From the description which is given of the separate portions, it is evident that the dwelling was to be set up in the direction of the four quarters of the heavens, the back being towards the west, and the entrance to the east; whilst the whole of the dwelling formed an oblong of thirty cubits long, ten broad, and ten high. The length we obtain from the twenty boards of a cubit and a half in breadth; and the breadth, by adding to the nine cubits covered by the six boards at the back, half a cubit as the inner thickness of each of the corner beams. The thickness of the corner beams is not given, but we may conjecture that on the outside which formed part of the back they were three-quarters of a cubit thick, and that half a cubit is to be taken as the thickness towards the side. In this case, on the supposition that the side beams were a quarter of a cubit thick, the inner space would be exactly ten cubits broad and thirty and a quarter long; but the surplus quarter would be taken up by the thickness of the pillars upon which the inner curtain was hung, so that the room at the back would form a perfect cube, and the one at the front an oblong of exactly twenty cubits in length, ten in breadth, and ten in height.
EXODUS. 26:31-32
To divide the dwelling into two rooms, a curtain was to be made, of the same material, and woven in the same artistic manner as the inner covering of the walls (v. 1). This was called tk,r,po , lit., division, separation, from Ër,p, to divide, or Ës;m; tk,r,po (Exodus 35:12; 39:34; 40:21) division of the covering, i.e., to hang this “upon four pillars of gilded acacia-wood and their golden hooks, (standing) upon four silver sockets,” under the loops ( sr,q, ) which held the two halves of the inner covering together (v. 6).
Thus the curtain divided the dwelling into two compartments, the one occupying ten cubits and the other twenty of its entire length.
EXODUS. 26:33-34
“Thither (where the curtain hands under the loops) within the curtain shalt thou bring the ark of testimony (Exodus 25:16-22), and the curtain shall divide unto you between the holy place and the most holy” ( vd,qo vd,qo the holy of holies). The inner compartment was made into the most holy place through the ark of the covenant with the throne of grace upon it.
EXODUS. 26:35
The two other things (already described) were to be placed outside the curtain, viz., in the holy place; the candlestick opposite to the table, the former on the south side of the dwelling, the latter towards the north. EXODUS 26:36,37 For the entrance to the tent they were also to make a curtain ( Ës;m; , lit., a covering, from Ëkæs; to cover) of the same material as the inner curtain, but of work in mixed colours, i.e., not woven with figures upon it, but simply in stripes or checks. µqær; hc,[mæ does not mean coloured needlework, with figures or flowers embroidered with the needle upon the woven fabric (as I asserted in my Archäologie, in common with the Rabbins, Gesenius, Bähr, and others); for in the only other passage in which µq,r, occurs, viz., Psalm 139:15, it does not mean to embroider, but to weave, and in the Arabic it signifies to make points, stripes, or lines, to work in mixed colours (see Hartmann die Hebräerinn am Putztisch iii. 138ff.). This curtain was to hang on five gilded pillars of acacia-wood with golden hooks, and for these they were to cast sockets of brass. In the account of the execution of this work in Exodus 36:38, it is still further stated, that the architect covered the heads (capitals) of the pillars and their girders (chashuqiym, see Exodus 27:10) with gold. From this it follows, that the pillars were not entirely gilded, but only the capitals, and that they were fastened together with gilded girders. These girders were either placed upon the hooks that were fastened to the tops of the pillars, or, what I think more probable, formed a kind of architrave above the pillars, in which case the covering as well as the inner curtain merely hung upon the hooks of the columns. But if the pillars were not gilded all over, we must necessarily imagine that curtain as hung upon that side of the pillars which was turned towards the holy place, so that none of the white wood was to be seen inside the holy place; and the gilding of the capitals and architrave merely served to impress upon the forefront of the tabernacle the glory of a house of God.
If we endeavour to understand the reason for building the dwelling in this manner, there can be no doubt that the design of the wooden walls was simply to give stability to the tabernacle. Acacia-wood was chosen, because the acacia was the only tree to be found in the desert of Arabia from which planks and beams could be cut, whilst the lightness an durability of this wood rendered it peculiarly suitable for a portable temple.
The wooden framework was covered both within and without with hangings of drapery and other coverings, to give it the character of a tent, which is the term really applied to it in Exodus 27:21, and in most instances afterwards. The sanctuary of Jehovah in the midst of His people was to be a tent, because, so long as the people were wandering about and dwelt in tents, the dwelling of their God in the midst of them must be a tent also. The division of the dwelling into two parts corresponded to the design of the tabernacle, where Jehovah desired not to dwell alone by Himself, but to come and meet with His people (Exodus 25:22).
The most holy place was the true dwelling of Jehovah, where He was enthroned in a cloud, the visible symbol of His presence, above the cherubim, upon the capporeth of the ark of the covenant (see p. 431). The holy place, on the other hand, was the place where His people were to appear before Him, and draw near to Him with their gifts, the fruits of their earthly vocation, and their prayers, and to rejoice before His face in the blessings of His covenant grace. By the establishment of the covenant of Jehovah with the people of Israel, the separation of man from God, of which the fall of the progenitors of our race had been the cause, was to be brought to an end; an institution was to be set up, pointing to the reunion of man and God, to true and full vital communion with Him; and by this the kingdom of God was to be founded on earth in a local and temporal form.
This kingdom of God, which was founded in Israel, was to be embodied in the tabernacle, and shadowed forth in its earthly and visible form as confined within the limits of time and space.
This meaning was indicated not only in the instructions to set up the dwelling according to the four quarters of the globe and heavens, with the entrance towards sunrise and the holy of holies towards the west, but also in the quadrangular form of the building, the dwelling as a whole assuming the form of an oblong of thirty cubits in length, and ten in breadth and height, whilst the most holy place was a cube of ten cubits in every direction. In the symbolism of antiquity, the square was a symbol of the universe or cosmos; and thus, too, in the symbolism of the Scriptures it is a type of the world as the scene of divine revelation, the sphere of the kingdom of God, for which the world from the very first had been intended by God, and to which, notwithstanding the fall of man, who was created lord of the earth, it was to be once more renewed and glorified. Hence the seal of the kingdom of God was impressed upon the sanctuary of God in Israel through the quadrangular form that was given to its separate rooms.
And whilst the direction in which it was set up, towards the four quarters of the heavens, showed that the kingdom of God that was planted in Israel was intended to embrace the entire world, the oblong shape given to the whole building set forth the idea of the present incompleteness of the kingdom, and the cubic form of the most holy place its ideal and ultimate perfection. f140 Yet even in its temporal form, it was perfect of its kind, and therefore the component parts of the quadrangular building were regulated by the number ten, the stamp of completeness.
The splendour of the building, as the earthly reflection of the glory of the kingdom of God, was also in harmony with this explanation of its meaning.
In the dwelling itself everything was either overlaid with gold or made of pure gold, with the exception of the foundations or sockets of the boards and inner pillars, for which silver was used. In the gold, with its glorious, yea, godlike splendour (Job 37:22), the glory of the dwelling-place of God was reflected; whilst the silver, as the symbol of moral purity, shadowed forth the holiness of the foundation of the house or kingdom of God. The four colours, and the figures upon the drapery and curtains of the temple, were equally significant. Whilst the four colours, like the same number of coverings, showed their general purpose as connected with the building of the kingdom of God, the brilliant white of the byssus stands prominently out among the rest of the colours as the ground of the woven fabrics, and the colour which is invariably mentioned first. The splendid white byssus represented the holiness of the building; the hyacinth, a dark blue approaching black rather than bright blue, but the true colour of the sky in southern countries, its heavenly origin and character; the purple, a dark rich red, its royal glory; whilst the crimson, a light brilliant red, the colour of blood and vigorous life, set forth the strength of imperishable life in the abode and kingdom of the holy and glorious God-King. Lastly, through the figures of cherubim woven into these fabrics the dwelling became a symbolical representation of the kingdom of glory, in which the heavenly spirits surround the throne of God, the heavenly Jerusalem with its myriads of angels, the city of the living God, to which the people of God will come when their heavenly calling is fulfilled (Hebrews 12:22-23).
EXODUS. 27:1-3
The Altar of Burnt-Offering (cf. Exodus 38:1-7). — “Make the altar (the altar of burnt-offering, according to Exodus 38:1) of acacia-wood, five cubits long, and five cubits broad ( [bær; “foured,” i.e., four-sided or quadrangular), and three cubits high. At its four corners shall its horns be from (out of) it,” i.e., not removable, but as if growing out of it. These horns were projections at the corners of the altar, formed to imitate in all probability the horns of oxen, and in these the whole force of the altar was concentrated. The blood of the sin-offering was therefore smeared upon them (Leviticus 4:7), and those who fled to the altar to save their lives laid hold of them (vid., Exodus 21:14, and 1 Kings 1:50; also my commentary on the passage).
The altar was to be covered with copper or brass, and all the things used in connection with it were to be made of brass. These were (1) the pans, to cleanse it of the ashes of the fat (v. 3: disheen, a denom. verb from ˆv,D, the ashes of fat, that is to say, the ashes that arose from burning the flesh of the sacrifice upon the altar, has a privative meaning, and signifies “to ash away,” i.e., to cleanse from ashes); (2) [y; shovels, from h[;y; to take away (Isaiah 28:17); (3) qr;z]mi , things used for sprinkling the blood, from qræz; to sprinkle; (4) twOgl;z]mi forks, flesh-hooks (cf. glez]mæ 1 Samuel 3:13); (5) hT;j]mæ coal-scoops (cf. Exodus 25:38). wgw wyl;KeAlk;l] : either “for all the vessels thereof thou shalt make brass,” or “as for all its vessels, thou shalt make (them) of brass.”
EXODUS. 27:4-5
The altar was to have rBek]mæ a grating, tv,r, hc,[mæ net-work, i.e., a covering of brass made in the form of a net, of larger dimensions that the sides of the altar, for this grating was to be under the “compass” ( bKor]Kæ ) of the altar from beneath, and to reach to the half of it (half-way up, v. 5); and in it, i.e., at the four ends (or corners) of it, four brass rings were to be fastened, for the poles to carry it with. bKor]Kæ (from bK;r]Kæ circumdedit) only occurs here and in Exodus 38:4, and signifies a border ( ab;b]so Targums), i.e., a projecting framework or bench running round the four sides of the altar, about half a cubit or a cubit broad, nailed to the walls (of the altar) on the outside, and fastened more firmly to them by the copper covering which was common to both. The copper grating was below this bench, and on the outside. The bench rested upon it, or rather it hung from the outer edge of the bench and rested upon the ground, like the inner chest, which it surrounded on all four sides, and in which there were no perforations. It formed with the bench or carcob a projecting footing, which caused the lower half of the altar to look broader than the upper on every side. The priest stood upon this carcob or bench when offering sacrifice, or when placing the wood, or doing anything else upon the altar. This explains Aaron’s coming down ( dræy; ) from the altar (Leviticus 9:22); and there is no necessity to suppose that there were steps to the altar, as Knobel does in opposition to Exodus 20:26. For even if the height of the altar, viz., three cubits, would be so great that a bench half-way up would be too high for any one to step up to, the earth could be slightly raised on one side so as to make the ascent perfectly easy; and when the priest was standing upon the bench, he could perform all that was necessary upon the top of the altar without any difficulty.
EXODUS. 27:6-8
The poles were to be made of acacia-wood, and covered with brass, and to be placed in the rings that were fixed in the two sides for the purpose of carrying the altar. The additional instructions in v. 8, “hollow with tables shalt thou make it, as it was showed thee in the mount” (cf. Exodus 25:9), refer apparently, if we judge from Exodus 20:24-25, simply to the wooden framework of the altar, which was covered with brass, and which was filled with earth, or gravel and stones, when the altar was about to be used, the whole being levelled so as to form a hearth. The shape thus given to the altar of burnt-offering corresponded to the other objects in the sanctuary. It could also be carried about with ease, and fixed in any place, and could be used for burning the sacrifices without the wooden walls being injured by the fire.
EXODUS. 27:9-11
(cf. Exodus 38:9-20). The Court of the dwelling was to consist of [læq, “hangings” of spun byssus, and pillars with brass (copper) sockets, and hooks and fastenings for the pillars of silver. The pillars were of course made of acacia-wood; they were five cubits high, with silvered capitals (Exodus 38:17,19), and carried the hangings, which were fastened to them by means of the hooks and fastenings. There were twenty of them on both the southern and northern sides, and the length of the drapery on each of these sides was 100 cubits ( hM;aæ ha;me , 100 sc., measured by the cubit), so that the court was a hundred cubits long (v. 18).
EXODUS. 27:12-16
“As for the breadth of the court on the west side, (there shall be) curtains fifty cubits; their pillars twenty; and the breadth of the court towards the front, on the east side, fifty cubits.” The front is divided in vv. 14-16 into two ãteK; , lit., shoulders, i.e., sides or side-pieces, each consisting of cubits of hangings and three pillars with their sockets, and a doorway ( r[ævæ ), naturally in the middle, which was covered by a curtain ( Ës;m; ) formed of the same material as the covering at the entrance to the dwelling, of 20 cubits in length, with four pillars and the same number of sockets.
The pillars were therefore equidistant from one another, viz., 5 cubits apart. Their total number was 60 (not 56), which was the number required, at the distance mentioned, to surround a quadrangular space of 100 cubits long and 50 cubits broad. f141 EXODUS 27:17-18 All the pillars of the court round about (shall be) bound with connecting rods of silver.” As the rods connecting the pillars of the court were of silver, and those connecting the pillars at the entrance to the dwelling were of wood overlaid with gold, the former must have been intended for a different purpose from the latter, simply serving as rods to which to fasten the hangings, whereas those at the door of the dwelling formed an architrave. The height of the hangings of the court and the covering of the door is given in Exodus 38:17 as 5 cubits, corresponding to the height of the pillars given in v. 18 of the chapter before us; but the expression in Exodus 38:18, “the height in the breadth,” is a singular one, and bjæro is probably to be understood in the sense of bjor] door-place or door-way-the meaning of the passage being, “the height of the covering in the doorway.”
In v. 18, “50 everywhere,” penth>konta epi> penth>konta (LXX), lit., 50 by 50, is to be understood as relating to the extent towards the north and south; and the reading of the Samaritan text, viz., hM;aæ for bchmshym, is merely the result of an arbitrary attempt to bring the text into conformity with the previous hM;aæ ha;me , whilst the LXX, on the other hand, by an equally arbitrary change, have rendered the passage eJkato>n ef> eJkato>n .
EXODUS. 27:19
“All the vessels of the dwelling in all the work thereof (i.e., all the tools needed for the tabernacle), and all its pegs, and all the pegs of the court, (shall be of) brass or copper.” The vessels of the dwelling are not the things required for the performance of worship, but the tools used in setting up the tabernacle and taking it down again.
If we inquire still further into the design and meaning of the court, the erection of a court surrounding the dwelling on all four sides is to be traced to the same circumstance as that which rendered it necessary to divide the dwelling itself into two parts, viz., to the fact, that on account of the unholiness of the nation, it could not come directly into the presence of Jehovah, until the sin which separates unholy man from the holy God had been atoned for. Although, by virtue of their election as the children of Jehovah, or their adoption as the nation of God, it was intended that the Israelites should be received by the Lord into His house, and dwell as a son in his father’s house; yet under the economy of the law, which only produced the knowledge of sin, uncleanness, and unholiness, their fellowship with Jehovah, the Holy One, could only be sustained through mediators appointed and sanctified by God: viz., at the institution of the covenant, through His servant Moses; and during the existence of this covenant, through the chosen priests of the family of Aaron. It was through them that the Lord was to be approached, and the nation to be brought near to Him. Every day, therefore, they entered the holy place of the dwelling, to offer to the Lord the sacrifices of prayer and the fruits of the people’s earthly vocation.
But even they were not allowed to go into the immediate presence of the holy God. The most holy place, where God was enthroned, was hidden from them by the curtain, and only once a year was the high priest permitted, as the head of the whole congregation, which was called to be the holy nation of God, to lift this curtain and appear before God with the atoning blood of the sacrifice and the cloud of incense (Leviticus 16). The access of the nation to its God was restricted to the court. There it could receive from the Lord, through the medium of the sacrifices which it offered upon the altar of burnt-offering, the expiation of its sins, His grace and blessing, and strength to live anew. Whilst the dwelling itself represented the house of God, the dwelling-place of Jehovah in the midst of His people (Exodus 23:19; Joshua 6:24; 1 Samuel 1:7,24, etc.), the palace of the God-King, in which the priestly nation drew near to Him (1 Samuel 1:9; 3:3; Psalm 5:8; 26:4,6); the court which surrounded the dwelling represented the kingdom of the God-King, the covenant land or dwelling-place of Israel in the kingdom of its God. In accordance with this purpose, the court was in the form of an oblong, to exhibit its character as part of the kingdom of God. But its pillars and hangings were only five cubits high, i.e., half the height of the dwelling, to set forth the character of incompleteness, or of the threshold to the sanctuary of God. All its vessels were of copper-brass, which, being allied to the earth in both colour and material, was a symbolical representation of the earthly side of the kingdom of God; whereas the silver of the capitals of the pillars, and of the hooks and rods which sustained the hangings, as well as the white colour of the byssus-hangings, might point to the holiness of this site for the kingdom of God. On the other hand, in the gilding of the capitals of the pillars at the entrance to the dwelling, and the brass of their sockets, we find gold and silver combined, to set forth the union of the court with the sanctuary, i.e., the union of the dwelling-place of Israel with the dwelling-place of its God, which is realized in the kingdom of God.
The design and significance of the court culminated in the altar of burntoffering, the principal object in the court; and upon this the burnt-offerings and slain-offerings, in which the covenant nation consecrated itself as a possession to its God, were burnt. The heart of this altar was of earth or unhewn stones, having the character of earth, not only on account of its being appointed as the place of sacrifice and as the hearth for the offerings, but because the earth itself formed the real or material sphere for the kingdom of God in the Old Testament stage of its development. This heart of earth was elevated by the square copper covering into a vessel of the sanctuary, a place where Jehovah would record His name, and come to Israel and bless them (Exodus 20:24, cf. 29:42,44), and was consecrated as a place of sacrifice, by means of which Israel could raise itself to the Lord, and ascend to Him in the sacrifice. And this significance of the altar culminated in its horns, upon which the blood of the sin-offering was smeared. Just as, in the case of the horned animals, their strength and beauty are concentrated in the horns, and the horn has become in consequence a symbol of strength, or of fulness of vital energy; so the significance of the altar as a place of the saving and life-giving power of God, which the Lord bestows upon His people in His kingdom, was concentrated in the horns of the altar.
EXODUS 27:20,21 The instructions concerning the Oil For the Candlestick, and the daily trimming of the lamps by the priests, form a transition from the fitting up of the sanctuary to the installation of its servants.
Verse 20. The sons of Israel were to bring to Moses (lit., fetch to thee) olive oil, pure (i.e., prepared from olives “which had been cleansed from leaves, twigs, dust, etc., before they were crushed”), beaten, i.e., obtained not by crushing in oil-presses, but by beating, when the oil which flows out by itself is of the finest quality and a white colour. This oil was to be “for the candlestick to set up a continual light.”
Verse 21. Aaron and his sons were to prepare this light in the tabernacle outside the curtain, which was over the testimony (i.e., which covered or concealed it), from evening to morning, before Jehovah. “The tabernacle of the congregation,” lit., tent of assembly: this expression is applied to the sanctuary for the first time in the preset passage, but it afterwards became the usual appellation, and accords both with its structure and design, as it was a tent in style, and was set apart as the place where Jehovah would meet with the Israelites and commune with them (Exodus 25:22). The ordering of the light from evening to morning consisted, according to Exodus 30:7-8, and Leviticus 24:3-4, in placing the lamps upon the candlestick in the evening and lighting them, that they might give light through the night, and then cleaning them in the morning and filling them with fresh oil. The words “a statute for ever unto their generations (see at Exodus 12:14) on the part of the children of Israel,” are to be understood as referring not merely to the gift of oil to be made by the Israelites for all time, but to the preparation of the light, which was to be regarded as of perpetual obligation and worth. “For ever,” in the same sense as in Genesis 17:7 and 13 (see p. 145).
EXODUS. 28:1-5
(cf. Exodus 39:1-31). Appointment and Clothing of the Priests. — Vv. 1, 5. “Let Aaron thy brother draw near to thee from among the children of Israel, and his sons with him, that he may be a priest to Me.” Moses is distinguished from the people as the mediator of the covenant. Hence he was to cause Aaron and his sons to come to him, i.e., to separate them from the people, and install them as priests, or perpetual mediators between Jehovah and His people. The primary meaning of cohen, the priest, has been retained in the Arabic, where it signifies administrator alieni negotii, viz., to act as a mediator for a person, or as his plenipotentiary, from which it came to be employed chiefly in connection with priestly acts. Among the heathen Arabs it is used “maxime de hariolis vatibusque;” by the Hebrews it was mostly applied to the priests of Jehovah; and there are only a few placed in which it is used in connection with the higher officers of state, who stood next to the king, and acted as it were as mediators between the king and the nation (thus 2 Samuel 8:18; 20:26; 1 Kings 4:5).
For the duties of their office the priests were to receive “holy garments for glory and for honour.” Before they could draw near to Jehovah the Holy One (Leviticus 11:45), it was necessary that their unholiness should be covered over with holy clothes, which were to be made by men endowed with wisdom, whom Jehovah had filled with the spirit of wisdom. “Wisehearted,” i.e., gifted with understanding and judgment; the heart being regarded as the birth-place of the thoughts. In the Old Testament wisdom is constantly used for practical intelligence in the affairs of life; here, for example, it is equivalent to artistic skill surpassing man’s natural ability, which is therefore described as being filled with the divine spirit of wisdom.
These clothes were to be used “to sanctify him (Aaron and his sons), that he might be a priest to Jehovah.” Sanctification, as the indispensable condition of priestly service, was not merely the removal of the uncleanness which flowed from sin, but, as it were, the transformation of the natural into the glory of the image of God. In this sense the holy clothing served the priest for glory and ornament. The different portions of the priest’s state-dress mentioned in v. 4 are described more fully afterwards. For making them, the skilled artists were to take the gold, the hyacinth, etc. The definite article is sued before gold and the following words, because the particular materials, which would be presented by the people, are here referred to.
EXODUS. 28:6-14
The first part mentioned of Aaron’s holy dress, i.e., of the official dress of the high priest, is the ephod. The etymology of this word is uncertain; the Sept. rendering is epoomi’s (Vulg. superhumerale, shoulder-dress; Luther, “body-coat”). It was to be made of gold, hyacinth, etc., artistically wovenof the same material, therefore, as the inner drapery and curtain of the tabernacle; but instead of having the figures of cherubim woven into it, it was to be worked throughout with gold, i.e., with gold thread. According to Exodus 39:3, the gold plates used for the purpose were beaten out, and then threads were cut (from them), to be worked into the hyacinth, purple, scarlet, and byssus. It follows from this, that gold threads were taken for every one of these four yearns, and woven with them. f142 Verse 7. “Two connecting shoulder-pieces shall it have for its two ends, that it may be bound together.” If we compare the statement in Exodus 39:4-”shoulder-pieces they made for it, connecting; at its two ends was it connected,” — there can hardly be any doubt that the ephod consisted of two pieces, which were connected together at the top upon (over) the shoulders; and that Knobel is wrong in supposing that it consisted of a single piece, with a hole cut on each side for the arms to be put through. If it had been a compact garment, which had to be drawn over the head like the robe (vv. 31, 32), the opening for the head would certainly have been mentioned, as it is in the case of the latter (v. 32). The words of the text point most decidedly to the rabbinical idea, that it consisted of two pieces reaching to about the hip, one hanging over the breast, the other down the back, and that it was constructed with two shoulder-pieces which joined the two together. These shoulder-pieces were not made separate, however, and then sewed upon one of the pieces; but they were woven along with the front piece, and that no merely at the top, so as to cover the shoulders when the ephod was worn, but according to v. 25 (? 27), reaching down on both sides from the shoulders to the girdle (v. 8).
Verse 8. “And the girdle of its putting on which (is) upon it, shall be of it, like its work, gold, etc.” There was to be a girdle upon the ephod, of the same material and the same artistic work as the ephod, and joined to it, not separated from it. The bv,je mentioned along with the ephod cannot mean hu’fasma, textura (LXX, Cler., etc.), but is to be traced to bvæj; = chaabash to bind, to fasten, and to be understood in the sense of cingulum, a girdle (compare Exodus 29:5 with Leviticus 8:7, “he girded him with the girdle of the ephod”). ‘apudaah is no doubt to be derived from dwOpae , and signifies the putting on of the ephod. In Isaiah 30:22 it is applied to the covering of a statue; at the same time, this does not warrant us in attributing to the verb, as used in Exodus 9:5 and Leviticus 8:7, the meaning, to put on or clothe. This girdle, by which the two parts of the ephod were fastened tightly to the body, so as not to hang loose, was attached to the lower part or extremity of the ephod, so that it was fastened round the body below the breastplate (cf. vv. 27, 28; Exodus 39:20-21).
Verse 9-10. Upon the shoulder-piece of the ephod two beryls (previous stones) were to be placed, one upon each shoulder; and upon these the names of the sons of Israel were to be engraved, six names upon each “according to their generations,” i.e., according to their respective ages, or, as Josephus has correctly explained it, so that the names of the six elder sons were engraved upon the previous stone on the right shoulder, and those of the six younger sons upon that on the left.
Verse 11. “Work of the engraver in stone, of seal-cutting shalt thou engrave the two stones according to the names of the sons of Israel.” The engraver in stone: lit., one who works stones; here, one who cuts and polishes precious stones. The meaning is, that just as precious stones are cut, and seals engraved upon them, so these two stones were to be engraved according to the name of the sons of Israel, i.e., so that the engraving should answer to their names, or their names be cut into the stones. “Surrounded by gold-twist shalt thou make it.” bh;z; hx;B]v]m] , from xbæv; to twist, is used in v. 39 (cf. Psalm 45:14) for a texture woven in checks; and here it denotes not merely a simple gold-setting, but, according to v. 13, gold-twists or ornaments representing plaits, which surrounded the golden setting in which the stones were fixed, and not only served to fasten the stones upon the woven fabric, but formed at the same time clasps or brooches, by which the two parts of the ephod were fastened together. Thus Josephus says (Ant. iii. 7, 5) there were two sardonyxes upon the shoulders, to be used for clasps.
Verse 12. The precious stones were to be upon the shoulder-pieces of the ephod, stones of memorial for the sons of Israel; and Aaron was to bear their names before Jehovah upon his two shoulders for a memorial, i.e., that Jehovah might remember the sons of Israel when Aaron appeared before Him clothed with the ephod (cf. v. 29). As a shoulder-dress, the ephod was par excellence the official dress of the high priest. The burden of the office rested upon the shoulder, and the insignia of the office were also worn upon it (Isaiah 22:22). The duty of the high priest was to enter into the presence of God and made atonement for the people as their mediator. To show that as mediator he brought the nation to God, the names of the twelve tribes were engraved upon precious stones on the shoulders of the ephod. The precious stones, with their richness and brilliancy, formed the most suitable earthly substratum to represent the glory into which Israel was to be transformed as the possession of Jehovah (Exodus 19:5); whilst the colours and material of the ephod, answering to the colours and texture of the hangings of the sanctuary, indicated the service performed in the sanctuary by the person clothed with the ephod, and the gold with which the coloured fabric was worked, the glory of that service.
Verse 13-14. There were also to be made for the ephod two (see v. 25) golden plaits, golden borders (probably small plaits in the form of rosettes), and two small chains of pure gold: “close shalt thou make them, corded” (lit., work of cords or strings), i.e., not formed of links, but of gold thread twisted into cords, which were to be placed upon the golden plaits or fastened to them. As these chains served to fasten the choshen to the ephod, a description of them forms a fitting introduction to the account of this most important ornament upon the state-dress of the high priest.
EXODUS. 28:15-16
The second ornament consisted of the choshen or breastplate. Choshen mishpat, logeio>n tw>n kri>sewon (LXX), rationale judicii (Vulg.). ˆv,j probably signifies an ornament (Arab. pulcher fuit; Ges.); and the appended word mishpat, right, decision of right, points to its purpose (see at v. 30).
This breastplate was to be a woven fabric of the same material and the same kind of work as the ephod. “Foured shall it be, doubled (laid together), a span (half a cubit) its length, and a span its breadth.” The woven cloth was to be laid together double like a kind of pocket, of the length and breadth of half a cubit, i.e., the quarter of a square cubit.
EXODUS. 28:17-19
“And fill thereon (put on it) a stone-setting, four rows of stones,” i.e., fix four rows of set jewels upon it. The stones, so far as their names can be determined with the help of the ancient versions, the researches of L. de Dieu (animadv. ad Exodus 28) and Braun (vestit. ii. c. 8-10), and other sources pointed out in Winer’s R. W. (s. v. Edensteine), were the following:-In the first or upper row, odem ( sa>rdiov ), i.e., our cornelian, of a blood-red colour; pitdah, topa>zion , the golden topaz; bareketh, lit., the flashing, sma>ragdov , the emerald, of a brilliant green. In the second row, nophek, a>nqrax , carcunculus, the ruby or carbuncle, a fire-coloured stone; sappir, the sapphire, of a sky-blue colour; jahalom, i>aspiv according to the LXX, but this is rather to be found in the jaspeh,- according to the Graec., Ven., and Pers., to Aben Ezra, etc., the diamond, and according to others the onyx, a kind of chalcedony, of the same colour as the nail upon the human finger through which the flesh is visible.
In the third row, lesehm, ligu>rion , lugurius, i.e., according to Braun and others, a kind of hyacinth, a transparent stone chiefly of an orange colour, but running sometimes into a reddish brown, at other times into a brownish or pale red, and sometimes into an approach to a pistachio green; shevo, acha’tees, a composite stone formed of quartz, chalcedony, cornelian, flint, jasper, etc., and therefore glittering with different colours; and achlaham, ame>qustov , amethyst, a stone for the most part of a violet colour. In the fourth row, tarshish, cruso>liqov , chrysolite, a brilliant stone of a golden colour, not like what is now called a chrysolite, which is of a pale green with a double refraction; shoham, beryl (see at Genesis 2:12); and jaspeh, no doubt the jasper, an opaque stone, for the most part of a dull red, often with cloudy and flame-like shadings, but sometimes yellow, red, brown, or some other colour.
EXODUS. 28:20
“Gold borders shall be on their settings” (see at vv. 11 and 13). The golden capsules, in which the stones were “filled,” i.e., set, were to be surrounded by golden ornaments, which not only surrounded and ornamented the stones, but in all probability helped to fix them more firmly and yet more easily upon the woven fabric.
EXODUS. 28:21
“And the stones shall be according to the names of the sons of Israel, twelve according to their names; seal-engraving according to each one’s name shall be for the twelve tribes.” (On vyai before `al-sh¦mow see at Genesis 15:10.) EXODUS 28:22-25 To bind the choshen to the ephod there were to be two close, corded chains of pure gold, which are described here in precisely the same manner as in v. 14; so that v. 22 is to be regarded as a simple repetition of v. 14, not merely because these chains are only mentioned once in the account of the execution of the work (Exodus 39:15), but because, according to v. 25, these chains were to be fastened upon the rosettes notice in v. 14, exactly like those described in v. 13. These chains, which are called cords or strings at v. 24, were to be attached to two golden rings at the two (upper) ends of the choshen, and the two ends of the chains were to be put, i.e., bound firmly to the golden settings of the shoulder-pieces of the ephod (v. 13), upon the front of it (see at Exodus 26:9 and 25:37).
EXODUS. 28:26
Two other golden rings were to be “put at the two ends of the choshen, at its edge, which is on the opposite side (see at Exodus 25:37) of the ephod inwards,” i.e., at the two ends or corners of the lower border of the choshen, upon the inner side-the side turned towards the ephod.
EXODUS. 28:27-28
Two golden rings were also to be put “upon the shoulder-pieces of the ephod underneath, toward the fore-part thereof, near the joining above the girdle of it,” and to fasten the choshen from its (lower) rings to the (lower) rings of the ephod with threads of hyacinth, that it might be over the girdle (above it), and not move away ( jjæz; Niphal of zaachach, in Arabic removit), i.e., that it might keep its place above the girdle and against the ephod without shifting.
EXODUS. 28:29
In this way Aaron was to bear upon his breast the names of the sons of Israel engraved upon this breastplate, as a memorial before Jehovah, whenever he went into the sanctuary.
EXODUS. 28:30
Into this choshen Moses was to put the Urim and Thummim, that they might be upon his heart when he came before Jehovah, and that he might thus constantly bear the right (mishpat) of the children of Israel upon his heart before Jehovah. It is evident at once from this, that the Urim and Thummim were to bring the right of the children of Israel before the Lord, and that the breastplate was called choshen mishpat because the Urim and Thummim were in it. Moreover it also follows from the expression lae ˆtæn; , both here and in Leviticus 8:8, that the Urim and Thummim were not only distinct from the choshen, but were placed in it, and not merely suspended upon it, as Knobel supposes. For although the LXX have adopted the rendering epitiqe>nai epi> , the phrase is constantly used to denote putting or laying one thing into another, and never (not even in Samuel 6:8 and 2 Samuel 11:16) merely placing one thing upon or against another. For this, `l[æ ˆtæn; is the expression invariably used in the account before us (cf. vv. 14 and 23ff.).
What the Urim and Thummim really were, cannot be determined with certainty, either from the names themselves, or from any other circumstances connected with them. f143 The LXX render the words dh>lwsiv (or dh>lov ) kai> alh>qeia , i.e., revelation and truth. This expresses with tolerable accuracy the meaning of Urim ( µyriWa light, illumination), but Thummim ( µymiTu ) means integritas, inviolability, perfection, and not alh>qeia . The rendering given by Symm. and Theod., viz., fwtismoi> kai> teleiw>seiv , illumination and completion, is much better; and there is no good ground for giving up this rendering in favour of that of the LXX, since the analogy between the Urim and Thummim and the a>galma of sapphire-stones, or the zw>dion of precious stones, which was worn by the Egyptian high priest suspended by a golden chain, and called alh>qeia (Aelian. var. hist. 14, 34; Diod. Sic. i. 48, 75), sufficiently explains the rendering alh>qeia , which the LXX have given to Thummim, but it by no means warrants Knobel’s conclusion, that the Hebrews had adopted the Egyptian names along with the thing itself.
The words are therefore to be explained from the Coptic. The Urim and Thummim are analogous, it is true, to the eikw>n th>v alhqei>av , which the Egyptian archidikastee’s hung round his neck, but they are by no means identical with it, or to be regarded as two figures which were a symbolical representation of revelation and truth. If Aaron was to bring the right of the children of Israel before Jehovah in the breastplate that was placed upon his breast with the Urim and Thummim, the latter, if they were intended to represent anything, could only be symbolical of the right or rightful condition of Israel. But the words do not warrant any such conclusion. If the Urim and Thummim had been intended to represent any really existing thing, their nature, or the mode of preparing them, would certainly have been described. Now, if we refer to Numbers 27:21, where Joshua as the commander of the nation is instructed to go to the high priest Eleazar, that the latter may inquire before Jehovah, through the right of Urim, how the whole congregation should walk and act, we can draw no other conclusion, than that the Urim and Thummim are to be regarded as a certain medium, given by the Lord to His people, through which, whenever the congregation required divine illumination to guide its actions, that illumination was guaranteed, and by means of which the rights of Israel, when called in question or endangered, were to be restored, and that this medium was bound up with the official dress of the high priest, though its precise character can no longer be determined.
Consequently the Urim and Thummim did not represent the illumination and right of Israel, but were merely a promise of these, a pledge that the Lord would maintain the rights of His people, and give them through the high priest the illumination requisite for their protection. Aaron was to bear the children of Israel upon his heart, in the precious stones to be worn upon his breast with the names of the twelve tribes. The heart, according to the biblical view, is the centre of the spiritual life-not merely of the willing, desiring, thinking life, but of the emotional life, as the seat of the feelings and affections (see Delitzsch bibl. Psychologie, pp. 203ff.). Hence to bear upon the heart does not merely mean to bear in mind, but denotes “that personal intertwining with the life of another, by virtue of which the high priest, as Philo expresses it, was tou’ su’mpantos e’thnous suggenee’s kai’ agchisteu’s koino’s (Spec. leg. ii. 321), and so stood in the deepest sympathy with those for whom he interceded” (Oehler in Herzog’s Cycl.).
As he entered the holy place with this feeling, and in this attitude, of which the choshen was the symbol, he brought Israel into remembrance before Jehovah that the Lord might accept His people; and when furnished with the Urim and Thummim, he appeared before Jehovah as the advocate of the people’s rights, that he might receive for the congregation the illumination required to protect and uphold those rights. EXODUS 28:31-35 The third portion of Aaron’s official dress was the robe. To the ephod there also belonged a ly[im] (from l[æmæ to cover or envelope), an upper garment, called the robe of the ephod, the robe belonging to the ephod, “all of dark-blue purple” (hyacinth), by which we are not to imagine a cloak or mantle, but a long, closely-fitting coat; not reaching to the feet, however, as the Alex. rendering podh>rhv might lead us to suppose, but only to the knees, so as to show the coat (v. 39) which was underneath.
Verse 32. “And the opening of the head thereof shall be in the middle of it;” i.e., there was to be an opening in the middle of it to put the head through when it was put on;-”a hem shall be round the opening of it, weavers’ work, like the opening of the habergeon shall it (the seam) be to it; it shall not be torn.” By the habergeon ( qw>rax ), or coat-of-mail, we have to understand the linoqw>rhx , the linen coat, such as was worn by Ajax for example (Il. 2, 529). Linen habergeons of this kind were made in Egypt in a highly artistic style (see Hengstenberg, Egypt, etc., pp. 141-2).
In order that the meïl might not be torn when it was put on, the opening for the head was to be made with a strong hem, which was to be of weavers’ work; from which it follows as a matter of course that the robe was woven in one piece, and not made in several pieces and then sewed together; and this is expressly stated in Exodus 39:22. Josephus and the Rabbins explain the words græa; hc,[mæ ( e>rgon uJfanto>n ) in this way, and observe at the same time that the meïl had no sleeves, but only arm-holes.
Verse 33-34. On the lower hem (shuwliym the tail or skirt) there were to be pomegranates of dark-blue and dark-red purple and crimson, made of twisted yarn of these colours (Exodus 39:24), and little golden bells between them round about, a bell and a pomegranate occurring alternately all round. According to Rashi the pomegranates were “globi quidam rotundi instar malorum punicorum, quasi essent ova gallinarum.” pa`amoniym (from µ[æpæ to strike of knock, like the old High German cloccon, clochon, i.e., to smite) signifies a little bell, not a spherical ball.
Verse 35. Aaron was to put on this coat, to minister, i.e., to perform the duties of his holy office, “that his sound might be heard when he went into the holy place before Jehovah, and when he came out, and he might not die.” These directions are referred to in Ecclus. 45:9, and explained as follows: “He compassed him with pomegranates and with many golden bells round about, that as he went there might be a sound, and a noise made, that might be heard in the temple, for a memorial to the children of his people.” The probable meaning of these words is either that given by Hiskuni (in Drusius), ut sciant tempus cultus divini atque ita praeparent cor suum ad patrem suum, qui est in coelis, or that given by Oehler, viz., that the ringing of the bells might announce to the people in the court the entrance of the high priest and the rites he was performing, in order that they might accompany him with their thoughts and prayers.
But this is hardly correct. For not only is the expression, “for a memorial to the children of Israel,” evidently intended by the writer of Ecclesiasticus as a translation of the words laer;c]yi ˆBe zikrown in v. 12 (cf. v. 29), so that he has transferred to the bells of the meïl what really applies to the precious stones on the ephod, which contained the names of the twelve sons of Israel, but he has misunderstood the words themselves; for Aaron was to bear the names of the sons of Israel before Jehovah in these precious stones for a reminder, i.e., to remind Jehovah of His people. Moreover, the words “and he shall not die” are not in harmony with this interpretation. Bähr, Oehler, and others, regard the words as referring to the whole of the high priest’s robes, and understand them as meaning, that he would be threatened with death if he appeared before Jehovah without his robes, inasmuch as he was merely a private individual without this holy dress, and could not in that case represent the nation.
This is so far justifiable, no doubt, although not favoured by the position of the words in the context, that the bells were inseparably connected with the robe, which was indispensable to the ephod with the choshen, and consequently the bells had no apparent significance except in connection with the whole of the robes. But even if we do adopt this explanation of the words, we cannot suppose that Aaron’s not dying depended upon the prayers of the congregation which accompanied his going in and out before Jehovah; for in that case the intercession of the high priest would have lost its objective meaning altogether, and his life would have been actually given up in a certain sense to the caprice of the people. All that remains, therefore, is to take the words as they occur: Aaron was not to appear before the Lord without the sound of the bells upon his robe being heard, in order that he might not die; so that to understand the reason for his not saying, we must inquire what the ringing of the bells signified, or rather, what was the signification of Aaron’s robe, with its border of pomegranates and ringing bells. The trivial explanation given by Abraham ben David, viz., that the ringing was to take the place of knocking at the door of Jehovah’s palace, as an abrupt entrance into the presence of a great king was punished with death, is not more deserving of a serious refutation than Knobel’s idea, for which there is no foundation, that the sounding of the bells was to represent a reverential greeting, and a very musical offering of praise (!).
The special significance of the meïl cannot have resided in either its form or its colour; for the only feature connected with its form, that was at all peculiar to it, was its being woven in one piece, which set forth the idea of wholeness or spiritual integrity; and the dark-blue colour indicated nothing more than the heavenly origin and character of the office with which the robe was associated. It must be sought for, therefore, in the peculiar pendants, the meaning of which is to be gathered from the analogous instructions in Numbers 15:38-39, where every Israelite is directed to make a fringe in the border of his garment, of dark-blue purple thread, and when he looks at the fringe to remember the commandments of God and do them. In accordance with this, we are also to seek for allusions to the word and testimony of God in the pendant of pomegranates and bells attached to the fringe of the high priest’s robe.
The simile in Prov 25:11, where the word is compared to an apple, suggests the idea that the pomegranates, with their pleasant odour, their sweet and refreshing juice, and the richness of their delicious kernel, were symbols of the word and testimony of God as a sweet and pleasant spiritual food, that enlivens the soul and refreshes the heart (compare Ps. 19:8-1; 119:25,43,50, with Deuteronomy 8:3; Prov 9:8, Ecclus. 15:3), and that the bells were symbols of the sounding of this word, or the revelation and proclamation of the word. Through the robe, with this pendant attached, Aaron was represented as the recipient and medium of the word and testimony which came down from heaven; and this was the reason why he was not to appear before the Lord without that sound, lest he should forfeit his life. It was not because he would simply have appeared as a private person if he had gone without it, for he would always have the holy dress of a priest upon him, even when he was not clothed in the official decorations of the high priest; but because no mere priest was allowed to enter the immediate presence of the Lord. This privilege was restricted to the representative of the whole congregation, viz., the high priest; and even he could only do so when wearing the robe of the word of God, as the bearer of the divine testimony, upon which the covenant fellowship with the Lord was founded.
EXODUS. 28:36-38
The fourth article of the high priest’s dress was the diadem upon his headband. xyxi , from xWx to shine, a plate of pure gold, on which the words hwO;hy] vd,qo , “holiness (i.e., all holy) to Jehovah,” were engraved, and which is called the “crown of holiness” in consequence, in Exodus 39:30. This gold plate was to be placed upon a riband of dark-blue purple, or, as it is expressed in Exodus 39:31, a riband of this kind was to be fastened to it, to attach it to the head-band, “upon the fore-front (as in Exodus 26:9) of the head-band,” from above (Exodus 39:31); by which we are to understand that the gold plate was placed above the lower coil of the head-band and over Aaron’s forehead. The word tp,n,x]mi , from ãnæx; to twist or coil (Isaiah 22:18), is only applied to the head-band or turban of the high priest, which was made of simply byssus (v. 39), and, judging from the etymology, was in the shape of a turban.
This is all that can be determined with reference to its form. The diadem was the only thing about it that had any special significance. This was to be placed above (upon) Aaron’s forehead, that he “might bear the iniquity of the holy things, which the children of Israel sanctified, with regard to all their holy gifts,...as an acceptableness for them before Jehovah.” `ˆwO[; ac;n; : to bear iniquity (sin) and take it away; in other words, to exterminate it by taking it upon one’s self. The high priest was exalted into an atoning mediator of the whole nation; and an atoning, sin-exterminating intercession was associated with his office. The qualification for this he received from the diadem upon his forehead with the inscription, “holiness to the Lord.” Through this inscription, which was fastened upon his headdress of brilliant white, the earthly reflection of holiness, he was crowned as the sanctified of the Lord (Psalm 106:16), and endowed with the power to exterminate the sin which clung to the holy offerings of the people on account of the unholiness of their nature, so that the gifts of the nation became well-pleasing to the Lord, and the good pleasure of God was manifested to the nation. f144 EXODUS 28:39 In addition to the distinguishing dress of the high priest, Aaron was also to wear, as the official costume of a priest, a body-coat (cetoneth) made of byssus, and woven in checks or cubes; the head-band (for the diadem), also made of simple byssus; and a girdle (abnet, of uncertain etymology, and only applied to the priest’s girdle) of variegated work, i.e., made of yarn, of the same four colours as the holy things were to be made of (cf. Exodus 39:29).
EXODUS. 28:40-43
The official dress of the sons of Aaron, i.e., of the ordinary priests, was to consist of just the same articles as Aaron’s priestly costume (v. 39). But their body-coat is called weavers’ work in Exodus 39:27, and was therefore quite a plain cloth, of white byssus or cotton yarn, though it was whole throughout, arrhafos without seam, like the robe of Christ (John 19:23). It was worn close to the body, and, according to Jewish tradition, reached down to the ankles (cf. Josephus, iii. 7, 2). The head-dress of an ordinary priest is called h[;B;g]mi , related to [æybiN; a basin or cup, and therefore seems to have been in the form of an inverted cup, and to have been a plain white cotton cap. The girdle, according to Exodus 39:29, was of the same material and work for Aaron and his sons. This dress was to be for glory and for beauty to the priests, just as Aaron’s dress was to him (v. 2). The glory consisted in the brilliant white colour, the symbol of holiness; whilst the girdle, which an oriental man puts on when preparing for the duties of an office, contained in the four colours of the sanctuary the indication that they were the officers of Jehovah in His earthly kingdom.
Verse 41. But since the clothing prescribed was an official dress, Moses was to put it upon Aaron and his sons, to anoint them and fill their hands, i.e., to invest them with the requisite sacrificial gifts (see at Leviticus 7:37), and so to sanctify them that they should be priests of Jehovah. For although the holiness of their office was reflected in their dress, it was necessary, on account of the sinfulness of their nature, that they should be sanctified through a special consecration for the administration of their office; and this consecration is prescribed in ch. 29 and carried out in Leviticus 8. Verse 42, 43. The covering of their nakedness was an indispensable prerequisite. Aaron and his sons were therefore to receive mik¦naaciym (from snæK; to cover or conceal, lit., concealers), short drawers, reaching from the hips to the thighs, and serving “to cover the flesh of the nakedness.” For this reason the directions concerning them are separated from those concerning the different portions of the dress, which were for glory and beauty. The material of which these drawers were to be made is called dBæ . The meaning of this word is uncertain. According to Exodus 39:28, it was made of twined byssus or cotton yarn; and the rendering of the LXX, li’na or li’neos (Leviticus 6:3), is not at variance with this, as the ancients not only apply the term li>non , linum, to flax, but frequently use it for fine white cotton as well. In all probability bad was a kind of white cloth, from ddæB; to be white or clean, primarily to separate.
Verse 43. These drawers the priests were to put on whenever they entered the sanctuary, that they might not “bear iniquity and die,” i.e., incur guilt deserving of death, either through disobedience to these instructions, or, what was still more important, through such violation of the reverence due to the holiness of the dwelling of God as they would be guilty of, if they entered the sanctuary with their nakedness uncovered. For as the consciousness of sin and guilt made itself known first of all in the feeling of nakedness, so those members which subserve the natural secretions are especially pudenda or objects of shame, since the mortality and corruptibility of the body, which sin has brought into human nature, are chiefly manifested in these secretions. For this reason these members are also called the “flesh of nakedness.” By this we are not to understand merely “the sexual member as the organ of generation or birth, because the existence and permanence of sinful, mortal human nature are associated with these,” as Bähr supposes. For the frailty and nakedness of humanity are not manifested in the organ and act of generation, which rather serve to manifest the inherent capacity and creation of man for imperishable life, but in the impurities which nature ejects through those organs, and which bear in themselves the character of corruptibility. If, therefore, the priest was to appear before Jehovah as holy, it was necessary that those parts of his body especially should be covered, in which the impurity of his nature and the nakedness of his flesh were most apparent. For this reason, even in ordinary life, they are most carefully concealed, though not, as Baumgarten supposes, “because the sin of nature has its principal seat in the flesh of nakedness.” — “A statute for ever:” as in Exo 27:31. EXODUS 29:1-37 Consecration of Aaron and his Sons through the anointing of their persons and the offering of sacrifices, the directions for which form the subject of vv. 1-35. This can only be fully understood in connection with the sacrificial law contained in Leviticus 1-7. It will be more advisable therefore to defer the examination of this ceremony till we come to Leviticus 8, where the consecration itself is described. The same may also be said of the expiation and anointing of the altar, which are commanded in vv. 36 and 37, and carried out in Leviticus 8:11.
EXODUS. 29:38-46
The Daily Burnt-Offering, Meat-Offering, and Drink-Offering. — The directions concerning these are attached to the instructions for the consecration of the priests, because these sacrifices commenced immediately after the completion of the tabernacle, and, like the shewbread (Exodus 25:30), the daily trimming of the lamps (27:20-21), and the daily incense-offering (30:7ff.), were most intimately connected with the erection of the sanctuary.
Verse 38-40. “And this is what thou shalt make (offer) upon the altar; yearling lambs two a day continually,” one in the morning, the other between the two evenings (see at Exodus 12:6); to every one a meatoffering (minchah) of a tenth of fine wheaten flour (soleth, see at Leviticus 2:1), mixed with a quarter of a hin of beaten oil (cathith, see at Exodus 27:20), and a drink-offering (nesek) of a quarter of a hin of wine. `ˆwOrC;[i (a tenth) is equivalent to hp;yaeh; tyriyc[\ , the tenth part of an ephah (Numbers 28:5), or 198-5 Parisian cubic inches according to Bertheau’s measurement. Thenius, however, sets it down at 101-4 inches, whilst the Rabbins reckon it as equivalent to 43 hen’s eggs of average size, i.e., somewhat more than 2 1/4 lbs. A hin (a word of Egyptian origin) is 330-9 inches according to Bertheau, 168-9 according to Thenius, or 72 eggs, so that a quarter of a hin would be 18 eggs.
Verse 41-46. ttæK; is to be understood ad sensum as referring to `hl;[o . The daily morning and evening sacrifices were to be “for a sweet savour, a firing unto Jehovah” (see at Leviticus 1:9). In these Israel was to consecrate its life daily unto the Lord (see at Leviticus 1 and 2). In order that the whole of the daily life might be included, it was to be offered continually every morning and evening for all future time (“throughout your generations” as at Exodus 12:14) at the door of the tabernacle, i.e., upon the altar erected there, before Jehovah, who would meet with the people and commune with them there (see Exodus 25:22). This promise is carried out still further in vv. 43-46. First of all, for the purpose of elucidating and strengthening the words, “I will meet with you there” (v. 42), the presence and communion of God, which are attached to the ark of the covenant in Exodus 25:22, are ensured to the whole nation in the words, “And there I will meet with the children of Israel, and it (Israel) shall be sanctified through My glory.”
As the people were not allowed to approach the ark of the covenant, but only to draw near to the altar of burnt-offering in the sanctuary, it was important to declare that the Lord would manifest Himself to them even there, and sanctify them by His glory. Most of the commentators have taken the altar to be the subject of “shall be sanctified;” but this is certainly an error, not only because the altar is not mentioned in the previous clause, and only slightly hinted at in the ttæK; in v. 41, but principally because the sanctification of the altar is noticed by itself afterwards in v. 44. The correct exegesis is that adopted by Baumgarten and others, who supply the word Israel (viz., regarded as a nation), which they take from the expression “children of Israel” in the previous clause. In v. 44, the sanctification of the tabernacle and altar on the part of God is promised, also that of His servants, and finally, in vv. 45, 46, the abode of God in the midst of the children of Israel, with an allusion to the blessings that would follow from Jehovah’s dwelling in the midst of them as their God (Genesis 17:7).
EXODUS. 30:1-10
The Altar of Incense and Incense Offering bring the directions concerning the sanctuary to a close. What follows, from Exodus 30:11-31:17, is shown to be merely supplementary to the larger whole by the formula “and Jehovah spake unto Moses,” with which every separate command is introduced (cf. vv. 11, 17, 22, 24, 31:1,12).
Verse 1-6. (cf. Exodus 37:25-28). Moses was directed to make an altar of burning of incense (lit., incensing of incense), of acacia-wood, one cubit long and one broad, four-cornered, two cubits high, furnished with horns like the altar of burnt-offering (Exodus 27:1-2), and to plate it with pure gold, the roof ( gG; ) thereof (i.e., its upper side or surface, which was also made of wood), and its walls round about, and its horns; so that it was covered with gold quite down to the ground upon which it stood, and for this reason is often called the golden altar (Exodus 39:38; 40:5,26; Numbers 4:11). Moreover it was to be ornamented with a golden wreath, and furnished with golden rings at the corners for the carrying-poles, as the ark of the covenant and the table of shew-bread were (Exodus 25:11ff., 25ff.); and its place was to be in front of the curtain, which concealed the ark of the covenant (26:31), “before the capporeth” (40:5), so that, although it really stood in the holy place between the candlestick on the south side and the table on the north (26:35; 40:22,24), it was placed in the closest relation to the capporeth, and for this reason is not only connected with the most holy place in 1 Kings 6:22, but is reckoned in Hebrews 9:4 as part of the furniture of the most holy place (see Delitzsch on Hebrews 9:4).
Verse 7-9. Upon this altar Aaron was to burn fragrant incense, the preparation of which is described in vv. 34ff., every morning and evening before Jehovah, at the time when he trimmed the lamps. No “strange incense” was to be offered upon it-i.e., incense which Jehovah had not appointed (cf. Leviticus 10:1), that is to say, which had not been prepared according to His instructions-nor burnt sacrifice, nor meat-offering; and no drink-offering was to be poured upon it. As the altar of incense was not only marked as a place of sacrifice by its name jæBez]mi , “place of slainoffering,” but was put on a par with the altar of sacrifice by its square shape and its horns, it was important to describe minutely what sacrifices were to be offered upon it. For the burning of fragrant incense is shown to be a sacrifice, by the fact that it was offered upon a place of sacrifice, or altar.
Moreover the word rfæq; , to cause to ascend in smoke and steam, from rfæq; to smoke or steam, is not only applied to the lighting of incense, but also to the lighting and burning of the bleeding and bloodless sacrifices upon the altar of incense. Lastly, the connection between the incenseoffering and the burnt-offering is indicated by the rule that they were to be offered at the same time. Both offerings shadowed forth the devotion of Israel to its God, whilst the fact that they were offered every day exhibited this devotion as constant and uninterrupted. But the distinction between them consisted in this, that in the burnt or whole offering Israel consecrated and sanctified its whole life and action in both body and soul to the Lord, whilst in the incense-offering its prayer was embodied as the exaltation of the spiritual man to God (cf. Psalm 141:2; Rev 5:8; 8:3-4); and with this there was associated the still further distinction, that the devotion was completed in the burnt-offering solely upon the basis of the atoning sprinkling of blood, whereas the incense-offering presupposed reconciliation with God, and on the basis of this the soul rose to God in this embodiment of its prayer, and was thus absorbed into His Spirit. In this respect, the incense-offering was not only a spiritualizing and transfiguring of the burnt-offering, but a completion of that offering also.
Verse 10. Once a year Aaron was to expiate the altar of incense with the blood of the sin-offering of atonement, because it was most holy to the Lord, that is to say, as is expressly observed in the directions concerning this expiatory act (Leviticus 16:18-19), to purify it from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel. rpæK; , with `l[æ objecti constr., signifies literally to cover over a thing, then to cover over sin, or make expiation. In the second clause we have “upon it” (the altar) instead of “upon the horns of it,” because the altar itself was expiated in its horns. The use of ˆmi in µD; is to be explained on the ground that only a part of the blood of the sin-offering was smeared with the finger upon the horns. (For further remarks, see at Leviticus 16:18-19.) The term “most holy” is not only applied to this altar, in common with the inner division of the tabernacle (Exodus 26:33), but also to the altar of burnt-offering (ch. 29:37; 40:10), and all the vessels of the sanctuary (Exodus 30:29), which were anointed with holy oil; then to the whole of the tabernacle in its holiest aspect (Numbers 18:10); and lastly, to all the sacrifices, which were given up entirely to Jehovah (see at Leviticus 2:3);-consequently to everything which stood in so intimate a relation to Jehovah as to be altogether removed, not only from use and enjoyment on the part of man, but also from contact on the part of unsanctified men. Whoever touched a most holy thing was sanctified thereby (compare v. 29 with Exodus 29:37). EXODUS 30:11-16 The Atonement Money, which every Israelite had to pay at the numbering of the people, has the first place among the supplementary instructions concerning the erection and furnishing of the sanctuary, and serves to complete the demand for freewill-offerings for the sanctuary (Exodus 25:1-9).
Verse 12-15. “When thou takest the sum of the children of Israel according to them that are numbered, they shall give every one an expiation for his soul to the Lord at their numbering, that a plague may not strike them (happen to them) at their numbering.” rqæp] , lit., adspexit, then inspexit explorandi causa, hence to review, or number an army or a nation, for the purpose of enrolling for military service. rqæp] with reference to the numbered, qui in censum veniunt. rp,Ko (expiation, expiation-money, from rpæK; to expiate) is to be traced to the idea that the object for which expiation was made was thereby withdrawn from the view of the person to be won or reconciled. It is applied in two ways: (1) on the supposition that the face of the person to be won was covered by the gift (Genesis 32:21; 1 Samuel 12:3); and (2) on the supposition that the guilt itself was covered up (Psalm 32:1), or wiped away (Jeremiah 18:23), so far as the eye of God was concerned, as though it had no longer any existence, and that the sinful man was protected from the punishment of the judge in consequence of this covering. In this way rp,Ko has acquired the meaning lu>tron , a payment by which the guilty are redeemed (Exodus 21:30; Numbers 35:31); and this is the meaning which it has in the passage before us, where the soul is said to be protected by the copher, so as to be able to come without danger into the presence of the holy God (Numbers 8:19. See Oehler in Herzog’s Cycl.). Such an approach to God took place at the numbering of the people for the purpose of enrolling them in the army of Jehovah (Numbers 1:3, cf.
Exodus 7:4; 12:41).
Hence “every one who passed over to those that were numbered,” who was enrolled among them, i.e., in the army of Jehovah-that is to say, every male Israelite of 20 years old and upwards (v. 14)-was to pay half a shekel of the sanctuary as atonement-money; the rich no more, the poor no less (v. 15), because all were equal in the sight of Jehovah; and this payment was to be a “heave” (terumah, see Exodus 25:2) for Jehovah for the expiation of the souls. The shekel of the sanctuary, which contained gerahs, was no doubt the original shekel of full weight, as distinguished from the lighter shekel which was current in ordinary use. In Exodus 38:26 the half shekel is called [qæB, , lit., the split, i.e., half, from [qæB; to split; and we find it mentioned as early as the time of the patriarchs as a weight in common use for valuing gold (Genesis 24:22), so that, no doubt, even at that time there were distinct silver pieces of this weight, which were probably called shekels when employed for purposes of trade, since the word shekel itself does not denote any particular weight, as we may perceive at once form a comparison of 1 Kings 10:17 and 2 Chronicles 9:16, at least so far as later times are concerned. The sacred shekel, to judge from the weight of Maccabean shekels, which are in existence still, and vary from 256 to 272 Parisian grains, weighed 274 grains, and therefore, according to present valuation, would be worth 26 groschen (about 2s. 7d.), so that the half-shekel of bekah would be 13 groschen (1s. 3 1/2d.).
Verse 16. This atonement-money Moses was to appropriate to the work of the sanctuary (cf. Exodus 38:25-28, where the amount and appropriation are reported). Through this appropriation it became “a memorial to the children of Israel before the Lord to expiate their souls,” i.e., a permanent reminder of their expiation before the Lord, who would henceforth treat them as reconciled because of this payment. It was no ordinary tribute, therefore, which Israel was to pay to Jehovah as its King, but an act demanded by the holiness of the theocratic covenant. As an expiation for souls, it pointed to the unholiness of Israel’s nature, and reminded the people continually, that by nature it was alienated from God, and could only remain in covenant with the Lord and live in His kingdom on the ground of His grace, which covered its sin. It was not till this sinful nature had been sanctified by a perfect atonement, and servitude under the law had been glorified and fully transformed into that sonship to which Israel was called as the first-born son of Jehovah, that as children of the kingdom they had no longer to pay this atonement-money for their souls (Matthew 17:25-26). — According to Numbers 1:1,18, as compared with Exodus 40:17, the census of the nation was not taken till a month after the building of the tabernacle was completed, and yet the atonement-money to be paid at the taking of the census was to be appropriated to the purpose of the building, and must therefore have been paid before. This apparent discrepancy may be reconciled by the simple assumption, that immediately after the command of God had been issued respecting the building of the tabernacle and the contributions which the people were to make for the purpose, the numbering of the males was commenced and the atonement-money collected from the different individuals, that the tabernacle was then built and the whole ceremonial instituted, and that, after all this had been done, the whole nation was enrolled according to its tribes, fathers’ houses, and families, on the basis of this provisional numbering, and thus the census was completed. For this reason the census gave exactly the same number of males as the numbering (cf. Exodus 38:26 and Numbers 1:46), although the one had been carried out nine months before the other.
EXODUS. 30:17-21
(cf. Exodus 38:8). The Brazen Laver, and its use. — The making of this vessel is not only mentioned in a supplementary manner, but no description is given of it because of the subordinate position which it occupied, and from the fact that it was not directly connected with the sanctuary, but was only used by the priests to cleanse themselves for the performance of their duties. rwOYKi : a basin, a round, caldron-shaped vessel. ˆKe (its support): by this we are not to understand the pedestal of the caldron, but something separate from the basin, which was no doubt used for drawing off as much water as was required for washing the officiating priests. For although ˆKe belongs to rwOYKi , the fact that it is always specially mentioned in connection with the basin necessarily leads to the conclusion, that it had a certain kind of independence (cf. Exodus 31:9; 35:16; 39:39; 40:11; Leviticus 8:11).
These two vessels were to be made of brass or copper, like the other things in the court; and, according to Exodus 38:8, they were made of the brass of the mirrors of the women who served before the door of the tabernacle. ab;x; ha;r]mæ does not mean either “provided with mirrors of the women” (Bähr, i. pp. 485-6), or ornamented “with forms, figures of women, as they were accustomed to appear at the sanctuary” (Knobel). But these views are overthrown by the fact, that b] never signifies with in the sense of an outward addition, but always denotes the means, “not an independent object, but something accompanying and contributing to the action referred to” (Ewald, §217, f. 3). In this case b] can only apply to the material used, whether we connect it with `hc;[; as in Exodus 31:4, or, what seems decidedly more correct, with tv,jn] as a more precise definition; so that b] would denote that particular quality which distinguished the brass of which the basin was made (Ewald, §217f.)-apart altogether from the fact, that neither the mirrors of women, nor the figures of women, would form a fitting ornament for the basin, as the priests did not require to look at themselves when they washed their hands and feet; and there is still less ground for Knobel’s fiction, that Levitical women went to the sanctuary at particular times, forming a certain procession, and taking things with them for the purpose of washing, cleaning, and polishing. The true meaning is given by the Septuagint, ek tw>n kato>ptrwn . According to 1 Samuel 2:22, the ab;x; were women, though not washer-women, but women who dedicated their lives to the service of Jehovah, and spent them in religious exercises, in fasting and in prayer, like Anna, the daughter of Phanuel, mentioned in Luke 2:37. ab;x; denotes spiritual warfare, and is accordingly rendered by the LXX nhsteu>ein , by Onkelos, orare, with which the Rabbins agree. The mirrors of the women had been used for the purpose of earthly adorning.
But now the pious Israelites renounced this earthly adorning, and offered it to the Lord as a heave-offering to make the purifying laver in front of the sanctuary, in order that “what had hitherto served as a means of procuring applause in the world might henceforth be the means of procuring the approbation of God” (Hengstenberg, Dissert. vol. ii.). — The laver was to be placed between the tabernacle, i.e., the dwelling, and the altar in the court (v. 18), probably not in a straight line with the door of the dwelling and the altar of burnt-offering, but more sideways, so as to be convenient for the use of the priests, whether they were going into the tabernacle, or going up to the altar for service, to kindle a firing for Jehovah, i.e., to offer sacrifice upon the altar. They were to wash their hands, with which they touched the holy things, and their feet, with which they trod the holy ground (see Exodus 3:5), “that they might not die,” as is again emphatically stated in vv. 20 and 21. For touching holy things with unclean hands, and treading upon the floor of the sanctuary with dirty feet, would have been a sin against Jehovah, the Holy One of Israel, deserving of death. These directions do not imply “that, notwithstanding all their consecration, they were regarded as still defiled by natural uncleanness” (Baumgarten), but rather that consecration did not stamp them with a character indelebilis, or protect them from the impurities of the sinful nation in the midst of which they lived, or of their own nature, which was still affected with mortal corruption and sin.
EXODUS. 30:22-25
The Holy Anointing Oil.
This was to be prepared from the best perfumes ( varo µc,B, , where varo , caput, the principal or chief, is subordinate to µc,B, ), viz., of four fragrant spices and olive-oil. The spices were, (1) liquid myrrh, as distinguished from the dry gum; (2) µv,B.Aˆm;N]qi , cinnamon of fragrance, the name having been introduced to the Semitic nations along with the thing itself, and then by the Phoenicians to the Greeks and Romans ( ki>nnamon cinnamum): whether it came from Ceylon, the great mart of cinnamon, is very doubtful, as there is not word that can be discovered in the Indian dialects corresponding to cinnamon; (3) cane of fragrance, the ka>lamov arwmatiko>v , calamus odoratus, of the Greek sand Romans, i.e., the scented calamus which is imported from India;-and (4) kiddah, probably cassia, and possibly the species called kittw> in Dioscor. 1, 12, in which case h[;yxiq] (Psalm 45:9) is either the generic name for cassia, or else refers to a different species.
The proportion in which these spices were to be taken was 500 shekels or 14 1/2 lbs. of myrrh, half the quantity, i.e., 7 lbs, of cinnamon, and the same of calamus and cassia; in all, therefore, 21 lbs. of dry spices, which were to be mixed with one hin of oil (about 5 quarts) and 14 lbs. of liquid myrrh. These proportions preclude the supposition, that the spices were pulverized and mixed with the oil and myrrh in their natural condition, for the result in that case would have been a thick mess: they rather favour the statement of the Rabbins, that the dry spices were softened in water and boiled, to extract their essence, which was then mixed with oil and myrrh, and boiled again until all the watery part had evaporated. An artificial production of this kind is also indicated by the expressions tjæqær]mi jqæro “spice-work of spice-mixture,” and jqær; hc,[mæ “labour (work) of the perfumer or ointment-maker.” EXODUS 30:26-33 With this holy anointing oil the tabernacle and all its furniture were to be anointed and sanctified, that they might be most holy; also Aaron and his sons, that they might serve the Lord as priests (see at Leviticus 8:10ff.).
This anointing oil was holy, either because it was made from the four fragrant substances according to the proportions commanded by Jehovah, or because God declared this kind of mixture and preparation holy (cf. v. 32), and forbade for all time, on pain of death (v. 31), not only the use of ointment so prepared for any ordinary anointings, but even an imitation of it. “Upon man’s flesh shall it not be poured,” i.e., it is not to be used for the ordinary practice of anointing the human body (v. 32). “Man,” i.e., the ordinary man in distinction from the priests. tn,kt]mæ according to its measure, i.e., according to the proportions prescribed for its manufacture. rWz (v. 33) a stranger, is not only the non-Israelite, but laymen or nonpriests in general. On the expression, “cut off from his people,” see at Genesis 17:14.
EXODUS. 30:34-38
The Holy Incense was also to be made of four ingredients, viz., (1) nataph ( stakth> , stacte), i.e., not the resinous myrrh, or sap obtained from the fragrant myrrh and dried, but a kind of storax gum resembling myrrh, which was baked, and then used, like incense, for fumigating; (2) shecheleth ( o>nux , ungius odoratus), the shell of a shell-fish resembling the purpura, of an agreeable odour; (3) chelbenah ( calba>nh ), a resin of a pungent, bitter flavour, obtained, by means of an incision in the bark, from the ferula, a shrub which grows in Syria, Arabia, and Abyssinia, and then mixed with fragrant substances to give greater pungency to their odour;-and (4) lebonah ( li>banov or libanwto>v ), frankincense, a resin of a pleasant smell, obtained from a tree in Arabia Felix or India, but what tree has not been discovered. Ëzæ pure, i.e., unadulterated. The words hy;h; dBæ dBæ “part for part shall it be,” are explained by the LXX as meaning i’son i’soo e’stai, Vulg. aequalis ponderis erunt omnia, i.e., with equal parts of all the different substances. But this is hardly correct, as dBæ literally means separation, and the use of b¦ in this sense would be very striking. The explanation given by Aben Ezra is more correct, viz., “every part shall be for itself;” that is to say, each part was to be first of all prepared by itself, and then all the four to be mixed together afterwards.
Verse 35. Of this Moses was to make incense, spicework, etc. (as in v. 25), salted, seasoned with salt ( jlæm; , a denom. from jlæm, salt), like the meat-offering in Leviticus 2:13. The word does not mean memigme>non , mixtum (LXX, Vulg.), or rubbed to powder, for the rubbing or pulverizing is expressed by shaachaq¦taa-haadeeq in the following verse.
Verse 36. Of this incense (a portion) was to be placed “before the testimony in the tabernacle,” i.e., not in the most holy place, but where the altar of incense stood (cf. Exodus 30:6 and Leviticus 16:12). The remainder was of course to be kept elsewhere.
Verse 37, 38. There is the same prohibition against imitating or applying it to a strange use as in the case of the anointing oil (vv. 32, 33). “To smell thereto,” i.e., to enjoy the perfume of it.
EXODUS. 31:1-5
The Builders (cf. Exodus 35:30-36:1). — After having given directions for the construction of the sanctuary, and all the things required for the worship, Jehovah pointed out the builders, whom He had called to carry out the work, and had filled with His Spirit for that purpose. To “call by name” is to choose or appoint by name for a particular work (cf. Isaiah 45:3-4).
Bezaleel was a grandson of Hur, of the tribe of Judah, who is mentioned in Exodus 17:10; 24:14, and was called to be the master-builder, to superintend the whole of the building and carry out the artistic work; consequently he is not only invariably mentioned first (Exodus 35:30; 36:1- 2), but in the accounts of the execution of the separate portions he is mentioned alone (Exodus 37:1; 38:22). Filling with the Spirit of God signifies the communication of an extraordinary and supernatural endowment and qualification, “in wisdom,” etc., i.e., consisting of wisdom, understanding, knowledge, and every kind of workmanship, that is to say, for the performance of every kind of work. This did not preclude either natural capacity or acquired skill, but rather presupposed them; for in v. it is expressly stated in relation to his assistants, that God had put wisdom into all that were wise-hearted (see at Exodus 28:3). Being thus endowed with a supernaturally exalted gift, Bezaleel was qualified “to think out inventions,” i.e., ideas or artistic designs. Although everything had been minutely described by Jehovah, designs and plans were still needed in carrying out the work, so that the result should correspond to the divine instructions.
EXODUS. 31:6-11
There were associated with Bezaleel as assistants, Oholiab, the son of Achisamach, of the tribe of Dan, and other men endowed with understanding, whom God had filled with wisdom for the execution of His work. According to Exodus 38:23, Oholiab was both faber, a master in metal, stone, and wood work, and also an artistic weaver of colours. In vv. 7-11, the words to be executed, which have been minutely described in ch. 24-30, are mentioned singly once more; and, in addition to these, we find in v. 10 dr,c, dg,B, mentioned, along with, or rather before, the holy dress of Aaron. This is the case also in Exodus 35:19 and 39:41, where there is also the additional clause, “to serve (sheereet ministrare) in the sanctuary.”
They were composed, according to Exodus 39:1, of blue and red purple, and crimson. The meaning of the word serad, which only occurs in these passages, is quite uncertain.
The Rabbins understand by the bigde hasserad the wrappers in which the vessels of the sanctuary were enclosed when the camp was broken up, as these are called begadim of blue and red purple, and crimson, in Numbers 4:6ff. But this rendering is opposed to the words which follow, and which indicate their use in the holy service, i.e., in the performance of worship, and therefore are quite inapplicable to the wrappers referred to. There is even less ground for referring them, as Gesenius and others do, to the inner curtains of the tabernacle, or the inner hangings of the dwelling-place. For, apart from the uncertainty of the rendering given to serad, viz., netted cloth, filet, it is overthrown by the fact that these curtains of the dwellingplace were not of net-work; and still more decisively by the order in which the bigde hasserad occur in Exodus 39:41, viz., not till the dwelling-place and tent, and everything belonging to them, have been mentioned, even down to the hangings of the court and the pegs of the tent, and all that remains to be noticed is the clothing of the priests. From the definition “to serve in the sanctuary,” it is obvious that the bigde serad were clothes used in the worship, stolai> leitourgikai> , as the LXX have rendered it in agreement with the rest of the ancient versions-that they were, in fact, the rich robes which constituted the official dress of the high priest, whilst “the holy garments for Aaron” were the holy clothes which were worn by him in common with the priests.
EXODUS. 31:12-17
(cf. Exodus 35:2-3). God concludes by enforcing the observance of His Sabbaths in the most solemn manner, repeating the threat of death and extermination in the case of every transgressor. The repetition and further development of this command, which was included already in the decalogue, is quite in its proper place here, inasmuch as the thought might easily have occurred, that it was allowable to omit the keeping of the Sabbath, when the execution of so great a work in honour of Jehovah had been commanded. “My Sabbaths:” by these we are to understand the weekly Sabbaths, not the other sabbatical festivals, since the words which follow apply to the weekly Sabbath alone. This was “a sign between Jehovah and Israel for all generations, to know (i.e., by which Israel might learn) that it was Jehovah who sanctified them,” viz., by the sabbatical rest (see at Exodus 20:11). It was therefore a holy thing for Israel (v. 14), the desecration of which would be followed by the punishment of death, as a breach of the covenant. The kernel of the Sabbath commandment is repeated in v. 15; the seventh day of the week, however, is not simply designated a “Sabbath,” but ˆwOtB;væ tB;væ “a high Sabbath” (the repetition of the same word, or of an abstract form of the concrete noun, denoting the superlative; see Ges. §113, 2), and “holy to Jehovah” (see at Exodus 16:23). For this reason Israel was to keep it in all future generations, i.e., to observe it as an eternal covenant (v. 16), as in the case of circumcision, since it was to be a sign for ever between Jehovah and the children of Israel (v. 20). The eternal duration of this sign was involved in the signification of the sabbatical rest, which is pointed out in Exodus 20:11, and reaches forward into eternity.
EXODUS. 31:18
When Moses had received all the instructions respecting the sanctuary to be erected, Jehovah gave him the two tables of testimony-tables of stone, upon which the decalogue was written with the finger of God. It was to receive these tables that he had been called up the mountain (Exodus 24:12). According to ch. 32:16, the tables themselves, as well as the writing, were the work of God; and the writing was engraved upon them ( træj; from chaarat = chara’ttein), and the tables were written on both their sides (Exodus 32:15). Both the choice of stone as the material for the tables, and the fact that the writing was engraved, were intended to indicate the imperishable duration of these words of God. The divine origin of the tables, as well as of the writing, corresponded to the direct proclamation of the ten words to the people from the summit of the mountain by the mouth of God. As this divine promulgation was a sufficient proof that they were the immediate word of God, unchanged by the mouth and speech of man, so the writing of God was intended to secure their preservation in Israel as a holy and inviolable thing.
The writing itself was not a greater miracle than others, by which God has proved Himself to be the Lord of nature, to whom all things that He has created are subservient for the establishment and completion of His kingdom upon earth; and it can easily be conceived of without the anthropomorphic supposition of a material finger being possessed by God.
Nothing is said about the dimensions of the tables: at the same time, we can hardly imagine them to have been as large as the inside of the ark; for stone slab 2 1/2 cubits long and 1 1/2 cubits broad, which must necessarily have been some inches in thickness to prevent their breaking in the hand, would have required the strength of Samson to enable Moses to carry them down the mountain “in his hand” (Exodus 32:15), or even “in his two hands” (Deuteronomy 9:15,17). But if we suppose them to have been smaller than this, say at the most a cubit and a half long and one cubit broad, there would have been plenty of room on the four sides for the words contained in the decalogue, with its threats and promises (Exodus 20:2-17), without the writing being excessively small.
THE COVENANT BROKEN AND RENEWED.
EXODUS. 32:1-6
The long stay that Moses made upon the mountain rendered the people so impatient, that they desired another leader, and asked Aaron, to whom Moses had directed the people to go in all their difficulties during his absence (Exodus 24:14), to make them a god to go before them. The protecting and helping presence of God had vanished with Moses, of whom they said, “We know not what has become of him,” and whom they probably supposed to have perished on the mountain in the fire that was burning there. They came to Aaron, therefore, and asked him, not for a leader, but for a god to go before them; no doubt with the intention of trusting the man as their leader who was able to make them a god. They were unwilling to continue longer without a God to go before them; but the faith upon which their desire was founded was a very perverted one, not only as clinging to what was apparent to the eye, but as corrupted by the impatience and unbelief of a natural heart, which has not been pervaded by the power of the living God, and imagines itself forsaken by Him, whenever His help is not visibly and outwardly at hand. The delay ( vve , from vWB to act bashfully, or with reserve, then to hesitate, or delay) of Moses’ return was a test for Israel, in which it was to prove its faith and confidence in Jehovah and His servant Moses (19:9), but in which it gave way to the temptation of flesh and blood.
Verse 2-3. Aaron also succumbed to the temptation along with the people.
Instead of courageously and decidedly opposing their proposal, and raising the despondency of the people into the strength of living faith, by pointing them to the great deeds through which Jehovah had proved Himself to be the faithful covenant God, he hoped to be able to divert them from their design by means of human craftiness. “Tear off the golden ornaments in the ears of your wives, your sons, and your daughters, and bring them to me:” this he said in the hope that, by a demand which pressed so heavily upon the vanity of the female sex and its love of display, he might arouse such opposition as would lead the people to desist from their desire. But his cleverness was put to shame. “All the people” tore off their golden ornaments and brought them to him (v. 3); for their object was not merely “to accomplish an act of pure self-will, in which case there is no sacrifice that the human heart is not ready to make,” but to secure a pledge of the protection of God through a visible image of the Deity. The weak-minded Aaron had no other course left than to make (i.e., to cause to be made) an image of God for the people.
Verse 4. He took (the golden ear-rings) from their hands, and formed it (the gold) with the graving-tool, or chisel, and made it a molten calf.” Out of the many attempts that have been made at interpreting the words fr,j, tae rxæy; , there are only two that deserve any notice, viz., the one adopted by Bochart and Schroeder, “he bound it up in a bag,” and the one given by the earlier translators, “he fashioned ( rxæy; , as in 1 Kings 7:15) the gold with the chisel.” No doubt rxæy; (from rWx = rræx; ) does occur in the sense of binding in 2 Kings 5:23, and fr,j, may certainly be used for chaariyT a bag; but why should Aaron first tie up the golden ear-rings in a bag? And if he did so, why this superfluous and incongruous allusion to the fact? We give in our adhesion to the second, which is adopted by the LXX, Onkelos, the Syriac, and even Jonathan, though the other rendering is also interpolated into the text.
Such objections, as that the calf is expressly spoken of as molten work, or that files are used, and not chisels, for giving a finer finish to casts, have no force whatever. The latter is not even correct. A graving-knife is quite as necessary as a file for chiselling, and giving a finer finish to things cast in a mould; and cheret does not necessarily mean a chisel, but may signify any tool employed for carving, engraving, and shaping hard metals. The other objection rests upon the supposition that massecah means an image made entirely of metal (e.g., gold). But this cannot be sustained. Apart from the fact, that most of the larger idols worshipped by the ancients had a wooden centre, and were merely covered with gold plate, such passages as Isaiah 40:19 and 30:22 prove, not only that the casting of gold for idols consisted merely in casting the metal into a flat sheet, which the goldsmith hammered out and spread into a coating of gold plate, but also that a wooden image, when covered in this way with a coating of gold, was actually called massecah. And Aaron’s molten calf was also made in this way: it was first of all formed of wood, and then covered with gold plate. This is evident from the way in which it was destroyed: the image was first of all burnt, and then beaten or crushed to pieces, and pounded or ground to powder (Deuteronomy 9:21); i.e., the wooden centre was first burnt into charcoal, and then the golden covering beaten or rubbed to pieces (v. 20 compared with Deuteronomy 9:21).
The “golden calf” ( `lg,[e a young bull) was copied from the Egyptian Apis (vid., Hengstenberg, Dissertations); but for all that, it was not the image of an Egyptian deity-it was no symbol of the generative or bearing power of nature, but an image of Jehovah. For when it was finished, those who had made the image, and handed it over to the people, said, “This is thy God (pluralis majest.), O Israel, who brought thee out of Egypt.” This is the explanation adopted in Psalm 106:19-20. Verse 5-6. When Aaron saw it, he built an altar in front of the image, and called aloud to the people, “To-morrow is a feast of Jehovah;” and the people celebrated this feast with burnt-offerings and thank-offerings, with eating and drinking, i.e., with sacrificial meals and sports ( qjæx] ), or with loud rejoicing, shouting, antiphonal songs, and dances (cf. vv. 17-19), in the same manner in which the Egyptians celebrated their feast of Apis (Herod. 2, 60, and 3, 27). But this intimation of an Egyptian custom is no proof that the feast was not intended for Jehovah; for joyous sacrificial meals, and even sports and dances, are met with in connection with the legitimate worship of Jehovah (cf. Exodus 15:20-21). Nevertheless the making of the calf, and the sacrificial meals and other ceremonies performed before it, were a shameful apostasy from Jehovah, a practical denial of the inimitable glory of the true God, and a culpable breach of the second commandment of the covenant words (Exodus 20:4), whereby Israel had broken the covenant with the Lord, and fallen back to the heathen customs of Egypt. Aaron also shared the guilt of this transgression, although it was merely out of sinful weakness that he had assented to the proposals of the people and gratified their wishes (cf.
Deuteronomy 9:20). He also fell with the people, and denied the God who had chosen him, though he himself was unconscious of it, to be His priest, to bear the sins of the people, and to expiate them before Jehovah. The apostasy of the nation became a temptation to him, in which the unfitness of his nature for the office was to be made manifest, in order that he might ever remember this, and not excuse himself from the office, to which the Lord had not called him because of his own worthiness, but purely as an act of unmerited grace.
EXODUS. 32:7-14
Before Moses left the mountain, God told him of the apostasy of the people (vv. 7, 8). “Thy people, which thou hast brought out of Egypt:” God says this not in the sense of an “obliqua exprobratio,” or “Mosen quodammodo vocare in partem criminis quo examinetur ejus tolerantia et plus etiam maeroris ex rei indignitate concipiat” (Calvin), or even because the Israelites, who had broken the covenant, were no longer the people of Jehovah; but the transgression of the people concerned Moses as the mediator of the covenant. Verse 8. “They have turned aside quickly (lit., hurriedly):” this had increased their guilt, and made their ingratitude to Jehovah, their Redeemer, all the more glaring.
Verse 9-10. “Behold, it is a stiff-necked people (a people with a hard neck, that will not bend to the commandment of God; cf. Exodus 33:3,5; 34:9; Deuteronomy 9:6, etc.): now therefore suffer Me, that My wrath may burn against them, and I may consume them, and I will make of thee a great nation.” Jehovah, as the unchangeably true and faithful God, would not, and could not, retract the promises which He had given to the patriarchs, or leave them unfulfilled; and therefore if in His wrath He should destroy the nation, which had shown the obduracy of its nature in its speedy apostasy, He would still fulfil His promise in the person of Moses, and make of him a great nation, as He had promised Abraham in Genesis 12:2.
When God says to Moses, “Leave Me, allow Me, that My wrath may burn,” this is only done, as Gregory the Great expresses it, deprecandi ansam praebere. God puts the fate of the nation into the hand of Moses, that he may remember his mediatorial office, and show himself worthy of his calling.
This condescension on the part of God, which placed the preservation or destruction of Israel in the hands of Moses, coupled with a promise, which left the fullest freedom to his decision, viz., that after the destruction of the people he should himself be made a great nation, constituted a great test for Moses, whether he would be willing to give up his own people, laden as they were with guilt, as the price of his own exaltation. And Moses stood the test. The preservation of Israel was dearer to him than the honour of becoming the head and founder of a new kingdom of God. True to his calling as mediator, he entered the breach before God, to turn away His wrath, that He might not destroy the sinful nation (Psalm 106:23). — But what if Moses had not stood the test, had not offered his soul for the preservation of his people, as he is said to have done in v. 32? Would God in that case have thought him fit to make into a great nation?
Unquestionably, if this had occurred, he would not have proved himself fit or worthy of such a call; but as God does not call those who are fit and worthy in themselves, for the accomplishment of His purposes of salvation, but chooses rather the unworthy, and makes them fit for His purposes (2 Cor 3:5-6), He might have made even Moses into a great nation. The possibility of such a thing, however, is altogether an abstract thought: the case supposed could not possibly have occurred, since God knows the hearts of His servants, and foresees what they will do, though, notwithstanding His omniscience, He gives to human freedom room enough for self-determination, that He may test the fidelity of His servants.
No human speculation, however, can fully explain the conflict between divine providence and human freedom. This promise is referred to by Moses in Deuteronomy 9:14, when he adds the words which God made use of on a subsequent occasion of a similar kind (Numbers 14:12), “I will make of thee a nation stronger and more numerous than this.”
Verse 11-13. “And Moses besought the Lord his God.” yy ynep]Ata, hL;ji , lit., to stroke the face of Jehovah, for the purpose of appeasing His anger, i.e., to entreat His mercy, either by means of sacrifices (1 Samuel 13:12) or by intercession. He pleaded His acts towards Israel (v. 11), His honour in the sight of the Egyptians (v. 12), and the promises He had made to the patriarchs (v. 13), and prayed that for His own sake, and the sake of His honour among the heathen, He would show mercy instead of justice. [ræ (v. 12) does not mean meta> ponhri>av (LXX), or callide (Vulg.), but “for their hurt,” — the preposition denoting the manner in which, or according to which, anything took place.
Verse 14. “And Jehovah repented of the evil, etc.” — On the repentance of God, see at Genesis 6:6. Augustine is substantially correct in saying that “an unexpected change in the things which God has put in His own power is called repentance” (contra adv. leg. 1, 20), but he has failed to grasp the deep spiritual idea of the repentance of God, as an anthropopathic description of the pain which is caused to the love of God by the destruction of His creatures. — V. 14 contains a remark which anticipates the development of the history, and in which the historian mentions the result of the intercession of Moses, even before Moses had received the assurance of forgiveness, for the purpose of bringing the account of his first negotiations with Jehovah to a close. God let Moses depart without any such assurance, that He might display before the people the full severity of the divine wrath.
EXODUS. 32:15-18
When Moses departed from God with the two tables of the law in his hand (see at Exodus 31:18), and came to Joshua on the mountain (see at ch.
Joshua 24:13), the latter heard the shouting of the people (lit., the voice of the people in its noise, h[Ore for [ære , from [ære noise, tumult), and took it to be the noise of war; but Moses said (v. 18), “It is not the sound of the answering of power, nor the sound of the answering of weakness,” i.e., they are not such sounds as you hear in the heat of battle from the strong (the conquerors) and the weak (the conquered); “the sound of antiphonal songs I hear.” ( `hn;[; is to be understood, both here and in Psalm 88:1, in the same sense as in Exodus 15:21.)
EXODUS. 32:19
But when he came nearer to the camp, and saw the calf and the dancing, his anger burned, and he threw down the tables of the covenant and broke them at the foot of the mountain, as a sign that Israel had broken the covenant.
EXODUS. 32:20
He then proceeded to the destruction of the idol. “He burned it in (with) fire,” by which process the wooden centre was calcined, and the golden coating either entirely or partially melted; and what was left by the fire he ground till it was fine, or, as it is expressed in Deuteronomy 9:21, he beat it to pieces, grinding it well (i.e., crushing it with and between stones), till it was as fine as dust. f146 The dust, which consisted of particles of charcoal and gold, he then strewed upon the water,” or, according to Deuteronomy, “threw it into the brook which flowed down from the mountain, and made the children of Israel drink,” i.e., compelled them to drink the dust that had been thrown in along with the water of the brook. The object of this was certainly not to make them ashamed, by showing them the worthlessness of their god, and humiliating them by such treatment as compelling them to swallow their own god (as Knobel supposes). It was intended rather to set forth in a visible manner both the sin and its consequences. The sin was poured as it were into their bowels along with the water, as a symbolical sign that they would have to bear it and atone for it, just as a woman who was suspected of adultery was obliged to drink the curse-water (Numbers 5:24). EXODUS 32:21-24 After the calf had been destroyed, Moses called Aaron to account. “What has this people done to thee (“done” in a bad sense, as in Gen. 28:45; Ex. 13:11), that thou hast brought a great sin upon it?” Even if Aaron had merely acted from weakness in carrying out the will of the people, he was the most to blame, for not having resisted the urgent entreaty of the people firmly and with strong faith, and even at the cost of his life. Consequently he could think of nothing better than the pitiful subterfuge, “Be not angry, my lord (he addresses Moses in this way on account of his office, and because of his anger, cf. Numbers 12:11): thou knowest the people, that it is in wickedness” (cf. 1 John 5:19), and the admission that he had been overcome by the urgency of the people, and had thrown the gold they handed him into the fire, and that this calf had come out (vv. 22-24), as if the image had come out of its own accord, without his intention or will.
This excuse was so contemptible that Moses did not think it worthy of a reply, at the same time, as he told the people afterwards (Deuteronomy 9:20), he averted the great wrath of the Lord from him through his intercession.
EXODUS. 32:25-26
Moses then turned to the unbridled nation, whom Aaron had set free from all restraint, “for a reproach among their foes,” inasmuch as they would necessarily become an object of scorn and derision among the heathen on account of the punishment which their conduct would bring down upon them from God (compare v. 12 and Deuteronomy 28:37), and sought to restrain their licentiousness and ward off the threatened destruction of the nation through the infliction of a terrible punishment. If the effect of this punishment should show that there were still some remains of obedience and faithfulness towards God left in the nation, Moses might then hope, that in accordance with the pleading of Abraham in Genesis 18:23ff., he should obtain mercy from God for the whole nation for the sake of those who were righteous. He therefore went into the gate of the camp (the entrance to the camp) and cried out: “Whoever (belongs) to the Lord, (come) to me?” and his hope was not disappointed. “All the Levites gathered together to him.” Why the Levites? Certainly not merely, nor chiefly, “because the Levites for the most part had not assented to the people’s sin and the worship of the calf, but had been displeased on account of it” (C. a Lapide); but partly because the Levites were more prompt in their determination to confess their crime, and return with penitence, and partly out of regard to Moses, who belonged to their tribe, in connection with which it must be borne in mind that the resolution and example of a few distinguished men was sure to be followed by all the rest of their tribe. The reason why no one came over to the side of Moses from any of the other tribes, must also be attributed, to some extent, to the bond that existed among members of the same tribe, and is not sufficiently explained by Calvin’s hypothesis, that “they were held back, not by contempt or obstinacy, so much as by shame, and that they were all so paralyzed by their alarm, that they waited to see what Moses was about to do and to what length he would proceed.”
EXODUS. 32:27-29
The Levites had to allow their obedience to God to be subjected to a severe test. Moses issued this command to them in the name of Jehovah the God of Israel: “Let every one gird on his sword, and go to and fro through the camp from one gate (end) to the other, and put to death brothers, friends, and neighbours,” i.e., all whom they met, without regard to relationship, friendship, or acquaintance. And they stood the test. About 3000 men fell by their sword on that day. There are several difficulties connected with this account, which have furnished occasion for doubts as to its historical credibility. The one of least importance is that which arises from the supposed severity and recklessness of Moses’ proceedings. The severity of the punishment corresponded to the magnitude of the crime.
The worship of an image, being a manifest transgression of one of the fundamental laws of the covenant, was a breach of the covenant, and as such a capital crime, bringing the punishment of death or extermination in its train.
Now, although the whole nation had been guilty of this crime, yet in this, as in every other rebellion, the guilt of all would not be the same, but many would simply follow the example of others; so that, instead of punishing all alike, it was necessary that a separation should be made, if not between the innocent and guilty, yet between the penitent and the stiff-necked transgressors. To effect this separation, Moses called out into the camp: “Over to me, whoever is for the Lord!” All the Levites responded to his call, but not the other tribes; and it was necessary that the refractory should be punished. Even these, however, had not all sinned to the same extent, but might be divided into tempters and tempted; and as they were all mixed up together, nothing remained but to adopt that kind of punishment, which has been resorted to in all ages in such circumstances as these. “If at any time,” as Calvin says, “mutiny has broken out in an army, and has led to violence, and even to bloodshed, by universal law a commander proceeds to decimate the guilty.” He then adds, “How much milder, however, was the punishment here, when out of six hundred thousand only three thousand were put to death!” This decimation Moses committed to the Levites; and just as in every other decimation the selection must be determined by lot or accidental choice, so here Moses left it to be determined by chance, upon whom the sword of the Levites would fall, knowing very well that even the so-called chance would be under the direction of God.
There is apparently a greater difficulty in the fact, that not only did the Levites execute the command of Moses without reserve, but the people let them pass through the camp, and kill every one who came within reach of their sword, without offering the slightest resistance. To remove this difficulty, there is no necessity that we should either assume that the Levites knew who were the originators and ringleaders of the worship of the calf, and only used their swords against them, as Calvin does, or that we should follow Kurtz, and introduce into the text a “formal conflict between the two parties, in which some of Moses’ party were also slain,” since the history says nothing about “the men who sided with Moses gaining a complete victory,” and merely states that in obedience to the word of Jehovah the God of Israel, as declared by Moses, they put men of the people to death with the sword. The obedience of the Levites was an act of faith, which knows neither the fear of man nor regard to person. The unresisting attitude of the people generally may be explained, partly from their reverence for Moses, whom God had so mightily and marvellously accredited as His servant in the sight of all the nation, and partly from the despondency and fear so natural to a guilty conscience, which took away all capacity for opposing the bold and determined course that was adopted by the divinely appointed rulers and their servants in obedience to the command of God. It must also be borne in mind, that in the present instance the sin of the people was not connected with any rebellion against Moses.
Very different explanations have been given of the words which were spoken by Moses to the Levites (v. 29): “Fill your hand to-day for Jehovah; for every one against his son and against his brother, and to bring a blessing upon you to-day.” “To fill the hand for Jehovah” does not mean to offer a sacrifice to the Lord, but to provide something to offer to God (1 Chronicles 29:5; 2 Chronicles 29:31). Thus Jonathan’s explanation, which Kurtz has revived in a modified form, viz., that Moses commanded the Levites to offer sacrifices as an expiation for the blood that they had shed, or for the rent made in the congregation by their reckless slaughter of their blood-relations, falls to the ground; though we cannot understand how the fulfilment of a divine command, or an act of obedience to the declared will of God, could be regarded as blood-guiltiness, or as a crime that needed expiation. As far as the clause which follows is concerned, so much is clear, viz., that the words can neither be rendered, “for every one is in his son,” etc., nor “for every one was against his son,” etc.
To the former it is impossible to attach any sense; and the latter cannot be correct, because the preterite hy;h; could not be omitted after an imperative, if the explanatory clause referred to what was past. If yKi were a causal particle in this case, the meaning could only be, “for every one shall be against his son,” etc. But it is much better to understand it as indicating the object, “that every one may be against his son and against his brother;” i.e., that in the cause of the Lord every one may not spare eve his nearest relative, but deny either son or brother for the Lord’s sake (Deuteronomy 33:9). “And to give” (or bring), i.e., so that ye may bring, a blessing upon yourselves to-day.” The following, then, is the thought contained in the verse: Provide yourselves to-day with a gift for the Lord, consecrate yourselves to-day for the service of the Lord, by preserving the obedience you have just shown towards Him, by not knowing either son or brother in His service, and thus gain for yourselves a blessing.
In the fulfilment of the command of God, with the denial of their own flesh and blood, Moses discerns such a disposition and act as would fit them for the service of the Lord. He therefore points to the blessing which it would bring them, and exhorts them by their election as the peculiar possession of Jehovah (Numbers 3-4), which would be secured to them from this time forward, to persevere in this fidelity to the Lord. “The zeal of the tribefather burned still in the Levites; but this time it was for the glory of God, and not for their own. Their ancestor had violated both truth and justice by his vengeance upon the Shechemites, from a false regard to bloodrelationship, but now his descendants had saved truth, justice, and the covenant by avenging Jehovah upon their own relations” (Kurtz, and Oehler in Herzog’s Cycl.), so that the curse which rested upon them (Genesis 49:7) could now be turned into a blessing (cf. Deuteronomy 33:9).
EXODUS. 32:30-34
After Moses had thus avenged the honour of the Lord upon the sinful nation, he returned the next day to Jehovah as a mediator, who is not a mediator of one (Galatians 3:20), that by the force of his intercession he might turn the divine wrath, which threatened destruction, into sparing grace and compassion, and that he might expiate the sin of the nation. He had received no assurance of mercy in reply to his first entreaty (vv. 11- 13). He therefore announced his intention to the people in these words: “Peradventure I can make an atonement for your sin.” But to the Lord he said (vv. 31, 32), “The sin of this people is a great sin; they have made themselves a god of gold,” in opposition to the clear commandment in Exodus 20:23: “and now, if Thou wilt forgive their sin, and if not, blot me out of the book that Thou hast written.” The book which Jehovah has written is the book of life, or of the living (Psalm 69:29; Dan 12:1).
This expression is founded upon the custom of writing the names of the burgesses of a town or country in a burgess-list, whereby they are recognised as natives of the country, or citizens of the city, and all the privileges of citizenship are secured to them. The book of life contains the list of the righteous (Psalm 69:29), and ensures to those whose names are written there, life before God, first in the earthly kingdom of God, and then eternal life also, according to the knowledge of salvation, which keeps pace with the progress of divine revelation, e.g., in the New Testament, where the heirs of eternal life are found written in the book of life (Phil 4:3; Rev 3:5; 13:8, etc.)-an advance for which the way was already prepared by Isaiah 4:3 and Dan 12:1. To blot out of Jehovah’s book, therefore, is to cut off from fellowship with the living God, or from the kingdom of those who live before God, and to deliver over to death.
As a true mediator of his people, Moses was ready to stake his own life for the deliverance of the nation, and not to live before God himself, if Jehovah did not forgive the people their sin. These words of Moses were the strongest expression of devoted, self-sacrificing love. And they were just as deep and true as the wish expressed by the Apostle Paul in Romans 9:3, that he might be accursed from Christ for the sake of his brethren according to the flesh. Bengel compares this wish of the apostle to the prayer of Moses, and says with regard to this unbounded fulness of love, “It is not easy to estimate the measure of love in a Moses and a Paul; for the narrow boundary of our reasoning powers does not comprehend it, as the little child is unable to comprehend the courage of warlike heroes” (Eng. Tr.). The infinite love of God is unable to withstand the importunity of such love. God, who is holy love, cannot sacrifice the righteous and good for the unrighteous and guilty, nor can He refuse the mediatorial intercession of His faithful servant, so long as the sinful nation has not filled up the measure of its guilt, in which case even the intercession of a Moses and a Samuel would not be able to avert the judgment (Jeremiah 15:1, cf. Ezekiel 14:16). Hence, although Jehovah puts back the wish and prayer of Moses with the words, “Whoever ( rv,a ymi , both here and in Samuel 20:11, is more emphatic than either one or the other alone) has sinned, him will I blot out of My book,” He yields to the entreaty that He will ensure to Moses the continuance of the nation under His guidance, and under the protection of His angel, which shall go before it (see at Exodus 33:2-3), and defer the punishment of their sin until the day of His visitation.
EXODUS. 32:35
“Thus Jehovah smote the people because they had made the calf.” With these words the historian closes the first act of Moses’ negotiations with the Lord on account of this sin, from which it was apparent how God had repented of the evil with which He had threatened the nation (v. 14).
Moses had obtained the preservation of the people and their entrance into the promised land, under the protection of God, through his intercession, and averted from the nation the abrogation of the covenant; but the covenant relation which had existed before was not restored in its integrity.
Though grace may modify and soften wrath, it cannot mar the justice of the holy God. No doubt an atonement had been made to justice, through the punishment which the Levites had inflicted upon the nation, but only a passing and imperfect one. Only a small portion of the guilty nation had been punished, and that without the others showing themselves worthy of forgiving grace through sorrow and repentance. The punishment, therefore, was not remitted, but only postponed in the long-suffering of God, “until the day of retribution” or visitation. The day of visitation came at length, when the stiff-necked people had filled up the measure of their sin through repeated rebellion against Jehovah and His servant Moses, and were sentenced at Kadesh to die out in the wilderness (Numbers 14:26ff.).
The sorrow manifested by the people (Exodus 33:4), when the answer of God was made known to them, was a proof that the measure was not yet full.
EXODUS. 33:1-3
Moses’ negotiations with the people, for the purpose of bringing them to sorrow and repentance, commenced with the announcement of what Jehovah had said. The words of Jehovah in vv. 1-3, which are only a still further expansion of the assurance contained in Exodus 32:34, commence in a similar manner to the covenant promise in Exodus 23:20,23; but there is this great difference, that whereas the name, i.e., the presence of Jehovah Himself, was to have gone before the Israelites in the angel promised to the people as a leader in Exodus 23:20, now, though Jehovah would still send an angel before Moses and Israel, He Himself would not go up to Canaan (a land flowing, etc., see at 3:8) in the midst of Israel, lest He should destroy the people by the way, because they were stiff-necked hl;K; for hl;K; , see Ges. §27, 3, Anm. 2).
EXODUS. 33:4
The people were so overwhelmed with sorrow by this evil word, that they all put off their ornaments, and showed by this outward sign the trouble of their heart, EXODUS 33:5 That this good beginning of repentance might lead to a true and permanent change of heart, Jehovah repeated His threat in a most emphatic manner: “Thou art a stiff-necked people; if I go a moment in the midst of thee, I destroy thee:” i.e., if I were to go up in the midst of thee for only a single moment, I should be compelled to destroy thee because of thine obduracy.
He then issued this command: “Throw thine ornament away from thee, and I shall know (by that) what to do to thee.”
EXODUS. 33:6
And the people obeyed this commandment, renouncing all that pleased the eye. “The children of Israel spoiled themselves (see at Exodus 12:36) of their ornament from Mount Horeb onwards.” Thus they entered formally into a penitential condition. The expression, “from Mount Horeb onwards,” can hardly be paraphrased as it is by Seb. Schmidt, viz., “going from Mount Horeb into the camp,” but in all probability expresses this idea, that from that time forward, i.e., after the occurrence of this event at Horeb, they laid aside the ornaments which they had hitherto worn, and assumed the outward appearance of perpetual penitence.
EXODUS. 33:7-11
Moses then took a tent, and pitched it outside the camp, at some distance off, and called it “tent of meeting.” The “tent” is neither the sanctuary of the tabernacle described in ch. 25ff., which was not made till after the perfect restoration of the covenant (ch. 35ff.), nor another sanctuary that had come down from their forefathers and was used before the tabernacle was built, as Clericus, J. D. Michaelis, Rosenmüller, and others suppose; but a tent belonging to Moses, which was made into a temporary sanctuary by the fact that the pillar of cloud came down upon it, and Jehovah talked with Moses there, and which was called by the same name as the tabernacle, viz., d[ewOm lh,ao (see at Exodus 27:21), because Jehovah revealed Himself there, and every one who sought Him had to go to this tent outside the camp. There were two reasons for this: in the first place, Moses desired thereby to lead the people to a fuller recognition of their separation from their God, that their penitence might be deepened in consequence; and in the second place, he wished to provide such means of intercourse with Jehovah as would not only awaken in the minds of the people a longing for the renewal of the covenant, but render the restoration of the covenant possible.
And this end was answered. Not only did every one who sought Jehovah go out to the tent, but the whole nation looked with the deepest reverence when Moses went out to the tent, and bowed in adoration before the Lord, every one in front of his tent, when they saw the pillar of cloud come down upon the tent and stand before the door. Out of this cloud Jehovah talked with Moses (vv. 7-10) “face to face, as a man talks with his friend” (v. 11); that is to say, not from the distance of heaven, through any kind of medium whatever, but “mouth to mouth,” as it is called in Numbers 12:8, as closely and directly as friends talk to one another. “These words indicate, therefore, a familiar conversation, just as much as if it had been said, that God appeared to Moses in some peculiar form of manifestation. If any one objects to this, that it is at variance with the assertion which we shall come to presently, ‘Thou canst not see My face,’ the answer is a very simple one.
Although Jehovah showed Himself to Moses in some peculiar form of manifestation, He never appeared in His own essential glory, but only in such a mode as human weakness could bear. This solution contains a tacit comparison, viz., that there never was any one equal to Moses, or who had attained to the same dignity as he” (Calvin). When Moses returned to the tent, his servant Joshua remained behind as guard. — This condescension on the part of Jehovah towards Moses could not fail to strengthen the people in their reliance upon their leader, as the confidant of Jehovah. And Moses himself was encouraged thereby to endeavour to effect a perfect restoration of the covenant bond that had been destroyed.
EXODUS. 33:12-17
Jehovah had commanded Moses to lead the people to Canaan, and promised him the guidance of an angel; but He had expressly distinguished this angel from His own personal presence (vv. 1-3). Moreover, though it has not been mentioned before, Jehovah had said to Moses, “I have known thee by name,” — i.e., I have recognised thee as Mine, and chosen and called thee to execute My will (cf. Isaiah 43:1; 49:1), or put thee into “a specifically personal relation to God, which was peculiar to Moses, and therefore was associated with his name” (Oehler);-”and thou hast also found grace in My eyes,” inasmuch as God had granted a hearing to his former intercession. Moses now reminded the Lord of this divine assurance with such courage as can only be produced by faith, which wrestles with God and will not let Him go without a blessing (Genesis 32:27); and upon the strength of this he presented the petition (v. 13), “Let me know Thy way (the way which Thou wilt take with me and with this people), that I may know Thee, in order that I may find grace in Thine eyes, and see that this people is Thy people.” The meaning is this: If I have found grace in Thy sight, and Thou hast recognised me as Thy servant, and called me to be the leader of this people, do not leave me in uncertainty as to Thine intentions concerning the people, or as to the angel whom Thou wilt give as a guide to me and the nation, that I may know Thee, that is to say, that my finding grace in Thine eyes may become a reality; and if Thou wilt lead the people up to Canaan, consider that it is Thine own people, to whom Thou must acknowledge Thyself as its God. Such boldness of undoubting faith presses to the heart of God, and brings away the blessing. Jehovah replied (v. 14), “My face will go, and I shall give thee rest,” — that is to say, shall bring thee and all this people into the land, where ye will find rest (Deuteronomy 3:20). The “face” of Jehovah is Jehovah in His own personal presence, and is identical with the “angel” in whom the name of Jehovah was (Exodus 23:20-21), and who is therefore called in Isaiah 63:9 “the angel of His face.”
With this assurance on the part of God, the covenant bond was completely restored. But to make more sure of it. Moses replied (vv. 15, 16), “If Thy face is not going (with us), lead us not up hence. And whereby shall it be known that I have found grace in thine eyes, I and Thy people, if not (lit., is it not known) in Thy going with us, that we, I and Thy people, are distinguished (see at Exodus 8:18) before every nation upon the face of the earth?” These words do not express any doubt as to the truth of the divine assurance, “but a certain feeling of the insufficiency of the assurance,” inasmuch as even with the restoration of the former condition of things there still remained “the fear lest the evil root of the people’s rebellion, which had once manifested itself, should bread forth again at any moment” (Baumgarten). For this reason Jehovah assured him that this request also should be granted (v. 17). “There was nothing extraordinary in the fact that Moses desired for himself and his people that they might be distinguished before every nation upon the face of the earth; this was merely the firm hold of faith upon the calling and election of God (Exodus 19:5-6).”
EXODUS. 33:18-23
Moses was emboldened by this, and now prayed to the Lord, “Let me see Thy glory.” What Moses desired to see, as the answer of God clearly shows, must have been something surpassing all former revelations of the glory of Jehovah (Exodus 16:7,10; 24:16-17), and even going beyond Jehovah’s talking with him face to face (v. 11). When God talked with him face to face, or mouth to mouth, he merely saw a “similitude of Jehovah” (Numbers 12:8), a form which rendered the invisible being of God visible to the human eye, i.e., a manifestation of the divine glory in a certain form, and not the direct or essential glory of Jehovah, whilst the people saw this glory under the veil of a dark cloud, rendered luminous by fire, that is to say, they only saw its splendour as it shone through the cloud; and even the elders, at the time when the covenant was made, only saw the God of Israel in a certain form which hid from their eyes the essential being of God (Exodus 24:10-11). What Moses desired, therefore, was a sight of the glory or essential being of God, without any figure, and without a veil.
Moses was urged to offer this prayer, as Calvin truly says, not by “stulta curiositas, quae ut plurimum titillat hominum mentes, ut audacter penetrare tentent usque ad ultima caelorum arcana,” but by “a desire to cross the chasm which had been made by the apostasy of the nation, that for the future he might have a firmer footing than the previous history had given him. As so great a stress had been laid upon his own person in his present task of mediation between the offended Jehovah and the apostate nation, he felt that the separation, which existed between himself and Jehovah, introduced a disturbing element into his office. For if his own personal fellowship with Jehovah was not fully established, and raised above all possibility of disturbance, there could be no eternal foundation for the perpetuity of his mediation” (Baumgarten). As a man called by God to be His servant, he was not yet the perfect mediator; but although he was faithful in all his house, it was only as a servant, called eiv martu>rion tw>n lalhqhsome>nwn (Hebrews 3:5), i.e., as a herald of the saving revelations of God, preparing the way for the coming of the perfect Mediator. Jehovah therefore granted his request, but only so far as the limit existing between the infinite and holy God and finite and sinful man allowed. “I will make all My goodness pass before thy face, and proclaim the name of Jehovah before thee ( µve ar;q; see at Genesis 4:26), and will be gracious to whom I will be gracious, and will show mercy on whom I will show mercy.
Thou canst not see My face, for man cannot see Me and live. The words wgw ˆnæj; , although only connected with the previous clause by the cop. w , are to be understood in a causative sense, as expressing the reason why Moses’ request was granted, viz., that it was an act of unconditional grace and compassion on the part of God, to which no man, not even Moses, could lay any just claim. The apostle Paul uses the words in the same sense in Romans 9:15, for the purpose of overthrowing the claims of selfrighteous Jews to participate in the Messianic salvation. — No mortal man can see the face of God and remain alive; for not only is the holy God a consuming fire to unholy man, but a limit has been set, in and with the sw>ma coi>ko>n and psuciko>n (the earthly and psychical body) of man, between the infinite God, the absolute Spirit, and the human spirit clothed in an earthly body, which will only be removed by the “redemption of our body,” and our being clothed in a “spiritual body,” and which, so long as it lasts, renders a direct sight of the glory of God impossible.
As our bodily eye is dazzled, and its power of vision destroyed, by looking directly at the brightness of the sun, so would our whole nature be destroyed by an unveiled sight of the brilliancy of the glory of God. So long as we are clothed with this body, which was destined, indeed, from the very first to be transformed into the glorified state of the immortality of the spirit, but has become through the fall a prey to the corruption of death, we can only walk in faith, and only see God with the eye of faith, so far as He has revealed His glory to us in His works and His word. When we have become like God, and have been transformed into the “divine nature” (2 Peter 1:4), then, and not till then, shall we see Him as He is; then we shall see His glory without a veil, and live before Him for ever. For this reason Moses had to content himself with the passing by of the glory of God before his face, and with the revelation of the name of Jehovah through the medium of the word, in which God discloses His inmost being, and, so to speak, His whole heart to faith. In v. 22 “My glory” is used for “all My goodness,” and in Exodus 34:6 it is stated that Jehovah passed by before the face of Moses. bWf is not to be understood in the sense of beautiful, or beauty, but signifies goodness; not the brilliancy which strikes the senses, but the spiritual and ethical nature of the Divine Being. For the manifestation of Jehovah, which passed before Moses, was intended unquestionably to reveal nothing else than what Jehovah expressed in the proclamation of His name.
The manifested glory of the Lord would so surely be followed by the destruction of man, that even Moses needed to be protected before it (vv. 21, 22). Whilst Jehovah, therefore, allowed him to come to a place upon the rock near Him, i.e., upon the summit of Sinai (Exodus 34:2), He said that He would put him in a cleft of the rock whilst He was passing by, and cover him with His hand when He had gone by, that he might see His back, because His face could not be seen. The back, as contrasted with the face, signifies the reflection of the glory of God that had just passed by. The words are transferred anthropomorphically from man to God, because human language and human thought can only conceive of the nature of the absolute Spirit according to the analogy of the human form. As the inward nature of man manifests itself in his face, and the sight of his back gives only an imperfect and outward view of him, so Moses saw only the back and not the face of Jehovah. It is impossible to put more into human words concerning this unparalleled vision, which far surpasses all human thought and comprehension.
According to Exodus 34:2, the place where Moses stood by the Lord was at the top (the head) of Sinai, and no more can be determined with certainty concerning it. The cleft in the rock (v. 22) has been supposed by some to be the same place as the “cave” in which Elijah lodged at Horeb, and where the Lord appeared to him in the still small voice (1 Kings 19:9ff.). The real summit of the Jebel Musa consists of “a small area of huge rocks, about 80 feet in diameter,” upon which there is now a chapel that has almost fallen down, and about 40 feet to the south-west a dilapidated mosque (Robinson, Palestine, vol. i. p. 153). Below this mosque, according to Seetzen (Reise iii. pp. 83, 84), there is a very small grotto, into which you descend by several steps, and to which a large block of granite, about a fathom and a half long and six spans in height, serves as a roof. According to the Mussulman tradition, which the Greek monks also accept, it was in this small grotto that Moses received the law; though other monks point out a “hole, just large enough for a man,” near the altar of the Elijah chapel, on the small plain upon the ridge of Sinai, above which the loftier peak rises about 700 feet, as the cave in which Elijah lodged on Horeb (Robinson, Pal. ut supra).
EXODUS. 34:1-8
When Moses had restored the covenant bond through his intercession (Exodus 33:14), he was directed by Jehovah to hew out two stones, like the former ones which he had broken, and to come with them the next morning up the mountain, and Jehovah would write upon them the same words as upon the first, and thus restore the covenant record. It was also commanded, as in the former case (Exodus 19:12-13), that no one should go up the mountain with him, or be seen upon it, and that not even cattle should feed against the mountain, i.e., in the immediate neighbourhood (v. 3). The first tables of the covenant were called “tables of stone” (Exodus 24:12; 31:18); the second, on the other hand, which were hewn by Moses, are called “tables of stones” (vv. 1 and 4); and the latter expression is applied indiscriminately to both of them in Deuteronomy 4:13; 5:19; 9:9-11; 10:1-4.
This difference does not indicate a diversity in the records, but may be explained very simply from the fact, that the tables prepared by Moses were hewn from two stones, and not both from the same block; whereas all that could be said of the former, which had been made by God Himself, was that they were of stone, since no one knew whether God had used one stone or two for the purpose. There is apparently far more importance in the following distinction, that the second tables were delivered by Moses and only written upon by God, whereas in the case of the former both the writing and the materials came from God. This cannot have been intended either as a punishment for the nation (Hengstenberg), or as “the sign of a higher stage of the covenant, inasmuch as the further the reciprocity extended, the firmer was the covenant” (Baumgarten). It is much more natural to seek for the cause, as Rashi does, in the fact, that Moses had broken the first in pieces; only we must not regard it as a sign that God disapproved of the manifestation of anger on the part of Moses, but rather as a recognition of his zealous exertions for the restoration of the covenant which had been broken by the sin of the nation. As Moses had restored the covenant through his energetic intercession, he should also provide the materials for the renewal of the covenant record, and bring them to God, for Him to complete and confirm the record by writing the covenant words upon the tables.
On the following morning, when Moses ascended the mountain, Jehovah granted him the promised manifestation of His glory (vv. 5ff.). The description of this unparalleled occurrence is in perfect harmony with the mysterious and majestic character of the revelation. “Jehovah descended (from heaven) in the cloud, and stood by him there, and proclaimed the name of Jehovah; and Jehovah passed by in his sight, and proclaimed Jehovah, Jehovah God, merciful and gracious,” etc. What Moses saw we are not told, but simply the words in which Jehovah proclaimed all the glory of His being; whilst it is recorded of Moses, that he bowed his head toward the earth and worshipped. This “sermon on the name of the Lord,” as Luther calls it, disclosed to Moses the most hidden nature of Jehovah. It proclaimed that God is love, but that kind of love in which mercy, grace, long-suffering, goodness, and truth are united with holiness and justice.
As the merciful One, who is great in goodness and truth, Jehovah shows mercy to the thousandth, forgiving sin and iniquity in long-suffering and grace; but He does not leave sin altogether unpunished, and in His justice visits the sin of the fathers upon the children and the children’s children even unto the fourth generation. The Lord had already revealed Himself to the whole nation from Mount Sinai as visiting sin and showing mercy (Exodus 20:5ff.). But whereas on that occasion the burning zeal of Jehovah which visits sin stood in the foreground, and mercy only followed afterwards, here grace, mercy, and goodness are placed in the front. And accordingly all the words which the language contained to express the idea of grace in its varied manifestations to the sinner, are crowded together here, to reveal the fact that in His inmost being God is love. But in order that grace may not be perverted by sinners into a ground of wantonness, justice is not wanting even here with its solemn threatenings, although it only follows mercy, to show that mercy is mightier than wrath, and that holy love does not punish til sinners despise the riches of the goodness, patience, and long-suffering of God. As Jehovah here proclaimed His name, so did He continue to bear witness of it to the Israelites, from their departure from Sinai till their entrance into Canaan, and from that time forward till their dispersion among the heathen, and even now in their exile showing mercy to the thousandth, when they turn to the Redeemer who has come out of Zion.
EXODUS. 34:9-10
On this manifestation of mercy, Moses repeated the prayer that Jehovah would go in the midst of Israel. It is true the Lord had already promised that His face should go with them (Exodus 33:14); but as Moses had asked for a sign of the glory of the Lord as a seal to the promise, it was perfectly natural that, when this petition was granted, he should lay hold of the grace that had been revealed to him as it never had been before, and endeavour to give even greater stability to the covenant. To this end he repeated his former intercession on behalf of the nation, at the same time making this confession, “For it is a stiff-necked people; therefore forgive our iniquity and our sin, and make us the inheritance.” Moses spoke collectively, including himself in the nation in the presence of God. The reason which he assigned pointed to the deep root of corruption that had broken out in the worship of the golden calf, and was appropriately pleaded as a motive for asking forgiveness, inasmuch as God Himself had assigned the natural corruption of the human race as a reason why He would not destroy it again with a flood (Genesis 8:21).
Wrath was mitigated by a regard to the natural c ljænæ in the Kal, with an accusative of the person, does not mean to lead a person into the inheritance, but to make a person into an inheritance; here, therefore, to make Israel the possession of Jehovah (Deuteronomy 4:20; 9:26, cf. Zech. 2:16). Jehovah at once declared (v. 10) that He would conclude a covenant, i.e., restore the broken covenant, and do marvels before the whole nation, such as had not been done in all the earth or in any nation, and thus by these His works distinguish Israel before all nations as His own property (Exodus 33:16). The nation was to see this, because it would be terrible; terrible, namely, through the overthrow of the powers that resisted the kingdom of God, every one of whom would be laid prostrate and destroyed by the majesty of the Almighty.
EXODUS. 34:11-16
To recall the duties of the covenant once more to the minds of the people, the Lord repeats from among the rights of Israel, upon the basis of which the covenant had been established (ch. 21-23), two of the leading points which determined the attitude of the nation towards Him, and which constituted, as it were, the main pillars that were to support the covenant about to be renewed. These were, first, the warning against every kind of league with the Canaanites, who were to be driven out before the Israelites (vv. 11-16); and, secondly, the instructions concerning the true worship of Jehovah (vv. 17-26). The warning against friendship with the idolatrous Canaanites (vv. 11-16) is more fully developed and more strongly enforced than in Exodus 23:23ff. The Israelites, when received into the covenant with Jehovah, were not only to beware of forming any covenant with the inhabitants of Canaan (cf. 23:32-33), but were to destroy all the signs of their idolatrous worship, such as altars, monuments (see Exodus 23:24), and asherim, the idols of Astarte, the Canaanitish goddess of nature, which consisted for the most part of wooden pillars (see my Comm. on 1 Kings 14:23), and to worship no other god, because Jehovah was called jealous, i.e., had revealed Himself as jealous (see at Exodus 20:5), and was a jealous God. This was commanded, that the Israelites might not suffer themselves to be led astray by such an alliance; to go a whoring after their gods, and sacrifice to them, to take part in their sacrificial festivals, or to marry their sons to the daughters of the Canaanites, by whom they would be persuaded to join in the worship of idols.
The use of the expression “go a whoring” in a spiritual sense, in relation to idolatry, is to be accounted for on the ground, that the religious fellowship of Israel with Jehovah was a covenant resembling the marriage tie; and we meet with it for the first time, here, immediately after the formation of this covenant between Israel and Jehovah. The phrase is all the more expressive on account of the literal prostitution that was frequently associated with the worship of Baal and Astarte (cf. Leviticus 17:7; 20:5-6; Numbers 14:33, etc.). We may see from Numbers 25:1ff. how Israel was led astray by this temptation in the wilderness.
EXODUS. 34:17-26
The true way to worship Jehovah is then pointed out, first of all negatively, in the prohibition against making molten images, with an allusion to the worship of the golden calf, as evinced by the use of the expression hk;Semæ µyhila’ , which only occurs again in Leviticus 19:4, instead of the phrase “gods of silver and gold” (Exodus 20:23); and then positively, by a command to observe the feast of Mazzoth and the consecration of the firstborn connected with the Passover (see at Exodus 13:2,11, and 12), also the Sabbath (v. 21), the feasts of Weeks and Ingathering, the appearance of the male members of the nation three times a year before the Lord (v. 22, see at Exodus 23:14-17), together with all the other instructions connected with them (vv. 25, 26). Before the last, however, the promise is introduced, that after the expulsion of the Canaanites, Jehovah would enlarge the borders of Israel (cf. 23:31), and make their land so secure, that when they went up to the Lord three times in the year, no one should desire their land, sc., because of the universal dread of the might of their God (Exodus 23:27).
EXODUS. 34:27-35
Moses was to write down these words, like the covenant rights and laws that had been given before (Exodus 24:4,7), because Jehovah had concluded the covenant with Moses and Israel according to the tenor of them. By the renewed adoption of the nation, the covenant in ch. 24 was eo ipso restored; so that no fresh conclusion of this covenant was necessary, and the writing down of the fundamental conditions of the covenant was merely intended as a proof of its restoration. It does not appear in the least degree “irreconcilable,” therefore, with the writing down of the covenant rights before Knobel).
Verse 28. Moses remained upon the mountain forty days, just as on the former occasion (cf. Exodus 24:18). “And He (Jehovah) wrote upon the tables the ten covenant words” (see at v. 1). Verse 29-35. The sight of the glory of Jehovah, though only of the back or reflection of it, produced such an effect upon Moses’ face, that the skin of it shone, though without Moses observing it. When he came down from the mountain with the tables of the law in his hand, and the skin of his face shone tae rbæd; , i.e., on account of his talking with God, Aaron and the people were afraid to go near him when they saw the brightness of his face.
But Moses called them to him-Viz. first of all Aaron and the princes of the congregation to speak to them, and then all the people to give them the commandments of Jehovah; but on doing this (v. 33), he put a veil upon (before) his face, and only took it away when he went in before Jehovah to speak with Him, and then, when he came out (from the Lord out of the tabernacle, of course after the erection of the tabernacle), he made known His commands to the people.
But while doing this, he put the veil upon his face again, and always wore it in his ordinary intercourse with the people (vv. 34, 35). This reflection of the splendour thrown back by the glory of God was henceforth to serve as the most striking proof of the confidential relation in which Moses stood to Jehovah, and to set forth the glory of the office which Moses filled. The Apostle Paul embraces this view in 2 Cor 3:7ff., and lays stress upon the fact that the glory was to be done away, which he was quite justified in doing, although nothing is said in the Old Testament about the glory being transient, from the simple fact that Moses died. The apostle refers to it for the purpose of contrasting the perishable glory of the law with the far higher and imperishable glory of the Gospel. At the same time he regards the veil which covered Moses’ face as a symbol of the obscuring of the truth revealed in the Old Testament. But this does not exhaust the significance of this splendour. The office could only confer such glory upon the possessor by virtue of the glory of the blessings which it contained, and conveyed to those for whom it was established. Consequently, the brilliant light on Moses’ face also set forth the glory of the Old Covenant, and was intended both for Moses and the people as a foresight and pledge of the glory to which Jehovah had called, and would eventually exalt, the people of His possession. ERECTION OF THE TABERNACLE, AND PREPARATION OF THE APPARATUS OF WORSHIP.
EXODUS. 35:1-24
Preliminaries to the Work. — Ch. Exodus 35:1-29. After the restoration of the covenant, Moses announced to the people the divine commands with reference to the holy place of the tabernacle which was to be built. He repeated first of all (vv. 1-3) the law of the Sabbath according to Exodus 31:13-17, and strengthened it by the announcement, that on the Sabbath no fire was to be kindled in their dwelling, because this rule was to be observed even in connection with the work to be done for the tabernacle. (For a fuller comment, see at Exodus 20:9ff.). Then, in accordance with the command of Jehovah, he first of all summoned the whole nation to present freewillofferings for the holy things to be prepared (vv. 4, 5), mentioning one by one all the materials that would be required (vv. 5-9, as in Exodus 25:3-7); and after that he called upon those who were endowed with understanding to prepare the different articles, as prescribed in ch. 25-30, mentioning these also one by one (vv. 11-19), even down to the pegs of the dwelling and court (27:19), and “their cords,” i.e., the cords required to fasten the tent and the hangings round the court to the pegs that were driven into the ground, which had not been mentioned before, being altogether subordinate things. (On the “cloths of service,” v. 19, see at Exodus 31:10.) In vv. 20-29 we have an account of the fulfilment of this command.
The people went from Moses, i.e., from the place where they were assembled round Moses, away to their tents, and willingly offered the things required as a heave-offering for Jehovah; every one “whom his heart lifted up,” i.e., who felt himself inclined and stirred up in his heart to do this. The men along with ( `l[æ as in Genesis 32:12; see Ewald, §217) the women brought with a willing heart all kinds of golden rings and jewellery: chak, lit., hook, here a clasp or ring; nezem, an ear or nose-ring (Genesis 35:4; 24:47); tabbaath, a finger-ring; cumaz, globulus aureus, probably little golden balls strung together like beads, which were worn by the Israelites and Midianites (Numbers 31:50) as an ornament round the wrist and neck, as Diod. Sic. relates that they were by the Arabians (3, 44). “All kinds of golden jewellery, and every one who had waved (dedicated) a wave (offering) of gold to Jehovah,” sc., offered it for the work of the tabernacle.
The meaning is, that in addition to the many varieties of golden ornaments, which were willingly offered for the work to be performed, every one brought whatever gold he had set apart as a wave-offering (a sacrificial gift) for Jehovah. ãWn to wave, lit., to swing or move to and fro, is used in connection with the sacrificial ritual to denote a peculiar ceremony, through which certain portions of a sacrifice, which were not intended for burning upon the altar, but for the maintenance of the priests (Numbers 18:11), were consecrated to the Lord, or given up to Him in a symbolical manner (see at Leviticus 7:30). Tenuphah, the wave-offering, accordingly denoted primarily those portions of the sacrificial animal which were allotted to the priests as their share of the sacrifices; and then, in a more general sense, every gift or offering that was consecrated to the Lord for the establishment and maintenance of the sanctuary and its worship.
In this wider sense the term tenuphah (wave-offering) is applied both here and in Exodus 38:24,29 to the gold and copper presented by the congregation for the building of the tabernacle. So that it does not really differ from terumah, a lift of heave-offering, as every gift intended for the erection and maintenance of the sanctuary was called, inasmuch as the offerer lifted it off from his own property, to dedicate it to the Lord for the purposes of His worship. Accordingly, in v. 24 the freewill-offerings of the people in silver and gold for the erection of the tabernacle are called terumah; and in Exodus 36:6, all the gifts of metal, wood, leather, and woven materials, presented by the people for the erection of the tabernacle, are called vd,qo hm;WrT] . (On heaving and the heave-offering, see at Exodus 25:2 and Leviticus 2:9.)
EXODUS. 35:25-26
All the women who understood it (were wise-hearted, as in Exodus 28:3) spun with their hands, and presented what they spun, viz., the yarn required for the blue and red purple cloth, the crimson and the byssus; from which it is evident that the coloured cloths were dyed in the yarn or in the wool, as was the case in Egypt according to different specimens of old Egyptian cloths (see Hengstenberg, Egypt and the Books of Moses, p. 144). Other women spun goats’ hair for the upper or outer covering of the tent (26:7ff.). Spinning was done by the women in very early times (Plin. hist. n. 8, 48), particularly in Egypt, where women are represented on the monuments as busily engaged with the spindle (see Wilkinson, Manners ii. p. 60; iii. p. 133, 136), and at a later period among the Hebrews (Prov 31:19). At the present day the women in the peninsula of Sinai spin the materials for their tents from camels’ and goats’ hair, and prepare sheep’s wool for their clothing (Rüppell, Nubien, p. 202); and at Neswa, in the province of Omän, the preparation of cotton yarn is the principal employment of the women (Wellstedt, i. p. 90). Weaving also was, and still is to a great extent, a woman’s work (cf. 2 Kings 23:7); it is so among the Arab tribes in the Wady Gharandel, for example (Russegger, iii. 24), and in Nubia (Burckhardt, Nub. p. 211); but at Neswa the weaving is done by the men (Wellstedt). The woven cloths for the tabernacle were prepared by men, partly perhaps because the weaving in Egypt was mostly done by the men (Herod. 2, 35; cf. Hengstenberg, p. 143), but chiefly for this reason, that the cloths for the hangings and curtains were artistic works, which the women did not understand, but which the men had learned in Egypt, where artistic weaving was carried out to a great extent (Wilkinson, iii. pp. 113ff.). f149 EXODUS 35:27-29 The precious stones for the robes of the high priest, and the spices for the incense and anointing oil, were presented by the princes of the congregation, who had such costly things in their possession.
EXODUS. 35:30-35
Moses then informed the people that God had called Bezaleel and Aholiab as master-builders, to complete the building and all the work connected with it, and had not only endowed them with His Spirit, that they might draw the plans for the different works and carry them out, but “had put it into his (Bezaleel’s) heart to teach” (v. 34), that is to say, had qualified him to instruct labourers to prepare the different articles under his supervision and guidance. “He and Aholiab” (v. 34) are in apposition to “his heart:” into his and Aholiab’s heart (see Ges. §121, 3; Ewald, §311 a). The concluding words in v. 35 are in apposition to tae (them): “them hath He filled with wisdom...as performers of every kind of work and inventors of designs,” i.e., that they may make every kind of work and may invent designs. In Exodus 36:1, `hc;[; with vav consec. is dependent upon what precedes, and signifies either, “and so will make,” or, so that he will make (see Ewald, §342 b). The idea is this, “Bezaleel, Aholiab, and the other men who understand, into whom Jehovah has infused ( b] ˆtæn; ) wisdom and understanding, that they may know how to do, shall do every work for the holy service (worship) with regard to ( l] as in Exodus 28:38, etc.) all that Jehovah has commanded.”
EXODUS. 36:2-3
Moses then summoned the master-builders named, and all who were skilled in art, “every one whom his heart lifted up to come near to the work to do it” (i.e., who felt himself stirred up in heart to take part in the work), and handed over to them the heaven-offering presented by the people for that purpose, whilst the children of Israel still continued bringing freewillofferings every morning.
EXODUS. 36:4-6
Then the wise workmen came, every one from his work that they were making, and said to Moses, “Much make the people to bring, more than suffices for the labour (the finishing, as in Exodus 27:19) of the work,” i.e., they are bringing more than will be wanted for carrying out the work (the ˆmi in yDæ is comparative); whereupon Moses let the cry go through the camp, i.e., had proclamation made, “No one is to make any more property ( hk;al;m] as in Exodus 22:7,10, cf. Genesis 33:14) for a holy heaveoffering,” i.e., to prepare anything more from his own property to offer for the building of the sanctuary; and with this he put a stop to any further offerings.
EXODUS. 36:7
“And there was enough ( yDæ their sufficiency, i.e., the requisite supply for the different things to be made) of the property for every work to make it, and over” (lit., and to leave some over). By this liberal contribution of freewill gifts, for the work commanded by the Lord, the people proved their willingness to uphold their covenant relationship with Jehovah their God. EXODUS 36:8-38 Exodus 36:8-38:20. Execution of the Work. — Preparation of the dwelling-place: viz., the hangings and covering (Exodus 36:8-19, as in ch. 26:1-14); the wooden boards and bolts (vv. 20-34, as in Exodus 26:15-30); the two curtains, with the pillars, hooks, and rods that supported them (vv. 35-38, as in Exodus 26:31-37). As these have all been already explained, the only thing remaining to be noticed here is, that the verbs `hc;[; in v. 8, rbæj; in v. 10, etc., are in the third person singular with an indefinite subject, corresponding to the German man (the French on).
EXODUS. 37:1-29
Preparation of the vessels of the dwelling: viz., the ark of the covenant (Exodus 37:1-9, as in Exodus 25:10-22); the table of shew-bread and its vessels (vv. 10-16, as in Exodus 25:23-30); the candlestick (vv. 17-24, as in ch. 25:31-40); the altar of incense (vv. 25-28, as in Exodus 30:1-10); the anointing oil and incense (v. 29), directions for the preparation of which are given in Exodus 30:22-38; the altar of burnt-offering (ch. 38:1-7, as in Exodus 27:1-8); the laver (v. 8, as in ch. 30:17-21); and the court (vv. 9- 20, as in Exodus 27:9-19). The order corresponds on the whole to the list of the separate articles in Exodus 35:11-19, and to the construction of the entire sanctuary; but the holy chest (the ark), as being the most holy thing of all, is distinguished above all the rest, by being expressly mentioned as the work of Bezaleel, the chief architect of the whole.
EXODUS. 38:21-31
Estimate of the Amount of Metal Used. — V. 21. “These are the numbered things of the dwelling, of the dwelling of the testimony, that were numbered at the command of Moses, through the service of the Levites, by the hand of Ithamar, the son of Aaron the priest.” p¦quwdiym does not mean the numbering (equivalent to dq;p]mi Samuel 4:9, or hD;qup] 2 Chronicles 17:14; 26:11), as Knobel supposes, but here as elsewhere, even in Numbers 26:63-64, it signifies “the numbered;” the only difference being, that in most cases it refers to persons, here to things, and that the reckoning consisted not merely in the counting and entering of the different things, but in ascertaining their weight and estimating their worth. Lyra has given the following correct rendering of this heading: “haec est summa numeri ponderis eorum, quae facta sunt in tabernaculo ex auro, argento et aere.” It was apparently superfluous to enumerate the different articles again, as this had been repeatedly done before.
The weight of the different metals, therefore, is all that is given. The “dwelling” is still further described as “the dwelling of the testimony,” because the testimony, i.e., the decalogue written with the finger of God upon the tables of stone, was kept in the dwelling, and this testimony formed the base of the throne of Jehovah, and was the material pledge that Jehovah would cause His name, His manifested presence, to dwell there, and would thus show Himself to His people in grace and righteousness. “That which was numbered” is an explanatory apposition to the previous clause, “the numbering of the dwelling;” and the words yYiwile `hd;bo[ , which follow, are an accusative construed freely to indicate more particularly the mode of numbering (Ewald, §204 a), viz., “through the service,” or “by means of the service of the Levites,” not for their service. “By the hand of Ithamar:” who presided over the calculations which the Levites carried out under his superintendence.
Verse 22-23. The allusion to the service of the Levites under Ithamar leads the historian to mention once more the architects of the whole building, and the different works connected with it (cf. Exodus 31:2ff.).
Verse 24. “(As for) all the gold that was used ( `hc;[; ) for the work in every kind of holy work, the gold of the wave-offering (the gold that was offered as a wave-offering, see at Exodus 35:22) was (amounted to) 29 talents and 730 shekels in holy shekel,” that is to say, 87,370 shekels or 877,300 thalers (L.131,595), if we accept Thenius’ estimate, that the gold shekel was worth 10 thalers (L.1, 10s.), which is probably very near the truth.
Verse 25-28. Of the silver, all that is mentioned is the amount of atonement-money raised from those who were numbered (see at Exodus 30:12ff.) at the rate of half a shekel for every male, without including the freewill-offerings of silver (Exodus 35:24, cf. ch. 25:3), whether it was that they were too insignificant, or that they were not used for the work, but were placed with the excess mentioned in Exodus 36:7. The result of the numbering gave 603,550 men, every one of whom paid half a shekel. This would yield 301,775 shekels, or 100 talents and 1775 shekels, which proves by the way that a talent contained 3000 shekels. A hundred talents of this were used for casting 96 sockets for the 48 boards, and 4 sockets for the 4 pillars of the inner court-one talent therefore for each socket-and the 1775 shekels for the hooks of the pillars that sustained the curtains, for silvering their capitals, and “for binding the pillars,” i.e., for making the silver connecting rods for the pillars of the court (Exodus 27:10-11; 38:10ff.).
Verse 29-31. The copper of the wave-offering amounted to 70 talents and 2400 shekels; and of this the sockets of the pillars at the entrance of the tabernacle (Exodus 26:37), the altar of burnt-offering with its network and vessels, the supports of the pillars of the court, all the pegs of the dwelling and court, and, what is not expressly mentioned here, the laver with its support (30:18), were made. b] `hc;[; to work in (with) copper, i.e., to make of copper.
If this quantity of the precious metals may possibly strike some readers as very large, and was in fact brought forward years ago as a reason for questioning the historical credibility of our account of the building of the tabernacle, it has been frequently urged, on the other hand, that it looks quite small, in comparison with the quantities of gold and silver that have been found accumulated in the East, in both ancient and modern times.
According to the account before us, the requisite amount of silver was raised by the comparatively small payment of half a shekel, about fifteen pence, for every male Israelite of 20 years old and upwards. Now no tenable objection can be raised against the payment of such a tribute, since we have no reason whatever for supposing the Israelites to have been paupers, notwithstanding the oppression which they endured during the closing period of their stay in Egypt. They were settled in the most fertile part of Egypt; and coined silver was current in western Asia even in the time of the patriarchs (Genesis 23:16). But with reference to the quantities of gold and copper that were delivered, we need not point to the immense stores of gold and other metals that were kept in the capitals of the Asiatic kingdoms of antiquity, but will merely call to mind the fact, that the kings of Egypt possessed many large gold mines on the frontiers of the country, and in the neighbouring lands of Arabia and Ethiopia, which were worked by criminals, prisoners of war, and others, under the harshest pressure, and the very earliest times copper mines were discovered on the Arabian peninsula, which were worked by a colony of labourers (Lepsius, Letters from Egypt, p. 336). Moreover, the love of the ancient Egyptians for valuable and elegant ornaments, gold rings, necklaces, etc., is sufficiently known from the monuments (see Rosellini in Hengstenberg’s Egypt, p. 137). Is it not likely, then, that the Israelites should have acquired a taste for jewellery of this kind, and should have possessed or discovered the means of procuring all kinds of gold and silver decorations, not to mention the gold and silver jewellery which they received from the Egyptians on their departure?
The liking for such things even among nomad tribes is very well known.
Thus, for example, after the defeat of the Midianites, the Israelites carried off so much gold, silver, copper, and other metals as spoil, that their princes alone were able to offer 16,750 shekels of gold as a heave-offering to Jehovah from the booty that had been obtained in this kind of jewellery (Numbers 31:50ff.). Diodorus Sic. (3, 44) and Strabo (xvi. p. 778) bear witness to the great wealth of the Nabateans and other Arab tribes on the Elanitic Gulf, and mention not only a river, said to flow through the land, carrying gold dust with it, but also gold that was dug up, and which was found, “not in the form of sand, but of nuggets, which did not require much cleaning, and the smallest of which were of the size of a nut, the average size being that of a medlar, whilst the largest pieces were as big as a walnut. These they bored, and made necklaces or bracelets by stringing them together alternately with transparent stones. They also sold the gold very cheap to their neighbours, giving three times the quantity for copper, and double the quantity for iron, both on account of their inability to work these metals, and also because of the scarcity of the metals which were so much more necessarily for daily use” (Strabo). The Sabaeans and Gerrhaeans are also mentioned as the richest of all the tribes of Arabia, through their trade in incense and in cinnamon and other spices. f151 From the Arabs, who carried on a very extensive caravan trade through the desert even at that time, the Israelites would be able to purchase such spices and materials for the building of the tabernacle as they had not brought with them from Egypt; and in Egypt itself, where all descriptions of art and handicraft were cultivated from the very earliest times (for proofs see Hengst. Egypt, pp. 133-139), they might so far have acquired all the mechanical and artistic ability required for the work, that skilled artisans could carry out all that was prescribed, under the superintendence of the two master-builders who had been specially inspired for the purpose. EXODUS 39:1-31 Preparation of the priests’ clothes.
Previous to the description of the dress itself, we have a statement in v. of the materials employed, and the purpose to which they were devoted (“cloths of service,” see at Exodus 31:10). The robes consisted of the ephod (vv. 2-7, as in Exodus 28:6-12), the choshen or breastplate (vv. 8- 21, as in Exodus 28:15-29), the meïl or over-coat (vv. 22-26, as in ch. 28:31-34); the body-coats, turbans, drawers, and girdles, for Aaron and his sons (vv. 27-29, as in Exodus 28:39-40, and 42). The Urim and Thummim are not mentioned (cf. ch. 28:30). The head-dresses of the ordinary priests, which are simply called “bonnets” in Exodus 28:40, are called “goodly bonnets” or “ornamental caps” in v. 28 of this chapter h[;B;g]mi raep] , from raep] an ornament, cf. raæp; ornatus fuit). The singular, “girdle,” in v. 29, with the definite article, “the girdle,” might appear to refer simply to Aaron’s girdle, i.e., the girdle of the high priest; but as there is no special description of the girdles of Aaron’s sons (the ordinary priests) in Exodus 29:40, where they are distinctly mentioned and called by the same name (abnet) as the girdle of Aaron himself, we can only conclude that they were of the same materials and the same form and make as the latter, and that the singular, fneb]aæ , is used here either in the most general manner, or as a generic noun in a collective sense (see Ges. §109, 1).
The last thing mentioned is the diadem upon Aaron’s turban (vv. 30, 31, as in Exodus 28:36-38), so that the order in which the priests’ robes are given here is analogous to the position in which the ark of the covenant and the golden altar stand to one another in the directions concerning the sacred things in ch. 25-30. “For just as all the other things are there placed between the holy ark and the golden altar as the two poles, so here all the rest of the priests’ robes are included between the shoulder-dress, the principal part of the official robes of the high priest, and the golden frontlet, the inscription upon which rendered it the most striking sign of the dignity of his office” (Baumgarten).
EXODUS. 39:32-36
Delivery of the work to Moses — The different things are again mentioned one by one. By “the tent,” in v. 33, we are to understand the two tent-cloths, the one of purple and the other of goats’ hair, by which the dwelling ( ˆK;v]mi , generally rendered tabernacle) was made into a tent (‘oleh). From this it is perfectly obvious, that the variegated cloth formed the inner walls of the dwelling, or covered the boards on the inner side, and that the goats’ hair-cloth formed the other covering. Moreover it is also obvious, that this is the way in which lh,ao is to be understood, from the fact, that in the list of the things belonging to the ohel the first to be mentioned are the gold and copper hooks (Exodus 26:6,11) with which the two halves of the drapery that formed the tent were joined together, and then after that the boards, bolts, pillars, and sockets, as though subordinate to the tent-cloths, and only intended to answer the purpose of spreading them out into a tent of dwelling.
EXODUS. 39:37-39
“The lamps of the order,” i.e., the lamps set in order upon the candlestick.
In addition to all the vessels of the sanctuary, shew-bread (v. 36), holy oil for the candlestick and for anointing, and fragrant incense (v. 38), were also prepared and delivered to Moses-everything, therefore, that was required for the institution of the daily worship, as soon as the tabernacle was set up.
EXODUS. 39:40-42
“Vessels of service:” see Exo 27:19.
EXODUS. 39:43
When Moses had received and examined all the different articles, and found that everything was made according to the directions of Jehovah, he blessed the children of Israel. The readiness and liberality with which the people had presented the gifts required for this work, and the zeal which they had shown in executing the whole of the work in rather less than half a year (see at Exodus 40:17), were most cheering signs of the willingness of the Israelites to serve the Lord, for which they could not fail to receive the blessing of God. ERECTION AND CONSECRATION OF THE TABERNACLE.
EXODUS. 40:1-16
After the completion of all the works, the command was given by God to Moses to set up the dwelling of the tabernacle on the first day of the first month (see at Exodus 19:1), sc., in the second year of the Exodus (see v. 17), and to put all the vessels, both of the dwelling and court, in the places appointed by God; also to furnish the table of shew-bread with its fitting out ( `Ër,[e = µj,l, `Ër,[e v. 23), i.e., to arrange the bread upon it in the manner prescribed (v. 4 cf. Leviticus 24:6-7), and to put water in the laver of the court (v. 7). After that he was to anoint the dwelling and everything in it, also the altar of burnt-offering and laver, with the anointing oil, and to sanctify them (vv. 9-11); and to consecrate Aaron and his sons before the door of the tabernacle, and clothe them, anoint them, and sanctify them as priests (vv. 12-15).
When we read here, however, that the dwelling and the vessels therein would be rendered “holy” through the anointing, but the altar of burntoffering “most holy,” we are not to understand this as attributing a higher degree of holiness to the altar of burnt-offering than to the dwelling and its furniture; but the former is called “most holy” merely in the sense ascribed to it in Exodus 30:10 namely, that every one who touched it was to become holy; in other words, the distinction has reference to the fact, that, standing as it did in the court, it was more exposed to contact from the people than the vessels in the dwelling, which no layman was allowed to enter. In this relative sense we find the same statement in Exodus 30:29, with reference to the tabernacle and all the vessels therein, the dwelling as well as the court, that they would become most holy in consequence of the anointing (see the remarks on Exodus 30:10). It is stated provisionally, in v. 16, that this command was fulfilled by Moses. But from the further history we find that the consecration of the priests did not take place contemporaneously with the erection of the tabernacle, but somewhat later, or not till after the promulgation of the laws of sacrifice (cf. Leviticus and Leviticus 1:1ff.). EXODUS 40:17-19 On the day mentioned in v. 2 the dwelling and court were erected. As not quite nine months had elapsed between the arrival of the Israelites at Sinai, in the third month after the Exodus (Exodus 19:1), and the first day of the second year, when the work was finished and handed over to Moses, the building, and all the work connected with it, had not occupied quite half a year; as we have to deduct from the nine months (or somewhat less) not only the eighty days which Moses spent upon Sinai (Exodus 24:18; 34:28), but the days of preparation for the giving of the law and conclusion of the covenant (Exodus 19:1-24:11), and the interval between the first and second stay that Moses made upon the mountain (ch. 32 and 33). The erection of the dwelling commenced with the fixing of the sockets, into which the boards were placed and fastened with their bolts, and the setting up of the pillars for the curtains (v. 18). “He (Moses) then spread the tent over the dwelling, and laid the covering of the tent upon the top.” By the “covering of the tent” we are to understand the two coverings, made of red rams’ skins and the skins of the sea-cow (Exodus 26:14). In analogy with this, ‘et-haa’olel paaras denotes not only the roofing with the goats’ hair, but the spreading out of the inner cloth of mixed colours upon the wooden frame-work.
EXODUS. 40:20-21
Arrangement of the ark. “He took and put the testimony into the ark.” `tWd[e does not mean “the revelation, so far as it existed already, viz., with regard to the erection of the sanctuary and institution of the priesthood (ch. 25-31), and so forth,” as Knobel arbitrarily supposes, but “the testimony,” i.e., the decalogue written upon the two tables of stone, or the tables of the covenant with the ten words; “the testimony,” therefore, is an abbreviated expression for “the tables of testimony” (Exodus 31:18, see at ch. 25:16).
After the ark had been brought into the dwelling, he “hung the curtain” (vail, see at Exodus 26:31; lit., placed it upon the hooks of the pillars), “and so covered over the ark of the testimony,” since the ark, when placed in the back part of the dwelling, was covered or concealed from persons entering the dwelling or the holy place. EXODUS 40:22-28 Arrangement of the front room of the dwelling. The table was placed on the right side, towards the north, and the shew-bread was laid upon it. µj,l, `Ër,[e does not signify “a row of bread,” but the “position or placing of bread;” for, according to Leviticus 24:6-7, the twelve loaves of shewbread were placed upon the table in two rows, corresponding to the size of the tables (two cubits long and one cubit broad). The candlestick was placed upon the left side, opposite to the table, and the golden altar in front of the curtain, i.e., midway between the two sides, but near the curtain in front of the most holy place (see at Exodus 30:6). After these things had been placed, the curtain was hung in the door of the dwelling.
EXODUS. 40:29-33
The altar of burnt-offering was then placed “before the door of the dwelling of the tabernacle,” and the laver “between the tabernacle and the altar,” from which it is evident that the altar was not placed close to the entrance to the dwelling, but at some distance off, though in a straight line with the door. The laver, which stood between the altar and the entrance to the dwelling, was probably placed more to the side; so that when the priests washed their hands and feet, before entering the dwelling or approaching the altar, there was no necessity for them to go round the altar, or to pass close by it, in order to get to the laver. Last of all the court was erected round about the dwelling and the altar, by the setting up of the pillars, which enclosed the space round the dwelling and the altar with their drapery, and the hanging up of the curtain at the entrance to the court.
There is no allusion to the anointing of these holy places and things, as commanded in vv. 9-11, in the account of their erection; for this did not take place till afterwards, viz., at the consecration of Aaron and his sons as priests (Leviticus 8:10-11). It is stated, however, on the other hand, that as the vessels were arranged, Moses laid out the shew-bread upon the table (v. 23), burned sweet incense upon the golden altar (v. 27), and offered “the burnt-offering and meat-offering,” i.e., the daily morning and evening sacrifice, upon the altar of burnt-offering (Exodus 29:38-42). Consequently the sacrificial service was performed upon them before they had been anointed. Although this may appear surprising, there is no ground for rejecting a conclusion, which follows so naturally from the words of the text. The tabernacle and its furniture were not made holy things for the first time by the anointing; this simply sanctified them for the use of the nation, i.e., for the service which the priests were to perform in connection with them on behalf of the congregation (see at Leviticus 8:10-11).
They were made holy things and holy vessels by the fact that they were built, prepared, and set up, according to the instructions given by Jehovah; and still more by the fact, that after the tabernacle had been erected as a dwelling, the “glory of the Lord filled the tabernacle” (v. 34). But the glory of the Lord entered the dwelling before the consecration of the priests, and the accompanying anointing of the tabernacle and its vessels; for, according to Leviticus 1:1ff., it was from the tabernacle that Jehovah spake to Moses, when He gave him the laws of sacrifice, which were promulgated before the consecration of the priests, and were carried out in connection with it.
But when the glory of the Lord had found a dwelling-place in the tabernacle, Moses was not required to offer continually the sacrifice prescribed for every morning and evening, and by means of this sacrifice to place the congregation in spiritual fellowship with its God, until Aaron and his sons had been consecrated for this service.
EXODUS. 40:34-38
When the sanctuary, that had been built for the Lord for a dwelling in Israel, had been set up with all its apparatus, “the cloud covering the tabernacle, and the glory of Jehovah filled the dwelling,” so that Moses was unable to enter. The cloud, in which Jehovah had hitherto been present with His people, and guided and protected them upon their journeying (see at Exodus 13:21-22), now came down upon the tabernacle and filled the dwelling with the gracious presence of the Lord. So long as this cloud rested upon the tabernacle the children of Israel remained encamped; but when it ascended, they broke up the encampment to proceed onwards. This sign was Jehovah’s command for encamping or going forward “throughout all their journeys” (vv. 36-38). This statement is repeated still more elaborately in Numbers 9:15-23. The mode in which the glory of Jehovah filled the dwelling, or in which Jehovah manifested His presence within it, is not described; but the glory of Jehovah filling the dwelling is clearly distinguished from the cloud coming down upon the tabernacle.
It is obvious, however, from Leviticus 16:2, and 1 Kings 8:10-11, that in the dwelling the glory of God was also manifested in a cloud. At the dedication of the temple (1 Kings 8:10-11) the expression “the cloud filled the house of Jehovah” is used interchangeably with “the glory of Jehovah filled the house of Jehovah.” To consecrate the sanctuary, which had been finished and erected as His dwelling, and to give to the people a visible proof that He had chosen it for His dwelling, Jehovah filled the dwelling in both its parts with the cloud which shadowed forth His presence, so that Moses was unable to enter it. This cloud afterwards drew back into the most holy place, to dwell there, above the outspread wings of the cherubim of the ark of the covenant; so that Moses and (at a later period) the priests were able to enter the holy place and perform the required service there, without seeing the sign of the gracious presence of God, which was hidden by the curtain of the most holy place. So long as the Israelites were on their journey to Canaan, the presence of Jehovah was manifested outwardly and visibly by the cloud, which settled upon the ark, and rose up from it when they were to travel onward.
With the completion of this building and its divine consecration, Israel had now received a real pledge of the permanence of the covenant of grace, which Jehovah had concluded with it; a sanctuary which perfectly corresponded to the existing circumstances of its religious development, and kept constantly before it the end of its calling from God. For although God dwelt in the tabernacle in the midst of His people, and the Israelites might appear before Him, to pray for and receive the covenant blessings that were promised them, they were still forbidden to go directly to God’s throne of grace. The barrier, which sin had erected between the holy God and the unholy nation, was not yet taken away. To this end the law was given, which could only increase their consciousness of sin and unworthiness before God. But as this barrier had already been broken through by the promise of the Lord, that He would meet the people in His glory before the door of the tabernacle at the altar of burnt-offering (Exo 24:42-43); so the entrance of the chosen people into the dwelling of God was effected mediatorially by the service of the sanctified priests in the holy place, which also prefigured their eventual reception into the house of the Lord. And even the curtain, which still hid the glory of God from the chosen priests and sanctified mediators of the nation, was to be lifted at least once a year by the anointed priest, who had been called by God to be the representative of the whole congregation. On the day of atonement the high priest was to sprinkle the blood of atonement in front of the throne of grace, to make expiation for the children of Israel because of all their sin (Leviticus 16), and to prefigure the perfect atonement through the blood of the eternal Mediator, through which the way to the throne of grace is opened to all believers, that they may go into the house of God and abide there for ever, and for ever see God. THE THIRD BOOK OF MOSES(LEVITICUS) INTRODUCTION 1. Contents, and Plan of Leviticus The third book of Moses is headed ar;q; in the original text, from the opening word. In the Septuagint and Vulgate it is called Leui>tiko>n , sc., bibli>on , Leviticus, from the leading character of its contents, and probably also with some reference to the titles which had obtained currency among the Rabbins, viz., “law of the priests,” “law-book of sacrificial offerings.” It carries on to its completion the giving of the law at Sinai, which commenced at Exodus 25, and by which the covenant constitution was firmly established. It contains more particularly the laws regulating the relation of Israel to its God, including both the fundamental principles upon which its covenant fellowship with the Lord depended, and the directions for the sanctification of the covenant people in that communion.
Consequently the laws contained in this book might justly be described as the “spiritual statute-book of Israel as the congregation of Jehovah.” As every treaty establishes a reciprocal relation between those who are parties to it, so not only did Jehovah as Lord of the whole earth enter into a special relation to His chosen people Israel in the covenant made by Him with the seed of Abraham, which He had chosen as His own possession out of all the nations, but the nation of Israel was also to be brought into a real and living fellowship with Him as its God and Lord. And whereas Jehovah would be Israel’s God, manifesting Himself to it in all the fulness of His divine nature; so was it also His purpose to train Israel as His own nation, to sanctify it for the truest life in fellowship with Him, and to bless it with all the fulness of His salvation.
To give effect to the former, or the first condition of the covenant, God had commanded the erection of a sanctuary for the dwelling-place of His name, or the true manifestation of His own essence; and on its erection, i.e., on the setting up of the tabernacle, He filled the most holy place with a visible sign of His divine glory (Exodus 40:34), a proof that He would be ever near and present to His people with His almighty grace. When this was done, it was necessary that the other side of the covenant relation should be realized in a manner suited to the spiritual, religious, and moral condition of Israel, in order that Israel might become His people in truth.
But as the nation of Israel was separated from God, the Holy One, by the sin and unholiness of its nature, the only way in which God could render access to His gracious presence possible, was by institutions and legal regulations, which served on the one hand to sharpen the consciousness of sin in the hearts of the people, and thereby to awaken the desire for mercy and for reconciliation with the holy God, and on the other hand furnished them with the means of expiating their sins and sanctifying their walk before God according to the standard of His holy commandments.
All the laws and regulations of Leviticus have this for their object, inasmuch as they, each and all, aim quite as much at the restoration of an inward fellowship on the part of the nation as a whole and the individual members with Jehovah their God, through the expiation or forgiveness of sin and the removal of all natural uncleanness, as at the strengthening and deepening of this fellowship by the sanctification of every relation of life. In accordance with this twofold object, the contents of the book are arranged in two larger series of laws and rules of life, the first extending from ch. to ch. 16, the second from ch. 17 to ch. 25. The first of these, which occupies the earlier half of the book of Leviticus, opens with the laws of sacrifice in ch. 1-7. As sacrifices had been from the very beginning the principal medium by which men entered into fellowship with God, the Creator, Preserver, and Governor of the world, to supplicate and appropriate His favour and grace, so Israel was not only permitted to draw near to its God with sacrificial gifts, but, by thus offering its sacrifices according to the precepts of the divine law, would have an ever open way of access to the throne of grace.
The laws of sacrifice are followed in ch. 8-10 by the consecration of Aaron and his sons, the divinely appointed priests, by their solemn entrance upon their official duties, and by the sanctification of their priesthood on the part of God, both in word and act. Then follow in ch. 11-15 the regulations concerning the clean and unclean animals, and various bodily impurities, with directions for the removal of all defilements; and these regulations culminate in the institution of a yearly day of atonement (ch. 16), inasmuch as this day, with its all-embracing expiation, foreshadowed typically and prefigured prophetically the ultimate and highest aim of the Old Testament economy, viz., perfect reconciliation. Whilst all these laws and institutions opened up to the people of Israel the way of access to the throne of grace, the second series of laws, contained in the later half of the book (ch. 17- 25), set forth the demands made by the holiness of God upon His people, that they might remain in fellowship with Him, and rejoice in the blessings of His grace.
This series of laws commences with directions for the sanctification of life in food, marriage, and morals (ch. 17-20); it then advances to the holiness of the priests and the sacrifices (ch. 21 and 22), and from that to the sanctification of the feasts and the daily worship of God (chs. 23 and 24), and closes with the sanctification of the whole land by the appointment of the sabbatical and jubilee years (ch. 25). In these the sanctification of Israel as the congregation of Jehovah was to be glorified into the blessedness of the sabbatical rest in the full enjoyment of the blessings of the saving grace of its God; and in the keeping of the year of jubilee more especially, the land and kingdom of Israel were to be transformed into a kingdom of peace and liberty, which also foreshadowed typically and prefigured prophetically the time of the completion of the kingdom of God, the dawn of the glorious liberty of the children of God, when the bondage of sin and death shall be abolished for ever.
Whilst, therefore, the laws of sacrifice and purification, on the one hand, culminate in the institution of the yearly day of atonement, so, on the other, do those relating to the sanctification of life culminate in the appointment of the sabbatical and jubilee years; and thus the two series of laws in Leviticus are placed in unmistakeable correspondence to one another. In the ordinances, rights, and laws thus given to the covenant nation, not only was the way clearly indicated, by which the end of its divine calling was to be attained, but a constitution was given to it, fully adapted to all the conditions incident to this end, and this completed the establishment of the kingdom of God in Israel. To give a finish, however, to the covenant transaction at Sinai, it was still necessary to impress upon the hearts of the people, on the one hand, the blessings that would follow the faithful observance of the covenant of their God, and on the other hand, the evil of transgressing it (ch. 26). To this there are also added, in the form of an appendix, the instructions concerning vows. The book of Leviticus is thus rounded off, and its unity and independence within the hr;wOT are established, not only by the internal unity of its laws and their organic connection, but also by the fact, so clearly proved by the closing formula in ch.26:46 and 27:34, that it finishes with the conclusion of the giving of the law at Sinai. LEVITICUS I. LAWS AND ORDINANCES DETERMINING THE COVENANT FELLOWSHIP BETWEEN THE LORD AND ISRAEL. The Laws of Sacrifice.
When the glory of the Lord had entered the tabernacle in a cloud, God revealed Himself to Moses from this place of His gracious presence, according to His promise in Exodus 25:22, to make known His sacred will through him to the people (1:1). The first of these revelations related to the sacrifices, in which the Israelites were to draw near to Him, that they might become partakers of His grace. f151 The patriarchs, when sojourning in Canaan, had already worshipped the God who revealed Himself to them, with both burnt-offerings and slainofferings.
Whether their descendants, the children of Israel, had offered sacrifices to the God of their fathers during their stay in the foreign land of Egypt, we cannot tell, as there is no allusion whatever to the subject in the short account of these 430 years. So much, however, is certain, that they had not forgotten to regard the sacrifices as a leading part of the worship of God, and were ready to follow Moses into the desert, to serve the God of their fathers there by a solemn act of sacrificial worship (Exodus 5:1-3, compared with Leviticus 4:31; 8:4, etc.); and also, that after the exodus from Egypt, not only did Jethro offer burnt-offerings and slain-offerings to God in the camp of the Israelites, and prepare a sacrificial meal in which the elders of Israel took part along with Moses and Aaron (Exodus 18:12), but young men offered burnt-offerings and slain-offerings by the command of Moses at the conclusion of the covenant (Exodus 24:5). Consequently the sacrificial laws of these chapters presuppose the presentation of burntofferings, meat-offerings, and slain-offerings as a custom well known to the people, and a necessity demanded by their religious feelings (Leviticus 1:2- 3,10,14; 2:1,4-5,14; 3:1,6,11). They were not introduced among the Israelites for the first time by Moses, as Knobel affirms, who also maintains that the feast of the Passover was the first animal sacrifice, and in fact a very imperfect one. Even animal sacrifices date from the earliest period of our race. Not only did Noah offer burnt-offerings of all clean animals and birds (Genesis 8:20), but Abel brought of the firstlings of his flock an offering to the Lord (Genesis 4:4). f152 The object of the sacrificial laws in this book was neither to enforce sacrificial worship upon the Israelites, nor to apply “a theory concerning the Hebrew sacrifices” (Knobel), but simply to organize and expand the sacrificial worship of the Israelites into an institution in harmony with the covenant between the Lord and His people, and adapted to promote the end for which it was established.
But although sacrifice in general reaches up to the earliest times of man’s history, and is met with in every nation, it was not enjoined upon the human race by any positive command of God, but sprang out of a religious necessity for fellowship with God, the author, protector, and preserver of life, which was as innate in man as the consciousness of God itself, though it assumed very different forms in different tribes and nations, in consequence of their estrangement from God, and their growing loss of all true knowledge of Him, inasmuch as their ideas of the Divine Being so completely regulated the nature, object, and signification of the sacrifices they offered, that they were quite as subservient to the worship of idols as to that of the one true God. To discover the fundamental idea, which was common to all the sacrifices, we must bear in mind, on the one hand, that the first sacrifices were presented after the fall, and on the other hand, that we never meet with any allusion to expiation in the pre-Mosaic sacrifices of the Old Testament. Before the fall, man lived in blessed unity with God.
This unity was destroyed by sin, and the fellowship between God and man was disturbed, though not entirely abolished.
In the punishment which God inflicted upon the sinners, He did not withdraw His mercy from men; and before driving them out of paradise, He gave them clothes to cover the nakedness of their shame, by which they had first of all become conscious of their sin. Even after their expulsion He still manifested Himself to them, so that they were able once more to draw near to Him and enter into fellowship with Him. This fellowship they sought through the medium of sacrifices, in which they gave a visible expression not only to their gratitude towards God for His blessing and His grace, but also to their supplication for the further continuance of His divine favour. It was in this sense that both Cain and Abel offered sacrifice, though not with the same motives, or in the same state of heart towards God. In this sense Noah also offered sacrifice after his deliverance from the flood; the only apparent difference being this, that the sons of Adam offered their sacrifices to God from the fruit of their labour, in the tilling of the ground and the keeping of sheep, whereas Noah presented his burntofferings from the clean cattle and birds that had been shut up with him in the ark, i.e., from those animals which at any rate from that time forward were assigned to man as food (Genesis 9:3).
Noah was probably led to make this selection by the command of God to take with him into the ark not one or more pairs, but seven of every kind of clean beasts, as he may have discerned in this an indication of the divine will, that the seventh animal of every description of clean beast and bird should be offered in sacrifice to the Lord, for His gracious protection from destruction by the flood. Moses also received a still further intimation as to the meaning of the animal sacrifices, in the prohibition which God appended to the permission to make use of animals as well as green herbs for food; viz., “flesh with the life thereof, which is the blood thereof, shall ye not eat” (Genesis 9:4-5), that is to say, flesh which still contained the blood as the animal’s soul. In this there was already an intimation, that in the bleeding sacrifice the soul of the animals was given up to God with the blood; and therefore, that by virtue of its blood, as the vehicle of the soul, animal sacrifice was the most fitting means of representing the surrender of the human soul to God. This truth may possibly have been only dimly surmised by Noah and his sons; but it must have been clearly revealed to the patriarch Abraham, when God demanded the sacrifice of his only son, with whom his whole heart was bound up, as a proof of his obedience of faith, and then, after he had attested his faith in his readiness to offer this sacrifice, supplied him with a ram to offer as a burnt-offering instead of his son (Genesis 22).
In this the truth was practically revealed to him, that the true God did not require human sacrifice from His worshippers, but the surrender of the heart and the denial of the natural life, even though it should amount to a submission to death itself, and also that this act of surrender was to be perfected in the animal sacrifice; and that it was only when presented with these motives that sacrifice could be well-pleasing to God. Even before this, however, God had given His sanction to the choice of clean or edible beasts and birds for sacrifice, in the command to Abram to offer such animals, as the sacrificial substratum for the covenant to be concluded with him (Genesis 15).
Now, though nothing has been handed down concerning the sacrifices of the patriarchs, with the exception of Genesis 46:1ff., there can be no doubt that they offered burnt-offerings upon the altars which they built to the Lord, who appeared to them in different places in Canaan (Genesis 12:7; 13:4,18; 26:25; 33:20; 35:1-7), and embodied in these their solemn invocation of the name of God in prayer; since the close connection between sacrifice and prayer is clearly proved by such passages as Hosea 14:3; Hebrews 13:15, and is universally admitted. f153 To the burnt-offering there was added, in the course of time, the slainoffering, which is mentioned for the first time in Genesis 31:54, where Jacob seals the covenant, which has been concluded with Laban and sworn to by God, with a covenant meal. Whilst the burnt-offering, which was given wholly up to God and entirely consumed upon the altar, and which ascended to heaven in the smoke, set forth the self-surrender of man to God, the slain-offering, which culminated in the sacrificial meal, served as a seal of the covenant fellowship, and represented the living fellowship of man with God. Thus, when Jacob-Israel went down with his house to Egypt, he sacrificed at Beersheba, on the border of the promised land, to the God of his father Isaac, not burnt-offerings, but slain-offerings (Genesis 46:1), through which he presented his prayer to the Lord for preservation in covenant fellowship even in a foreign land, and in consequence of which he received the promise from God in a nocturnal vision, that He, the God of his father, would go with him to Egypt and bring him up again to Canaan, and so maintain the covenant which He had made with his fathers, and assuredly fulfil it in due time. The expiatory offerings, properly so called, viz., the sin and trespass-offerings, were altogether unknown before the economy of the Sinaitic law; and even if an expiatory element was included in the burnt-offerings, so far as they embodied self-surrender to God, and thus involved the need of union and reconciliation with Him, so little prominence is given to this in the pre-Mosaic sacrifices, that, as we have already stated, no reference is made to expiation in connection with them. f154 The reason for this striking fact is to be found in the circumstance, that godly men of the primeval age offered their sacrifices to a God who had drawn near to them in revelations of love. It is true that in former times God had made known His holy justice in the destruction of the wicked and the deliverance of the righteous (Genesis 6:13ff., Leviticus 18:16ff.), and had commanded Abraham to walk blamelessly before Him (Genesis 17:1); but He had only manifested Himself to the patriarchs in His condescending love and mercy, whereas He had made known His holiness in His very first revelation to Moses in the words, “Draw not nigh hither; put off thy shoes,” etc. (Exodus 3:5), and unfolded it more and more in all subsequent revelations, especially at Sinai. After Jehovah had there declared to the people of Israel, whom He had redeemed out of Egypt, that they were to be a holy nation to Him (Exodus 19:6), He appeared upon the mountain in the terrible glory of His holy nature, to conclude His covenant of grace with them by the blood of burnt-offerings and slain-offerings, so that the people trembled and were afraid of death if the Lord should speak to them any more (Exodus 20:18ff.). These facts preceded the laws of sacrifice, and not only prepared the way for them, but furnished the key to their true interpretation, by showing that it was only by sacrifice that the sinful nation could enter into fellowship with the holy God.
The laws of sacrifice in ch. 1-7 are divisible into two groups. The first (ch. 1-5) contains the general instructions, which were applicable both to the community as a whole and also the individual Israelites. Ch. 1-3 contain an account of the animals and vegetables which could be used for the three kinds of offerings that were already common among them, viz., the burntofferings, meat-offerings, and slain-offerings; and precise rules are laid down for the mode in which they were to be offered. In ch. 4 and 5 the occasions are described on which sin-offerings and trespass-offerings were to be presented; and directions are given as to the sacrifices to be offered, and the mode of presentation on each separate occasion. The second group (ch. 6 and 7) contains special rules for the priests, with reference to their duties in connection with the different sacrifices, and the portions they were to receive; together with several supplementary laws, for example, with regard to the meat-offering of the priests, and the various kinds of slain or peace-offering. All these laws relate exclusively to the sacrifices to be offered spontaneously, either by individuals or by the whole community, the consciousness and confession of sin or debt being presupposed, even in the case of the sin and trespass-offerings, and their presentation being made to depend upon the free-will of those who had sinned. This is a sufficient explanation of the fact, that they contain no rules respecting either the time for presenting them, or the order in which they were to follow one another, when two or more were offered together. At the same time, the different rules laid down with regard to the ritual to be observed, applied not only to the private sacrifices, but also to those of the congregation, which were prescribed by special laws for every day, and for the annual festivals, as well as to the sacrifices of purification and consecration, for which no separate ritual is enjoined.
1. GENERAL RULES FOR THE SACRIFICES.
The common term for sacrifices of every kind was Corban (presentation; see at Leviticus 1:2). It is not only applied to the burnt-offerings, meatofferings, and slain or peace-offerings, in Leviticus 1:2-3,10,14; 2:1,4ff., 3:1 6, etc., but also to the sin-offerings and trespass-offerings in Leviticus 4:23,28,32; 5:11; Numbers 5:15, etc., as being holy gifts (Exodus 28:38 cf.
Numbers 18:9) with which Israel was to appear before the face of the Lord (Exodus 23:15; Deuteronomy 16:16-17). These sacrificial gifts consisted partly of clean tame animals and birds, and partly of vegetable productions; and hence the division into the two classes of bleeding and bloodless (bloody and unbloody) sacrifices. The animals prescribed in the law are those of the herd, and the flock, the latter including both sheep and goats (Leviticus 1:2-3,10; 22:21; Numbers 15:3), two collective terms, for which ox and sheep, or goat (ox, sheep and goat) were the nomina usitatis (Leviticus 7:23; 17:3; 22:19,27; Numbers 15:11; Deuteronomy 14:4), that is to say, none but tame animals whose flesh was eaten (Leviticus 11:3; Deuteronomy 14:4); whereas unclean animals, though tame, such as asses, camels, and swine, were inadmissible; and game, though edible, e.g., the hare, the stag, the roebuck, and gazelle (Deuteronomy 14:5).
Both male and female were offered in sacrifice, from the herd as well as the flock (Leviticus 3:1), and young as well as old, though not under eighty days old (Leviticus 22:27; Exodus 22:29); so that the ox was offered either as calf (Leviticus 9:2; Genesis 15:9; 1 Samuel 16:2) or as bullock, i.e., as young steer or heifer (ch. Leviticus 4:3), or as full-grown cattle. Every sacrificial animal was to be without blemish, i.e., free from bodily faults (Leviticus 1:3,10; 22:19ff.). The only birds that were offered were turtledoves and young pigeons (Leviticus 1:14), which were presented either by poor people as burnt-offerings, and as a substitute for the larger animals ordinarily required as sin-offerings and trespass-offerings (Leviticus 5:7; 12:8; 14:22,31), or as sin and burnt-offerings, for defilements of a less serious kind (Leviticus 12:6-7; 15:14,29-30; Numbers 6:10-11). The vegetable sacrifices consisted of meal, for the most part of fine flour (Leviticus 2:1), of cakes of different kinds (ch. 2:4-7), and of toasted ears or grains of corn (Leviticus 2:14), to which there were generally added oil and incense, but never leaven or honey (ch. 2:11); and also of wine for a drink-offering (Numbers 15:5ff.).
The bleeding sacrifices were divided into four classes: viz., (1) burnt-offerings (ch. 1), for which a male animal or pigeon only was admissible; (2) peace-offerings (slain-offerings of peace, ch. 3), which were divisible again into praise-offerings, vow-offerings, and freewillofferings (Leviticus 7:12,16), and consisted of both male and female animals, but never of pigeons; (3) sin-offerings (Leviticus 4:1-5:13); and (4) trespass-offerings (Leviticus 5:14-26).
Both male and female animals might be taken for the sin-offerings; and doves also could be used, sometimes independently, sometimes as substitutes for larger animals; and in cases of extreme poverty meal alone might be used (Leviticus 5:11). But for the trespass-offerings either a ram (ch. Leviticus 5:15,18,25; 19:21) or a lamb had to be sacrificed (Leviticus 14:12; Numbers 6:12). All the sacrificial animals were to be brought “before Jehovah,” i.e., before the altar of burnt-offering, in the court of the tabernacle (Leviticus 1:3,5,11; 3:1,7,12; 4:4).
There the offerer was to rest his hand upon the head of the animal (Leviticus 1:4), and then to slaughter it, flay it, cut it in pieces, and prepare it for a sacrificial offering; after which the priest would attend to the sprinkling of the blood and the burning upon the altar fire (Leviticus 1:5-9; 6:2ff., 21:6). In the case of the burnt-offerings, peace-offerings, and trespass-offerings, the blood was swung all round against the walls of the altar (Leviticus 1:5,11; 3:2,8,13; 7:2); in that of the sin-offerings a portion was placed upon the horns of the altar of burnt-offering, and in certain circumstances it was smeared upon the horns of the altar of incense, or sprinkled upon the ark of the covenant in the most holy place, and the remainder poured out at the foot of the altar of burnt-offering (4:5-7,16- 18,25,30). In the case of the burnt-offering, the flesh was all burned upon the altar, together with the head and entrails, the latter having been previously cleansed (Leviticus 1:8,13); in that of the peace-offerings, sinofferings, and trespass-offerings, the fat portions only were burned upon the altar, viz., the larger and smaller caul, the fat upon the entrails and inner muscles of the loins, and the kidneys with their fat (Leviticus 3:9-11,14-16; 4:8-10,19,26,31,35; 7:3-5).
When a peace-offering was presented, the breast piece and right leg were given to Jehovah for the priests, and the rest of the flesh was used and consumed by the offerer in a sacrificial meal (Leviticus 7:15-17,30-34). But the flesh of the trespass-offerings and sin-offerings of the laity was boiled and eaten by the priests in a holy place, i.e., in the court of the tabernacle (Leviticus 6:19,22; 7:6). In the sin-offerings presented for the high priest and the whole congregation the animal was all burnt in a clean place outside the camp, including even the skin, the entrails, and the ordure (Leviticus 4:11-12,21). When the sacrifice consisted of pigeons, the priest let the blood flow down the wall of the altar, or sprinkled it against it; and then, if the pigeon was brought as a burnt-offering, he burnt it upon the altar after taking away the crop and faeces; but if it was brought for a sinoffering, he probably followed the rule laid down in Leviticus 1:15 and 5:8.
The bloodless gifts were employed as meat and drink-offerings. The meatoffering (minchah) was presented sometimes by itself, at other times in connection with burnt-offerings and peace-offerings. The independence of the meat-offering, which has been denied by Bähr and Kurtz on insufficient grounds, is placed beyond all doubt, not only by the meat-offering of the priests (Leviticus 6:13ff.) and the so-called jealousy-offering (Numbers 5:15ff.), but also by the position in which it is placed in the laws of sacrifice, between the burnt and peace-offerings. From the instructions in Numbers 15:1-16, to offer a meat-offering mixed with oil and a drinkoffering of wine with every burnt-offering and peace-offering, the quantity to be regulated by the size of the animal, it by no means follows that all the meat-offerings were simply accompaniments to the bleeding sacrifices, and were only to be offered in connection with them.
On the contrary, inasmuch as these very instructions prescribe only a meatoffering of meal with oil, together with a drink-offering of wine, as the accompaniment to the burnt and peace-offerings, without mentioning incense at all, they rather prove that the meat-offerings mentioned in ch. 2, which might consist not only of meal and oil, with which incense had to be used, but also of cakes of different kinds and roasted corn, are to be distinguished from the mere accompaniments mentioned in Numbers 15. In addition to this, it is to be observed that pastry, in the form of cakes of different kinds, was offered with the praise-offerings, according to Leviticus 7:12ff., and probably with the two other species of peaceofferings as well; so that we should introduce an irreconcilable discrepancy between Numbers 15 and Leviticus 2, if we were to restrict all the meatofferings to the accompaniments mentioned in Numbers 15, or reduce them to merely dependent additions to the burnt and peace-offerings. Only a portion of the independent meat-offerings was burnt by the priest upon the altar (Leviticus 2:2,9,16); the rest was to be baked without leaven, and eaten by the priests in the court, as being most holy (Leviticus 6:8-11): it was only the meat-offering of the priests that was all burned upon the altar (Leviticus 6:16). — The law contains no directions as to what was to be done with the drink-offering; but the wine was no doubt poured round the foot of the altar (Ecclus. l. 15. Josephus, Ant. iii. 9, 4).
The great importance of the sacrifices prescribed by the law may be inferred to a great extent, apart from the fact that sacrifice in general was founded upon the dependence of man upon God, and his desire for the restoration of that living fellowship with Him which had been disturbed by sin, from the circumstantiality and care with which both the choice of the sacrifices and the mode of presenting them are most minutely prescribed.
But their special meaning and importance in relation to the economy of the Old Covenant are placed beyond all question by the position they assumed in the ritual of the Israelites, forming as they did the centre of all their worship, so that scarcely any sacred action was performed without sacrifice, whilst they were also the medium through which forgiveness of sin and reconciliation with the Lord were obtained, either by each individual Israelite, or by the congregation as a whole. This significance, which was deeply rooted in the spiritual life of Israel, is entirely destroyed by those who lay exclusive stress upon the notion of presentation or gift, and can see nothing more in the sacrifices than a “renunciation of one’s own property,” for the purpose of “expressing reverence and devotion, love and gratitude to God by such a surrender, and at the same time of earning and securing His favour.” f155 The true significance of the legal sacrifices cannot be correctly and fully deduced from the term corban, which was common to them all, or from such names as were used to denote the different varieties of sacrifice, or even from the materials employed and the ritual observed, but only from all these combined, and from an examination of them in connection with the nature and design of the Old Testament economy.
Regarded as offerings or gifts, the sacrifices were only means by which Israel was to seek and sustain communion with its God. These gifts were to be brought by the Israelites from the blessing which God had bestowed upon the labour of their hands (Deuteronomy 16:17), that is to say, from the fruit of their regular occupations, viz., agriculture and the rearing of cattle; in other words, from the cattle they had reared, or the produce of the land they had cultivated, which constituted their principal articles of food (viz., edible animals and pigeons, corn, oil, and wine), in order that in these sacrificial gifts they might consecrate to the Lord their God, not only their property and food, but also the fruit of their ordinary avocations. In this light the sacrifices are frequently called “food (bread) of firing for Jehovah” (Leviticus 3:11,16) and “bread of God” (ch. 21:6,8,17); by which we are not to suppose that food offered to God for His own nourishment is intended, but food produced by the labour of man, and then caused to ascend as a firing to his God, for an odour of satisfaction (vid., Leviticus 3:11).
In the clean animals, which he had obtained by his own training and care, and which constituted his ordinary live-stock, and in the produce obtained through the labour of his hands in the field and vineyard, from which he derived his ordinary support, the Israelite offered not his victus as a symbolum vitae, but the food which he procured in the exercise of his Godappointed calling, as a symbol of the spiritual food which endureth unto everlasting life (John 6:27, cf. Leviticus 4:34), and which nourishes both soul and body for imperishable life in fellowship with God, that in these sacrificial gifts he might give up to the Lord, who had adopted him as His own possession, not so much the substance of his life, or that which sustained and preserved it, as the agens of his life, or his labour and toil, and all the powers he possessed, and might receive sanctification from the Lord in return.
In this way the sacrificial gifts acquire a representative character, and denote the self-surrender of a man, with all his labour and productions, to God. But the idea of representation received a distinct form and sacrificial character for the first time in the animal sacrifice, which was raised by the covenant revelation and the giving of the law into the very centre and soul of the whole institution of sacrifice, and primarily by the simple fact, that in the animal a life, a “living soul,” was given up to death and offered to God, to be the medium of vital fellowship to the man who had been made a “living soul” by the inspiration of the breath of God; but still more by the fact, that God had appointed the blood of the sacrificial animal, as the vehicle of its soul, to be the medium of expiation for the souls of men (Leviticus 17:11).
The verb “to expiate” ( rpæK; , from rpæK; to cover, construed with `l[æ objecti; see Leviticus 1:4) “does not signify to cause a sin not to have occurred, for that is impossible, nor to represent it as not existing, for that would be opposed to the stringency of the law, nor to pay or make compensation for it through the performance of any action; but to cover it over before God, i.e., to take away its power of coming in between God and ourselves” (Kahnis, Dogmatik, i. p. 271). But whilst this is perfectly true, the object primarily expiated, or to be expiated, according to the laws of sacrifice, is not the sin, but rather the man, or the soul of the offerer.
God gave the Israelites the blood of the sacrifices upon the altar to cover their souls (Leviticus 17:11) The end it answered was “to cover him” (the offerer, Leviticus 1:4); and even in the case of the sin-offering the only object was to cover him who had sinned, as concerning his sin (Leviticus 4:26,35, etc.). But the offerer of the sacrifice was covered, on account of his unholiness, from before the holy God, or, speaking more precisely, from the wrath of God and the manifestation of that wrath; that is to say, from the punishment which his sin had deserved, as we may clearly see from Genesis 32:20, and still more clearly from Exodus 32:30.
In the former case Jacob’s object is to reconcile ( rpæK; ) the face of his brother Esau by means of a present, that is to say, to modify the wrath of his brother, which he has drawn upon himself by taking away the blessing of the first-born. In the latter, Moses endeavours by means of his intercession to expiate the sin of the people, over whom the wrath of God is about to burn to destroy them (Exodus 32:9-10); in other words, to protect the people from the destruction which threatens them in consequence of the wrath of God (see also Numbers 17:11-12; 25:11-13).
The power to make expiation, i.e., to cover an unholy man from before the holy God, or to cover the sinner from the wrath of God, is attributed to the blood of the sacrificial animal, only so far as the soul lives in the blood, and the soul of the animal when sacrificed takes the place of the human soul.
This substitution is no doubt incongruous, since the animal and man differ essentially the one from the other; inasmuch as the animal follows an involuntary instinct, and its soul being constrained by the necessities of its nature is not accountable, and it is only in this respect that it can be regarded as sinless; whilst man, on the contrary, is endowed with freedom of will, and his soul, by virtue of the indwelling of his spirit, is not only capable of accountability, but can contract both sin and guilt.
When God, therefore, said, “I have given it to you upon the altar to make atonement for your souls” (Leviticus 17:11), and thus attributed to the blood of the sacrificial animals a significance which it could not naturally possess; this was done in anticipation of the true and perfect sacrifice which Christ, the Son of man and God, would offer in the fulness of time through the holy and eternal Spirit, for the reconciliation of the whole world (Hebrews 9:14). This secret of the unfathomable love of the triune God was hidden from the Israelites in the law, but it formed the real background for the divine sanction of the animal sacrifices, whereby they acquired a typical signification, so that they set forth in shadow that reconciliation, which God from all eternity had determined to effect by giving up His only-begotten Son to death, as a sacrifice for the sin of the whole world.
But however firmly the truth is established that the blood of the sacrifice intervened as a third object between the sinful man and the holy God, it was not the blood of the animal in itself which actually took the place of the man, nor was it the shedding of the blood in itself which was able to make expiation for the sinful man, in such a sense that the slaying of the animal had a judicial and penal character and the offering of sacrifice was an act of judgment instead of an ordinance of grace, as the juridical theory maintains. It was simply the blood as the vehicle of the soul, when sprinkled or poured out upon the altar, that is to say, it was the surrender of an innocent life to death, and through death to God, that was the medium of expiation. Even in the sacrifice of Christ it was not by the shedding of blood, or simply by the act of dying, that His death effected reconciliation, but by the surrender of His life to death, in which He not only shed His blood for us, but His body also was broken for us, to redeem us from sin and reconcile us to God. And even the suffering and death of Christ effect our reconciliation not simply by themselves, but as the completion of His sinless, holy life, in which, through doing and suffering, He was obedient even to the death of the cross, and through that obedience fulfilled the law as the holy will of God for us, and bore and suffered the punishment of our transgression.
Through His obedientia activa et passiva in life and death Christ rendered to the holy justice of God that satisfactio et poena vicaria, by virtue of which we receive forgiveness of sin, righteousness before God, reconciliation, grace, salvation, and eternal life. But these blessings of grace and salvation, which we owe to the sacrificial death of Christ, do not really become ours through the simple fact that Christ has procured them for man. We have still to appropriate them in faith, by dying spiritually with Christ, and rising with Him to a new life in God. This was also the case with the sacrifices of the Old Testament. They too only answered their end, when the Israelites, relying upon the word and promise of God, grasped and employed by faith the means of grace afforded them in the animal sacrifices; i.e., when in these sacrifices they offered themselves, or their personal life, as a sacrifice well-pleasing to God. The symbolical meaning of the sacrifices, which is involved in this, is not excluded or destroyed by the idea of representation, or representative mediation between sinful man and the holy God, which was essential to them.
It is rather demanded as their complement, inasmuch as, without this, the sacrificial worship would degenerate into a soulless opus operatum, and would even lose its typical character. This symbolical significance is strikingly expressed in the instructions relating to the nature of the sacrificial gifts, and the ritual connected with their presentation; and in the law it comes into the foreground just in proportion as the typical character of the sacrifices was concealed at the time in the wise economy of God, and was only unfolded to the spiritual vision of the prophets (Isaiah 43) with the progressive unfolding of the divine plan of salvation.
The leading features of the symbolical and typical meaning of the sacrifices are in their general outline the following. Every animal offered in sacrifice was to be µymiT; , a>mwmov , free from faults; not merely on the ground that only a faultless and perfect gift could be an offering fit for the Holy and Perfect One, but chiefly because moral faults were reflected in those of the body, and to prefigure the sinlessness and holiness of the true sacrifice, and warn the offerer that the sanctification of all his members was indispensable to a self-surrender to God, the Holy One, and to life in fellowship with Him. In connection with the act of sacrifice, it was required that the offerer should bring to the tabernacle the animal appointed for sacrifice, and there present it before Jehovah (Leviticus 1:3), because it was there that Jehovah dwelt among His people, and it was from His holy dwelling that He would reveal Himself to His people as their God. There the offerer was to lay his hand upon the head of the animal, that the sacrifice might be acceptable for him, to make expiation for him (Leviticus 1:4), and then to slay the animal and prepare it for a sacrificial gift.
By the laying on of his hand he not only set apart the sacrificial animal for the purpose for which he had come to the sanctuary, but transferred the feelings of his heart, which impelled him to offer the sacrifice, or the intention with which he brought the gift, to the sacrificial animal, so that his own head passed, as it were, to the head of the animal, and the latter became his substitute (see my Archäologie i. 206; Oehler, p. 267; Kahnis, i. p. 270). By the slaughter of the animal he gave it up to death, not merely for the double purpose of procuring the blood, in which was the life of the animal, as an expiation for his own soul, and its flesh as fire-food for Jehovah-for if the act of dying was profoundly significant in the case of the perfect sacrifice, it cannot have been without symbolical significance in the case of the typical sacrifice-but to devote his own life to God in the death of the sacrificial animal which was appointed as his substitute, and to set forth not only his willingness to die, but the necessity for the old man to die, that he might attain to life in fellowship with God. After this selfsurrender the priestly mediation commenced, the priest sprinkling the blood upon the altar, or its horns, and in one instance before Jehovah’s throne of grace, and then burning the flesh or fat of the sacrifice upon the altar.
The altar was the spot where God had promised to meet with His people (Exodus 29:42), to reconcile them to Himself, and bestow His grace upon them (see p. 456). Through this act of sprinkling the blood of the animal that had been given up to death upon the altar, the soul of the offerer was covered over before the holy God; and by virtue of this covering it was placed within the sphere of divine grace, which forgave the sin and filled the soul with power for new life. Fire was constantly burning upon the altar, which was prepared and kept up by the priest (Leviticus 6:5). Fire, from its inherent power to annihilate what is perishable, ignoble, and corrupt, is a symbol in the Scriptures, sometimes of purification, and sometimes of torment and destruction. That which has an imperishable kernel within it is purified by the fire, the perishable materials which have adhered to it or penetrated within it being burned out and destroyed, and the imperishable and nobler substance being thereby purified from all dross; whilst, on the other hand, in cases where the imperishable is completely swallowed up in the perishable, no purification ensues, but total destruction by the fire (1 Cor 3:12-13).
Hence fire is employed as a symbol and vehicle of the Holy Spirit (Acts 2:3-4), and the fire burning upon the altar was a symbolical representation of the working of the purifying Spirit of God; so that the burning of the flesh of the sacrifice upon the altar “represented the purification of the man, who had been reconciled to God, through the fire of the Holy Spirit, which consumes what is flesh, to pervade what is spirit with light and life, and thus to transmute it into the blessedness of fellowship with God” (Kahnis, p. 272).
It follows from this, that the relation which the sprinkling of the blood and the burning of the flesh of the sacrifice upon the altar bore to one another was that of justification and sanctification, those two indispensable conditions, without which sinful man could not attain to reconciliation with God and life in God. But as the sinner could neither justify himself before God nor sanctify himself by his own power, the sprinkling of blood and the burning of the portions of the sacrifice upon the altar were to be effected, not by the offerer himself, but only by the priest, as the mediator whom God had chosen and sanctified, not only that the soul which had been covered by the sacrificial blood might thereby be brought to God and received into His favour, but also that the bodily members, of which the flesh of the sacrifice was a symbol, might be given up to the fire of the Holy Spirit, to be purified and sanctified from the dross of sin, and raised in a glorified state to God; just as the sacrificial gift was consumed in the altar fire, so that, whilst its earthly perishable elements were turned into ashes and left behind, its true essence ascended towards heaven, where God is enthroned, in the most ethereal and glorified of material forms, as a sweetsmelling savour, i.e., as an acceptable offering. These two priestly acts, however, were variously modified according to the different objects of the several kinds of sacrifice. In the sin-offering the expiation of the sinner is brought into the greatest prominence; in the burnt-offering this falls into the background behind the idea of the self-surrender of a man to God for the sanctification of all his members, through the grace of God; and lastly, the peace-offering culminated in the peace of living communion with the Lord. (See the explanation of the several laws.) The materials and ritual of the bloodless sacrifices, and also their meaning and purpose, are much more simple. The meat and drink-offerings were not means of expiation, nor did they include the idea of representation.
They were simply gifts, in which the Israelites offered bread, oil, and wine, as fruits of the labour of their hands in the field and vineyard of the inheritance they had received from the Lord, and embodied in these earthly gifts the fruits of their spiritual labour in the kingdom of God (see at ch. 2).
LEVITICUS. 1:2
The Burnt-Offering. — Verse 2. “If any one of you present an offering to Jehovah of cattle, ye shall present your offering from the herd and from the flock.” ˆB;r]q; (Corban, from bræq; to cause to draw near, to bring near, or present, an offering) is applied not only to the sacrifices, which were burned either in whole or in part upon the altar (Leviticus 7:38; Numbers 18:9; 28:2, etc.), but to the first-fruits (Leviticus 2:12), and dedicatory offerings, which were presented to the Lord for His sanctuary and His service without being laid upon the altar (Numbers 7:3,10ff., 31:50). The word is only used in Leviticus and Numbers, and two passages in Ezekiel (Ch. Ezekiel 20:28; 40:43), where it is taken from the books of Moses, and is invariably rendered dw>ron in the LXX (cf. Mark 7:11 “Corban, that is to say a gift”). hm;heB] ˆmi (from the cattle) belongs to the first clause, though it is separated from it by the Athnach; and the apodosis begins with rq;B; ˆmi (from the herd). The actual antithesis to “the cattle” is “the fowl” in v. 14; though grammatically the latter is connected with v. 10, rather than v. 2.
The fowls (pigeons) cannot be included in the behemah, for this is used to denote, not domesticated animals generally, but the larger domesticated quadrupeds, or tame cattle (cf. Genesis 1:25).
LEVITICUS. 1:3-9
Ceremonial connected with the offering of an ox as a burnt-offering. `hl;[o (vid., Genesis 8:20) is generally rendered by the LXX oJlokau>twma or oJlokau>twsiv , sometimes holoka’rpooma or holoka’rpoosis, in the Vulgate holocaustum, because the animal was all consumed upon the altar.
The ox was to be a male without blemish ( a>mwmov , integer; i.e., free from bodily faults, see Leviticus 22:19-25), and to be presented “at the door of the tabernacle,” — i.e., near to the altar of burnt-offering (Exodus 40:6), where all the offerings were to be presented (Leviticus 17:8-9)-”for good pleasure for him (the offerer) before Jehovah,” i.e., that the sacrifice might secure to him the good pleasure of God (Exodus 28:38).
Verse 4. “he (the offerer) shall lay his hand upon the head of the burntoffering.”
The laying on of hands, by which, to judge from the verb Ëmæs; to lean upon, we are to understand a forcible pressure of the hand upon the head of the victim, took place in connection with all the slain-offerings (the offering of pigeons perhaps excepted), and is expressly enjoined in the laws for the burnt-offerings, the peace-offerings (Leviticus 3:2,7,13), and the sin-offerings (Leviticus 4:4,15,24,29,33), that is to say, in every case in which the details of the ceremonial are minutely described. But if the description is condensed, then no allusion is made to it: e.g., in the burntoffering of sheep and goats (v. 11), the sin-offering (Leviticus 5:6), and the trespass-offering (Leviticus 5:15,18,25). This ceremony was not a sign of the removal of something from his own power and possession, or the surrender and dedication of it to God, as Rosenmüller and Knobel f156 affirm; nor an indication of ownership and of a readiness to give up his own to Jehovah, as Bähr maintains; nor a symbol of the imputation of sin, as Kurtz supposes: but the symbol of a transfer of the feelings and intentions by which the offerer was actuated in presenting his sacrifice, whereby he set apart the animal as a sacrifice, representing his own person in one particular aspect (see p. 508). Now, so far as the burnt-offering expressed the intention of the offerer to consecrate his life and labour to the Lord, and his desire to obtain the expiation of the sin which still clung to all his works and desires, in order that they might become well-pleasing to God, he transferred the consciousness of his sinfulness to the victim by the laying on of hands, even in the case of the burnt-offering.
But this was not all: he also transferred the desire to walk before God in holiness and righteousness, which he could not do without the grace of God. This, and no more than this, is contained in the words, “that it may become well-pleasing to him, to make atonement for him.” rpæK; with Seghol (Ges. §52), to expiate (from the Kal rpæK; , which is not met with in Hebrew, the word in Genesis 6:14 being merely a denom. verb, but which signifies texit in Arabic), is generally construed with `l[æ like verbs of covering, and in the laws of sacrifice with the person as the object (“for him,” Leviticus 4:26,31,35; 5:6,10ff., 14:20,29, etc.; “for them,” Leviticus 4:20; 10:17; “for her,” ch. 12:7; for a soul, Leviticus 17:11; Exodus 30:15, cf. Numbers 8:12), and in the case of the sin-offerings with a second object governed either by `l[æ or ˆmi ( ha;F;jæ `l[æ `l[æ Leviticus 4:35; 5:13,18, or ha;F;jæ `l[æ Leviticus 4:26; 5:6, etc., to expiate him over or on account of his sin); also, though not so frequently, with d[æB] pers., exila’zesthai peri’ autou’ (Leviticus 16:6,24; 2 Chronicles 30:18), and ha;F;jæ d[æB] , exila’zesthai peri’ tee’s hamarti’as (Exodus 32:30), and with l¦ pers., to permit expiation to be made (Deuteronomy 21:8; Ezekiel 16:63); also with the accusative of the object, though in prose only in connection with the expiation of inanimate objects defiled by sin (Leviticus 16:33).
The expiation was always made or completed by the priest, as the sanctified mediator between Jehovah and the people, or, previous to the institution of the Aaronic priesthood, by Moses, the chosen mediator of the covenant, not by “Jehovah from whom the expiation proceeded,” as Bähr supposes. For although all expiation has its ultimate foundation in the grace of God, which desires not the death of the sinner, but his redemption and salvation, and to this end has opened a way of salvation, and sanctified sacrifice as the means of expiation and mercy; it is not Jehovah who makes the expiation, but this is invariably the office or work of a mediator, who intervenes between the holy God and sinful man, and by means of expiation averts the wrath of God from the sinner, and brings the grace of God to bear upon him. It is only in cases where the word is used in the secondary sense of pardoning sin, or showing mercy, that God is mentioned as the subject (e.g., Deuteronomy 21:8; Psalm 65:4; 78:38; Jeremiah 17:23). f158 The medium of expiation in the case of the sacrifice was chiefly the blood of the sacrificial animal that was sprinkled upon the altar (Leviticus 17:11); in addition to which, the eating of the flesh of the sin-offering by the priests is also called bearing the iniquity of the congregation to make atonement for them (Leviticus 10:17). In other cases it was the intercession of Moses (Exodus 32:30); also the fumigation with holy incense, which was a symbol of priestly intercession (Numbers 17:11). On one occasion it was the zeal of Phinehas, when he stabbed the Israelite with a spear for committing fornication with a Midianite (Numbers 25:8,13). In the case of a murder committed by an unknown hand, it was the slaying of an animal in the place of the murderer who remained undiscovered (Deuteronomy 21:1-9); whereas in other cases blood-guiltiness (murder) could not be expiated in any other way than by the blood of the person by whom it had been shed (Numbers 35:33). In Isaiah 27:9, a divine judgment, by which the nation was punished, is so described, as serving to avert the complete destruction which threatened it. And lastly, it was in some cases a rp,Ko , such, for example, as the atonement-money paid at the numbering of the people (Exodus 30:12ff.), and the payment made in the case referred to in Exodus 21:30.
If, therefore, the idea of satisfaction unquestionably lay at the foundation of the atonement that was made, in all those cases in which it was effected by a penal judgment, or judicial poena; the intercession of the priest, or the fumigation which embodied it, cannot possibly be regarded as a satisfaction rendered to the justice of God, so that we cannot attribute the idea of satisfaction to every kind of sacrificial expiation. Still less can it be discerned in the slaying of the animal, when simply regarded as the shedding of blood. To this we may add, that in the laws for the sin-offering there is no reference at all to expiation; and in the case of the burntoffering, the laying on of hands is described as the act by which it was to become well-pleasing to God, and to expiate the offerer. Now, if the laying on of hands was accompanied with a prayer, as the Jewish tradition affirms, and as we may most certainly infer from Deuteronomy 26:13, apart altogether from Leviticus 16:21, although no prayer is expressly enjoined; then in the case of the burnt-offerings and peace-offerings, it is in this prayer, or the imposition of hands which symbolized it, and by which the offerer substituted the sacrifice for himself and penetrated it with his spirit, that we must seek for the condition upon which the well-pleased acceptance of the sacrifice on the part of Fog depended, and in consequence of which it became an atonement for him; in other words, was fitted to cover him in the presence of the holiness of God.
Verse 5-9. The laying on of hands was followed by the slaughtering ( fjæv; , never tWm to put to death), which was performed by the offerer himself in the case of the private sacrifices, and by the priests and Levites in that of the national and festal offerings (2 Chronicles 29:22,24,34). The slaughtering took place “before Jehovah” (see v. 3), or, according to the more precise account in v. 11, on the side of the altar northward, for which the expression “before the door of the tabernacle” is sometimes used (Leviticus 3:2,8,13, etc.). rq;B; ˆBe (a young ox) is applied to a calf ( `lg,[e ) in Leviticus 9:2, and a mature young bull ( rpæ ) in Leviticus 4:3,14. But the animal of one year old is called `lg,[e in Leviticus 9:2, and the mature ox of seven years old is called rpæ in Judges 6:25. At the slaughtering the blood was caught by the priests (2 Chronicles 29:22), and sprinkled upon the altar. When the sacrifices were very numerous, as at the yearly feasts, the Levites helped to catch the blood (2 Chronicles 30:16); but the sprinkling upon the altar was always performed by the priests alone. In the case of the burnt-offerings, the blood was swung “against the altar round about,” i.e., against all four sides (walls) of the altar (not “over the surface of the altar”); i.e., it was poured out of the vessel against the walls of the altar with a swinging motion. This was also done when peace-offerings (Leviticus 3:2,8,13; 9:18) and trespass-offerings (ch. 7:2) were sacrificed; but it was not so with the sin-offering (see at Leviticus 4:5).
Verse 6. The offerer was then to flay the slaughtered animal, to cut it ( jtæn; generally rendered meli>zein in the LXX) into its pieces-i.e., to cut it up into the different pieces, into which an animal that has been killed is generally divided, namely, according to the separate joints, or “according to the bones” (Judges 19:29)-that he might boil its flesh in pots (Ezekiel 24:4,6). He was also to wash its intestines and the lower part of its legs (v. 9). br,q, , the inner part of the body, or the contents of the inner part of the body, signifies the viscera; not including those of the breast, however, such as the lungs, heart, and liver, to which the term is also applied in other cases (for in the case of the peace-offerings, when the fat which envelopes the intestines, the kidneys, and the liver-lobes was to be placed upon the altar, there is no washing spoken of), but the intestines of the abdomen or belly, such as the stomach and bowels, which would necessarily have to be thoroughly cleansed, even when they were about to be used as food. as,K, , which is only found in the dual, and always in connection either with oxen and sheep, or with the springing legs of locusts (Leviticus 11:21), denotes the shin, or calf below the knee, or the leg from the knee down to the foot.
Verse 7-9. It was the duty of the sons of Aaron, i.e., of the priests, to offer the sacrifice upon the altar. To this end they were to “put fire upon the altar” (of course this only applies to the first burnt-offering presented after the erection of the altar, as the fire was to be constantly burning upon the altar after that, without being allowed to go out, Leviticus 6:6), and to lay “wood in order upon the fire” ( `Ëræ[; to lay in regular order), and then to “lay the parts, the head and the fat, in order upon the wood on the fire,” and thus to cause the whole to ascend in smoke. rd,p, , which is only used in connection with the burnt-offering (vv. 8, 12, and Leviticus 8:20), signifies, according to the ancient versions (LXX ste>ar ) and the rabbinical writers, the fat, probably those portions of fat which were separated from the entrails and taken out to wash. Bochart’s explanation is adeps a carne sejunctus. The head and fat are specially mentioned along with the pieces of flesh, partly because they are both separated from the flesh when animals are slaughtered, and partly also to point out distinctly that the whole of the animal (“all,” v. 9) was to be burned upon the altar, with the exception of the skin, which was given to the officiating priest (Leviticus 7:8), and the contents of the intestines. rfæq; , to cause to ascend in smoke and steam (Exodus 30:7), which is frequently construed with jæBez]mi towards the altar (h local, so used as to include position in a place; vid., vv. 13, 15, 17; Leviticus 2:2,9, etc.), or with jæBez]mi (Leviticus 6:8), or `al-hamiz¦beeach (Leviticus 9:13,17), was the technical expression for burning the sacrifice upon the altar, and showed that the intention was not simply to burn those portions of the sacrifice which were placed in the fire, i.e., to destroy, or turn them into ashes, but by this process of burning to cause the odour which was eliminated to ascend to heaven as the ethereal essence of the sacrifice, for a “firing of a sweet savour unto Jehovah.” hV;ai , firing (“an offering made by fire,” Eng. Ver.), is the general expression used to denote the sacrifices, which ascended in fire upon the altar, whether animal or vegetable (Leviticus 2:2,11,16), and is also applied to the incense laid upon the shew-bread (Leviticus 24:7); and hence the shew-bread itself (Leviticus 24:7), and even those portions of the sacrifices which Jehovah assigned to the priests for them to eat (Deuteronomy 18:1 cf. Joshua 13:14), came also to be included in the firings for Jehovah. The word does not occur out of the Pentateuch, except in Joshua 13:14 and 1 Samuel 2:28. In the laws of sacrifice it is generally associated with the expression, “a sweet savour unto Jehovah” ( osmh> euwdi>av : LXX): an anthropomorphic description of the divine satisfaction with the sacrifices offered, or the gracious acceptance of them on the part of God (see Genesis 8:21), which is used in connection with all the sacrifices, even the expiatory or sin-offerings (Leviticus 4:31), and with the drink-offering also (Numbers 15:7,10).
LEVITICUS. 1:10-13
With regard to the mode of sacrificing, the instructions already given for the oxen applied to the flock (i.e., to the sheep and goats) as well, so that the leading points are repeated here, together with a more precise description of the place for slaughtering, viz., “by the side of the altar towards the north,” i.e., on the north side of the altar. This was the rule with all the slain-offerings; although it is only in connection with the burntofferings, sin-offerings, and trespass-offerings (Leviticus 4:24,29,33; 6:18; 7:2; 14:13) that it is expressly mentioned, whilst the indefinite expression “at the door (in front) of the tabernacle” is applied to the peace-offerings in Leviticus 3:2,8,13, as it is to the trespass-offerings in ch. 4:4, from which the Rabbins have inferred, though hardly upon good ground, that the peace-offerings could be slaughtered in any part of the court. The northern side of the altar was appointed as the place of slaughtering, however, not from the idea that the Deity dwelt in the north (Ewald), for such an idea is altogether foreign to Mosaism, but, as Knobel supposes, probably because the table of shew-bread, with the continual meat-offering, stood on the north side in the holy place. Moreover, the eastern side of the altar in the court was the place for the refuse, or heap of ashes (v. 16); the ascent to the altar was probably on the south side, as Josephus affirms that it was in the second temple (J. de bell. jud. v. 5, 6); and the western side, or the space between the altar and the entrance to the holy place, would unquestionably have been the most unsuitable of all for the slaughtering. In v. 12 wgw’ w¦’et-ro’show is to be connected per zeugma with jtæne , “let him cut it up according to its parts, and (sever) its head and its fat.”
LEVITICUS. 1:14-15
The burnt-offering of fowls was to consist of turtle-doves or young pigeons. The Israelites have reared pigeons and kept dovecots from time immemorial (Isaiah 60:8, cf. 2 Kings 6:25); and the rearing of pigeons continued to be a favourite pursuit with the later Jews (Josephus, de bell. jud. v. 4, 4), so that they might very well be reckoned among the domesticated animals. There are also turtle-doves and wild pigeons in Palestine in such abundance, that they could easily furnish the ordinary animal food of the poorer classes, and serve as sacrifices in the place of the larger animals. The directions for sacrificing these, were that the priest was to bring the bird to the altar, to hip off its head, and cause it to ascend in smoke upon the altar. qlæm; , which only occurs in v. 15 and Leviticus 5:8, signifies undoubtedly to pinch off, and not merely to pinch; for otherwise the words in Leviticus 5:8, “and shall not divide it asunder,” would be superfluous. We have therefore to think of it as a severance of the head, as the LXX (apokni’zein) and Rabbins have done, and not merely a wringing of the neck and incision in the skin by which the head was left hanging to the body; partly because the words, “and not divide it asunder,” are wanting here, and partly also because of the words, “and burn it upon the altar,” which immediately follow, and which must refer to the head, and can only mean that, after the head had been pinched off, it was to be put at once into the burning altar-fire. For it is obviously unnatural to regard these words as anticipatory, and refer them to the burning of the whole dove; not only from the construction itself, but still more on account of the clause which follows: “and the blood thereof shall be pressed out against the wall of the altar.” The small quantity that there was of the blood prevented it from being caught in a vessel, and swung from it against the altar.
LEVITICUS 1:16,17 He then took out Ht;xO;nOB] wOta;r]muAta, , i.e., according to the probable explanation of these obscure words, “its crop in (with) the foeces thereof,” and threw it “at the side of the altar eastwards,” i.e., on the eastern side of the altar, “on the ash-place,” where the ashes were thrown when taken from the altar (Leviticus 6:3). He then made an incision in the wings of the pigeon, but without severing them, and burned them on the altar-fire (v. 17, cf. v. 9).
The burnt-offerings all culminated in the presentation of the whole sacrifice upon the altar, that it might ascend to heaven, transformed into smoke and fragrance. Hence it is not only called `hl;[o , the ascending (see Genesis 8:20), but lyliK; , a whole-offering (Deut. 33:10; Ps. 51:21; 1 Sam. 7:9). If the burning and sending up in the altar-fire shadowed forth the selfsurrender of the offerer to the purifying fire of the Holy Ghost (p. 509); the burnt-offering was an embodiment of the idea of the consecration and selfsurrender of the whole man to the Lord, to be pervaded by the refining and sanctifying power of divine grace. This self-surrender was to be vigorous and energetic in its character; and this was embodied in the instructions to choose male animals for the burnt-offering, the male sex being stronger and more vigorous than the female. To render the self-sacrifice perfect, it was necessary that the offerer should spiritually die, and that through the mediator of his salvation he should put his soul into a living fellowship with the Lord by sinking it as it were into the death of the sacrifice that had died for him, and should also bring his bodily members within the operations of the gracious Spirit of God, that thus he might be renewed and sanctified both body and soul, and enter into union with God.
LEVITICUS. 2:1-3
The Meat-Offering.
The burnt-offerings are followed immediately by the meat-offerings, not only because they were offered along with them from the very first (Genesis 4:3), but because they stood nearest to them in their general signification. The usual epithet applied to them is minchah, lit., a present with which any one sought to obtain the favour or goodwill of a superior (Genesis 32:21-22; 43:11,15, etc.), then the gift offered to God as a sign of grateful acknowledgment that the offerer owed everything to Him, as well as of a desire to secure His favour and blessing. This epithet was used at first for animal sacrifices as well as offerings of fruit (Genesis 4:4-5). But in the Mosaic law it was restricted to bloodless offerings, i.e., to the meatofferings, whether presented independently, or in connection with the animal sacrifices (zebachim). The full term is korban minchah, offering of a gift: dw>ron qusi>a or prosfora> , also qusi>a alone (LXX). The meatofferings consisted of fine wheaten flour (vv. 1-3), or cakes of such flour (vv. 4-6), or roasted grains as an offering of first-fruits (vv. 14-16). To all of them there were added oil (vv. 1, 4-7, 15) and salt (v. 13); and to those which consisted of flour and grains, incense also (vv. 1 and 15). Only a handful of each kind was burnt upon the altar; the rest was handed over to the priests, as “a thing most holy” (v. 3).
Verse 1-3. The first kind consisted of soleth, probably from hl;s; = llæs; to swing, swung flour, like pa>lh from pa’lloo, i.e., fine flour; and for this no doubt wheaten flour was always used, even when hF;ji is not added, as in Exodus 29:2, to distinguish it from jmæq, , or ordinary meal ( semi>daliv : 1 Kings 5:2). The suffix in ˆB;r]q; (his offering) refers to vp,n, , which is frequently construed as both masculine and feminine (Leviticus 4:2,27-28, v. 1, etc.), or as masculine only (Numbers 31:28) in the sense of person, any one. “And let him pour oil upon it, and put incense thereon (or add incense to it).” This was not spread upon the flour, on which oil had been poured, but added in such a way, that it could be lifted from the minchah and burned upon the altar (v. 2). The priest was then to take a handful of the gift that had been presented, and cause the azcarah of it to evaporate above (together with) all the incense. xm,qo alm] : the filling of his closed hand, i.e., as much as he could hold with his hand full, not merely with three fingers, as the Rabbins affirm.
Azcarah (from rkæz; , formed like hr;muv]aæ from rmæv; ) is only applied to Jehovah’s portion, which was burned upon the altar in the case of the meat-offering (vv. 9, 16, and Leviticus 6:8), the sin-offering of flour (ch. 5:12), and the jealousy-offering (Numbers 5:26), and to the incense added to the shew-bread (Leviticus 24:7). It does not mean the prize portion, i.e., the portion offered for the glory of God, as Deuteronomy Dieu and Rosenmüller maintain, still less the fragrance-offering (Ewald), but the memorial, or remembrance-portion, mnhmo>sunon or ana>mnhsiv (Leviticus 24:7, LXX), memoriale (Vulg.), inasmuch as that part of the minchah which was placed upon the altar ascended in the smoke of the fire “on behalf of the giver, as a practical mememto (‘remember me’) to Jehovah:” though there is no necessity that we should trace the word to the Hiphil in consequence.
The rest of the minchah was to belong to Aaron and his sons, i.e., to the priesthood, as a most holy thing of the firings of Jehovah. The term “most holy” is applied to all the sacrificial gifts that were consecrated to Jehovah, in this sense, that such portions as were not burned upon the altar were to be eaten by the priests alone in a holy place; the laity, and even such of the Levites as were not priests, being prohibited from partaking of them (see at Exodus 26:33 and 30:10). Thus the independent meat-offerings, which were not entirely consumed upon the altar (vv. 3, 10, Leviticus 6:10; 10:12), the sin-offerings and trespass-offerings, the flesh of which was not burned outside the camp (Leviticus 6:18,22; 7:1,6; 10:17; 14:13; Numbers 18:9), the shew-bread (ch. Leviticus 24:9), and even objects put under the ban and devoted to the Lord, whether men, cattle, or property of other kinds (Leviticus 27:28), as well as the holy incense (Exodus 30:36)-in fact, all the holy sacrificial gifts, in which there was any fear lest a portion should be perverted to other objects-were called most holy; whereas the burnt-offerings, the priestly meat-offerings (Leviticus 6:12-16) and other sacrifices, which were quite as holy, were not called most holy, because the command to burn them entirely precluded the possibility of their being devoted to any of the ordinary purposes of life. LEVITICUS 2:4-11 The second kind consisted of pastry of fine flour and oil prepared in different forms. The first was maapheh tannur, oven-baking: by rWNTæ we are not to understand a baker’s over (Hosea 7:4,6), but a large pot in the room, such as are used for baking cakes in the East even to the present day (see my Archäol. §99, 4). The oven-baking might consist either of “cakes of unleavened meal mixed (made) with oil,” or of “pancakes of unleavened meal anointed (smeared) with oil.” Challoth: probably from llæj; to pierce, perforated cakes, of a thicker kind. Rekkim: from qqær; to be beaten out thin; hence cakes or pancakes. As the latter were to be smeared with oil, we cannot understand llæB; as signifying merely the pouring of oil upon the baked cakes, but must take it in the sense of mingled, mixed, i.e., kneaded with oil (pefurame’nous LXX, or according to Hesychius, memigme>nouv ).
Verse 5-6. Secondly, if the minchah was an offering upon the pan, it was also to be made of fine flour mixed with oil and unleavened. Machabath is a pan, made, according to Ezekiel 4:3, of iron-no doubt a large iron plate, such as the Arabs still use for baking unleavened bread in large round cakes made flat and thin (Robinson, Palestine i. 50, ii. 180). These girdles or flat pans are still in use among the Turcomans of Syria and the Armenians (see Burckhardt, Syr. p. 1003; Tavernier, Reise 1, p. 280), whilst the Berbians and Cabyles of Africa use shallow iron frying-pans for the purpose, and call them tajen,-the same name, no doubt, as tee’ganon, with which the LXX have rendered machabath. These cakes were to be broken in pieces for the minchah, and oil to be poured upon them (the inf. abs. as in Exodus 13:3; 20:8, vid., Ges. §131, 4); just as the Bedouins break the cakes which they bake in the hot ashes into small pieces, and prepare them for eating by pouring butter or oil upon them.
Verse 7. Thirdly, “If thy oblation be a tigel-minchah, it shall be made of fine flour with oil.” Marchesheth is not a gridiron ( e>scara , LXX); but, as it is derived from vr;j; , ebullivit, it must apply to a vessel in which food was boiled. We have therefore to think of cakes boiled in oil.
LEVITICUS. 2:8-13
The presentation of the minchah “made of these things,” i.e., of the different kinds of pastry mentioned in vv. 4-7, resembled in the main that described in vv. 1-3. The ˆmi µWr in v. 9 corresponds to the ˆmi xmæq; in v. 2, and does not denote any special ceremony of heaving, as is supposed by the Rabbins and many archaeological writers, who understand by it a solemn movement up and down. This will be evident from a comparison of Leviticus 3:3 with ch. 4:8,31,35, and 7:3. In the place of ˆmi µWr in Leviticus 4:8 we find jbæz, bræq; in Leviticus 4:10, bl,j, rWs rv,a in Leviticus 4:31 and 35; so that ˆmi µWr evidently denotes simply the lifting off or removal of those parts which were to be burned upon the altar from the rest of the sacrifice (cf. Bähr, ii. 357, and my Archäologie i. p. 244-5). — In vv. 11-13 there follow two laws which were applicable to all the meat-offerings: viz., to offer nothing leavened (v. 11), and to salt every meat-offering, and in fact every sacrifice, with salt (v. 13).
Every minchah was to be prepared without leaven: “for all leaven, and all honey, ye shall not burn a firing of it for Jehovah. As an offering of firstfruits ye may offer them (leaven and honey, i.e., pastry made with them) to Jehovah, but they shall not come upon the altar.” Leaven and honey are mentioned together as things which produce fermentation. Honey has also an acidifying or fermenting quality, and was even used for the preparation of vinegar (Plin. h. n. 11, 15; 21, 14). In rabbinical writings, therefore, hid¦biysh signifies not only dulcedinem admittere, but corrumpsi, fermentari, fermentescere (vid., Buxtorf, lex. chald. talm. et rabb. p. 500).
By “honey” we are to understand not grape-honey, the dibs of the Arabs, as Rashi and Bähr do, but the honey of bees; for, according to 2 Chronicles 31:5, this alone was offered as an offering of first-fruits along with corn, new wine, and oil; and in fact, as a rule, this was the only honey used by the ancients in sacrifice (see Bochart, Hieroz. iii. pp. 393ff.). The loaves of first-fruits at the feast of Weeks were leavened; but they were assigned to the priests, and not burned upon the altar (Leviticus 23:17,20).
So also were the cakes offered with the vow-offerings, which were applied to the sacrificial meal (Leviticus 7:13); but not the shew-bread, as Knobel maintains (see at Leviticus 24:5ff.). Whilst leaven and honey were forbidden to be used with any kind of minchah, because of their producing fermentation and corruption, salt on the other hand was not to be omitted from any sacrificial offering. “Thou shalt not let the salt of the covenant of thy God cease from thy meat-offering,” i.e., thou shalt never offer a meatoffering without salt. The meaning which the salt, with its power to strengthen food and preserve it from putrefaction and corruption, imparted to the sacrifice, was the unbending truthfulness of that self-surrender to the Lord embodied in the sacrifice, by which all impurity and hypocrisy were repelled. The salt of the sacrifice is called the salt of the covenant, because in common life salt was the symbol of covenant; treaties being concluded and rendered firm and inviolable, according to a well-known custom of the ancient Greeks (see Eustathius ad Iliad. i. 449) which is still retained among the Arabs, by the parties to an alliance eating bread and salt together, as a sign of the treaty which they had made.
As a covenant of this kind was called a “covenant of salt,” equivalent to an indissoluble covenant (Numbers 18:19; 2 Chronicles 13:5), so here the salt added to the sacrifice is designated as salt of the covenant of God, because of its imparting strength and purity to the sacrifice, by which Israel was strengthened and fortified in covenant fellowship with Jehovah. The following clause, “upon (with) every sacrificial gift of thine shalt thou offer salt,” is not to be restricted to the meat-offering, as Knobel supposes, nor to be understood as meaning that the salt was only to be added to the sacrifice externally, to be offered with or beside it; in which case the strewing of salt upon the different portions of the sacrifice (Ezekiel 43:24; Mark 9:49) would have been a departure from the ancient law. For korban without any further definition denotes the sacrificial offerings generally, the bleeding quite as much as the bloodless, and the closer definition of `l[æ bræq; (offer upon) is contained in the first clause of the verse, “season with salt.” The words contain a supplementary rule which was applicable to every sacrifice (bleeding and bloodless), and was so understood from time immemorial by the Jews themselves (cf. Josephus, Ant. iii. 9, 1). f160 LEVITICUS 2:14-16 The third kind was the meat-offering of first-fruits, i.e., of the first ripening corn. This was to be offered in the form of “ears parched or roasted by the fire; in other words, to be made from ears which had been roasted at the fire. To this is added the further definition lm,r]Kæ cr,G, “rubbed out of fieldfruit.” cr,G, , from cræG, = sræG; , to rub to pieces, that which is rubbed to pieces; it only occurs here and in vv. 14 and 16. lm,r]Kæ is applied generally to a corn-field, in Isaiah 29:17 and 32:16 to cultivated ground, as distinguished from desert; here, and in Leviticus 23:14 and 2 Kings 4:42, it is used metonymically for field-fruit, and denotes early or the first-ripe corn. Corn roasted by the fire, particularly grains of wheat, is still a very favourite food in Palestine, Syria, and Egypt. The ears are either burnt along with the stalks before they are quite ripe, and then rubbed out in a sieve; or stalks of wheat are bound up in small bundles and roasted at a bright fire, and then the grains are eaten (Seetzen, i. p. 94, iii. p. 221; Robinson, Biblical Researches, p. 393). Corn roasted in this manner is not so agreeable as when (as is frequently the case in harvest, Ruth 2:14) the grains of wheat are taken before they are quite dry and hard, and parched in a pan or upon an iron plate, and then eaten either along with or in the place of bread (Robinson, Pal. ii. 394). The minchah mentioned here was prepared in the first way, viz., of roasted ears of corn, which were afterwards rubbed to obtain the grains: it consisted, therefore, not of crushed corn or groats, but only of toasted grains. In the place of hl;q; bybia; we find yliq; (Leviticus 23:14), or hl;q; (Joshua 5:11), afterwards employed. Oil and incense were to be added, and the same course adopted with the offering as in the case of the offering of flour (vv. 2, 3).
If therefore, all the meat-offerings consisted either of flour and oil-the most important ingredients in the vegetable food of the Israelites-or of food already prepared for eating, there can be no doubt that in them the Israelite offered his daily bread to the Lord, though in a manner which made an essential difference between them and the merely dedicatory offerings of the first-fruits of corn and bread. For whilst the loaves of first-fruits were leavened, and, as in the case of the sheaf of first-fruits, no part of them was burnt upon the altar (Leviticus 23:10-11; 17:20), every independent meatoffering was to be prepared without leaven, and a portion given to the Lord as fire-food, for a savour of satisfaction upon the altar; and the rest was to be scrupulously kept from being used by the offerer, as a most holy thing, and to be eaten at the holy place by the sanctified priests alone, as the servants of Jehovah, and the mediators between Him and the nation.
On account of this peculiarity, the meat-offerings cannot have denoted merely the sanctification of earthly food, but were symbols of the spiritual food prepared and enjoyed by the congregation of the Lord. If even the earthly life is not sustained and nourished merely by the daily bread which a man procures and enjoys, but by the power of divine grace, which strengthens and blesses the food as means of preserving life; much less can the spiritual life be nourished by earthly food, but only by the spiritual food which a man prepares and partakes of, by the power of the Spirit of God, from the true bread of life, or the word of God. Now, as oil in the Scriptures is invariably a symbol of the Spirit of God as the principle of all spiritual vis vitae (see p. 435), so bread-flour and bread, procured from the seed of the field, are symbols of the word of God (Deuteronomy 8:3; Luke 8:11). As God gives man corn and oil to feed and nourish his bodily life, so He gives His people His word and Spirit, that they may draw food from these for the spiritual life of the inner man.
The work of sanctification consists in the operation of this spiritual food, through the right use of the means of grace for growth in pious conversation and good works (Matthew 5:16; 1 Peter 2:12). The enjoyment of this food fills the inner man with peace, joy, and blessedness in God. This fruit of the spiritual life is shadowed forth in the meatofferings.
They were to be kept free, therefore, both from the leaven of hypocrisy (Luke 12:1) and of malice and wickedness (1 Cor 5:8), and also from the honey of the deliciae carnis, because both are destructive of spiritual life; whilst, on the other hand, the salt of the covenant of God (i.e., the purifying, strengthening, and quickening power of the covenant, by which moral corruption was averted) and the incense of prayer were both to be added, in order that the fruits of the spiritual life might become wellpleasing to the Lord. It was upon this signification that the most holy character of the meat-offerings was founded.
LEVITICUS. 3:1-5
The Peace-Offerings.
The third kind of sacrifice is called µl,v, jbæz, , commonly rendered thankoffering, but more correctly a saving-offering (Heilsopfer: Angl. peaceoffering).
Besides this fuller form, which is the one most commonly employed in Leviticus, we meet with the abbreviated forms jbæz, and µl,v, : e.g., jbæz, in Leviticus 7:16-17; 23:37, more especially in combination with `hl;[o , Leviticus 17:8 cf. Exodus 10:25; 18:12; Numbers 15:3,5; Deuteronomy 12:27; Joshua 22:27; 1 Samuel 6:15; 15:22; 2 Kings 5:17; 10:24; Isaiah 56:7; Jeremiah 6:20; 7:21; 17:26, etc. — and µl,v, in Leviticus 9:22; Exodus 20:24; 32:6; Deuteronomy 27:7; Joshua 8:31; Judges 20:26; 21:4; 1 Samuel 13:9; 2 Samuel 6:17-18; 24:25; 1 Kings 3:15, etc. jbæz, is derived from jbæz, , which is not applied to slaughtering generally ( fjæv; ), but, with the exception of Deuteronomy 12:15, where the use of jbæz, for slaughtering is occasioned by the retrospective reference to Leviticus 17:3-4, is always used for slaying as a sacrifice, or sacrificing; and even in 1 Samuel 28:24; Ezekiel 34:3 and 39:17, it is only used in a figurative sense.
The real meaning, therefore, is sacrificial slaughtering, or slaughtered sacrifice. It is sometimes used in a wider sense, and applied to every kind of bleeding sacrifice (1 Samuel 1:21; 2:19), especially in connection with minchah (1 Samuel 2:29; Psalm 40:7; Isaiah 19:21; Dan 9:27, etc.); but it is mostly used in a more restricted sense, and applied to the peace-offerings, or slain offerings, which culminated in a sacrificial meal, as distinguished from the burnt and sin-offerings, in which case it is synonymous with µl,v, or µl,v, jbæz, . The word shelamim, the singular of which (Shelem) is only met with in Amos 5:22, is applied exclusively to these sacrifices, and is derived from µlev; to be whole, uninjured. It does not mean “compensation or restitution,” for which we find the nouns µLevi (Deuteronomy 32:35), µWLvi (Hosea 9:7), and shiluwmaah (Psalm 91:8), formed from the Piel µlæv; , but integritas completa, pacifica, beata, answering to the Sept. rendering swth>rion . The plural denotes the entire round of blessings and powers, by which the salvation or integrity of man in his relation to God is established and secured. The object of the shelamim was invariably salvation: sometimes they were offered as an embodiment of thanksgiving for salvation already received, sometimes as a prayer for the salvation desired; so that they embraced both supplicatory offerings and thankofferings, and were offered even in times of misfortune, or on the day on which supplication was offered for the help of God (Judges 20:26; 21:4; Samuel 13:9; 2 Samuel 24:25). f161 The law distinguishes three different kinds: praise-offerings, vow-offerings, and freewill-offerings (Leviticus 7:12,16). They were all restricted to oxen, sheep, and goats, either male or female, pigeons not being allowed, as they were always accompanied with a common sacrificial meal, for which a pair of pigeons did not suffice.
Verse 1-2. In the act of sacrificing, the presentation of the animal before Jehovah, the laying on of hands, the slaughtering, and the sprinkling of the blood were the same as in the case of the burnt-offering (Leviticus 1:3-5).
It was in the application of the flesh that the difference first appeared.
Verse 3-4. The person presenting the sacrifice was to offer as a firing for Jehovah, first, “the fat which covered the entrails” (Leviticus 1:9), i.e., the large net which stretches from the stomach over the bowels and completely envelopes the latter, and which is only met with in the case of men and the mammalia generally, and in the ruminant animals abounds with fat; secondly, “all the fat on the entrails,” i.e., the fat attached to the intestines, which could easily be peeled off; thirdly, “the two kidneys, and the fat upon them (and) that upon the loins ( ls,K, ), i.e., upon the inner muscles of the loins, or in the region of the kidneys; and fourthly, “the net upon the liver.”
The net ( tr,t,yO) upon ( `l[æ vv. 4, 10, 15; Leviticus 4:9; 7:4; Exodus 29:13), or from ( ˆmi Leviticus 9:10), or of the liver (ch. 8:16,25; 9:19; 29:22), cannot be the large lobe of the liver, ho lobo’s tou’ hee’patos (LXX), because this is part of the liver itself, and does not lie `al-hakaabeed over (upon) the liver; nor is it simply a portion of fat, but the small net (omentum minus), the liver-net, or stomach-net (recticulum jecoris; Vulg., Luth., Deuteronomy Wette, and Knobel), which commences at the division between the right and left lobes of the liver, and stretches on the one side across the stomach, and on the other to the region of the kidneys.
Hence the clause, “on the kidneys (i.e., by them, as far as it reaches) shall he take it away.” This smaller net is delicate, but not so fat as the larger net; though it still forms part of the fat portions. The word tr,t,yO, which only occurs in the passages quoted, is to be explained from the Arabic and Ethiopic (to stretch over, to stretch out), whence also the words rt,y, a cord (Judges 16:7; Psalm 11:2), and rt;yme the bow-string (Psalm 21:13) or extended tent-ropes (Exodus 35:18), are derived. The four portions mentioned comprehended all the separable fat in the inside of the sacrificial animal. Hence they were also designated “all the fat” of the sacrifice (v. 16; Leviticus 4:8,19,26,31,35; 7:3), or briefly “the fat” ( bl,j, v. 9; Leviticus 7:33; 16:25; 17:6; Numbers 18:17), “the fat portions” ( bl,j, Leviticus 6:5; 8:26; 9:19-20,24; 10:15).
Verse 5. This fat the priests were to burn upon the altar, over the burnt sacrifice, on the pieces of wood upon the fire. hl;[Oj;Al[æ does not mean “in the manner or style of the burnt-offering” (Knobel), but “upon (over) the burnt-offering.” For apart from the fact that `l[æ cannot be shown to have this meaning, the peace-offering was preceded as a rule by the burntoffering.
At any rate it was always preceded by the daily burnt-offering, which burned, if not all day, at all events the whole of the forenoon, until it was quite consumed; so that the fat portions of the peace-offerings were to be laid upon the burnt-offering which was burning already. That this is the meaning of hl;[Oj;Al[æ is placed beyond all doubt, both by Leviticus 6:5, where the priest is directed to burn wood every morning upon the fire of the altar, and then to place the burnt-offering upon it ( `l[æ ), and upon that to cause the fat portions of the peace-offerings to evaporate in smoke, and also by Leviticus 9:14, where Aaron is said first of all to have burned the flesh and head of the burnt-offering upon the altar, then to have washed the entrails and legs of the animal, and burned them on the altar, `hl;[o `l[æ , i.e., upon (over) the portions of the burnt-offering that were burning already.
LEVITICUS. 3:6-17
The same rules apply to the peace-offerings of sheep and goats, except that, in addition to the fat portions, which were to be burned upon the altar in the case of the oxen (vv. 3, 4) and goats (vv. 14, 15), the fat tail of the sheep was to be consumed as well. µymiT; hy;l]aæ : “the fat tail whole” (v. 9), cauda ovilla vel arietina eaque crassa et adiposa; the same in Arabic (Ges. thes. p. 102). The fat tails which the sheep have in Northern Africa and Egypt, also in Arabia, especially Southern Arabia, and Syria, often weigh 15 lbs. or more, and small carriages on wheels are sometimes placed under them to bear their weight (Sonnini, R. ii. p. 358; Bochart, Hieroz. i. pp. 556ff.). It consists of something between marrow and fat. Ordinary sheep are also found in Arabia and Syria; but in modern Palestine all the sheep are “of the broad-tailed species.”
The broad part of the tail is an excresence of fat, from which the true tail hangs down (Robinson, Pal. ii. 166). “Near the rump-bone shall he (the offerer) take it (the fat tail) away,” i.e., separate it from the body. `µx,[, , hap leg, is, according to Saad., os caudae s. coccygis, i.e., the rump or tailbone, which passes over into the vertebrae of the tail (cf. Bochart, i. pp. 560-1). In vv. 11 and 16 the fat portions which were burned are called “food of the firing for Jehovah,” or “food of the firing for a sweet savour,” i.e., food which served as a firing for Jehovah, or reached Jehovah by being burned; cf. Numbers 28:24, “food of the firing of a sweet savour for Jehovah.” Hence not only are the daily burnt-offerings and the burnt and sin-offerings of the different feasts called “food of Jehovah” (“My bread,” Numbers 28:2); but the sacrifices generally are described as “the food of God” (“the bread of their God,” Leviticus 21:6,8,17,21-22, and 22:25), as food, that is, which Israel produced and caused to ascend to its God in fire as a sweet smelling savour. — Nothing is determined here with regard to the appropriation of the flesh of the peace-offerings, as their destination for a sacrificial meal was already known from traditional custom. The more minute directions for the meal itself are given in Leviticus 7:11-36, where the meaning of these sacrifices is more fully explained. — In v. 17 (v. 16) the general rule is added, “all fat belongs to Jehovah,” and the law, “eat neither fat nor blood,” is enforced as “an eternal statute” for the generations of Israel (see at Exodus 12:14,24) in all their dwelling-places (see Exodus 10:23 and 12:20).
LEVITICUS. 4:1
The Expiatory Sacrifices.
The sacrifices treated of in ch. 1-3 are introduced by their names, as though already known, for the purpose of giving them a legal sanction. But in ch. and 5 sacrifices are appointed for different offences, which receive their names for the first time from the objects to which they apply, i.e., from the sin, or the trespass, or debt to be expiated by them: viz., ha;F;jæ sin, i.e., sin-offering (Leviticus 4:3,8,14,19, etc.), and µv;a; debt, i.e., debt-offering (Leviticus 5:15-16,19,25);-a clear proof that the sin and debt-offerings were introduced at the same time as the Mosaic law. The laws which follow are distinguished from the preceding ones by the new introductory formula in Leviticus 4:1-2, which is repeated in ch. 5:14. This repetition proves that Leviticus 4:2-5:13 treats of the sin-offerings, and ch. Leviticus 5:14-26 of the trespass-offerings; and this is confirmed by the substance of the two series of laws.
LEVITICUS. 4:2
The Sin-Offerings.
The ritual prescribed for these differed, with regard to the animals sacrificed, the sprinkling of the blood, and the course adopted with the flesh, according to the position which the person presenting them happened to occupy in the kingdom of God. The classification of persons was as follows: (1) the anointed priest (Leviticus 4:2-12); (2) the whole congregation of Israel (vv. 13-21); (3) the prince (vv. 22-26); (4) the common people (v. 27-5:13).
In the case of the last, regard was also paid to their circumstances; so that the sin-offerings could be regulated according to the ability of the offerer, especially for the lighter forms of sin (Leviticus 5:1-13).
Verse 2. “If a soul sin in wandering from any ( lKo in a partitive sense) of the commandments of Jehovah, which ought not to be done, and do any one of them” ( dj;a, with ˆmi partitive, cf. vv. 13, 22, 27, lit., anything of one). This sentence, which stands at the head of the laws for the sinofferings, shows that the sin-offerings did not relate to sin or sinfulness in general, but to particular manifestations of sin, to certain distinct actions performed by individuals, or by the whole congregation. The distinguishing characteristic of the sin is expressed by the term hg;g;v] (in error). No sins but those committed hg;g;v] could be expiated by sin-offerings; whilst those committed with a high hand were to be punished by the extermination of the sinner (Numbers 15:27-31). hg;g;v] , from ggæv; = hg;v; to wander or go wrong, signifies mistake, error, oversight. But sinning “in error” is not merely sinning through ignorance (vv. 13, 22, 27, Leviticus 5:18), hurry, want of consideration, or carelessness (Leviticus 5:1,4,15), but also sinning unintentionally (Numbers 35:11,15,22-23); hence all such sins as spring from the weakness of flesh and blood, as distinguished from sins committed with a high (elevated) hand, or in haughty, defiant rebellion against God and His commandments.
LEVITICUS. 4:3-12
The sin of the high priest.
The high priest is here called the “anointed priest” (vv. 3, 5, 16, Leviticus 6:15) on account of the completeness of the anointing with which he was consecrated to his office (Leviticus 8:12); in other places he is called the great (or high) priest (ch. 21:10; Numbers 35:25, etc.), and by later writers varo ˆheKo , the priest the head, or head priest (2 Kings 25:18; 2 Chronicles 19:11). If he sinned `µ[æ hm;v]aæ , “to the sinning of the nation,” i.e., in his official position as representative of the nation before the Lord, and not merely in his own personal relation to God, he was to offer for a sin- offering because of his sin an ox without blemish, the largest of all the sacrificial animals, because he filled the highest post in Israel.
Verse 4-7. The presentation, laying on of hands, and slaughtering, were the same as in the case of the other sacrifices (Leviticus 1:3-5). The first peculiarity occurs in connection with the blood (vv. 5-7). The anointed priest was to take (a part) of the blood and carry it into the tabernacle, and having dipped his finger in it, to sprinkle some of it seven times before Jehovah “in the face of the vail of the Holy” (Exodus 26:31), i.e., in the direction towards the curtain; after that, he was to put ( ˆtæn; ) some of the blood upon the horns of the altar of incense, and then to pour out the great mass of the blood, of which only a small portion had been used for sprinkling and smearing upon the horns of the altar, at the bottom of the altar of burnt-offering. A sevenfold sprinkling “in the face of the vail” also took place in connection with the sin-offering for the whole congregation, as well as with the ox and he-goat which the high priest offered as sinofferings on the day of atonement for himself, the priesthood, and the congregation, when the blood was sprinkled seven times before ( µynip; ) the capporeth (Leviticus 16:14), and seven times upon the horns of the altar (ch. 16:18-19).
So too the blood of the red cow, that was slaughtered as a sin-offering outside the camp, was sprinkled seven times in the direction towards the tabernacle (Numbers 19:4). The sevenfold sprinkling at the feast of atonement had respect to the purification of the sanctuary from the blemishes caused by the sins of the people, with which they had been defiled in the course of the year (see at ch. 16), and did not take place till after the blood had been sprinkled once “against (? upon) the capporeth in front” for the expiation of the sin of the priesthood and people, and the horns of the altar had been smeared with the blood (Leviticus 16:14,18); whereas in the sin-offerings mentioned in this chapter, the sevenfold sprinkling preceded the application of the blood to the horns of the altar.
This difference in the order of succession of the two manipulations with the blood leads to the conclusion, that in the case before us the sevenfold sprinkling had a different signification from that which it had on the day atonement, and served as a preliminary and introduction to the expiation.
The blood also was not sprinkled upon the altar of the holy place, but only before Jehovah, against the curtain behind which Jehovah was enthroned, that is to say, only into the neighbourhood of the gracious presence of God; and this act was repeated seven times, that in the number seven, as the stamp of the covenant, the covenant relation, which sin had loosened, might be restored. It was not till after this had been done, that the expiatory blood of the sacrifice was put upon the horns of the altar-not merely sprinkled or swung against the wall of the altar, but smeared upon the horns of the altar; not, however, that the blood might thereby be brought more prominently before the eyes of God, or lifted up into His more immediate presence, as Hofmann and Knobel suppose, but because the significance of the altar, as the scene of the manifestation of the divine grace and salvation, culminated in the horns, as the symbols of power and might (see p. 445f.). In the case of the sin-offerings for the high priest and the congregation, the altar upon which this took place was not the altar of burnt-offering in the court, but the altar of incense in the holy place; because both the anointed priest, by virtue of his calling and consecration as the mediator between the nation and the Lord, and the whole congregation, by virtue of its election as a kingdom of priests (Exodus 19:6), were to maintain communion with the covenant God in the holy place, the front division of the dwelling-place of Jehovah, and were thus received into a closer relation of fellowship with Jehovah than the individual members of the nation, for whom the court with its altar was the divinely appointed place of communion with the covenant God. The remainder of the blood, which had not been used in the act of expiation, was poured out at the bottom of the altar of burnt-offering, as the holy place to which all the sacrificial blood was to be brought, that it might be received into the earth.
Verse 8-10. The priest was to lift off “all the fat” from the sacrificial animal, i.e., the same fat portions as in the peace-offering (Leviticus 3:3-4, kaal-cheeleb is the subject to µWr in v. 10), and burn it upon the altar of burnt-offering.
Verse 11-12. The skin of the bullock, and all the flesh, together with the head and the shank and the entrails (Leviticus 1:9) and the foeces, in fact the whole bullock, was to be carried out by him (the sacrificing priest) to a clean place before the camp, to which the ashes of the sacrifices were carried from the ash-heap (Leviticus 1:16), and there burnt on the wood with fire. (On the construction of vv. 11 and 12 see Ges. §145, 2).
The different course, adopted with the blood and flesh of the sin-offerings, from that prescribed in the ritual of the other sacrifices, was founded upon the special signification of these offerings. As they were presented to effect the expiation of sins, the offerer transferred the consciousness of sin and the desire for forgiveness to the head of the animal that had been brought in his stead, by the laying on of his hand; and after this the animal was slaughtered, and suffered death for him as the wages of sin. But as sin is not wiped out by the death of the sinner, unless it be forgiven by the grace of God, so devoting to death an animal laden with sin rendered neither a real nor symbolical satisfaction or payment for sin, by which the guilt of it could be wiped away; but the death which it endured in the sinner’s stead represented merely the fruit and effect of sin. To cover the sinner from the holiness of God because of his sin, some of the blood of the sacrifice was sprinkled seven times before Jehovah in the holy place; and the covenant fellowship, which had been endangered, was thereby restored.
After this, however, the soul, which was covered in the sacrificial blood, was given up to the grace of God that prevailed in the altar, by means of the sprinkling of the blood upon the horns of the altar of incense, that it might receive the forgiveness of sins and reconciliation with God, and the full enjoyment of the blessings of the covenant be ensured to it once more.
But the sin, that had been laid upon the animal of the sin-offering, lay upon it still. The next thing done, therefore, was to burn the fat portions of its inside upon the altar of burnt-offering. Now, if the flesh of the victim represented the body of the offerer as the organ of his soul, the fat portions inside the body, together with the kidneys, which were regarded as the seat of the tenderest and deepest emotions, can only have set forth the better part or inmost kernel of the man, the e>sw a>nqrwpov (Romans 7:22; Ephesians 3:16).
By burning the fat portions upon the altar, the better part of human nature was given up in symbol to the purifying fire of the Holy Spirit of God, that it might be purified from the dross of sin, and ascend in its glorified essence to heaven, for a sweet savour unto the Lord (v. 31). The flesh of the sinoffering, however, or “the whole bullock,” was then burned in a clean place outside the camp, though not merely that it might be thereby destroyed in a clean way, like the flesh provided for the sacrificial meals, which had not been consumed at the time fixed by the law (Leviticus 7:17; 8:32; 19:6; Exodus 12:10; 29:34), or the flesh of the sacrifices, which had been defiled by contact with unclean objects (Leviticus 7:19); for if the disposal of the flesh formed an integral part of the sacrificial ceremony in the case of all the other sacrifices, and if, in the case of the sin-offerings, the blood of which was not brought into the interior of the sanctuary, the priests were to eat the flesh in a holy place, and that not “as a portion assigned to them by God as an honourable payment,” but, according to the express declaration of Moses, “to bear and take away ( ac;n; ) the iniquity of the congregation, to make atonement for them” (Leviticus 10:17), the burning of the flesh of the sin-offerings, i.e., of the animal itself, the blood of which was not brought into the holy place, cannot have been without significance, or simply the means adopted to dispose of it in a fitting manner, but must also have formed one factor in the ceremony of expiation.
The burning outside the camp was rendered necessary, because the sacrifice had respect to the expiation of the priesthood, and the flesh or body of the bullock, which had been made ha;F;jæ by the laying on of the hand, could not be eaten by the priests as the body of sin, that by the holiness of their official character they might bear and expiate the sin imputed to the sacrifice (see at Leviticus 10:17). In this case it was necessary that it should be given up to the effect of sin, viz., to death or destruction by fire, and that outside the camp; in other words, outside the kingdom of God, from which everything dead was removed. But, inasmuch as it was sacrificial flesh, and therefore most holy by virtue of its destination; in order that it might not be made an abomination, it was not to be burned in an unclean place, where carrion and other abominations were thrown (Leviticus 14:40,45), but in the clean place, outside the camp, to which the ashes of the altar of burnt-offering were removed, as being the earthly sediment and remains of the sacrifices that had ascended to God in the purifying flames of the altar-fire. f162 LEVITICUS 4:13-19 Sin of the whole congregation. — This is still further defined, as consisting in the fact that the thing was hid ( `µlæ[; ) from the eyes of the congregation, i.e., that it was a sin which was not known to be such, an act which really violated a commandment of God, though it was not looked upon as sin.
Every transgression of a divine command, whether it took place consciously or unconsciously, brought guilt, and demanded a sin-offering for its expiation; and this was to be presented as soon as the sin was known. The sin-offering, which the elders had to offer in the name of the congregation, was to consist of a young ox, and was to be treated like that of the high priest (vv. 14-23 compared with vv. 3-12), inasmuch as “the whole congregation” included the priesthood, or at any rate was on an equality with the priesthood by virtue of its calling in relation to the Lord. af;j; with `l[æ signifies to incur guilt upon (on the foundation of) sin (Leviticus 5:5, etc.); it is usually construed with an accusative (vv. 3, 28; Leviticus 5:6,10, etc.), or with b] , to sin with a sin (v. 23; Genesis 42:22).
The subject of fjæv; (v. 15) is one of the elders. “The bullock for a sinoffering:” sc., the one which the anointed priest offered for his sin, or as it is briefly and clearly designated in v. 21, “the former bullock” (v. 12).
LEVITICUS. 4:20-21
“And let the priest make an atonement for them, that it may be forgiven them,” or, “so will they be forgiven.” This formula recurs with all the sinofferings (with the exception of the one for the high priest), viz., vv. 26, 31, 35, Leviticus 5:10,13; Numbers 15:25-26,28; also with the trespassofferings, Leviticus 5:16,18,26; 19:22-the only difference being, that in the sin-offerings presented for defilements cleansing is mentioned, instead of forgiveness, as the effect of the atoning sacrifice (Leviticus 12:7-8; 13:20,53; Numbers 8:21).
LEVITICUS. 4:22-26
The sin of a ruler V. 22. rv,a : oJ>te , when. aycin; is the head of a tribe, or of a division of a tribe (Numbers 3:24,30,35).
Verse 23-26. “If ( owOa , see Ges. §155, 2) his sin is made known to him,” i.e., if any one called his attention to the fact that he had transgressed a commandment of God, he was to bring a he-goat without blemish, and, having laid his hand upon it, to slay it at the place of burnt-offering; after which the priest was to put some of the blood upon the horns of the altar of burnt-offering, and pour out the rest of the blood at the foot of the altar, and then to burn the whole of the fat upon the altar, as in the case of the peace-offering (see Leviticus 3:3-4), and thus to make atonement for the prince on account of his sin. `z[e ry[ic; , or ry[ic; alone (lit., hairy, shaggy, Genesis 27:11), is the buck-goat, which is frequently mentioned as the animal sacrificed as a sin-offering: e.g., that of the tribe-princes (Numbers 7:16ff., Leviticus 15:24), and that of the nation at the yearly festivals (Leviticus 16:9,15; 23:19; Numbers 28:15,22,30; 29:5,16ff.) and at the consecration of the tabernacle (Leviticus 9:3,15; 10:16).
It is distinguished in Numbers 7:16ff. from the attudim, which were offered as peace-offerings, and frequently occur in connection with oxen, rams, and lambs as burnt-offerings and thank-offerings (Psalm 50:9,13; 66:15; Isaiah 1:11; 34:6; Ezekiel 39:18). According to Knobel, `z[e ry[ic; , or ry[ic; , was an old he-goat, the hair of which grew longer with age, particularly about the neck and back, and `z[e hr;y[ic] (v. 28; Leviticus 5:16) an old she-goat; whilst `dWT[æ was the younger he-goat, which leaped upon the does (Genesis 31:10,12), and served for slaughtering like lambs, sheep, and goats (Deuteronomy 32:14; Jeremiah 51:40). But as the `z[e ry[ic; was also slaughtered for food (Genesis 37:31), and the skins of quite young he-goats are called `yriyci[ (Genesis 27:23), the difference between ry[ic; and `dWT[æ is hardly to be sought in the age, but more probably, as Bochart supposes, in some variety of species, in which case seir and seirak might denote the rough-haired, shaggy kind of goat, and attud the buckgoat of stately appearance.
LEVITICUS. 4:27-35
In the case of the sin of a common Israelite (“of the people of the land,” i.e., of the rural population, Genesis 23:7), that is to say, of an Israelite belonging to the people, as distinguished from the chiefs who ruled over the people (2 Kings 11:18-19; 16:15), the sin-offering was to consist of a shaggy she-goat without blemish, or a ewe-sheep (v. 32). The ceremonial in both cases was the same as with the he-goat (vv. 23ff.). — “According to the offerings made by fire unto the Lord” (v. 35): see at Leviticus 3:5.
LEVITICUS. 5:1-13
There follow here three special examples of sin on the part of the common Israelite, all sins of omission and rashness of a lighter kind than the cases mentioned in Leviticus 4:27ff.; in which, therefore, if the person for whom expiation was to be made was in needy circumstances, instead of a goat or ewe-sheep, a pair of doves could be received as a sacrificial gift, or, in cases of still greater poverty, the tenth of an ephah of fine flour. The following were the cases. The first (v. 1), when any one had heard the voice of an oath (an oath spoken aloud) and was a witness, i.e., was in a condition to give evidence, whether he had seen what took place or had learned it, that is to say, had come to the knowledge of it in some other way. In this case, if he did not make it known, he was to bear his offence, i.e., to bear the guilt, which he had contracted by omitting to make it known, with all its consequences. hl;a; does not mean a curse in general, but an oath, as an imprecation upon one’s self (= the “oath of cursing” in Numbers 5:21); and the sin referred to did not consist in the fact that a person heard a curse, imprecation, or blasphemy, and gave no evidence of it (for neither the expression “and is a witness,” nor the words “hath seen or known of it,” are in harmony with this), but in the fact that one who knew of another’s crime, whether he had seen it, or had come to the certain knowledge of it in any other way, and was therefore qualified to appear in court as a witness for the conviction of the criminal, neglected to do so, and did not state what he had seen or learned, when he heard the solemn adjuration of the judge at the public investigation of the crime, by which all persons present, who knew anything of the matter, were urged to come forward as witnesses (vid., Oehler in Herzog’s Cycl.). `ˆwO[; ac;n; , to bear the offence or sin, i.e., to take away and endure its consequences (see Genesis 4:13), whether they consisted in chastisements and judgments, by which God punished the sin (Leviticus 7:18; 17:16; 19:17), such as diseases or distress (Numbers 5:31; 14:33-34), childlessness (Leviticus 20:20), death (ch. 22:9), or extermination (ch. 19:8; 20:17; 9:13), or in punishment inflicted by men (Leviticus 24:15), or whether they could be expiated by sin-offerings (as in this passage and v. 17) and other kinds of atonement. In this sense cheem¦’ naasaa’ is also sometimes used (see at Leviticus 19:17).
Verse 2-3. The second was, if any one had touched the carcase of an unclean beast, or cattle, or creeping thing, or the uncleanness of a man of any kind whatever (“with regard to all his uncleanness, with which he defiles himself,” i.e., any kind of defilement to which a man is exposed), and “it is hidden from him,” sc., the uncleanness or defilement; that is to say, if he had unconsciously defiled himself by touching unclean objects, and had consequently neglected the purification prescribed for such cases.
In this case, if he found it out afterwards, he had contracted guilt which needed expiation.
Verse 4. The third was, if any one should “swear to prate with the lips,” i.e., swear in idle, empty words of the lips-”to do good or evil,” i.e., that he would do anything whatever (Numbers 24:13; Isaiah 41:23)-”with regard to all that he speaks idly with an oath,” i.e., if it related to something which a man had affirmed with an oath in thoughtless conversation-”and it is hidden from him,” i.e., if he did not reflect that he might commit sin by such thoughtless swearing, and if he perceived it afterwards and discovered his sin, and had incurred guilt with regard to one of the things which he had thoughtlessly sworn.
Verse 5-6. If any one therefore (the three cases enumerated are comprehended under the one expression yKi hy;h; , for the purpose of introducing the apodosis) had contracted guilt with reference to one of these (the things named in vv. 1-4), and confessed in what he had sinned, he was to offer as his guilt (trespass) to the Lord, for the sin which he had sinned, a female from the flock-for a sin-offering, that the priest might make atonement for him on account of his sin. µv;a; (v. 6) does not mean either guilt-offering or debitum (Knobel), but culpa, delictum, reatus, as in v. 7: “as his guilt,” i.e., for the expiation of his guilt, which he had brought upon himself.
Verse 7-10. “But if his hand does not reach what is sufficient for a sheep,” i.e., if he could not afford enough to sacrifice a sheep (“his hand” is put for what his hand acquires), he was to bring two turtle-doves or two young pigeons, one for the sin-offering, the other for the burnt-offering. The pigeon intended for the sin, i.e., for the sin-offering, he was to bring first of all to the priest, who was to offer it in the following manner. The head was to be pinched off from opposite to its neck, i.e., in the nape just below the head, though without entirely severing it, that is to say, it was to be pinched off sufficiently to kill the bird and allow the blood to flow out. He was then to sprinkle of the blood upon the wall of the altar, which could be effected by swinging the bleeding pigeon, and to squeeze out the rest of the blood against the wall of the altar, because it was a sin-offering; for in the burnt-offering he let all the blood flow out against the wall of the altar (Leviticus 1:15).
What more was done with the pigeon is not stated. Hence it cannot be decided with certainty, whether, after the crop and its contents were removed and thrown upon the ash-heap, the whole of the bird was burned upon the altar, or whether it fell to the priest, as the Mishnah affirms (Seb. vi. 4), so that none of it was placed upon the altar. One circumstance which seems to favour the statement in the Talmud is the fact, that in the sin- offering of pigeons, a second pigeon was to be offered as a burnt-offering, and, according to v. 10, for the purpose of making an atonement; probably for no other purpose than to burn it upon the altar, as the dove of the sinoffering was not burned, and the sacrifice was incomplete without some offering upon the altar. In the case of sin-offerings of quadrupeds, the fat portions were laid upon the altar, and the flesh could be eaten by the priest by virtue of his office; but in that of pigeons, it was not possible to separate fat portions from the flesh for the purpose of burning upon the altar by themselves, and it would not do to divide the bird in half, and let one half be burned and the other eaten by the priest, as this would have associated the idea of halfness or incompleteness with the sacrifice. A second pigeon was therefore to be sacrificed as a burnt-offering, fp;v]mi , according to the right laid down in Leviticus 1:14ff., that the priest might make atonement for the offerer on account of his sin, whereas in the sin-offering of a quadruped one sacrificial animal was sufficient to complete the expiation. f164 Verse 11-13. But if any one could not afford even two pigeons, he was to offer the tenth of an ephah of fine flour as a sin-offering. dy; gvæn; for dy; [gæn; (v. 7): his hand reaches to anything, is able to raise it, or with an accusative, obtains, gets anything (used in the same sense in Leviticus 14:30 31), or else absolutely, acquires, or gets rich (ch. 25:26,47). But it was to be offered without oil and incense, because it was a sin-offering, that is to say, “because it was not to have the character of a minchah” (Oehler). But the reason why it was not to have this character was, that only those who were in a state of grace could offer a minchah, and not a man who had fallen from grace through sin. As such a man could not offer to the Lord the fruits of the Spirit of God and of prayer, he was not allowed to add oil and incense, as symbols of the Spirit and praise of God, to the sacrifice with which he sought the forgiveness of sin. The priest was to take a handful of the meal offered, and burn it upon the altar as a memorial, and thus make atonement for the sinner on account of his sin. — On “his handful” and “a memorial” (Azcarah), see Leviticus 2:2. “In one of these” (v. 13 as in v. 5): cf. ch. 4:2. “And let it (the remainder of the meal offered) belong to the priest like the meat-offering:” i.e., as being most holy (Leviticus 2:3). LEVITICUS 5:14-6:7 F165 The Trespass-Offerings.
These were presented for special sins, by which a person had contracted guilt, and therefore they are not included in the general festal sacrifices.
Three kinds of offences are mentioned in this section as requiring trespassofferings.
The first is, “if a soul commit a breach of trust, and sin in going wrong in the holy gifts of Jehovah.” l[æmæ , lit., to cover, hence ly[im] the cloak, over-coat, signifies to act secretly, unfaithfully, especially against Jehovah, either by falling away from Him into idolatry, by which the fitting honour was withheld from Jehovah (Leviticus 26:40; Deuteronomy 32:51; Joshua 22:16), or by infringing upon His rights, abstracting something that rightfully belonged to Him. Thus in Joshua 7:1; 22:20, it is applied to fraud in relation to that which had been put under the ban; and in Numbers 5:12,27,it is also applied to a married woman’s unfaithfulness to her husband: so that sin was called l[æmæ , when regarded as a violation of existing rights. “The holy things of Jehovah” were the holy gifts, sacrifices, first-fruits, tithes, etc., which were to be offered to Jehovah, and were assigned by Him to the priests for their revenue (see Leviticus 21:22). af;j; with ˆmi is constructio praegnans: to sin in anything by taking away from Jehovah that which belonged to Him. hg;g;v] , in error (see Leviticus 4:2): i.e., in a forgetful or negligent way.
Whoever sinned in this way was to offer to the Lord as his guilt (see v. 6) a ram from the flock without blemish for a trespass-offering (lit., guiltoffering), according to the estimate of Moses, whose place was afterwards taken by the officiating priest (Leviticus 27:12; Numbers 18:16). lq,v, ãs,K, “money of shekels,” i.e., several shekels in amount, which Abenezra and others have explained, no doubt correctly, as meaning that the ram was to be worth more than one shekel, two shekels at least. The expression is probably kept indefinite, for the purpose of leaving some margin for the valuation, so that there might be a certain proportion between the value of the ram and the magnitude of the trespass committed (see Oehler ut sup. p. 645). “In the holy shekel:” see Exodus 30:13. At the same time, the culprit was to make compensation for the fraud committed in the holy thing, and add a fifth (of the value) over, as in the case of the redemption of the firstborn, of the vegetable tithe, or of what had been vowed to God (Leviticus 27:27,31, and 27:13,15,19). The ceremony to be observed in the offering of the ram is described in Leviticus 7:1ff. It was the same as that of the sinofferings, whose blood was not brought into the holy place, except with regard to the sprinkling of the blood, and in this the trespass-offering resembled the burnt-offerings and peace-offerings.
The second case (vv. 17-19), from its very position between the other two, which both refer to the violation of rights, must belong to the same category; although the sin is introduced with the formula used in Leviticus 4:27 in connection with those sins which were to be expiated by a sinoffering.
But the violation of right can only have consisted in an invasion of Jehovah’s rights with regard to Israel, and not, as Knobel supposes, in an invasion of the rights of private Israelites, as distinguished from the priests; an antithesis of which there is not the slightest indication. This is evident from the fact, that the case before us is linked on to the previous one without anything intervening; whereas the next case, which treats of the violation of the rights of a neighbour, is separated by a special introductory formula. The expression, “and wist it not,” refers to ignorance of the sin, and not of the divine commands; as may be clearly seen from v. 18: “the priest shall make an atonement for him concerning his error, which he committed without knowing it.”
The trespass-offering was the same as in the former case, and was also to be valued by the priest; but no compensation is mentioned, probably because the violation of right, which consisted in the transgression of one of the commands of God, was of such a kind as not to allow of material compensation. The third case (Leviticus 6:1-7, or vv. 20-26) is distinguished from the other two by a new introductory formula. The sin and unfaithfulness to Jehovah are manifested in this case in a violation of the rights of a neighbour. “If a man deny to his neighbour ( vjæK; with a double b obj., to deny a thing to a person) a pikkadon (i.e., a deposit, a thing entrusted to him to keep, Genesis 41:36), or dy; tm,WcT] , “a thing placed in his hand” (handed over to him as a pledge) “or lzeG; , a thing robbed” (i.e., the property of a neighbour unjustly appropriated, whether a well, a field, or cattle, Genesis 21:25; Micah 2:2; Job 24:2), “or if he have oppressed his neighbour” (i.e., forced something from him or withheld it unjustly, Leviticus 19:13; Deuteronomy 24:14; Joshua 12:8; Malachi 3:5), “or have found a lost thing and denies it, and thereby swears to his lie” (i.e., rests his oath upon a lie), “on account of one of all that a man is accustomed to do to sin therewith:” the false swearing here refers not merely to a denial of what is found, but to all the crimes mentioned, which originated in avarice and selfishness, but through the false swearing became frauds against Jehovah, adding guilt towards God to the injustice done to the neighbour, and requiring, therefore, not only that a material restitution should be made to the neighbour, but that compensation should be made to God as well.
Whatever had been robbed, or taken by force, or entrusted or found, and anything about which a man had sworn falsely (vv. 23, 24), was to be restored “according to its sum” (cf. Exodus 30:12; Numbers 1:2, etc.), i.e., in its full value; beside which, he was to “add its fifths” (on the plural, see Ges. §87, 2; Ew. §186 e), i.e., in every one of the things abstracted or withheld unjustly the fifth part of the value was to be added to the full amount (as in v. 16). “To him to whom it (belongs), shall he give it” hm;v]aæ µwOy : in the day when he makes atonement for his trespass, i.e., offers his trespass-offering. The trespass (guilt) against Jehovah was to be taken away by the trespass-offering according to the valuation of the priest, as in vv. 15, 16, and 18, that he might receive expiation and forgiveness on account of what he had done.
If now, in order to obtain a clear view of the much canvassed difference between the sin-offerings and trespass-offerings, we look at once at the other cases, for which trespass-offerings were commanded in the law; we find in Numbers 5:5-8 not only a trespass against Jehovah, but an unjust withdrawal of the property of a neighbour, clearly mentioned as a crime, for which material compensation was to be made with the addition of a fifth of its value, just as in vv. 2-7 of the present chapter. So also the guilt of a man who had lain with the slave of another (Leviticus 19:20-22) did not come into the ordinary category of adultery, but into that of an unjust invasion of the domain of another’s property; though in this case, as the crime could not be estimated in money, instead of material compensation being made, a civil punishment (viz., bodily scourging) was to be inflicted; and for the same reason nothing is said about the valuation of the sacrificial ram. Lastly, in the trespass-offerings for the cleansing of a leper (Leviticus 14:12ff.), or of a Nazarite who had been defiled by a corpse (Numbers 6:12), it is true we cannot show in what definite way the rights of Jehovah were violated (see the explanation of these passages), but the sacrifices themselves served to procure the restoration of the persons in question to certain covenant rights which they had lost; so that even here the trespass- offering, for which moreover only a male sheep was demanded, was to be regarded as a compensation or equivalent for the rights to be restored.
From all these cases it is perfectly evident, that the idea of satisfaction for a right, which had been violated but was about to be restored or recovered, lay at the foundation of the trespass-offering, and the ritual also points to this. The animal sacrificed was always a ram, except in the cases mentioned in Leviticus 14:12ff. and Numbers 6:12. This fact alone clearly distinguishes the trespass-offerings from the sin-offerings, for which all kinds of sacrifices were offered from an ox to a pigeon, the choice of the animal being regulated by the position of the sinner and the magnitude of his sin. But they are distinguished still more by the fact, that in the case of all the sin-offerings the blood was to be put upon the horns of the altar, or even taken into the sanctuary itself, whereas the blood of the trespassofferings, like that of the burnt and peace-offerings, was merely swung against the wall of the altar (Leviticus 7:2).
Lastly, they were also distinguished by the fact, that in the trespass-offering the ram was in most instances to be valued by the priest, not for the purpose of determining its actual value, which could not vary very materially in rams of the same kind, but to fix upon it symbolically the value of the trespass for which compensation was required. Hence there can be no doubt, that as the idea of the expiation of sin, which was embodied in the sprinkling of the blood, was most prominent in the sinoffering; so the idea of satisfaction for the restoration of rights that had been violated or disturbed came into the foreground in the trespassoffering.
This satisfaction was to be actually made, wherever the guilt admitted of a material valuation, by means of payment or penance; and in addition to this, the animal was raised by the priestly valuation into the authorized bearer of the satisfaction to be rendered to the rights of God, through the sacrifice of which the culprit could obtain the expiation of his guilt.
2. SPECIAL INSTRUCTIONS CONCERNING THE SACRIFICES FOR THE PRIESTS LEVITICUS
6:8-9 The instructions contained in these two chapters were made known to “Aaron and his sons” (Leviticus 6:9,20,25), i.e., to the priests, and relate to the duties and rights which devolved upon, and pertained to, the priests in relation to the sacrifices. Although many of the instructions are necessarily repeated from the general regulations, as to the different kinds of sacrifice and the mode of presenting them; most of them are new, and of great importance in relation to the institution of sacrifice generally. 6:8-13(Heb. vv. 1-6). The Law of the Burnt-Offering commences the series, and special reference is made to the daily burnt-offering (Exodus 29:38-42). “It, the burnt-offering, shall (burn) upon the hearth upon the altar the whole night till the morning, and the fire of the altar be kept burning with it.” The verb dqæy; is wanting in the first clause, and only introduced in the second; but it belongs to the first clause as well. The pronoun aWh at the opening of the sentence cannot stand for the verb to be in the imperative.
The passages, which Knobel adduces in support of this, are of a totally different kind. The instructions apply primarily to the burnt-offering, which was offered every evening, and furnished the basis for all the burntofferings (Exodus 29:38-39; Numbers 33:3-4).
LEVITICUS. 6:10-11
In the morning of every day the priest was to put on his linen dress (see Exodus 28:42) and the white drawers, and lift off, i.e., clear away, the ashes to which the fire had consumed the burnt-offering upon the altar ( lkæa; is construed with a double accusative, to consume the sacrifice to ashes), and pour them down beside the altar (see Leviticus 1:16). The ow in dmæ is not to be regarded as the old form of the connecting vowel, as in Genesis 1:24 (Ewald, §211 b; see Ges. §90, 3b), but as the suffix, as in Samuel 20:8, although the use of the suffix with the governing noun in the construct state can only be found in other cases in the poetical writings (cf. Ges. §121 b; Ewald, 291 b). He was then to take off his official dress, and having put on other (ordinary) clothes, to take away the ashes from the court, and carry them out of the camp to a clean place. The priest was only allowed to approach the altar in his official dress; but he could not go out of the camp with this.
LEVITICUS. 6:12
The fire of the altar was also to be kept burning “with it” ( µyrit;a , viz., the burnt-offering) the whole day through without going out. For this purpose the priest was to burn wood upon it (the altar-fire), and lay the burntoffering in order upon it, and cause the fat portions of the peace-offerings to ascend in smoke-that is to say, whenever peace-offerings were brought, for they were not prescribed for every day.
LEVITICUS. 6:13
Fire was to be kept constantly burning upon the altar without going out, not in order that the heavenly fire, which proceeded from Jehovah when Aaron and his sons first entered upon the service of the altar after their consecration, and consumed the burnt-offerings and peace-offerings, might never be extinguished (see at Leviticus 9:24); but that the burnt-offering might never go out, because this was the divinely appointed symbol and visible sign of the uninterrupted worship of Jehovah, which the covenant nation could never suspend either day or night, without being unfaithful to its calling. For the same reason other nations also kept perpetual fire burning upon the altars of their principal gods. (For proofs, see Rosenmüller and Knobel ad h. l.)
LEVITICUS. 6:14-18
The Law of the Meat-Offering.
The regulations in vv. 14, 15, are merely a repetition of Leviticus 2:2 and 3; but in vv. 16-18 the new instructions are introduced with regard to what was left and had not been burned upon the altar. The priests were to eat this as unleavened, i.e., to bake it without leaven, and to eat it in a holy place, viz., in the court of the tabernacle. lkæa; hX;mæ in v. 16 is explained by “it shall not be baken with leaven” in v. 17. It was the priests’ share of the firings of Jehovah (see Leviticus 1:9), and as such it was most holy (see ch. 2:3), like the sin-offering and trespass-offering (vv. 25, 26; Leviticus 7:6), and only to be eaten by the male members of the families of the priests. This was to be maintained as a statute for ever (see at Leviticus 3:17). Every one that touches them (the most holy offerings) becomes holy.” vdæq; does not mean he shall be holy, or shall sanctify himself (LXX, Vulg., Luth., a Lap., etc.), nor he is consecrated to the sanctuary and is to perform service there (Theodor., Knobel, and others). In this provision, which was equally applicable to the sin-offering (v. 27), to the altar of the burnt-offering (Exodus 29:37), and to the most holy vessels of the tabernacle (Exodus 30:29), the word is not to be interpreted by Numbers 17:2-3, or Deuteronomy 22:9, or by the expression “shall be holy” in Leviticus 27:10,21, and Numbers 18:10, but by Isaiah 65:5, “touch me not, for I am holy.” The idea is this, every layman who touched these most holy things became holy through the contact, so that henceforth he had to guard against defilement in the same manner as the sanctified priests (Leviticus 21:1-8), though without sharing the priestly rights and prerogatives. This necessarily placed him in a position which would involve many inconveniences in connection with ordinary life.
LEVITICUS. 6:19-23
The Meat-Offering of the Priests is introduced, as a new law, with a special formula, and is inserted here in its proper place in the sacrificial instructions given for the priests, as it would have been altogether out of place among the general laws for the laity. In “the day of his anointing” ( jvæm; , construed as a passive with the accusative as in Genesis 4:18), Aaron and his sons were to offer a corban as “a perpetual meat-offering” (minchah, in the absolute instead of the construct state: cf. Exodus 29:42; Numbers 28:6; see Ges. §116, 6, Note b); and this was to be done in all future time by “the priest who was anointed of his sons in his stead,” that is to say, by every high priest at the time of his consecration. “In the day of his anointing:” when the anointing was finished, the seven were designated as “the day,” like the seven days of creation in Genesis 2:4. This minchah was not offered during the seven days of the anointing itself, but after the consecration was finished, i.e., in all probability, as the Jewish tradition assumes, at the beginning of the eighth day, when the high priest entered upon his office, viz., along with the daily morning sacrifices (Exodus 29:38-39), and before the offering described in ch. 9. It then continued to be offered, as “a perpetual minchah,” every morning and evening during the whole term of his office, according to the testimony of the Book of Wisdom (Leviticus 45:14, where we cannot suppose the daily burntoffering to be intended) and also of Josephus (Ant. 3:10, 7). f168 It was to consist of the tenth of an ephah of fine flour, one half of which was to be presented in the morning, the other in the evening;-not as flour, however, but made in a pan with oil, “roasted” and pitiym min¦chat neey tupiy (“broken pieces of a minchah of crumbs”), i.e., in broken pieces, like a minchah composed of crumbs. Ëbær; (v. 14 and 1 Chronicles 23:29) is no doubt synonymous with Ëbær; tl,so , and to be understood as denoting fine flour sufficiently burned or roasted in oil; the meaning mixed or mingled does not harmonise with Leviticus 7:12, where the mixing or kneading with oil is expressed by ˆm,v, llæB; . The hapax legomenon ˆypiTu signifies either broken or baked, according as we suppose the word to be derived from the Arabic ‘afana diminuit, or, as Gesenius and the Rabbins do, from hp;a; to bake, a point which can hardly be decided with certainty. This minchah, which was also instituted as a perpetual ordinance, was to be burnt entirely upon the altar, like every meat-offering presented by a priest, because it belonged to the category of the burnt-offerings, and of these meat-offerings the offerer himself had no share (Leviticus 2:3,10). Origen observes in his homil. iv. in Levit.: In caeteris quidem praeceptis pontifex in offerendis sacrificiis populo praebet officium, in hoc vero mandato quae propria sunt curat et quod ad se spectat exequitur. It is also to be observed that the high priest was to offer only a bloodless minchah for himself, and not a bleeding sacrifice, which would have pointed to expiation. As the sanctified of the Lord, he was to draw near to the Lord every day with a sacrificial gift, which shadowed forth the fruits of sanctification.
LEVITICUS. 6:24-27
The Law of the Sin-Offering, which is introduced with a new introductory formula on account of the interpolation of vv. 19-23, gives more precise instructions, though chiefly with regard to the sin-offerings of the laity, first as to the place of slaughtering, as in Leviticus 4:24, and then as to the most holy character of the flesh and blood of the sacrifices. The flesh of these sin-offerings was to be eaten by the priest who officiated at a holy place, in the fore-court (see v. 16). Whoever touched it became holy (see at v. 18); and if any one sprinkled any of the blood upon his clothes, whatever the blood was sprinkled upon was to be washed in a holy place, in order that the most holy blood might not be carried out of the sanctuary into common life along with the sprinkled clothes, and thereby be profaned. The words “thou shalt wash” in v. 20 are addressed to the priest.
LEVITICUS. 6:28
The flesh was equally holy. The vessel, in which it was boiled for the priests to eat, was to be broken in pieces if it were of earthenware, and scoured ( qræm; Pual) and overflowed with water, i.e., thoroughly rinsed out, if it were of copper, lest any of the most holy flesh should adhere to the vessel, and be desecrated by its being used in the preparation of common food, or for other earthly purposes. It was possible to prevent this desecration in the case of copper vessels by a thorough cleansing; but not so with earthen vessels, which absorb the fat, so that it cannot be removed by washing. The latter therefore were to be broken in pieces, i.e., thoroughly destroyed. On the other hand, earthen vessels that had been defiled were also ordered to be broken to pieces, though for the very opposite reason (see Leviticus 11:33,35).
LEVITICUS 6:29,30 The flesh of the sin-offering was to be eaten after it had been boiled, like the meat-offering (vv. 16 and 18), by the males among the priests alone.
But this only applied to the sin-offerings the laity (Leviticus 4:22-5:13).
The flesh of the sin-offerings for the high priest and the whole congregation (Leviticus 4:1-21), the blood of which was brought into the tabernacle “to make atonement in the sanctuary,” i.e., that the expiation with the blood might be completed there, was not to be eaten, but to be burned with fire (Leviticus 4:12,21). — On the signification of this act of eating the flesh of the sin-offering, see at Leviticus 10:17.
LEVITICUS. 7:1-10
The Law of the Trespass-Offering embraces first of all the regulations as to the ceremonial connected with the presentation.
Verse 2. The slaughtering and sprinkling of the blood were the same as in the case of the burnt-offering (Leviticus 1:5); and therefore, no doubt, the signification was the same. Verse 3-7. The fat portions only were to be burned upon the altar, viz., the same as in the sin and peace-offerings (see Leviticus 4:8 and 3:9); but the flesh was to be eaten by the priests, as in the sin-offering (Leviticus 6:22), inasmuch as there was the same law in this respect for both the sin-offering and trespass-offering; and these parts of the sacrificial service must therefore have had the same meaning, every trespass being a sin (see Leviticus 6:26). — Certain analogous instructions respecting the burntoffering and meat-offering are appended in vv. 8-10 by way of supplement, as they ought properly to have been given in ch. 6, in the laws relating to the sacrifices in question.
Verse 8-10. In the case of the burnt-offering, the skin of the animal was to fall to the lot of the officiating priest, viz., as payment for his services. ˆheKo is construed absolutely: “as for the priest, who offereth-the skin of the burnt-offering which he offereth shall belong to the priest” (for “to him”).
This was probably the case also with the trespass- offerings and sinofferings of the laity; whereas the skin of the peace-offerings belonged to the owner of the animal (see Mishnah, Sebach. 12, 3). — In vv. 9, 10, the following law is laid down with reference to the meat-offering, that everything baked in the oven, and everything prepared in a pot or pan, was to belong to the priest, who burned a portion of it upon the altar; and that everything mixed with oil and everything dry was to belong to all the sons of Aaron, i.e., to all the priests, to one as much as another, so that they were all to receive an equal share.
The reason for this distinction is not very clear. That all the meat-offerings described in ch. 2 should fall to the sons of Aaron (i.e., to the priests), with the exception of that portion which was burned upon the altar as an azcarah, followed from the fact that they were most holy (see at Leviticus 2:3). As the meat-offerings, which consisted of pastry, and were offered in the form of prepared food (v. 9), are the same as those described in Leviticus 2:4-8, it is evident that by those mentioned in v. 10 we are to understand the kinds described in Leviticus 2:1-3 and 14-16, and by the “dry,” primarily the hl;q; bybia; , which consisted of dried grains, to which oil was to be added ( ˆtæn; Leviticus 2:15), though not poured upon it, as in the case of the offering of flour (Leviticus 2:1), and probably also in that of the sin-offerings and jealousy-offerings (Leviticus 5:11, and Numbers 5:15), which consisted simply of flour (without oil). The reason therefore why those which consisted of cake and pastry fell to the lot of the officiating priest, and those which consisted of flour mixed with oil, of dry corn, or of simple flour, were divided among all the priests, was probably simply this, that the former were for the most part offered only under special circumstances, and then merely in small quantities, whereas the latter were the ordinary forms in which the meat-offerings were presented, and amounted to more than the officiating priests could possibly consume, or dispose of by themselves.
LEVITICUS. 7:11-12
The Law of the Peace-Offerings, “which he shall offer to Jehovah” (the subject is to be supplied from the verb), contains instructions, (1) as to the bloodless accompaniment to these sacrifices (vv. 12-14), (2) as to the eating of the flesh of the sacrifices (vv. 15-21), with the prohibition against eating fat and blood (vv. 22-27), and (3) as to Jehovah’s share of these sacrifices (vv. 28-36). — In vv. 12 and 16 three classes of shelamim are mentioned, which differ according to their occasion and design, viz., whether they were brought hd;wOTAl[æ , upon the ground of praise, i.e., to praise God for blessings received or desired, or as vow-offerings, or thirdly, as freewill-offerings (v. 16). To (lit., upon, in addition to) the sacrifice of thanksgiving (v. 12, “sacrifice of thanksgiving of his peace-offerings,” vv. 13 and 15) they were to present “unleavened cakes kneaded with oil, and flat cakes anointed with oil (see at Leviticus 2:4), and roasted fine flour (see 6:14) mixed as cakes with oil,” i.e., cakes made of fine flour roasted with oil, and thoroughly kneaded with oil (on the construction, see Ges. §139, 2; Ewald §284 a). This last kind of cakes kneaded with oil is also called oil-breadcake (“a cake of oiled bread,” Leviticus 8:26; Exodus 29:23), or “cake unleavened, kneaded with oil” (Exodus 29:2), and probably differed from the former simply in the fact that it was more thoroughly saturated with oil, inasmuch as it was not only made of flour that had been mixed with oil in the kneading, but the flour itself was first of all roasted in oil, and then the dough was moistened still further with oil in the process of kneading. LEVITICUS 7:13-14 This sacrificial gift the offerer was to present upon, or along with, cakes of leavened bread (round, leavened bread-cakes), and to offer “thereof one out of the whole oblation,” namely, one cake of each of the three kinds mentioned in v. 12, as a heave-offering for Jehovah, which was to fall to the priest who sprinkled the blood of the peace-offering. According to Leviticus 2:9, an azcarah of the unleavened pastry was burned upon the altar, although this is not specially mentioned here any more than at vv. and 10; whereas none of the leavened bread-cake was placed upon the altar (Leviticus 2:12), but it was simply used as bread for the sacrificial meal.
There is nothing here to suggest an allusion to the custom of offering unleavened sacrificial cakes upon a plate of leavened dough, as J. D.
Michaelis, Winer, and others suppose.
LEVITICUS. 7:15-18
The flesh of the praise-offering was to be eaten on the day of presentation, and none of it was to be left till the next morning (cf. Leviticus 22:29-30); but that of the vow and freewill-offerings might be eaten on both the first and second days. Whatever remained after that was to be burnt on the third day, i.e., to be destroyed by burning. If any was eaten on the third day, it was not well-pleasing ( hx;r; “good pleasure,” see Leviticus 1:4), and was “not reckoned to the offerer,” sc., as a sacrifice well-pleasing to God; it was “an abomination.” lWGpi , an abomination, is only applied to the flesh of the sacrifices (Leviticus 19:7; Ezekiel 4:14; Isaiah 65:4), and signifies properly a stench;-compare the talmudic word pigeel faetidum reddere.
Whoever ate thereof would bear his sin (see Leviticus 5:1). “The soul that eateth” is not to be restricted, as Knobel supposes, to the other participators in the sacrificial meal, but applies to the offerer also, in fact to every one who partook of such flesh.
The burning on the third day was commanded, not to compel the offerer to invite the poor to share in the meal (Theodoret, Clericus, etc.), but to guard against the danger of a desecration of the meal. The sacrificial flesh was holy (Exodus 29:34); and in Leviticus 19:8, where this command is repeated, eating it on the third day is called a profanation of that which was holy to Jehovah, and ordered to be punished with extermination. It became a desecration of what was holy, through the fact that in warm countries, if flesh is not most carefully preserved by artificial means, it begins to putrefy, or becomes offensive ( lWGpi ) on the third day. But to eat flesh that was putrid or stinking, would be like eating unclean carrion, or the hl;ben] with which putrid flesh is associated in Ezekiel 4:14. It was for this reason that burning was commanded, as Philo (de vict. p. 842) and Maimonides (More Neboch iii. 46) admit; though the former also associates with this the purpose mentioned above, which we decidedly reject (cf. Outram l.c. p. 185 seq., and Bähr, ii. pp. 375-6).
LEVITICUS. 7:19-21
In the same way all sacrificial flesh that had come into contact with what was unclean, and been defiled in consequence, was to be burned and not eaten. V. 19b, which is not found in the Septuagint and Vulgate, reads thus: “and as for the flesh, every clean person shall eat flesh,” i.e., take part in the sacrificial meal.
LEVITICUS. 7:20-23
On the other hand, “the soul which eats flesh of the peace-offering, and his uncleanness is upon him (for “whilst uncleanness is upon him;” the suffix is to be understood as referring to vp,n, construed as a masculine, see Leviticus 2:1), “shall be cut off” (see Genesis 17:14). This was to be done, whether the uncleanness arose from contact with an unclean object (any unclean thing), or from the uncleanness of man (cf. ch. 12-15), or from an unclean beast (see at Leviticus 11:4-8), or from any other unclean abomination. xq,v, , abomination, includes the unclean fishes, birds, and smaller animals, to which this expression is applied in Leviticus 11:10-42 (cf. Ezekiel 8:10 and Isaiah 66:17). Moreover contact with animals that were pronounced unclean so far as eating was concerned, did not produce uncleanness so long as they were alive, or if they had been put to death by man; but contact with animals that had died a natural death, whether they belonged to the edible animals or not, that is to say, with carrion (see at Leviticus 11:8).
There is appended to these regulations, as being substantially connected with them, the prohibition of fat and blood as articles of food (vv. 22-27).
By “the fat of ox, or of sheep, or of goat,” i.e., the three kinds of animals used in sacrifice, or “the fat of the beast of which men offer a firing to Jehovah” (v. 25), we are to understand only those portions of fat which are mentioned in Leviticus 3:3-4,9; not fat which grows in with the flesh, nor the fat portions of other animals, which were clean but not allowed as sacrifices, such as the stag, the antelope, and other kinds of game.
LEVITICUS. 7:24-27
The fat of cattle that had fallen ( hl;ben] ), or been torn to pieces (viz., by beasts of prey), was not to be eaten, because it was unclean and defiled the eater (Leviticus 17:15; 22:8); but it might be applied “to all kinds of uses,” i.e., to the common purposes of ordinary life. Knobel observes on this, that “in the case of oxen, sheep, and goats slain in the regular way, this was evidently not allowable. But the law does not say what was to be done with the fat of these animals.” Certainly it does not disertis verbis; but indirectly it does so clearly enough. According to Leviticus 17:3ff., during the journey through the desert any one who wanted to slaughter an ox, sheep, or goat was to bring the animal to the tabernacle as a sacrificial gift, that the blood might be sprinkled against the altar, and the fat burned upon it.
By this regulation every ordinary slaughtering was raised into a sacrifice, and the law determined what was to be done with the fat.
Now if afterwards, when the people dwelt in Canaan, cattle were allowed to be slaughtered in any place, and the only prohibition repeated was that against eating blood (Deuteronomy 12:15-16,21ff.), whilst the law against eating fat was not renewed; it follows as a matter of course, that when the custom of slaughtering at the tabernacle was restricted to actual sacrifices, the prohibition against eating the fat portions came to an end, so far as those animals were concerned with were slain for consumption and not as sacrifices. The reason for prohibiting fat from being eaten was simply this, that so long as every slaughtering was a sacrifice, the fat portions, which were to be handed over to Jehovah and burned upon the altar, were not to be devoted to earthly purposes, because they were gifts sanctified to God.
The eating of the fat, therefore, was neither prohibited on sanitary or social grounds, viz., because fat was injurious to health, as Maimonides and other Rabbins maintain, nor for the purpose of promoting the cultivation of olives, as Michaelis supposes, nor to prevent its being put into the unclean mouth of man, as Knobel imagines; but as being an illegal appropriation of what was sanctified to God, a wicked invasion of the rights of Jehovah, which was to be punished with extermination according to the analogy of Numbers 15:30-31. The prohibition of blood in vv. 26, 27, extends to birds and cattle; fishes not being mentioned, because the little blood which they possess is not generally eaten. This prohibition Israel was to observe in all its dwellingplaces (Exodus 12:20, cf. Leviticus 10:23), not only so long as all the slaughterings had the character of sacrifices, but for all ages, because the blood was regarded as the soul of the animal, which God had sanctified as the medium of atonement for the soul of man (Leviticus 17:11), whereby the blood acquired a much higher degree of holiness than the fat.
LEVITICUS. 7:28-29
Jehovah’s share of the peace-offerings.
V. 29. The offerer of the sacrifice was to bring his gift (corban) to Jehovah, i.e., to bring to the altar the portion which belonged to Jehovah.
LEVITICUS. 7:30-33
His hands were to bring the firings of Jehovah, i.e., the portions to be burned upon the altar (Leviticus 1:9), viz., “the fat (the fat portions, ch. 3:3-4) with the breast,” — the former to be burned upon the altar, the latter “to wave as a wave-offering before Jehovah.” hz,j; , to’ steethu’nion (LXX), i.e., according to Pollux, tw>n sthqw>n to> me>son , pectusculum or pectus (Vulg. cf. Leviticus 9:20-21; 10:15), signifies the breast, the breastpiece of the sacrificial animals, the brisket, which consists for the most part of cartilaginous fat in the case of oxen, sheep, and goats, and is one of the most savoury parts; so that at the family festivities of the ancients, according to Athen. Deipnos. ii. 70, ix. 10, sthqu>nia pace>wn arni>wn were dainty bits.
The breast-piece was presented to the Lord as a wave-offering (tenuphah), and transferred by Him to Aaron and his sons (the priests). hp;WnT] , from ãWn , ãWn , to swing, to move to and fro (see Exodus 35:22), is the name applied to a ceremony peculiar to the peace-offerings and the consecrationofferings: the priest laid the object to be waved upon the hands of the offerer, and then placed his own hands underneath, and moved the hands of the offerer backwards and forwards in a horizontal direction, to indicate by the movement forwards, i.e., in the direction towards the altar, the presentation of the sacrifice, or the symbolical transference of it to God, and by the movement backwards, the reception of it back again, as a present which God handed over to His servants the priests. f171 In the peace-offerings the waving was performed with the breast-piece, which was called the “wave-breast” in consequence (v. 34; Leviticus 10:14-15; Numbers 6:20; 18:18; Exodus 29:27). At the consecration of the priests it was performed with the fat portions, the right leg, and with some cakes, as well as with the breast of the fill-offering (Leviticus 8:25-29; Exodus 29:22-26). The ceremony of waving was also carried out with the sheaf of first-fruits at the feast of Passover; with the loaves of the firstfruits, and thank-offering lambs, at the feast of Pentecost (Leviticus 23:11,20); with the shoulder and meat-offering of the Nazarite (Numbers 6:20); with the trespass-offering of the leper (Leviticus 14:12,24); with the jealousy-offering (Numbers 5:25); and lastly with the Levites, at their consecration (Numbers 8:11ff.). In the case of all these sacrifices, the object waved, after it had been offered symbolically to the Lord by means of the waving, became the property of the priests.
But of the lambs, which were waved at the feast of Pentecost before they were slaughtered, and of the lamb which was brought as a trespass-offering by the leper, the blood and fat were given up to the altar-fire; of the jealousy-offering, only an azcarah; and of the fill-offering, for special reasons, the fat portions and leg, as well as the cakes. Even the Levites were given by Jehovah to the priests to be their own (Numbers 8:19). The waving, therefore, had nothing in common with the porricere of the Romans, as the portions of the sacrifices which were called porriciae were precisely those which were not only given up to the gods, but burned upon the altars. In addition to the wave-breast, which the Lord gave up to His servants as their share of the peace-offerings, the officiating priest was also to receive for his portion the right leg as a terumah, or heave-offering, or lifting off. qwOv is the thigh in the case of a man (Isaiah 47:2; Song of Sol. 5:15), and therefore in the case of an animal it is not the fore-leg, or shoulder ( braci>wn , armus), which is called [æwOrz] , or the arm (Numbers 6:19; Deuteronomy 18:3), but the hind-leg, or rather the upper part of it or ham, which is mentioned in 1 Samuel 9:24 as a peculiarly choice portion (Knobel). As a portion lifted off from the sacrificial gifts, it is often called “the heave-leg” (v. 34; Leviticus 10:14-15; Numbers 6:20; Exodus 29:27), because it was lifted or heaved off from the sacrificial animal, as a gift of honour for the officiating priest, but without being waved like the breast- piece-though the more general phrase, “to wave a wave-offering before Jehovah” (Leviticus 10:15), includes the offering of the heave-leg (see my Archaeologie i. pp. 244-5).
LEVITICUS. 7:34-36
The wave-breast and heave-leg Jehovah had taken of the children of Israel, from off the sacrifices of their peace-offerings: i.e., had imposed it upon them as tribute, and had given them to Aaron and his sons, i.e., to the priests, “as a statute for ever,” — in other words, as a right which they could claim of the Israelites for all ages (cf. Exodus 27:21). — With vv. 35, 36, the instructions concerning the peace-offerings are brought to a close. “This (the wave-breast and heave-leg) is the share of Aaron and his sons from the firings of Jehovah in the day (i.e., which Jehovah assigned to them in the day) when He caused them to draw near to become priests to Jehovah,” i.e., according to the explanation in v. 36, “in the day of their anointing.” The word hj;v]mi in v. 35, like maash¦chaah in Numbers 18:8, signifies not “anointing,” but share, portio, literally a measuring off, as in Aramaean and Arabic, from jvæm] to stroke the hand over anything, to measure, or measure off.
The fulness with which every point in the sacrificial meal is laid down, helps to confirm the significance of the peace-offerings, as already implied in the name jbæz, sacrificial slaughtering, slain-offering, viz., as indicating that they were intended for, and culminated in a liturgical meal. By placing his hand upon the head of the animal, which had been brought to the altar of Jehovah for the purpose, the offerer signified that with this gift, which served to nourish and strengthen his own life, he gave up the substance of his life to the Lord, that he might thereby be strengthened both body and soul for a holy walk and conversation. To this end he slaughtered the victim and had the blood sprinkled by the priest against the altar, and the fat portions burned upon it, that in these altar-gifts his soul and his inner man might be grounded afresh in the gracious fellowship of the Lord. He then handed over the breast-piece by the process of waving, also the right leg, and a sacrificial cake of each kind, as a heave-offering from the whole to the Lord, who transferred these portions to the priests as His servants, that they might take part as His representatives in the sacrificial meal.
In consequence of this participation of the priests, the feast, which the offerer of the sacrifice prepared for himself and his family from the rest of the flesh, became a holy covenant meal, a meal of love and joy, which represented domestic fellowship with the Lord, and thus shadowed forth, on the one hand, rejoicing before the Lord (Deuteronomy 12:12,18), and on the other, the blessedness of eating and drinking in the kingdom of God (Luke 13:15; 22:30). Through the fact that one portion was given up to the Lord, the earthly food was sanctified as a symbol of the true spiritual food, with which the Lord satisfies and refreshes the citizens of His kingdom.
This religious aspect of the sacrificial meal will explain the instructions given, viz., that not only the flesh itself, but those who took part in the meal, were all to be clean, and that whatever remained of the flesh was to be burned, on the second or third day respectively, that it might not pass into a state of decomposition. The burning took place a day earlier in the case of the praise-offering than in that of the vow and freewill-offerings, of which the offerer was allowed a longer enjoyment, because they were the products of his own spontaneity, which covered any defect that might attach to the gift itself.
LEVITICUS 7:37,38 With vv. 37 and 38 the whole of the sacrificial law (ch. 1-7) is brought to a close. Among the sacrifices appointed, the fill-offering ( aLumi ) is also mentioned here; though it is not first instituted in these chapters, but in Exodus 29:19-20 (vv. 22, 26, 27, 31). The name may be explained from the phrase to “fill the hand,” which is not used in the sense of installing a man, or giving him authority, like dy; ˆtæn; “commit into his hand” in Isaiah 22:21 (Knobel), but was applied primarily to the ceremony of consecrating the priests, as described in Leviticus 8:25ff., and was restricted to the idea of investiture with the priesthood (cf. ch. 8:33; 16:32; Exodus 28:41; 29:9,29,33,35; Numbers 3:3; Judges 17:5,12). This gave rise to the expression “to fill the hand for Jehovah,” i.e., to provide something to offer to Jehovah (1 Chronicles 29:5; 2 Chronicles 29:31, cf. Exodus 32:29).
Hence aLumi denotes the filling of the hand with sacrificial gifts to be offered to Jehovah, and as used primarily of the particular sacrifice through which the priests were symbolically invested at their consecration with the gifts they were to offer, and were empowered, by virtue of this investiture, to officiate at the sacrifices; and secondly, in a less restricted sense, of priestly consecration generally (Leviticus 8:33, “the days of your consecration”). The allusion to the place in v. 38, viz., “in the wilderness of Sinai,” points on the one hand back to Exodus 19:1, and on the other hand forward to Numbers 26:63-64, and 36:13, “in the plains of Moab” (cf.
Numbers 1:1,19, etc.).
The sacrificial law, therefore, with the five species of sacrifices which it enjoins, embraces every aspect in which Israel was to manifest its true relation to the Lord its God. Whilst the sanctification of the whole man in self-surrender to the Lord was shadowed forth in the burnt-offerings, the fruits of this sanctification in the meat-offerings, and the blessedness of the possession and enjoyment of saving grace in the peace-offerings, the expiatory sacrifices furnished the means of removing the barrier which sins and trespasses had set up between the sinner and the holy God, and procured the forgiveness of sin and guilt, so that the sinner could attain once more to the unrestricted enjoyment of the covenant grace. For, provided only that the people of God drew near to their God with sacrificial gifts, in obedience to His commandments and in firm reliance upon His word, which had connected the forgiveness of sin, strength for sanctification, and the peace of fellowship with Him, with these manifestations of their piety, the offerers would receive in truth the blessings promised them by the Lord. Nevertheless these sacrifices could not make those who drew near to God with them and in them “perfect as pertaining to the conscience” (Hebrews 9:9; 10:1), because the blood of bulls and of goats could not possibly take away sin (Hebrews 10:4).
The forgiveness of sin which the atoning sacrifices procured, was only a pa>resiv of past sins through the forbearance of God (Romans 3:25-26), in anticipation of the true sacrifice of Christ, of which the animal sacrifices were only a type, and by which the justice of God is satisfied, and the way opened fore the full forgiveness of sin and complete reconciliation with God. So also the sanctification and fellowship set forth by the burntofferings and peace-offerings, were simply a sanctification of the fellowship already established by the covenant of the law between Israel and its covenant God, which pointed forward to the true sanctification and blessedness that grow out of the righteousness of faith, and expand through the operation of the Holy Spirit into the true righteousness and blessedness of the divine peace of reconciliation. The effect of the sacrifices was in harmony with the nature of the old covenant.
The fellowship with God, established by this covenant, was simply a faint copy of that true and living fellowship with God, which consists in God’s dwelling in our hearts through His Spirit, transforming our spirit, soul, and body more and more into His own image and His divine nature, and making us partakers of the glory and blessedness of His divine life.
However intimately the infinite and holy God connected Himself with His people in the earthly sanctuary of the tabernacle and the altar of burntoffering, yet so long as this sanctuary stood, the God who was enthroned in the most holy place was separated by the veil from His people, who could only appear before Him in the fore-court, as a proof that the sin which separates unholy man from the holy God had not yet been taken out of the way. Just as the old covenant generally was not intended to secure redemption from sin, but the law was designed to produce the knowledge of sin; so the desire for reconciliation with God was not to be truly satisfied by its sacrificial ordinances, but a desire was to be awakened for that true sacrifice which cleanses from all sins, and the way to be prepared for the appearing of the Son of God, who would exalt the shadows of the Mosaic sacrifices into a substantial reality by giving up His own life as a propitiation for the sins of the whole world, and thus through the one offering of His own holy body would perfect all the manifold sacrifices of the Old Testament economy.
INDUCTION OF AARON AND HIS SONS INTO THE PRIESTLY OFFICE.
To the law of sacrifice there is appended first of all an account of the fulfilment of the divine command to sanctify Aaron and his sons as priests, which Moses had received upon the mount along with the laws concerning the erection of the sanctuary of the tabernacle (Exodus 28 and 29). This command could not properly be carried out till after the appointment and regulation of the institution of sacrifice, because most of the laws of sacrifice had some bearing upon this act. The sanctification of the persons, whom God had called to be His priests, consisted in a solemn consecration of these persons to their office by investiture, anointing, and sacrifice (ch. 8)-their solemn entrance upon their office by sacrifices for themselves and the people (ch. 9)-the sanctification of their priesthood by the judgment of God upon the eldest sons of Aaron, when about to offer strange, fire-and certain instructions, occasioned by this occurrence, concerning the conduct of the priests in the performance of their service (ch. 10). LEVITICUS 8:1-5 Verse 1-5. Consecration of the Priests and the Sanctuary (cf. Exodus 29:1-37). — The consecration of Aaron and his sons as priests was carried out by Moses according to the instructions in Exodus 29:1-36; 40:12-15; and the anointing of the tabernacle, with the altar and its furniture, as prescribed in Exodus 29:37; 30:26-29, and 40:9-11, was connected with it (vv. 10, 11).
Verse 1-4. Vv. 1-5 contain an account of the preparations for this holy act, the performance of which was enjoined upon Moses by Jehovah after the publication of the laws of sacrifice (v. 1). Moses brought the persons to be consecrated, the official costume that had been made for them (Exodus 28), the anointing oil (Exodus 30:23ff.), and the requisite sacrificial offerings (Exodus 29:1-3), to the door of the tabernacle (i.e., into the court, near the altar of burnt-offering), and then gathered “the whole congregation” — that is to say, the nation in the persons of its elders-there also (see my Archäeologie ii. p. 221). The definite article before the objects enumerated in v. 2 may be explained on the ground that they had all been previously and more minutely described. The “basket of the unleavened” contained, according to Exodus 29:2-3, (1) unleavened bread, which is called hL;jæ in v. 26, i.e., round flat bread-cakes, and µj,l, rK;Ki (loaf of bread) in Exodus 29:23, and was baked for the purpose of the consecration (see at vv. 31, 32); (2) unleavened oil-cakes; and (3) unleavened flat cakes covered with oil (see at Leviticus 2:4 and 7:12).
Verse 5. When the congregation was assembled, Moses said, “This is the word which Jehovah commanded you to do.” His meaning was, the substance or essential part of the instructions in Exodus 28:1 and 29:1-37, which he had published to the assembled congregation before the commencement of the act of consecration, and which are not repeated here as being already known from those chapters. The congregation had been summoned to perform this act, because Aaron and his sons were to be consecrated as priests for them, as standing mediators between them and the Lord. LEVITICUS 8:6-13 After this the act of consecration commenced. It consisted of two parts: first, the consecration of the persons themselves to the office of the priesthood, by washing, clothing, and anointing (vv. 6-13); and secondly, the sacrificial rites, by which the persons appointed to the priestly office were inducted into the functions and prerogatives of priests (vv. 16-36).
Verse 6-13. The washing, clothing, and anointing. — V. 6. “Moses brought Aaron and his sons, and washed them with water;” i.e., directed them to wash themselves, no doubt all over, and not merely their hands and feet. This cleansing from bodily uncleanness was a symbol of the putting away of the filth of sin; the washing of the body, therefore, was a symbol of spiritual cleansing, without which no one could draw near to God, and least of all those who were to perform the duties of reconciliation.
Verse 7-9. Then followed the clothing of Aaron. Moses put upon him the body-coat (Exodus 28:39) and girdle (Exodus 28:39 and 39:22), then clothes him with the meïl (Exodus 28:31-35) and ephod (Exodus 28:6-14), and the choshen with the Urim and Thummim (Exodus 28:15-30), and put the cap (Exodus 28:39) upon his head, with the golden diadem over his forehead (Exodus 28:36-38). This investiture, regarded as the putting on of an important official dress, was a symbol of his endowment with the character required for the discharge of the duties of his office, the official costume being the outward sign of installation in the office which he was to fill.
Verse 10-13. According to the directions in Exodus 30:26-30 (cf.
Leviticus 40:9-11), the anointing was performed first of all upon “the tabernacle and everything in it,” i.e., the ark of the covenant, the altar of incense, the candlestick, and table of shew-bread, and their furniture; and then upon the altar of burnt-offering and its furniture, and upon the laver and its pedestal; and after this, upon Aaron himself, by the pouring of the holy oil upon his head. This was followed by the robing and anointing of Aaron’s sons, the former only of which is recorded in v. 13 (according to Exodus 28:40), the anointing not being expressly mentioned, although it had not only been commanded, in Exodus 28:41 and 40:15, but the performance of it is taken for granted in Leviticus 7:36; 10:7, and Numbers 3:3. According to the Jewish tradition, the anointing of Aaron (the high priest) was different from that of the sons of Aaron (the ordinary priests), the oil being poured upon the head of the former, whilst it was merely smeared with the finger upon the forehead in the case of the latter (cf.
Relandi Antiqq. ss. ii. 1, 5, and 7, and Selden, de succ. in pontif. ii. 2).
There appears to be some foundation for this, as a distinction is assumed between the anointing of the high priest and that of the ordinary priests, not only in the expression, “he poured of the anointing oil upon Aaron’s head” (v. 12, cf. Exodus 29:7; Psalm 133:2), which is applied to Aaron only, but also in Leviticus 21:10,12; although the further statement of the later Talmudists and Rabbins, that Aaron was also marked upon the forehead with the sign of a Hebrew k (the initial letter of ˆheKo ), has no support in the law (vid., Selden, ii. 9; Vitringa, observv. ss. ii. c. 15, 9). — On the mode in which the tabernacle and its furniture were anointed, all that is stated is, that the altar of burnt-offering was anointed by being sprinkled seven times with the anointing oil; from which we may safely conclude, that the other portions and vessels of the sanctuary were anointed in the same way, but that the sprinkling was not performed more than once in their case.
The reason why the altar was sprinkled seven times with the holy anointing oil, is to be sought for in its signification as the place of worship. The anointing, both of the sacred things and also of the priests, is called vdæq; “to sanctify,” in vv. 10-12, as well as in Exodus 40:9-11 and 13; and in Exodus 40:10 the following stipulation is added with regard to the altar of burnt-offering: “and it shall be most holy,” — a stipulation which is not extended to the dwelling and its furniture, although those portions of the sanctuary were most holy also, that the altar of burnt-offering, which was the holiest object in the court by virtue of its appointment as the place of expiation, might be specially guarded from being touched by unholy hands (see at Exodus 40:16). To impress upon it this highest grade of holiness, it was sprinkled even times with anointing oil; and in the number seven, the covenant number, the seal of the holiness of the covenant of reconciliation, to which it was to be subservient, was impressed upon it.
To sanctify is not merely to separate to holy purposes, but to endow or fill with the powers of the sanctifying Spirit of God. Oil was a fitting symbol of the Spirit, or spiritual principle of life, by virtue of its power to sustain and fortify the vital energy; and the anointing oil, which was prepared according to divine instructions, was therefore a symbol of the Spirit of God, as the principle of spiritual life which proceeds from God and fills the natural being of the creature with the powers of divine life. The anointing with oil, therefore, was a symbol of endowment with the Spirit of God (1 Samuel 10:1,6; 16:13-14; Isaiah 61:1) for the duties of the office to which a person was consecrated. The holy vessels also were not only consecrated, through the anointing, for the holy purposes to which they were to be devoted (Knobel), but were also furnished in a symbolical sense with powers of the divine Spirit, which were to pass from them to the people who came to the sanctuary.
The anointing was not only to sanctify the priests as organs and mediators of the Spirit of God, but the vessels of the sanctuary also, as channels and vessels of the blessings of grace and salvation, which God as the Holy One would bestow upon His people, through the service of His priests, and in the holy vessels appointed by Him. On these grounds the consecration of the holy things was associated with the consecration of the priests. The notion that even vessels, and in fact inanimate things in general, can be endowed with divine and spiritual powers, was very widely spread in antiquity. We meet with it in the anointing of memorial stones (Genesis 28:17; 35:14), and it occurs again in the instructions concerning the expiation of the sanctuary on the annual day of atonement (ch. 16). It contains more truth than some modern views of the universe, which refuse to admit that any influence is exerted by the divine Spirit except upon animated beings, and thus leave a hopeless abyss between spirit and matter.
According to Exodus 29:9, the clothing and anointing of Aaron and his sons were to be “a priesthood to them for a perpetual statute,” i.e., to secure the priesthood to them for all ages; for the same thought is expressed thus in Exodus 40:15: “their anointing shall surely be an everlasting priesthood throughout their generations.” When the Talmudists refer these words to the sons of Aaron or the ordinary priests, to the exclusion of Aaron or the high priest, this is opposed to the distinct context, according to which the sons of Aaron were to be anointed like their father Aaron. The utter want of foundation for the rabbinical assumption, that the anointing of the sons of Aaron, performed by Moses, availed not only for themselves, but for their successors also, and therefore for the priests of every age, is also the more indisputable, because the Talmudists themselves infer from Leviticus 6:15 (cf. Exodus 29:29), where the installation of Aaron’s successor in his office is expressly designated an anointing, the necessity for every successor of Aaron in the highpriesthood to be anointed. The meaning of the words in question is no doubt the following: the anointing of Aaron and his sons was to stand as a perpetual statute for the priesthood, and to guarantee it to the sons of Aaron for all time; it being assumed as self-evident, according to Leviticus 6:15, that as every fresh generation entered upon office, the anointing would be repeated or renewed.
LEVITICUS. 8:14-32
The sacrificial ceremony with which the consecration was concluded, consisted of a threefold sacrifice, the materials for which were not supplied by the persons about to be installed, but were no doubt provided by Moses at the expense of the congregation, for which the priesthood was instituted.
Moses officiated as the mediator of the covenant, through whose service Aaron and his sons were to be consecrated as priests of Jehovah, and performed every part of the sacrificial rite-the slaughtering, sprinkling of the blood, and burning of the altar gifts-just as the priests afterwards did at the public daily and festal sacrifices, the persons to be consecrated simply laying their hands upon the sacrificial animals, to set them apart as their representatives.
Verse 14-17. The first sacrifice was a sin-offering, for which a young ox was taken (Exodus 29:1), as in the case of the sin-offerings for the high priest and the whole congregation (Leviticus 4:3,14): the highest kind of sacrificial animal, which corresponded to the position to be occupied by the priests in the Israelitish kingdom of God, as the eklogh> of the covenant nation. Moses put some of the blood with his finger upon the horns of the altar of burnt-offering, and poured the rest at the foot of the altar. The far portions (see Leviticus 3:3-4) he burned upon the altar; but the flesh of the ox, as well as the hide and dung, he burned outside the camp. According to the general rule of the sin-offerings, whose flesh was burnt outside the camp, the blood was brought into the sanctuary itself (Leviticus 6:23); but here it was only put upon the altar of burnt-offering to make this sinoffering a consecration-sacrifice.
Moses was to take the blood to “purify ( af;j; ) and sanctify the altar, to expiate it.” As the altar had been sanctified immediately before by the anointing with holy oil (v. 11), the object of the cleansing or sanctification of it through the blood of the sacrifice cannot have been to purify it a second time from uncleanness, that still adhered to it, or was inherent in it; but just as the purification or expiation of the vessels or worship generally applied only to the sins of the nation, by which these vessels had been defiled (Leviticus 16:16,19), so here the purification of the altar with the blood of the sin-offering, upon which the priests had laid their hands, had reference simply to pollutions, with which the priests defiled the altar when officiating at it, through the uncleanness of their sinful nature. As the priests could not be installed in the functions of the priesthood, notwithstanding the holiness communicated to them through the anointing, without a sin-offering to awaken the consciousness in both themselves and the nation that the sinfulness which lay at the root of human nature was not removed by the anointing, but only covered in the presence of the holy God, and that sin still clung to man, and polluted all his doings and designs; so that altar, upon which they were henceforth to offer sacrifices, still required to be purified through the blood of the bullock, that had been slaughtered as a sin-offering for the expiation of their sins, to sanctify it for the service of the priests, i.e., to cover up the sins by which they would defile it when performing their service.
For this sanctification the blood of the sin-offering, that had been slaughtered for them, was taken, to indicate the fellowship which was henceforth to exist between them and the altar, and to impress upon them the fact, that the blood, by which they were purified, was also to serve as the means of purifying the altar from the sins attaching to their service.
Although none of the blood of this sin-offering was carried into the holy place, because only the anointed priests were to be thereby inducted into the fellowship of the altar, the flesh of the animal could only be burnt outside the camp, because the sacrifice served to purify the priesthood (see Leviticus 4:11-12). For the rest, the remarks made on p. 524 are also applicable to the symbolical meaning of this sacrifice.
Verse 18-21. The sin-offering, through which the priests and the altar had been expiated, and every disturbance of the fellowship existing between the holy God and His servants at the altar, in consequence of the sin of those who were to be consecrated, had been taken away, was followed by a burnt-offering, consisting of a ram, which was offered according to the ordinary ritual of the burnt-offering (Leviticus 1:3-9), and served to set forth the priests, who had appointed it as their substitute through the laying on of hands, as a living, holy, and well-pleasing sacrifice to the Lord, and to sanctify them to the Lord with all the faculties of both body and soul.
Verse 22-30. This was followed by the presentation of a peace-offering, which also consisted of a ram, called “the ram of the filling,” or “of the fill- offering,” from the peculiar ceremony performed with the flesh, by which this sacrifice became a consecration-offering, inducting the persons consecrated into the possession and enjoyment of the privileges of the priesthood. A ram was offered as a peace-offering, by the nation as a whole (Leviticus 9:4,18), the tribe-princes (Numbers 7:17ff.), and a Nazarite (Numbers 6:14,17), who also occupied a higher position in the congregation (Amos 2:11-12); but it was never brought by a private Israelite for a peace-offering. The offering described here differed from the rest of the peace-offerings, first of all, in the ceremony performed with the blood (vv. 23 and 24, cf. Exodus 29:20-21). Before sprinkling the blood upon the altar, Moses put some of it upon the tip of the right ear, upon the right thumb, and upon the great toe of the right foot of Aaron and his sons.
Thus he touched the extreme points, which represented the whole, of the ear, hand, and foot on the right, or more important and principal side: the ear, because the priest was always to hearken to the word and commandment of God; the hand, because he was to discharge the priestly functions properly; and the foot, because he was to walk correctly in the sanctuary. Through this manipulation the three organs employed in the priestly service were placed, by means of their tips, en rapport with the sacrificial blood; whilst through the subsequent sprinkling of the blood upon the altar they were introduced symbolically within the sphere of the divine grace, by virtue of the sacrificial blood, which represented the soul as the principle of life, and covered it in the presence of the holiness of God, to be sanctified by that grace to the rendering of willing and righteous service to the Lord. The sanctification was at length completed by Moses’ taking some of the anointing oil and some of the blood upon the altar, and sprinkling Aaron and his sons, and also their clothes; that is to say, by his sprinkling the persons themselves, as bearers of the priesthood, and their clothes, as the insignia of the priesthood, with a mixture of holy anointing oil and sacrificial blood taken from the altar (v. 30).
The blood taken from the altar shadowed forth the soul as united with God through the medium of the atonement, and filled with powers of grace. The holy anointing oil was a symbol of the Spirit of God. Consequently, through this sprinkling the priests were endowed, both soul and spirit, with the higher powers of the divine life. The sprinkling, however, was performed, not upon the persons alone, but also upon their official dress.
For it had reference to the priests, not in their personal or individual relation to the Lord, but in their official position, and with regard to their official work in the congregation of the Lord. f172 In addition to this, the following appointment is contained in Exodus 29:29,30: “The holy garments of Aaron shall be his sons’ after him,” i.e., pass to his successors in the high-priesthood, “to anoint them therein and fill their hands therein. Seven days shall the priest of his sons in his stead put them on ( vbæl; with the suffix aa-m as in Genesis 19:19), who shall go into the tabernacle to serve in the sanctuary.” Accordingly, at Aaron’s death his successor Eleazar was dressed in his robes (Numbers 20:26-28).
It by no means follows from this, that a formal priestly consecration was repeated solely in the case of the high priest as the head of the priesthood, and that with the common priests the first anointing by Moses sufficed for all time. We have already observed at p. 545 that this is not involved in Exodus 40:15; and the fact that it is only the official costume of the high priest which is expressly said to have passed to his successor, may be explained on the simple ground, that as his dress was only worn when he was discharging certain special functions before Jehovah, it would not be worn out so soon as the dress of the ordinary priests, which was worn in the daily service, and therefore would hardly last long enough to be handed down from father to son. f173 The ceremony performed with the flesh of this sacrifice was also peculiarly significant (vv. 25-29). Moses took the fat portions, which were separated from the flesh in the case of the ordinary peace-offerings and burned upon the altar, and the right leg, which was usually assigned to the officiating priest, and then laid by the pieces of flesh (or upon them) another cake of each of the three kinds of pastry, which fell to the portion of the priest in other cases, as a heave-offering for Jehovah, and put all this into the hands of Aaron and his sons, and waved it as a wave-offering for Jehovah, after which he took it from their hands and burned it upon the altar, “as a filling ( aLumi ) for a savour of satisfaction, as a firing for Jehovah.” These last words, which are attached to the preceding without a conjunction, and, as the µhe and aWh show, form independent clauses (lit., “filling are they...a firing is it for Jehovah”), contain the reason for this unusual proceeding, so that Luther’s explanation is quite correct, “for it is a fill-offering,” etc.
The ceremony of handing the portions mentioned to Aaron and his sons denoted the filling of their hands with the sacrificial gifts, which they were afterwards to offer to the Lord in the case of the peace-offerings, viz., the fat portions as a firing upon the altar, the right leg along with the breadcake as a wave-offering, which the Lord then relinquished to them as His own servants. The filling of their hands with these sacrificial gifts, from which the offering received the name of fill-offering, signified on the one hand the communication of the right belonging to the priest to offer the fat portions to the Lord upon the altar, and on the other hand the enfeoffment of the priests with gifts, which they were to receive in future for their service. This symbolical signification of the act in question serves to explain the circumstance, that both the fat portions, which were to be burned upon the altar, and also the right leg with the bread-cakes which formed the priests’ share of the peace-offerings, were merely placed in the priests’s hands in this instance, and presented symbolically to the Lord by waving, and then burned by Moses upon the altar.
For Aaron and his sons were not only to be enfeoffed with what they were to burn unto the Lord, but also with what they would receive for their service. And as even the latter was a prerogative bestowed upon them by the Lord, it was right that at their consecration they should offer it symbolically to the Lord by waving, and actually by burning upon the altar.
But as the right leg was devoted to another purpose in this case, Moses received the breast-piece, which was presented to the Lord by waving (v. 29), and which afterwards fell to the lot of the priests, as his portion for the sacrificial meal, which formed the conclusion of this dedicatory offering, as it did of all the peace-offerings. In Exodus 29:27-28, we also find the command, that the wave-breast of the ram of the fill-offering, and the heave-leg which had been lifted off, should afterwards belong to Aaron and his sons on the part of the children of Israel, as a perpetual statute, i.e., as a law for all time; and the following reason is assigned: “for it is a heaveoffering (terumah, a lifting off), and shall be a heave-offering on the part of the children of Israel of their peace-offerings, their heave-offering for Jehovah,” i.e., which they were to give to the Lord from their peaceofferings for the good of His servants. The application of the word terumah to both kinds of offering, the wave-breast and the heave-shoulder, may be explained on the simple ground, that the gift to be waved had to be lifted off from the sacrificial animal before the waving could be performed.
Verse 31-32. For the sacrificial meal, the priests were to boil the flesh in front of the door of the tabernacle, or, according to Exodus 29:31, “at the holy place,” i.e., in the court, and eat it with the bread in the fill-offering basket; and no stranger (i.e., layman or non-priest) was to take part in the meal, because the flesh and bread were holy (Exodus 29:33), that is to say, had served to make atonement for the priests, to fill their hands and sanctify them. Atoning virtue is attributed to this sacrifice in the same sense as to the burnt-offering in Leviticus 1:4. Whatever was left of the flesh and bread until the following day, that is to say, was not eaten on the day of sacrifice, was to be burned with fire, for the reason explained at Leviticus 7:17. The exclusion of laymen from participating in this sacrificial meal is to be accounted for in the same way as the prohibition of unleavened bread, which was offered and eaten in the case of the ordinary peaceofferings along with the unleavened sacrificial cakes (see at Leviticus 7:13). The meal brought the consecration of the priests to a close, as Aaron and his sons were thereby received into that special, priestly covenant with the Lord, the blessings and privileges of which were to be enjoyed by the consecrated priests alone. At this meal the priests were not allowed to eat leavened bread, any more than the nation generally at the feast of Passover (Exodus 12:8ff.).
LEVITICUS. 8:33-36
(cf. Exodus 29:35-37). The consecration was to last seven days, during which time the persons to be consecrated were not to go away from the door of the tabernacle, but to remain there day and night, and watch the watch of the Lord that they might not die. “For the Lord will fill your hand seven days. As they have done on this (the first) day, so has Jehovah commanded to do to make atonement for you” (v. 34). That is to say, the rite of consecration which has been performed upon you to-day, Jehovah has commanded to be performed or repeated for seven days. These words clearly imply that the whole ceremony, in all its details, was to be repeated for seven days; and in Exodus 29:36-37, besides the filling of the hand which was to be continued seven days, and which presupposes the daily repetition of the consecration-offering, the preparation of the sin-offering for reconciliation and the expiation or purification and anointing of the altar are expressly commanded for each of the seven days.
This repetition of the act of consecration is to be regarded as intensifying the consecration itself; and the limitation of it to seven days is to be accounted for from the signification and holiness of the number seven as the sign of the completion of the works of God. The commandment not to leave the court of the tabernacle during the whole seven days, is of course not to be understood literally (as it is by some of the Rabbins), as meaning that the persons to be consecrated were not even to go away from the spot for the necessities of nature (cf. Lund. jüd. Heiligth. p. 448); but when taken in connection with the clause which follows, “and keep the charge of the Lord,” it can only be understood as signifying that during these days they were not to leave the sanctuary to attend to any earthly avocation whatever, but uninterruptedly to observe the charge of the Lord, i.e., the consecration commanded by the Lord. tr,m,v]mi rmæv; , lit., to watch the watch of a person or thing, i.e., to attend to them, to do whatever was required for noticing or attending to them (cf. Genesis 26:5, and Hengstenberg, Christology).
LEVITICUS. 9:1-5
Entrance of Aaron and his Sons upon their Office.
Vv. 1-7. On the eighth day, i.e., on the day after the seven days’ consecration, Aaron and his sons entered upon their duties with a solemn sacrifice for themselves and the nation, to which the Lord had made Himself known by a special revelation of His glory, to bear solemn witness before the whole nation that their service at the altar was acceptable to Him, and to impress the divine seal of confirmation upon the consecration they had received. To this end Aaron and his sons were to bring to the front of the tabernacle a young calf as a sin-offering for themselves, and a ram for a burnt-offering; and the people were to bring through their elders a he-goat for a sin-offering, a yearling calf and yearling sheep for a burntoffering, and an ox and ram for a peace-offering, together with a meatoffering of meal mixed with oil; and the congregation (in the persons of its elders) was to stand there before Jehovah, i.e., to assemble together at the sanctuary for the solemn transaction (vv. 1-5).
If, according to this, even after the manifold expiation and consecration, which Aaron had received through Moses during the seven days, he had still to enter upon his service with a sin-offering and burnt-offering, this fact clearly showed that the offerings of the law could not ensure perfection (Hebrews 10:1ff.). It is true that on this occasion a young calf was sufficient for a sin-offering for the priests, not a mature ox as in Leviticus 8:14 and 4:3; and so also for the burnt-offerings and peaceofferings of the people smaller sacrifices sufficed, either smaller in kind or fewer in number than at the leading feasts (Numbers 28:11ff.).
Nevertheless, not one of the three sacrifices could be omitted; and if no special peace-offering was required of Aaron, this may be accounted for from the fact, that the whole of the sacrificial ceremony terminated with a national peace-offering, in which the priests took part, uniting in this instance with the rest of the nation in the celebration of a common sacrificial meal, to make known their oneness with them.
LEVITICUS. 9:6-7
After everything had been prepared for the solemn ceremony, Moses made known to the assembled people what Jehovah had commanded them to do in order that His glory might appear (see at Exodus 16:10). Aaron was to offer the sacrifices that had been brought for the reconciliation of himself and the nation.
LEVITICUS. 9:8-11
Accordingly, he offered first of all the sin-offering and burnt-offering for himself, and then (vv. 15-21) the offerings of the people. The sin-offering always went first, because it served to remove the estrangement of man from the holy God arising from sin, by means of the expiation of the sinner, and to clear away the hindrances to his approach to God. Then followed the burnt-offering, as an expression of the complete surrender of the person expiated to the Lord; and lastly the peace-offering, on the one hand as the utterance of thanksgiving for mercy received, and prayer for its further continuance, and on the other hand, as a seal of covenant fellowship with the Lord in the sacrificial meal. But when Moses says in v. 7, that Aaron is to make atonement for himself and the nation with his sin-offering and burnt-offering, the atoning virtue which Aaron’s sacrifice was to have for the nation also, referred not to sins which the people had committed, but to the guilt which the high priest, as the head of the whole congregation, had brought upon the nation by his sin (Leviticus 4:3). In offering the sacrifices, Aaron was supported by his sons, who handed him the blood to sprinkle, and the sacrificial portions to burn upon the altar.
The same course was adopted with Aaron’s sin-offering (vv. 8-11) as Moses had pursued with the sin-offering at the consecration of the priests (Leviticus 8:14-17). The blood was not taken into the sanctuary, but only applied to the horns of the altar of burnt-offering; because the object was not to expiate some particular sin of Aaron’s, but to take away the sin which might make his service on behalf of the congregation displeasing to God; and the communion of the congregation with the Lord was carried on at the altar of burnt-offering. The flesh and skin of the animal were burnt outside the camp, as in the case of all the sin-offerings for the priesthood (Leviticus 4:11-12).
LEVITICUS. 9:12-14
The burnt-offering was presented according to the general rule (Leviticus 1:3-9), as in Leviticus 8:18-21. ax;m; (v. 12): to cause to attain; here, and in v. 18, to present, hand over. jtæne , according to its pieces, into which the burnt-offering was divided (Leviticus 1:6), and which they offered to Aaron one by one. No meat-offering was connected with Aaron’s burntofferings, partly because the law contained in Numbers 15:2ff. had not yet been given, but more especially because Aaron had to bring the special meat-offering commanded in Leviticus 6:13, and had offered this in connection with the morning burnt-offering mentioned in v. 17; though this offering, as being a constant one, and not connected with the offerings especially belonging to the consecration of the priests, is not expressly mentioned.
LEVITICUS. 9:15-21
Of the sacrifices of the nation, Aaron presented the sin-offering in the same manner as the first, i.e., the one offered for himself (vv. 8ff.). The blood of this sin-offering, which was presented for the congregation, was not brought into the holy place according to the rule laid down in Leviticus 7:16ff., but only applied to the horns of the altar of burnt-offering; for the same reason as in the previous case (vv. 8ff.), viz., because the object was not to expiate any particular sin, or the sins of the congregation that had been committed in the course of time and remained unatoned for, but simply to place the sacrificial service of the congregation in its proper relation to the Lord. Aaron was reproved by Moses, however, for having burned the flesh (Leviticus 10:16ff.), but was able to justify it (see at Leviticus 10:16-20). The sin-offering (v. 16) was also offered “according to the right” (as in Leviticus 5:10). Then followed the meat-offering (v. 17), of which Aaron burned a handful upon the altar (according to the rule in Leviticus 2:1-2). He offered this in addition to the morning burntoffering (Exodus 29:39), to which a meat-offering also belonged (Exodus 29:40), and with which, according to Leviticus 6:12ff., the special meatoffering of the priests was associated. Last of all (vv. 18-21) there followed the peace-offering, which was also carried out according to the general rule. In hs;K; , “the covering” (v. 19), the two fat portions mentioned in Leviticus 3:3 are included. The fat portions were laid upon the breastpieces by the sons of Aaron, and then handed by them to Aaron, the fat to be burned upon the altar, the breast to be waved along with the right leg, according to the instructions in Leviticus 7:30-36. The meat-offering of pastry, which belonged to the peace-offering according to Leviticus 7:12-13, is not specially mentioned.
LEVITICUS. 9:22-24
When the sacrificial ceremony was over, Aaron blessed the people from the altar with uplifted hands (cf. Numbers 6:22ff.), and then came down: sc., from the bank surrounding the altar, upon which he had stood while offering the sacrifice (see at Exodus 27:4-5).
Verse 23-24. After this Moses went with him into the tabernacle, to introduce him into the sanctuary, in which he was henceforth to serve the Lord, and to present him to the Lord: not to offer incense, which would undoubtedly have been mentioned; nor yet for the special purpose of praying for the manifestation of the glory of Jehovah, although there can be no doubt that they offered prayer in the sanctuary, and prayed for the blessing of the Lord for the right discharge of the office entrusted to them in a manner well-pleasing to Him. On coming out again they united in bestowing that blessing upon the people which they had solicited for them in the sanctuary. “Then the glory of Jehovah appeared to all the people, and fire came out from before the face of Jehovah and consumed the burntoffering and fat portions upon the altar” (i.e., the sin and peace-offerings, not the thank-offerings merely, as Knobel supposes, according to his mistaken theory). The appearance of the glory of Jehovah is probably to be regarded in this instance, and also in Numbers 16:19; 17:7, and 20:6, as the sudden flash of a miraculous light, which proceeded from the cloud that covered the tabernacle, probably also from the cloud in the most holy place, or as a sudden though very momentary change of the cloud, which enveloped the glory of the Lord, into a bright light, from which the fire proceeded in this instance in the form of lightning, and consumed the sacrifices upon the altar. The fire issued “from before the face of Jehovah,” i.e., from the visible manifestation of Jehovah. It did not come down from heaven, like the fire of Jehovah, which consumed the sacrifices of David and Solomon (1 Chronicles 21:26; 2 Chronicles 7:1). The Rabbins believe that this divine fire was miraculously sustained upon the altar until the building of Solomon’s temple, at the dedication of which it fell from heaven afresh, and then continued until the restoration of the temple-worship under Manasseh (2 Chronicles 33:16; cf. Buxtorf exercitatt. ad histor. ignis sacri, c. 2); and the majority of them maintain still further, that it continued side by side with the ordinary altar-fire, which was kindled by the priests (Leviticus 1:7), and, according to Leviticus 6:6, kept constantly burning by them. The earlier Christian expositors are for the most part of opinion, that the heavenly fire, which proceeded miraculously from God and burned the first sacrifices of Aaron, was afterwards maintained by the priests by natural means (see J. Marckii sylloge diss. philol. theol. ex. vi. ad Leviticus 6:13). But there is no foundation in the Scriptures for either of these views.
There is not a syllable about any miraculous preservation of the heavenly fire by the side of the fire which the priests kept burning by natural means.
And even the modified opinion of the Christian theologians, that the heavenly fire was preserved by natural means, rests upon the assumption, which there is nothing to justify, that the sacrifices offered by Aaron were first burned by the fire which issued from Jehovah, and therefore that the statements in the text, with reference to the burning of the fat portions and burnt-offerings, or causing them to ascend in smoke (vv. 10, 13, 17, and 20), are to be regarded as anticipations (per anticipationem accipienda, C. a Lap.), i.e., are to be understood as simply meaning, that when Aaron officiated at the different sacrifices, he merely laid upon the altar the pieces intended for it, but without setting them on fire. The fallacy of this is proved, not only by the verb rfæq; but by the fact implied in v. 17, that the offering of these sacrifices, with which Aaron entered upon his office, was preceded by the daily morning burnt-offering, and consequently that at the time when Aaron began to carry out the special sacrifices of this day there was fire already burning upon the altar, and in fact a continual fire, that was never to be allowed to go out (Leviticus 6:6).
Even, therefore, if we left out of view the fire of the daily morning and evening sacrifice, which had been offered from the first day on which the tabernacle was erected (Exodus 40:29), there were sacrifices presented every day during the seven days of the consecration of the priests (ch. 8); and according to Leviticus 1:7, Moses must necessarily have prepared the fire for these. If it had been the intention of God, therefore, to originate the altar-fire by supernatural means, this would no doubt have taken place immediately after the erection of the tabernacle, or at least at the consecration of the altar, which was connected with that of the priests, and immediately after it had been anointed (Leviticus 8:11). But as God did not do this, the burning of the altar-sacrifices by a fire which proceeded from Jehovah, as related in this verse, cannot have been intended to give a sanction to the altar-fire as having proceeded from God Himself, which was to be kept constantly burning, either by miraculous preservation, or by being fed in a natural way. The legends of the heathen, therefore, about altar-fires which had been kindled by the gods themselves present no analogy to the fact before us (cf. Serv. ad Aen. xii. 200; Solin. v. 23; Pausan. v. 27, 3; Bochart, Hieroz. lib. ii. c. 35, pp. 378ff.; Dougtaei analect. ss. pp. 79ff.).
The miracle recorded in this verse did not consist in the fact that the sacrificial offerings placed upon the altar were burned by fire which proceeded from Jehovah, but in the fact that the sacrifices, which were already on fire, were suddenly consumed by it. For although the verb lkæa; admits of both meanings, setting on fire and burning up (see Judges 6:21, and 1 Kings 18:38), the word literally denotes consuming or burning up, and must be taken in the stricter and more literal sense in the case before us, inasmuch as there was already fire upon the altar when the sacrifices were placed upon it. God caused this miracle, not to generate a supernatural altar-fire, but ut ordinem sacerdotalem legis veteris a se institutum et suas de sacrificio leges hoc miraculo confirmaret et quasi obsignaret (C. a Lap.), or to express it bore briefly, to give a divine consecration to the altar, or sacrificial service of Aaron and his sons, through which a way was to be opened for the people to His throne of grace, and whereby, moreover, the altar-fire was consecrated eo ipso into a divine, i.e., divinely appointed, means of reconciliation to the community.
The whole nation rejoiced at this glorious manifestation of the satisfaction of God with this the first sacrifice of the consecrated priests, and fell down upon their faces to give thanks to the Lord for His mercy.
LEVITICUS. 10:1-3
The Sanctification of the Priesthood by both the Act and Word of God.
Vv. 1-3. The Lord had only just confirmed and sanctified the sacrificial service of Aaron and his sons by a miracle, when He was obliged to sanctify Himself by a judgment upon Nadab and Abihu, the eldest sons of Aaron (Exodus 6:23), on account of their abusing the office they had received, and to vindicate Himself before the congregation, as one who would not suffer His commandments to be broken with impunity.
Verse 1-3. Nadab and Abihu took their censers (machtah, Exodus 25:38), and having put fire in them, placed incense thereon, and brought strange fire before Jehovah, which He had not commanded them. It is not very clear what the offence of which they were guilty actually was. The majority of expositors suppose the sin to have consisted in the fact, that they did not take the fire for the incense from the altar-fire. But this had not yet been commanded by God; and in fact it is never commanded at all, except with regard to the incense-offering, with which the high priest entered the most holy place on the day of atonement (Leviticus 16:12), though we may certainly infer from this, that it was also the rule for the daily incenseoffering.
By the fire which they offered before Jehovah, we are no doubt to understand the firing of the incense-offering. This might be called “strange fire” if it was not offered in the manner prescribed in the law, just as in Exodus 30:9 incense not prepared according to the direction of God is called “strange incense.”
The supposition that they presented an incense-offering that was not commanded in the law, and apart from the time of the morning and evening sacrifice, and that this constituted their sin, is supported by the time at which their illegal act took place. It is perfectly obvious from vv. 12ff. and 16ff. that it occurred in the interval between the sacrificial transaction in ch. 9 and the sacrificial meal which followed it, and therefore upon the day of their inauguration. For in v. 12 Moses commands Aaron and his remaining sons Eleazar and Ithamar to eat the meat-offering that was left from the firings of Jehovah, and inquires in v. 16 for the goat of the sinoffering, which the priests were to have eaten in a holy place. Knobel’s opinion is not an improbable one, therefore, that Nadab and Abihu intended to accompany the shouts of the people with an incense-offering to the praise and glory of God, and presented an incense-offering not only at an improper time, but not prepared from the altar-fire, and committed such a sin by this will-worship, that they were smitten by the fire which came forth from Jehovah, even before their entrance into the holy place, and so died “before Jehovah.” The expression “before Jehovah” is applied to the presence of God, both in the dwelling (viz., the holy place and the holy of holies, e.g., Leviticus 4:6-7; 16:13) and also in the court (e.g., Leviticus 1:5, etc.). It is in the latter sense that it is to be taken here, as is evident from v. 4, where the persons slain are said to have lain “before the sanctuary of the dwelling,” i.e., in the court of the tabernacle.
The fire of the holy God (Exodus 19:18), which had just sanctified the service of Aaron as well-pleasing to God, brought destruction upon his two eldest sons, because they had not sanctified Jehovah in their hearts, but had taken upon themselves a self-willed service; just as the same gospel is to one a savour of life unto life, and to another a savour of death unto death (2 Cor 2:16). — In v. 3 Moses explains this judgment to Aaron: “This is it that Jehovah spake, saying, I will sanctify Myself in him that is nigh to Me, and will glorify Myself in the face of all the people.” dbæK; is unquestionably to be taken in the same sense as in Exodus 14:4,17; consequently vdæq; is to be taken in a reflective and not in a passive sense, in the Ezekiel 38:16. The imperfects are used as aorists, in the sense of what God does at all times. But these words of Moses are no “reproof to Aaron, who had not restrained the untimely zeal of his sons” (Knobel), nor a reproach which made Aaron responsible for the conduct of his sons, but a simple explanation of the judgment of God, which should be taken to heart by every one, and involved an admonition to all who heard it, not to Aaron only but to the whole nation, to sanctify God continually in the proper way.
Moreover Jehovah had not communicated to Moses by revelation the words which he spoke here, but had made the fact known by the position assigned to Aaron and his sons through their election to the priesthood. By this act Jehovah had brought them near to Himself (Numbers 16:5), made them bwOrq; = hwO;hy] bwOrq; “persons standing near to Jehovah” (Ezekiel 42:13; 43:19), and sanctified them to Himself by anointing (Leviticus 8:10,12; Exodus 29:1,44; 40:13,15), that they might sanctify Him in their office and life. If they neglected this sanctification, He sanctified Himself in them by a penal judgment (Ezekiel 38:16), and thereby glorified Himself as the Holy One, who is not to be mocked. “And Aaron held his peace.” He was obliged to acknowledge the righteousness of the holy God.
LEVITICUS. 10:4-5
Moses then commanded Mishael and Elzaphan, the sons of Uzziel Aaron’s paternal uncle, Aaron’s cousins therefore, to carry their brethren (relations) who had been slain from before the sanctuary out of the camp, and, as must naturally be supplied, to bury them there. The expression, “before the sanctuary” (equivalent to “before the tabernacle of the congregation” in Leviticus 9:5), shows that they had been slain in front of the entrance to the holy place. They were carried out in their priests’ body-coats, since they had also been defiled by the judgment. It follows from this, too, that the fire of Jehovah had not burned them up, but had simply killed them as with a flash of lightning.
LEVITICUS. 10:6
Moses prohibited Aaron and his remaining sons from showing any sign of mourning on account of this fatal calamity. “Uncover not your heads,” i.e., do not go about with your hair dishevelled, or flowing free and in disorder (Leviticus 13:45). varo [ræp; does not signify merely uncovering the head by taking off the head-band (LXX, Vulg., Kimchi, etc.), or by shaving off the hair (Ges. and others; see on the other hand Knobel on Leviticus 21:10), but is to be taken in a similar sense to varo r[;ce [ræp, , the free growth of the hair, not cut short with scissors (Numbers 6:5; Ezekiel 44:20). It is derived from [ræp; , to let loose from anything (Prov 1:25; 4:5, etc.), to let a people loose, equivalent to giving them the reins (Exodus 32:25), and signifies solvere crines, capellos, to leave the hair in disorder, which certainly implies the laying aside of the head-dress in the case of the priest, though without consisting in this alone.
On this sign of mourning among the Roman and other nations, see M.
Geier de Ebraeorum luctu viii. 2. The Jews observe the same custom still, and in times of deep mourning neither wash themselves, nor cut their hair, nor pare their nails (see Buxtorf, Synog. jud. p. 706). They were also not to rend their clothes, i.e., not to make a rent in the clothes in front of the breast-a very natural expression of grief, by which the sorrow of the heart was to be laid bare, and one which was not only common among the Israelites (Genesis 37:29; 44:13; 2 Samuel 1:11; 3:31; 13:31), but was very widely spread among the other nations of antiquity (cf. Geier l.c. xxii. 9). µræp; , to rend, occurs, in addition to this passage, in Leviticus 13:45; 21:10; in other places [ræq; , to tear in pieces, is used. Aaron and his sons were to abstain from these expressions of sorrow, “lest they should die and wrath come upon all the people.”
Accordingly, we are not to seek the reason for this prohibition merely in the fact, that they would defile themselves by contact with the corpses, a reason which afterwards led to this prohibition being raised into a general law for the high priest (Leviticus 21:10-11). The reason was simply this, that any manifestation of grief on account of the death that had occurred, would have indicated dissatisfaction with the judgment of God; and Aaron and his sons would thereby not only have fallen into mortal sin themselves, but have brought down upon the congregation the wrath of God, which fell upon it through every act of sin committed by the high priest in his official position (Leviticus 4:3). “Your brethren, (namely) the whole house of Israel, may bewail this burning” (the burning of the wrath of Jehovah).
Mourning was permitted to the nation, as an expression of sorrow on account of the calamity which had befallen the whole nation in the consecrated priests. For the nation generally did not stand in such close fellowship with Jehovah as the priests, who had been consecrated by anointing.
LEVITICUS. 10:7
The latter were not to go away from the door (the entrance or court of the tabernacle), sc., to take part in the burial of the dead, lest they should die, for the anointing oil of Jehovah was upon them. The anointing oil was the symbol of the Spirit of God, which is a Spirit of life, and therefore has nothing in common with death, but rather conquers death, and sin, which is the source of death (cf. Leviticus 21:12).
LEVITICUS. 10:8-11
Jehovah still further commanded Aaron and his sons not to drink wine and strong drink when they entered the tabernacle to perform service there, on pain of death, as a perpetual statute for their generations (Exodus 12:17), that they might be able to distinguish between the holy and common, the clean and unclean, and also to instruct the children of Israel in all the laws which God had spoken to them through Moses ( w] ... w] , vv. 10 and 11, et...et, both...and also). Shecar was an intoxicating drink made of barley and dates or honey. ljo , profanus, common, is a wider or more comprehensive notion than amef; , unclean. Everything was common (profane) which was not fitted for the sanctuary, even what was allowable for daily use and enjoyment, and therefore was to be regarded as clean. The motive for laying down on this particular occasion a prohibition which was to hold good for all time, seems to lie in the event recorded in v. 1, although we can hardly infer from this, as some commentators have done, that Nadab and Abihu offered the unlawful incense-offering in a state of intoxication.
The connection between their act and this prohibition consisted simply in the rashness, which had lost the clear and calm reflection that is indispensable to right action.
LEVITICUS. 10:12-18
After the directions occasioned by this judgment of God, Moses reminded Aaron and his sons of the general laws concerning the consumption of the priests’ portions of the sacrifices, and their relation to the existing circumstances: first of all (vv. 12, 13), of the law relating to the eating of the meat-offering, which belonged to the priests after the azcarah had been lifted off (Leviticus 2:3; 6:9-11), and then (vv. 14, 15) of that relating to the wave-breast and heave-leg (Leviticus 7:32-34). By the minchah in v. we are to understand the meal and oil, which were offered with the burntoffering of the nation (Leviticus 9:4 and 7); and by the µyVivi in vv. 12 and 15, those portions of the burnt-offering, meat-offering, and peace-offering of the nation which were burned upon the altar (Leviticus 9:13,17, and 20).
He then looked for “the he-goat of the sin-offering,” — i.e., the flesh of the goat which had been brought for a sin-offering (Leviticus 9:15), and which was to have been eaten by the priests in the holy place along with the sin-offerings, whose blood was not taken into the sanctuary (Leviticus 6:19,22);-”and, behold, it was burned” ( ãræc; , 3 perf. Pual). Moses was angry at this, and reproved Eleazar and Ithamar, who had attended to the burning: “Wherefore have ye not eaten the sin-offering in a holy place?” he said; “for it is most holy, and He (Jehovah) hath given it you to bear the iniquity of the congregation, to make atonement for it before Jehovah,” as its blood had not been brought into the holy place ( awOB construed as a passive with an accusative, as in Genesis 4:18, etc.). “To bear the iniquity” does not signify here, as in Leviticus 5:1, to bear and atone for the sin in its consequences, but, as in Exodus 28:38, to take the sin of another upon one’s self, for the purpose of cancelling it, to make expiation for it.
As, according to Exodus 28:38, the high priest was to appear before the Lord with the diadem upon his forehead, as the symbol of the holiness of his office, to cancel, as the mediator of the nation and by virtue of his official holiness, the sin which adhered to the holy gifts of the nation (see the note on this passage), so here it is stated with regard to the official eating of the most holy flesh of the sin-offering, which had been enjoined upon the priests, that they were thereby to bear the sin of the congregation, to make atonement for it. This effect or signification could only be ascribed to the eating, by its being regarded as an incorporation of the victim laden with sin, whereby the priests actually took away the sin by virtue of the holiness and sanctifying power belonging to their office, and not merely declared it removed, as Oehler explains the words (Herzog’s Cycl. x. p. 649). Exodus 28:38 is decisive in opposition to the declaratory view, which does not embrace the meaning of the words, and is not applicable to the passage at all. “Incorporabant quasi peccatum populique reatum in se recipiebant” (Deyling observv. ss. i. 45, 2). f174 LEVITICUS 10:19,20 Aaron excused his sons, however, by saying, “Behold, this day have they offered their sin-offering and their burnt-offering, and this has happened to me,” i.e., the calamity recorded in vv. 1ff. has befallen me ( ar;q; = hr;q; , as in Genesis 42:4); “and if I had eaten the sin-offering to-day, would it have been well-pleasing to Jehovah?” wgw’ lkæa; is a conditional clause, as in Genesis 33:13, cf. Ewald, §357. Moses rested satisfied with this answer.
Aaron acknowledged that the flesh of the sin-offering ought to have been eaten by the priest in this instance (according to Leviticus 6:19), and simply adduced, as the reason why this had not been done, the calamity which had befallen his two eldest sons. And this might really be a sufficient reason, as regarded both himself and his remaining sons, why the eating of the sinoffering should be omitted. For the judgment in question was so solemn a warning, as to the sin which still adhered to them even after the presentation of their sin-offering, that they might properly feel “that they had not so strong and overpowering a holiness as was required for eating the general sin-offering” (M. Baumgarten). This is the correct view, though others find the reason in their grief at the death of their sons or brethren, which rendered it impossible to observe a joyous sacrificial meal. But this is not for a moment to be thought of, simply because the eating of the flesh of the sin-offering was not a joyous meal at all (see at Leviticus 6:19). f175 LAWS RELATING TO CLEAN AND UNCLEAN ANIMALS.
The regulation of the sacrifices and institution of the priesthood, by which Jehovah opened up to His people the way of access to His grace and the way to sanctification of life in fellowship with Him, were followed by instructions concerning the various things which hindered and disturbed this living fellowship with God the Holy One, as being manifestations and results of sin, and by certain rules for avoiding and removing these obstructions. For example, although sin has its origin and proper seat in the soul, it pervades the whole body as the organ of the soul, and shatters the life of the body, even to its complete dissolution in death and decomposition; whilst its effects have spread from man to the whole of the earthly creation, inasmuch as not only did man draw nature with him into the service of sin, in consequence of the dominion over it which was given him by God, but God Himself, according to a holy law of His wise and equitable government, made the irrational creature subject to “vanity” and “corruption” on account of the sin of man (Romans 8:20-21), so that not only did the field bring forth thorns and thistles, and the earth produce injurious and poisonous plants (see at Genesis 3:18), but the animal kingdom in many of its forms and creatures bears the image of sin and death, and is constantly reminding man of the evil fruit of his fall from God.
It is in this penetration of sin into the material creation that we may find the explanation of the fact, that from the very earliest times men have neither used every kind of herb nor every kind of animal as food; but that, whilst they have, as it were, instinctively avoided certain plants as injurious to health or destructive to life, they have also had a horror naturalis, i.e., an inexplicable disgust, at many of the animals, and have avoided their flesh as unclean.
A similar horror must have been produced upon man from the very first, before his heart was altogether hardened, by death as the wages of sin, or rather by the effects of death, viz., the decomposition of the body; and different diseases and states of the body, that were connected with symptoms of corruption and decomposition, may also have been regarded as rendering unclean. Hence in all the nations and all the religions of antiquity we find that contrast between clean and unclean, which was developed in a dualistic form, it is true, in many of the religious systems, but had its primary root in the corruption that had entered the world through sin. This contrast was limited in the Mosaic law to the animal food of the Israelites, to contact with dead animals and human corpses, and to certain bodily conditions and diseases that are associated with the decomposition, pointing out most minutely the unclean objects and various defilements within these spheres, and prescribing the means for avoiding or removing them.
The instructions in the chapter before us, concerning the clean and unclean animals, are introduced in the first place as laws of food (v. 2); but they pass beyond these bounds by prohibiting at the same time all contact with animal carrion (vv. 8, 11, 24ff.), and show thereby that they are connected in principle and object with the subsequent laws of purification (ch. 12-15), to which they are to be regarded as a preparatory introduction.
LEVITICUS. 11:1-8
Verse 1-8. The laws which follow were given to Moses and Aaron (v. 1; Leviticus 13:1; 15:1), as Aaron had been sanctified through the anointing to expiate the sins and uncleannesses of the children of Israel.
Verse 2-3. (cf. Deuteronomy 14:4-8). Of the larger quadrupeds, which are divided in Genesis 1:24-25 into beasts of the earth (living wild) and tame cattle, only the cattle (behemah) are mentioned here, as denoting the larger land animals, some of which were reared by man as domesticated animals, and others used as food. Of these the Israelites might eat “whatsoever parteth the hoof and is cloven-footed, and cheweth the cud among the cattle.” hs;r]pæ [sæv, [sæv, , literally “tearing (having) a rent in the hoofs,” according to Deuteronomy 14:5 into “two claws,” i.e., with a hoof completely severed in two. hr;Ge , rumination, meerukismo’s (LXX), from rræG; (cf. rræG; v. 7), to draw (Habakkuk 1:15), to draw to and fro; hence to bring up the food again, to ruminate. hr;Ge `hl;[; is connected with the preceding words with vav cop. to indicate the close connection of the two regulations, viz., that there was to be the perfectly cloven foot as well as the rumination (cf. vv. 4ff.). These marks are combined in the oxen, sheep, and goats, and also in the stag and gazelle. The latter are expressly mentioned in Deuteronomy 14:4-5, where-in addition to the common stag ( lY;aæ ) and gazelle ( ybix] , dorka>v , LXX), or dorcas-antelope, which is most frequently met with in Palestine, Syria, and Arabia, of the size of a roebuck, with a reddish brown back and white body, horns sixteen inches long, and fine dark eyes, and the flesh of which, according to Avicenna, is the best of all the wild game-the following five are also selected, viz.: (1) rWmj]yæ , not bou’balos, the buffalo (LXX, and Luther), but Damhirsch, a stag which is still much more common in Asia than in Europe and Palestine (see v. Schubert, R. iii. p. 118); (2) wOQaæ , probably, according to the Chaldee, Syriac, etc., the capricorn (Steinbock), which is very common in Palestine, not trage>lafov (LXX, Vulg.), the buck-stag (Bockhirsch), an animal lately discovered in Nubia (cf. Leyrer in Herzog’s Cycl. vi. p. 143); (3) ˆcyDi , according to the LXX and Vulg. pu>rargov , a kind of antelope resembling the stag, which is met with in Africa (Herod. 4, 192)-according to the Chaldee and Syriac, the buffalo-antelope,-according to the Samar. and Arabic, the mountain-stag; (4) wOaT] , according to the Chaldee the wild ox, which is also met with in Egypt and Arabia, probably the oryx (LXX, Vulg.), a species of antelope as large as a stag; and (5) rm,z, , according to the LXX and most of the ancient versions, the giraffe, but this is only found in the deserts of Africa, and would hardly be met with even in Egypt-it is more probably capreae sylvestris species, according to the Chaldee.
Verse 4-6. Any animal which was wanting in either of these marks was to be unclean, or not to be eaten. This is the case with the camel, whose flesh is eaten by the Arabs; it ruminates, but it has not cloven hoofs. Its foot is severed, it is true, but not thoroughly cloven, as there is a ball behind, upon which it treads. The hare and hyrax (Klippdachs) were also unclean, because, although they ruminate, they have not cloven hoofs. It is true that modern naturalists affirm that the two latter do not ruminate at all, as they have not the four stomachs that are common to ruminant animals; but they move the jaw sometimes in a manner which looks like ruminating, so that even Linnaeus affirmed that the hare chewed the cud, and Moses followed the popular opinion. According to Bochart, Oedmann, and others, the shaphan is the jerboa, and according to the Rabbins and Luther, the rabbit or coney. But the more correct view is, that it is the wabr of the Arabs, which is still called tsofun in Southern Arabia (hyrax Syriacus), an animal which feeds on plants, a native of the countries of the Lebanon and Jordan, also of Arabia and Africa. They live in the natural caves and clefts of the rocks (Psalm 104:18), are very gregarious, being often seen seated in troops before the openings to their caves, and extremely timid as they are quite defenceless (Prov 30:26). They are about the size of rabbits, of a brownish grey or brownish yellow colour, but white under the belly; they have bright eyes, round ears, and no tail. The Arabs eat them, but do not place them before their guests. f176 Verse 7. The swine has cloven hoofs, but does not ruminate; and many of the tribes of antiquity abstained from eating it, partly on account of its uncleanliness, and partly from fear of skin-diseases.
Verse 8. “Of their flesh shall ye not eat (i.e., not slay these animals as food), and their carcase (animals that had died) shall ye not touch.” The latter applied to the clean or edible animals also, when they had died a natural death (v. 39).
LEVITICUS. 11:9-12
(cf. Deuteronomy 14:9 and 10). Of water animals, everything in the water, in seas and brooks, that had fins and scales was edible. Everything else that swarmed in the water was to be an abomination, its flesh was not to be eaten, and its carrion was to be avoided with abhorrence. Consequently, not only were all water animals other than fishes, such as crabs, salamanders, etc., forbidden as unclean; but also fishes without scales, such as eels for example. Numa laid down this law for the Romans: ut pisces qui sqamosi non essent ni pollicerent (sacrificed): Plin. h. n. 32, c. 2, s. 10. In Egypt fishes without scales are still regarded as unwholesome (Lane, Manners and Customs).
LEVITICUS. 11:13-14
(cf. Deuteronomy 14:11-18). Of birds, twenty varieties are prohibited, including the bat, but without any common mark being given; though they consist almost exclusively of birds which live upon flesh or carrion, and are most of them natives of Western Asia. f177 The list commences with the eagle, as the king of the birds. Nesher embraces all the species of eagles proper. The idea that the eagle will not touch carrion is erroneous. According to the testimony of Arabian writers (Damiri in Bochart, ii. p. 577), and several naturalists who have travelled (e.g., Forskal. l.c. p. 12, and Seetzen, 1, p. 379), they will eat carrion if it is still fresh and not decomposed; so that the eating of carrion could very properly be attributed to them in such passages as Job 39:30; Prov 30:17, and Matthew 24:28. But the bald-headedness mentioned in Micah 1:16 applies, not to the true eagle, but to the carrion-kite, which is reckoned, however, among the different species of eagles, as well as the bearded or golden vulture. The next in the list is peres, from paras = parash to break, ossifragus, i.e., wither the bearded or golden vulture, gypaetos barbatus, or more probably, as Schultz supposes, the sea-eagle, which may have been the species intended in the gru’ps = grupai’etos of the LXX and gryphus of the Vulgate, and to which the ancients seem sometimes to have applied the name ossifraga (Lucret. v. 1079).
By the next, `hY;niz][; , we are very probably to understand the bearded or golden vulture. For this word is no doubt connected with the Arabic word for beard, and therefore points to the golden vulture, which has a tuft of hair or feathers on the lower beak, and which might very well be associated with the eagles so far as the size is concerned, having wings that measure 10 feet from tip to tip. As it really belongs to the family of cultures, it forms a very fitting link of transition to the other species of vulture and falcon (v. 14). ha;D; (Deut. hY;Dæ , according to a change which is by no means rare when the aleph stands between two vowels: cf. gaeDo in Samuel 21:8; 22:9, and dowyeeg in 1 Samuel 22:18,22), from ha;D; to fly, is either the kite, or the glede, which is very common in Palestine (v.
Schubert, Reise iii. p. 120), and lives on carrion.
It is a gregarious bird (cf. Isaiah 34:15), which other birds of prey are not, and is used by many different tribes as food (Oedmann, iii. p. 120). The conjecture that the black glede-kite is meant-a bird which is particularly common in the East-and that the name is derived from ha;D; to be dark, is overthrown by the use of the word ˆymi in Deuteronomy, which shows that d’h is intended to denote the whole genus. hY;aæ , which is referred to in Job 28:7 as sharp-sighted, is either the falcon, several species of which are natives of Syria and Arabia, and which is noted for its keen sight and the rapidity of its flight, or according to the Vulgate, Schultz, etc., vultur, the true vulture (the LXX have ikti>n , the kite, here, and gru>pv , the griffin, in Deut. and Job), of which there are three species in Palestine (Lynch, p. 229). In Deuteronomy 14:13 haaraa’aah is also mentioned, from ha;r; to see. Judging from the name, it was a keen-sighted bird, either a falcon or another species of vulture (Vulg. ixion).
LEVITICUS. 11:15
“Every raven after his kind,” i.e., the whole genus of ravens, with the rest of the raven-like birds, such as crows, jackdaws, and jays, which are all of them natives of Syria and Palestine. The omission of w before tae , which is found in several MSS and editions, is probably to be regarded as the true reading, as it is not wanting before any of the other names.
LEVITICUS. 11:16-19
hn;[yæ tBæ , i.e., either daughter of screaming (Bochart), or daughter of greediness (Gesenius, etc.), is used according to all the ancient versions for the ostrich, which is more frequently described as the dweller in the desert (Isaiah 13:21; 34:13, etc.), or as the mournful screamer (Micah. Leviticus 1:8; Job 39:39), and is to be understood, not as denoting the female ostrich only, but as a noun of common gender denoting the ostrich generally. It does not devour carrion indeed, but it eats vegetable matter of the most various kinds, and swallows greedily stones, metals, and even glass. It is found in Arabia, and sometimes in Hauran and Belka (Seetzen and Burckhardt), and has been used as food not only by the Struthiophagi of Ethiopia (Diod. Sic. 3, 27; Strabo, xvi. 772) and Numidia (Leo Afric. p. 766), but by some of the Arabs also (Seetzen, iii. p. 20; Burckhardt, p. 178), whilst others only eat the eggs, and make use of the fat in the preparation of food. sm;j]Tæ , according to Bochart, Gesenius, and others, is the male ostrich; but this is very improbable.
According to the LXX, Vulg., and others, it is the owl (Oedmann, iii. pp. 45ff.); but this is mentioned later under another name. According to Saad.
Ar. Erp. it is the swallow; but this is called ciyc in Jeremiah 8:7. Knobel supposes it to be the cuckoo, which is met with in Palestine (Seetzen, 1, p. 78), and derives the name from smæj; , violenter egit, supposing it to be so called from the violence with which it is said to turn out or devour the eggs and young of other birds, for the purpose of laying its own eggs in the nest (Aristot. hist. an. 6, 7; 9, 29; Ael. nat. an. 6, 7). shachap is the la’ros, or slender gull, according to the LXX and Vulg. Knobel follows the Arabic, however, and supposes it to be a species of hawk, which is trained in Syria for hunting gazelles, hares, etc.; but this is certainly included in the genus xne . xne , from xxæn; to fly, is the hawk, which soars very high, and spreads its wings towards the south (Job 39:26).
It stands in fact, as ˆymi shows, for the hawk-tribe generally, probably the iJe>rax , accipiter, of which the ancients enumerate many different species. swOK, which is mentioned in Psalm 102:7 as dwelling in ruins, is an owl according to the ancient versions, although they differ as to the kind. In Knobel’s opinion it is either the screech-owl, which inhabits ruined buildings, walls, and clefts in the rock, and the flesh of which is said to be very agreeable, or the little screech-owl, which also lives in old buildings and walls, and raises a mournful cry at night, and the flesh of which is said to be savoury. Ël;v; , according to the ancient versions an aquatic bird, and therefore more in place by the side of the heron, where it stands in Deuteronomy, is called by the LXX katarraJ>kthv ; in the Targ. and Syr. anrWn ylev; , extrahens pisces. It is not the gull, however (larus catarractes), which plunges with violence, for according to Oken this is only seen in the northern seas, but a species of pelican, to be found on the banks of the Nile and in the islands of the Red Sea, which swims well, and also dives, frequently dropping perpendicularly upon fishes in the water. The flesh has an oily taste, but it is eaten for all ãWvn]yæ : from ãvæn; to snort, according to Isaiah 34:11, dwelling in ruins, no doubt a species of owl; according to the Chaldee and Syriac, the uhu, which dwells in old ruined towers and castles upon the mountains, and cries uhupuhu. tm,v,n]Tæ , which occurs again in v. 30 among the names of the lizards, is, according to Damiri, a bird resembling the uhu, but smaller. Jonathan calls it uthya = wto>v , a nightowl.
The primary meaning of the word µvæn; is essentially the same as that of ãvæn; , to breathe or blow, so called because many of the owls have a mournful cry, and blow and snort in addition; though it cannot be decided whether the strix otus is intended, a bird by no means rare in Egypt, which utters a whistling blast, and rolls itself into a ball and then spreads itself out again, or the strix flammea, a native of Syria, which sometimes utters a mournful cry, and at other times snores like a sleeping man, and the flesh of which is said to be by no means unpleasant, or the hissing owl (strix stridula), which inhabits the ruins in Egypt and Syria, and is sometimes called massusu, at other times bane, a very voracious bird, which is said to fly in at open windows in the evening and kill children that are left unguarded, and which is very much dreaded in consequence. taæq; , which also lived in desolate places (Isaiah 34:11; Zeph 2:14), or in the desert itself (Psalm 102:7), was not the katà, a species of partridge or heath-cock, which is found in Syria (Robinson, ii. p. 620), as this bird always flies in large flocks, and this is not in harmony with Isaiah 34:11 and Zeph 2:14, but the pelican ( peleka>n , LXX), as all the ancient versions render it, which Ephraem (on Numbers 14:17) describes as a marsh-bird, very fond of its young, inhabiting desolate places, and uttering an incessant cry.
It is the true pelican of the ancients (pelecanus graculus), the Hebrew name of which seems to have been derived from awOq to spit, from its habit of spitting out the fishes it has caught, and which is found in Palestine and the reedy marshes of Egypt (Robinson, Palestine). µj;r; , in Deut. raachaamaah, is kukno’s, the swan, according to the Septuagint porphyrio, the fish-heron, according to the Vulgate; a marsh-bird therefore, possibly vultur percnopterus (Saad. Ar. Erp.), which is very common in Arabia, Palestine, and Syria, and was classed by the ancients among the different species of eagles (Plin. h. n. 10, 3), but which is said to resemble the vulture, and was also called oreipe’largos, the mountain-stork (Arist. h. an. 9, 32). It is a stinking and disgusting bird, of the raven kind, with black pinions; but with this exception it is quite white. It is also bald-headed, and feeds on carrion and filth. But it is eaten notwithstanding by many of the Arabs (Burckhardt, Syr. p. 1046). It received its name of “tenderly loving” from the tenderness with which it watches over its young (Bochart, iii. pp. 56, 57). In this respect it resembles the stork, hd;ysij , avis pia, a bird of passage according to Jeremiah 8:7, which builds its nest upon the cypresses (Psalm 104:17, cf. Bochart, iii. pp. 85ff.). In the East the stork builds its nest not only upon high towers and the roofs of houses, but according to Kazwini and others mentioned by Bochart (iii. p. 60), upon lofty trees as well. f178 hp;n;a , according to the LXX and Vulgate caradrio>v , a marsh-bird of the snipe kind, of which there are several species in Egypt (Hasselquist, p. 308). This is quite in accordance with the expression “after her kind,” which points to a numerous genus. The omission of tae before hpnah , whereas it is found before the name of every other animal, is very striking; but as the name is preceded by the copulative vav in Deuteronomy, and stands for a particular bird, it may be accounted for either from a want of precision on the part of the author, or from an error of the copyist like the omission of the w] before tae in v. 15. f179 tpæykiWD: according to the LXX, Vulg., and others, the lapwing, which is found in Syria, Arabia, and still more commonly in Egypt (Forsk, Russel, Sonnini), and is eaten in some places, as its flesh is said to be fat and savoury in autumn (Sonn. 1, 204). But it has a disagreeable smell, as it frequents marshy districts seeking worms and insects for food, and according to a common belief among the ancients, builds its nest of human dung. Lastly, `ãLefæ[ is the bat (Isaiah 2:20), which the Arabs also classified among the birds.
LEVITICUS. 11:20-23
(cf. Deuteronomy 14:19). To the birds there are appended flying animals of other kinds: “all swarms of fowl that go upon fours,” i.e., the smaller winged animals with four feet, which are called sherez, “swarms,” on account of their multitude. These were not to be eaten, as they were all abominations, with the exception of those “which have two shank-feet above their feet (i.e., springing feet) to leap with” ( alo for ttK; ] as in Exodus 21:8). Locusts are the animals referred to, four varieties being mentioned with their different species (“after his kind”); but these cannot be identified with exactness, as there is still a dearth of information as to the natural history of the oriental locust. It is well known that locusts were eaten by many of the nations of antiquity both in Asia and Africa, and even the ancient Greeks thought the Cicades very agreeable in flavour (Arist. h. an. 5, 30).
In Arabia they are sold in the market, sometimes strung upon cords, sometimes by measure; and they are also dried, and kept in bags for winter use. For the most part, however, it is only by the poorer classes that they are eaten, and many of the tribes of Arabia abhor them (Robinson, ii. p. 628); and those who use them as food do not eat all the species indiscriminately. They are generally cooked over hot coals, or on a plate, or in an oven, or stewed in butter, and eaten either with salt or with spice and vinegar, the head, wings, and feet being thrown away. They are also boiled in salt and water, and eaten with salt or butter. Another process is to dry them thoroughly, and then grind them into meal and make cakes of them. The Israelites were allowed to eat the arbeh, i.e., according to Exodus 10:13,19; Nah 3:17, etc., the flying migratory locust, gryllus migratorius, which still bears this name, according to Niebuhr, in Maskat and Bagdad, and is poetically designated in Psalm 78:46; 105:34, as lysij; , the devourer, and ql,y, , the eater-up; but Knobel is mistaken in supposing that these names are applied to certain species of the arbeh. µ[;l]s; , according to the Chaldee, deglutivit, absorpsit, is unquestionably a larger and peculiarly voracious species of locust.
This is all that can be inferred from the rashon of the Targums and Talmud, whilst the atta>khv and attacus of the LXX and Vulg. are altogether unexplained. lGOr]j; : according to the Arabic, a galloping, i.e., a hopping, not a flying species of locust. This is supported by the Samaritan, also by the LXX and Vulg., ofioma’chees, ophiomachus. According to Hesychius and Suidas, it was a species of locust without wings, probably a very large kind; as it is stated in Mishnah, Shabb. vi. 10, that an egg of the chargol was sometimes suspended in the ear, as a remedy for earache. Among the different species of locusts in Mesopotamia, Niebuhr (Arab. p. 170) saw two of a very large size with springing feet, but without wings. bg;j; , a word of uncertain etymology, occurs in Numbers 13:33, where the spies are described as being like chagabim by the side of the inhabitants of the country, and in 2 Chronicles 7:13, where the chagab devours the land.
From these passages we may infer that it was a species of locust without wings, small but very numerous, probably the atte’labos, which is often mentioned along with the akri>v , but as a distinct species, locustarum minima sine pennis (Plin. h. n. 29, c. 4, s. 29), or parva locusta modicis pennis reptans potius quam volitans semperque subsiliens (Jerome (on Nah 3:17). f180 LEVITICUS 11:24-26 In vv. 24-28 there follow still further and more precise instructions, concerning defilement through contact with the carcases (i.e., the carrion) of the animals already mentioned. These instructions relate first of all (vv. 24 and 25) to aquatic and winged animals, which were not to be eaten because they were unclean (the expression “for these” in v. 24 relates to them); and then (vv. 26-28) to quadrupeds, both cattle that have not the hoof thoroughly divided and do not ruminate (v. 26), and animals that go upon their hands, i.e., upon paws, and have no hoofs, such as cats, dogs, bears, etc. LEVITICUS 11:27-28 The same rule was applicable to all these animals: “whoever toucheth the carcase of them shall be unclean until the even,” i.e., for the rest of the day; he was then of course to wash himself. Whoever carried their carrion, viz., to take it away, was also unclean till the evening, and being still more deeply affected by the defilement, he was to wash his clothes as well.
LEVITICUS. 11:29-38
To these there are attached analogous instructions concerning defilement through contact with the smaller creeping animals (Sherez), which formed the fourth class of the animal kingdom; though the prohibition against eating these animals is not introduced till vv. 41, 42, as none of these were usually eaten. Sherez, the swarm, refers to animals which swarm together in great numbers (see at Genesis 1:21), and is synonymous with remes (cf.
Genesis 7:14 and 7:21), “the creeping;” it denotes the smaller land animals which move without feet, or with feet that are hardly perceptible (see at Genesis 1:24). Eight of the creeping animals are named, as defiling not only the men with whom they might come in contact, but any domestic utensils and food upon which they might fall; they were generally found in houses, therefore, or in the abodes of men. dl,jo is not the mole (according to Saad. Ar. Abys., etc.), although the Arabs still call this chuld, but the weasel (LXX, Onk., etc.), which is common in Syria and Palestine, and is frequently mentioned by the Talmudists in the feminine form chuwl¦daah, as an animal which caught birds (Mishn. Cholin iii. 4), which would run over the wave-loaves with a sherez in its mouth (Mishn. Tohor. iv. 2), and which could drink water out of a vessel (Mishn. Para ix. 3). `rB;k][æ is the mouse (according to the ancient versions and the Talmud), and in 1 Samuel 6:5 the field-mouse, the scourge of the fields, not the jerboa, as Knobel supposes; for this animal lives in holes in the ground, is very shy, and does not frequent houses as is assumed to be the case with the animals mentioned here. bx; is a kind of lizard, but whether the thav or dsabb, a harmless yellow lizard of 18 inches in length, which is described by Seetzen, iii. pp. 436ff., also by Hasselquist under the name of lacerta Aegyptia, or the waral, as Knobel supposes, a large land lizard reaching as much as four feet in length, which is also met with in Palestine (Robinson, ii. 160) and is called el worran by Seetzen, cannot be determined. Verse 30. The early translators tell us nothing certain as to the three following names, and it is still undecided how they should be rendered. hq;n;a is translated muga>lh by the LXX, i.e., shrew-mouse; but the oriental versions render it by various names for a lizard. Bochart supposes it to be a species of lizard with a sharp groaning voice, because qnæa; signifies to breathe deeply, or groan. Rosenmüller refers it to the lacerta Gecko, which is common in Egypt, and utters a peculiar cry resembling the croaking of frogs, especially in the night. Leyrer imagines it to denote the whole family of monitores; and Knobel, the large and powerful river lizard, the water-waral of the Arabs, called lacerta Nilotica in Hasselquist, pp. 361ff., though he has failed to observe, that Moses could hardly have supposed it possible that an animal four feet long, resembling a crocodile, could drop down dead into either pots or dishes. jæKo is not the chameleon (LXX), for this is called tinshemeth, but the chardaun (Arab.), a lizard which is found in old walls in Natolia, Syria, and Palestine, lacerta stellio, or lacerta coslordilos (Hasselquist, pp. 351-2).
Knobel supposes it to be the frog, because coach seems to point to the crying or croaking of frogs, to which the Arabs apply the term kuk, the Greeks koa>x , the Romans coaxare. But this is very improbable, and the frog would be quite out of place in the midst of simple lizards. ha;f;l] , according to the ancient versions, is also a lizard. Leyrer supposes it to be the nocturnal, salamander-like family of beckons; Knobel, on the contrary, imagines it to be the tortoise, which creeps upon the earth (terrae adhaeret), because the Arabic verb signifies terrae adhaesit. This is very improbable, however. fm,jo (LXX), sau>ra , Vulg. lacerta, probably the true lizard, or, as Leyrer conjectures, the anguis (Luth. Blindschleiche, blind-worm), or zygnis, which forms the link between lizards and snakes.
The rendering “snail” (Sam. Rashi, etc.) is not so probable, as this is called lWlb]væ in Psalm 58:9; although the purple snail and all the marine species are eaten in Egypt and Palestine. Lastly, tm,v,n]Tæ , the self-inflating animal (see at v. 18), is no doubt the chameleon, which frequently inflates its belly, for example, when enraged, and remains in this state for several hours, when it gradually empties itself and becomes quite thin again. Its flesh was either cooked, or dried and reduced to powder, and used as a specific for corpulence, or a cure for fevers, or as a general medicine for sick children (Plin. h. n. 28, 29). The flesh of many of the lizards is also eaten by the Arabs (Leyrer, pp. 603, 604). Verse 31. The words, “these are unclean to you among all swarming creatures,” are neither to be understood as meaning, that the eight species mentioned were the only swarming animals that were unclean and not allowed to be eaten, nor that they possessed and communicated a larger amount of uncleanness; but when taken in connection with the instructions which follow, they can only mean, that such animals would even defile domestic utensils, clothes, etc., if they fell down dead upon them. Not that they were more unclean than others, since all the unclean animals would defile not only persons, but even the clothes of those who carried their dead bodies (vv. 25, 28); but there was more fear in their case than in that of others, of their falling dead upon objects in common use, and therefore domestic utensils, clothes, and so forth, could be much more easily defiled by them than by the larger quadrupeds, by water animals, or by birds. “When they be dead,” lit., “in their dying;” i.e., not only if they were already dead, but if they died at the time when they fell upon any object.
Verse 32. In either case, anything upon which one of these animals fell became unclean, “whether a vessel of wood, or raiment, or skin.” Every vessel ( yliK] in the widest sense, as in Exodus 22:6), “wherein any work is done,” i.e., that was an article of common use, was to be unclean till the evening, and then placed in water, that it might become clean again.
Verse 33. Every earthen vessel, into which (lit., into the midst of which) one of them fell, became unclean, together with the whole of its contents, and was to be broken, i.e., destroyed, because the uncleanness as absorbed by the vessel, and could not be entirely removed by washing (see at Leviticus 6:21). Of course the contents of such a vessel, supposing there were any, were not to be used.
Verse 34. “Every edible food ( ˆmi before lKo partitive, as in Leviticus 4:2) upon which water comes,” — that is to say, which was prepared with water-and “every drink that is drunk...becomes unclean in every vessel,” sc., if such an animal should fall dead upon the food, or into the drink. The traditional rendering of v. 34a, “every food upon which water out of such a vessel comes,” is untenable; because µyimæ without an article cannot mean such water, or this water.
Verse 35. Every vessel also became unclean, upon which the body of such an animal fell: such as rWNTæ , the earthen baking-pot (see Leviticus 2:4), and ryKi , the covered pan or pot. ryKi , a boiling or roasting vessel (1 Samuel 2:14), can only signify, when used in the dual, a vessel consisting of two parts, i.e., a pan or pot with a lid.
Verse 36. Springs and wells were not defiled, because the uncleanness would be removed at once by the fresh supply of water. But whoever touched the body of the animal, to remove it, became unclean.
Verse 37-38. All seed-corn that was intended to be sown remained clean, namely, because the uncleanness attaching to it externally would be absorbed by the earth. But if water had been put upon the seed, i.e., if the grain had been softened by water, it was to be unclean, because in that case the uncleanness would penetrate the softened grains and defile the substance of the seed, which would therefore produce uncleanness in the fruit.
LEVITICUS. 11:39-45
Lastly, contact with edible animals, if they had not been slaughtered, but had died a natural death, and had become carrion in consequence, is also said to defile (cf. vv. 39, 40 with vv. 24-28). This was the case, too, with the eating of the swarming land animals, whether they went upon the belly, as snakes and worms, or upon four feet, as rats, mice, weasels, etc., or upon many feet, like the insects (vv. 41-43). Lastly (vv. 44, 45), the whole law is enforced by an appeal to the calling of the Israelites, as a holy nation, to be holy as Jehovah their God, who had brought them out of Egypt to be a God to them, was holy (Exodus 6:7; 29:45-46).
LEVITICUS. 11:46-47
Vv. 46, 47 contain the concluding formula to the whole of this law. If we take a survey, in closing, of the animals that are enumerated as unclean and not suitable for food, we shall find that among the larger land animals they were chiefly beasts of prey, that seize upon other living creatures and devour them in their blood; among the water animals, all snake-like fishes and slimy shell-fish; among birds, the birds of prey, which watch for the life of other animals and kill them, the marsh-birds, which live on worms, carrion, and all kinds of impurities, and such mongrel creatures as the ostrich, which lives in the desert, and the bat, which flies about in the dark; and lastly, all the smaller animals, with the exception of a few graminivorous locusts, but more especially the snake-like lizards-partly because they called to mind the old serpent, partly because they crawled in the dust, seeking their food in mire and filth, and suggested the thought of corruption by the slimy nature of their bodies.
They comprised, in fact, all such animals as exhibited more or less the darker type of sin, death, and corruption; and it was on this ethical ground alone, and not for all kinds of sanitary reasons, or even from political motives, that the nation of Israel, which was called to sanctification, was forbidden to eat them. It is true there are several animals mentioned as unclean, e.g., the ass, the camel, and others, in which we can no longer recognise this type. But we must bear in mind, that the distinction between clean animals and unclean goes back to the very earliest times (Genesis 7:2-3), and that in relation to the large land animals, as well as to the fishes, the Mosaic law followed the marks laid down by tradition, which took its rise in the primeval age, whose childlike mind, acute perception, and deep intuitive insight into nature generally, discerned more truly and essentially the real nature of the animal creation than we shall ever be able to do, with thoughts and perceptions disturbed as ours are by the influences of unnatural and ungodly culture. f182 LAWS OF PURIFICATION. CH. 12-15.
The laws concerning defilement through eating unclean animals, or through contact with those that had died a natural death, are followed by rules relating to defilements proceeding from the human body, in consequence of which persons contaminated by them were excluded for a longer or shorter period from the fellowship of the sanctuary, and sometimes even from intercourse with their fellow-countrymen, and which had to be removed by washing, by significant lustrations, and by expiatory sacrifices. They comprised the uncleanness of a woman in consequence of child-bearing (ch. 12), leprosy (ch. 13 and 14), and both natural and diseased secretions from the sexual organs of either male or female (emissio seminis and gonorrhaea, also menses and flux: ch. 15); and to these there is added in Numbers 19:11-22, defilement proceeding from a human corpse.
Involuntary emission defiled the man; voluntary emission, in sexual intercourse, both the man and the woman and any clothes upon which it might come, for an entire day, and this defilement was to be removed in the evening by bathing the body, and by washing the clothes, etc. (Leviticus 15:16-18). Secretions from the sexual organs, whether of a normal kind, such as the menses and those connected with child-birth, or the result of disease, rendered not only the persons affected with them unclean, but even their couches and seats, and any persons who might sit down upon them; and this uncleanness was even communicated to persons who touched those who were diseased, or to anything with which they had come in contact (Leviticus 15:3-12,19-27). In the case of the menses, the uncleanness lasted seven days (Leviticus 15:19,24); in that of child-birth, either seven or fourteen days, and then still further thirty-three or sixty-six, according to circumstances (Leviticus 12:2,4-5); and in that of a diseased flux, as long as the disease itself lasted, and seven days afterwards (Leviticus 15:13,28); but the uncleanness communicated to others only lasted till the evening. In all these cases the purification consisted in the bathing of the body and washing of the clothes and other objects.
But if the uncleanness lasted more than seven days, on the day after the purification with water a sin-offering and a burnt-offering were to be offered, that the priest might pronounce the person clean, or receive him once more into the fellowship of the holy God (Leviticus 12:6,8; 15:14- 15,29-30). Leprosy made those who were affected with it so unclean, that they were excluded from all intercourse with the clean (Leviticus 13:45-46): and on their recovery they were to be cleansed by a solemn lustration, and received again with sacrifices into the congregation of the Lord (Leviticus 14:1-32). There are no express instructions as to the communicability of leprosy; but this is implied in the separation of the leper from the clean (Leviticus 13:45-46), as well as from the fact that a house affected by the leprosy rendered all who entered it, or slept in it, unclean (Leviticus 14:46-47). The defilement caused by a death was apparently greater still.
Not only the corpse of a person who had died a natural death, as well as of one who had been killed by violence, but a dead body or grave defiled, for a period of seven days, both those who touched them, and (in the case of the corpse) the house in which the man had died, all the persons who were in it or might enter it, and all the open vessels that were there (Numbers 19:11,14-16). Uncleanness of this kind could only be removed by sprinkling water prepared from running water and the ashes of a sinoffering (Numbers 19:12,17ff.), and would even spread from the persons defiled to persons and things with which they came in contact, so as to render them unclean till the evening (Numbers 19:22); whereas the defilement caused by contact with a dead animal lasted only a day, and then, like every other kind of uncleanness that only lasted till the evening, could be removed by bathing the persons or washing the things (Leviticus 11:25ff.).
But whilst, according to this, generation and birth as well as death were affected with uncleanness; generation and death, the coming into being and the going out of being, were not defiling in themselves, or regarded as the two poles which bound, determine, and enclose the finite existence, so as to warrant us in tracing the principle which lay at the foundation of the laws of purification, as Bähr supposes, “to the antithesis between the infinite and the finite being, which falls into the sphere of the sinful when regarded ethically as the opposite to the absolutely holy.” Finite existence was created by God, quite as much as the corporeality of man; and both came forth from His hand pure and good. Moreover it is not begetting, giving birth, and dying, that are said to defile; but the secretions connected with generation and child-bearing, and the corpses of those who had died.
In the decomposition which follows death, the effect of sin, of which death is the wages, is made manifest in the body.
Decomposition, as the embodiment of the unholy nature of sin, is uncleanness kat> exoch>n ; and this the Israelite, who was called to sanctification in fellowship with God, was to avoid and abhor. Hence the human corpse produced the greatest amount of defilement; so great, in fact, that to remove it a sprinkling water was necessary, which had been strengthened by the ashes of a sin-offering into a kind of sacred alkali. Next to the corpse, there came on the one hand leprosy, that bodily image of death which produced all the symptoms of decomposition even in the living body, and on the other hand the offensive secretions from the organs of generation, which resemble the putrid secretions that are the signs in the corpse of the internal dissolution of the bodily organs and the commencement of decomposition. From the fact that the impurities, for which special rites of purification were enjoined, are restricted to these three forms of manifestation in the human body, it is very evident that the laws of purification laid down in the O.T. were not regulations for the promotion of cleanliness or of good morals and decency, that is to say, were not police regulations for the protection of the life of the body from contagious diseases and other things injurious to health; but that their simple object was “to impress upon the mind a deep horror of everything that is and is called death in the creature, and thereby to foster an utter abhorrence of everything that is or is called sin, and also, to the constant humiliation of fallen man, to remind him in all the leading processes of the natural life-generation, birth, eating, disease, death---how everything, even his own bodily nature, lies under the curse of sin (Genesis 3:14-19), that so the law might become a ‘schoolmaster to bring unto Christ,’ and awaken and sustain the longing for a Redeemer from the curse which had fallen upon his body also (see Galatians 3:24; Romans 7:24; 8:19ff.; Phil 3:21).”
Leyrer.
LEVITICUS. 12:1-2
Uncleanness and Purification after Child-Birth.
Vv. 2-4. “If a woman bring forth [ræz; ) seed and bear a boy, she shall be unclean seven days as in the days of the uncleanness of her (monthly) sickness.” hD;ni , from ddæn; to flow, lit., that which is to flow, is applied more especially to the uncleanness of a woman’s secretions (Leviticus 15:19). hw;D; , inf. of hw,D; , to be sickly or ill, is applied here and in Leviticus 15:33; 20:18, to the suffering connected with an issue of blood.
LEVITICUS. 12:3-4
After the expiration of this period, on the eighth day, the boy was to be circumcised (see at Genesis 17). She was then to sit, i.e., remain at home, thirty-three days in the blood of purification, without touching anything holy or coming to the sanctuary (she was not to take any part, therefore, in the sacrificial meals, the Passover, etc.), until the days of her purification were full, i.e., had expired.
LEVITICUS. 12:5
But if she had given birth to a girl, she was to be unclean two weeks (14 days), as in her menstruation, and then after that to remain at home days. The distinction between the seven (or fourteen) days of the “separation for her infirmity,” and the thirty-three (or sixty-six) days of the “blood of her purifying,” had a natural ground in the bodily secretions connected with child-birth, which are stronger and have more blood in them in the first week (lochia rubra) than the more watery discharge of the lochia alba, which may last as much as five weeks, so that the normal state may not be restored till about six weeks after the birth of the child. The prolongation of the period, in connection with the birth of a girl, was also founded upon the notion, which was very common in antiquity, that the bleeding and watery discharge continued longer after the birth of a girl than after that of a boy (Hippocr. Opp. ed. Kühn. i. p. 393; Aristot. h. an. 6, 22; 7, 3, cf. Burdach, Physiologie iii. p. 34). But the extension of the period to 40 and 80 days can only be accounted for from the significance of the numbers, which we meet with repeatedly, more especially the number forty (see at Exodus 24:18).
LEVITICUS. 12:6-8
After the expiration of the days of her purification “with regard to a son or a daughter,” i.e., according as she had given birth to a son or a daughter (not for the son or daughter, for the woman needed purification for herself, and not for the child to which she had given birth, and it was the woman, not the child, that was unclean), she was to bring to the priest a yearling lamb for a burnt-offering, and a young pigeon or turtle-dove for a sinoffering, that he might make atonement for her before Jehovah and she might become clean from the course of her issue. hn,v; ˆBe , lit., son of his year, which is a year old (cf. Leviticus 23:12; Numbers 6:12,14; 7:15,21, etc.), is used interchangeably with hn,v; ˆBe (Exodus 12:5), and with hn,v; ˆBe in the plural (Leviticus 23:18-19; Exodus 29:38; Numbers 7:17,23,29). µD; rwOqm; , fountain of bleeding (see at Genesis 4:10), equivalent to hemorrhage (cf. Leviticus 20:18).
The purification by bathing and washing is not specially mentioned, as being a matter of course; nor is anything stated with reference to the communication of her uncleanness to persons who touched either her or her couch, since the instructions with regard to the period of menstruation no doubt applied to the first seven and fourteen days respectively. For her restoration to the Lord and His sanctuary, she was to come and be cleansed with a sin-offering and a burnt-offering, on account of the uncleanness in which the sin of nature had manifested itself; because she had been obliged to absent herself in consequence for a whole week from the sanctuary and fellowship of the Lord. But as this purification had reference, not to any special moral guilt, but only to sin which had been indirectly manifested in her bodily condition, a pigeon was sufficient for the sin-offering, that is to say, the smallest of the bleeding sacrifices; whereas a yearling lamb was required for a burnt-offering, to express the importance and strength of her surrender of herself to the Lord after so long a separation from Him. But in cases of great poverty a pigeon might be substituted for the lamb (v. 8, cf. Leviticus 5:7,11).
LEVITICUS. 13:1
Leprosy.
The law for leprosy, the observance of which is urged upon the people again in Deuteronomy 24:8-9, treats, in the first place, of leprosy in men: (a) in its dangerous forms when appearing either on the skin (vv. 2-28), or on the head and beard (vv. 29-37); (b) in harmless forms (vv. 38 and 39); and (c) when appearing on a bald head (vv. 40-44). To this there are added instructions for the removal of the leper from the society of other men (vv. 45 and 46).
It treats, secondly, of leprosy in linen, woollen, and leather articles, and the way to treat them (vv. 47-59); thirdly, of the purification of persons recovered from leprosy (Leviticus 14:1-32); and fourthly, of leprosy in houses and the way to remove it (vv. 33-53). — The laws for leprosy in man relate exclusively to the so-called white leprosy, leu>kh le>pra , lepra, which probably existed at that time in hither Asia alone, not only among the Israelites and Jews (Numbers 12:10ff.; 2 Samuel 3:29; 2 Kings 5:27; 7:3; 15:5; Matthew 8:2-3; 10:8; 11:5; 26:6, etc.), but also among the Syrians (2 Kings 5:1ff.), and which is still found in that part of the world, most frequently in the countries of the Lebanon and Jordan and in the neighbourhood of Damascus, in which city there are three hospitals for lepers (Seetzen, pp. 277, 278), and occasionally in Arabia (Niebuhr, Arab. pp. 135ff.) and Egypt; though at the present time the pimply leprosy, lepra tuberosa s. articulorum (the leprosy of the joints), is more prevalent in the East, and frequently occurs in Egypt in the lower extremities in the form of elephantiasis.
Of the white leprosy (called Lepra Mosaica), which is still met with in Arabia sometimes, where it is called Baras, Trusen gives the following description: “Very frequently, even for years before the actual outbreak of the disease itself, white, yellowish spots are seen lying deep in the skin, particularly on the genitals, in the face, on the forehead, or in the joints. They are without feeling, and sometimes cause the hair to assume the same colour as the spots. These spots afterwards pierce through the cellular tissue, and reach the muscles and bones. The hair becomes white and woolly, and at length falls off; hard gelatinous swellings are formed in the cellular tissue; the skin gets hard, rough, and seamy, lymph exudes from it, and forms large scabs, which fall off from time to time, and under these there are often offensive running sores. The nails then swell, curl up, and fall off; entropium is formed, with bleeding gums, the nose stopped up, and a considerable flow of saliva.... The senses become dull, the patient gets thin and weak, colliquative diarrhea sets in, and incessant thirst and burning fever terminate his sufferings” (Krankheiten d. alten Hebr. p. 165).
LEVITICUS. 13:2-28
The symptoms of leprosy, whether proceeding directly from eruptions in the skin, or caused by a boil or burn. — Vv. 2-8. The first case: “When a man shall have in the skin of his flesh (body) a raised spot or scab, or a bright spot.” taec] , a lifting up (Genesis 4:7, etc.), signifies here an elevation of the skin in some part of the body, a raised spot like a pimple. tjæpæsæ , an eruption, scurf, or scab, from caapach to pour out, “a pouring out as it were from the flesh or skin” (Knobel). tA,h,Bo , from baahar, in the Arabic and Chaldee to shine, is a bright swollen spot in the skin. If ether of these signs became “a spot of leprosy,” the person affected was to be brought to the priest, that he might examine the complaint. The term zaraath, from an Arabic word signifying to strike down or scourge, is applied to leprosy as a scourge of God, and in the case of men it always denotes the white leprosy, which the Arabs call baras. [gæn, , a stroke (lit., “stroke of leprosy”), is applied not only to the spot attacked by the leprosy, the leprous mole (vv. 3, 29-32, 42, etc.), but to the persons and even to things affected with leprosy (vv. 4, 12, 13, 31, 50, 55).
Verse 3. A person so diseased was to be pronounced unclean, (a) if the hair of his head had turned white on the mole, i.e., if the dark hair which distinguished the Israelites had become white; and (b) if the appearance of the mole was deeper than the skin of the flesh, i.e., if the spot, where the mole was, appeared depressed in comparison with the rest of the skin. In that case it was leprosy. These signs are recognised by modern observers (e.g., Hensler); and among the Arabs leprosy is regarded as curable if the hair remains black upon the white spots, but incurable if it becomes whitish in colour.
Verse 4-6. But if the bright spot was white upon the skin, and its appearance was not deeper than the skin, and the place therefore was not sunken, nor the hair turned white, the priest was to shut up the leper, i.e., preclude him from intercourse with other men, for seven days, and on the seventh day examine him again. If he then found that the mole still stood, i.e., remained unaltered, “in his eyes,” or in his view, that it had not spread any further, he was to shut him up for seven days more. And if, on further examination upon the seventh day, he found that the mole had become paler, had lost its brilliant whiteness, and had not spread, he was to declare him clean, for it was a scurf, i.e., a mere skin eruption, and not true leprosy. The person who had been pronounced clean, however, was to wash his clothes, to change himself from even the appearance of leprosy, and then to be clean.
Verse 7-8. But if the scurf had spread upon the skin “after his (first) appearance before the priest with reference to his cleansing,” i.e., to be examined concerning his purification; and if the priest notice this on his second appearance, he was to declare him unclean, for in that case it was leprosy.
Verse 9-17. The second case (vv. 9-17): if the leprosy broke out without previous eruptions.
Verse 9-11. “If a mole of leprosy is in a man, and the priest to whom he is brought sees that there is a white rising in the skin, and this has turned the hair white, and there is raw (proud) flesh upon the elevation, it is an old leprosy.” The apodosis to vv. 9 and 10 commences with v. 11. yjæ rc;B; living, i.e., raw, proud flesh. hy;j]mi the preservation of life (Genesis 45:5), sustenance (Judges 6:4); here, in vv. 10 and 24, it signifies life in the sense of that which shows life, not a blow or spot ( [gæn, , from hj;m; to strike), as it is only in a geographical sense that the verb has this signification, viz., to strike against, or reach as far as (Numbers 34:11). If the priest found that the evil was an old, long-standing leprosy, he was to pronounce the man unclean, and not first of all to shut him up, as there was no longer any doubt about the matter. Verse 12-13. If, on the other hand, the leprosy broke out blooming on the skin, and covered the whole of the skin from head to foot “with regard to the whole sight of the eyes of the priest,” i.e., as far as his eyes could see, the priest was to pronounce the person clean. “He has turned quite white,” i.e., his dark body has all become white. The breaking out of the leprous matter in this complete and rapid way upon the surface of the whole body was the crisis of the disease; the diseased matter turned into a scurf, which died away and then fell off.
Verse 14-19. “But in the day when proud flesh appears upon him, he is unclean,...the proud flesh is unclean; it is leprosy.” That is to say, if proud flesh appeared after the body had been covered with a white scurf, with which the diseased matter had apparently exhausted itself, the disease was not removed, and the person affected with it was to be pronounced unclean.
The third case: if the leprosy proceeded from an abscess which had been cured. In v. 18 rc;B; is first of all used absolutely, and then resumed with µyrit;a\ ], and the latter again is more closely defined in `rwO[ : “if there arises in the flesh, in him, in his skin, an abscess, and (it) is healed, and there arises in the place of the abscess a white elevation, or a spot of a reddish white, he (the person so affected) shall appear at the priest’s.”
Verse 20. If the priest found the appearance of the diseased spot lower than the surrounding skin, and the hair upon it turned white, he was to pronounce the person unclean. “It is a mole of leprosy: it has broken out upon the abscess.”
Verse 21-23. But if the hair had not turned white upon the spot, and there was no depression on the skin, and it (the spot) was pale, the priest was to shut him up for seven days. If the mole spread upon the skin during this period, it was leprosy; but if the spot stood in its place, and had not spread, it was ˆyjiv] tb,r,x; , “the closing of the abscess:” literally “the burning;” here, that part of the skin or flesh which has been burnt up or killed by the inflammation or abscess, and gradually falls off as scurf (Knobel).
Verse 24-28. The fourth case (vv. 24-28): if there was a burnt place upon the skin of the flesh ( vae twæk]mi , a spot where he had burnt himself with fire, the scar of a burn), and the “life of the scar” — i.e., the skin growing or forming upon the scar (see v. 10)-”becomes a whitish red, or white spot,” i.e., if it formed itself into a bright swollen spot. This was to be treated exactly like the previous case. hw;k]mi taec] (v. 28), rising of the scar of the burn, i.e., a rising of the flesh and skin growing out of the scar of the burn.
LEVITICUS. 13:29-31
Leprosy upon the head or chin.
If the priest saw a mole upon the head or chin of a man or woman, the appearance of which was deeper than the skin, and on which the hair was yellow ( bhox; golden, reddish, fox-colour) and thin, he was to regard it as qt,n, . Leprosy on the head or chin is called qt,n, , probably from qtæn; to pluck or tear, from its plucking out the hair, or causing it to fall off; like knee’fee, the itch, from kna’oo, to itch or scratch, and scabies, from scabere. But if he did not observe these two symptoms, if there was no depression of the skin, and the hair was black and not yellow, he was to shut up the person affected for seven days. In µyrit;a ˆyiaæ rjov; (v. 31) there is certainly an error of the text: either shchr must be retained and ˆyiaæ dropped, or rjov; must be altered into bhox; , according to v. 37. The latter is probably the better of the two.
LEVITICUS. 13:32-34
If the mole had not spread by that time, and the two signs mentioned were not discernible, the person affected was to shave himself, but not to shave the nethek, the eruption or scurfy place, and the priest was to shut him up for seven days more, and then to look whether any alteration had taken place; and if not, to pronounce him clean, whereupon he was to wash his clothes (see v. 6).
LEVITICUS. 13:35-36
But if the eruption spread even after his purification, the priest, on seeing this, was not to look for yellow hair. “He is unclean:” that is to say, he was to pronounce him unclean without searching for yellow hairs; the spread of the eruption was a sufficient proof of the leprosy. LEVITICUS 13:37 But if, on the contrary, the eruption stood (see v. 5), and black hair grew out of it, he was healed, and the person affected was to be declared clean.
LEVITICUS. 13:38-39
Harmless leprosy. — This broke out upon the skin of the body in tA,h,Bo plaits, “white rings.” If these were dull or a pale white, it was the harmless bohak, alfo’s (LXX), which did not defile, and which even the Arabs, who still call it bahak, consider harmless. It is an eruption upon the skin, appearing in somewhat elevated spots or rings of inequal sizes and a pale white colour, which do not change the hair; it causes no inconvenience, and lasts from two months to two years.
LEVITICUS. 13:40-41
The leprosy of bald jæreqe is a head bald behind; jæBeGi , in front, “bald from the side, or edge of his face, i.e., from the forehead and temples.” Bald heads of both kinds were naturally clean.
LEVITICUS. 13:42-44
But if a white reddish mole was formed upon the bald place before or behind, it was leprosy breaking out upon it, and was to be recognised by the fact that the rising of the mole had the appearance of leprosy on the skin of the body. In that case the person was unclean, and to be pronounced so by the priest. “On his head is his plague of leprosy,” i.e., he has it in his head.
LEVITICUS. 13:45-46
With regard to the treatment of lepers, the lawgiver prescribed that they should wear mourning costume, rend their clothes, leave the hair of their head in disorder (see at Leviticus 10:6), keep the beard covered (Ezekiel 24:17,22), and cry “Unclean, unclean,” that every one might avoid them for fear of being defiled (Lam 4:15); and as long as the disease lasted they were to dwell apart outside the camp (Numbers 5:2ff., 12:10ff., cf. 2 Kings 15:5; 7:3), a rule which implies that the leper rendered others unclean by contact. From this the Rabbins taught, that by merely entering a house, a leper polluted everything within it (Mishnah, Kelim i. 4; Negaim xiii. 11).
LEVITICUS. 13:47-52
Leprosy in linen, woollen, and leather fabrics and clothes. — The only wearing apparel mentioned in v. 47 is either woollen or linen, as in Deuteronomy 22:11; Hosea 2:7; Prov 31:13; and among the ancient Egyptians and ancient Greeks these were the materials usually worn. In vv. 48ff. ytiv] and `br,[e , “the flax and the wool,” i.e., for linen and woollen fabrics, are distinguished from clothes of wool or flax. The rendering given to these words by the early translators is stee’moon and kro’kee, stamen et subtegmen (LXX, Vulg.), i.e., warp and weft. The objection offered to this rendering, that warp and weft could not be kept so separate from one another, that the one could be touched and rendered leprous without the other, has been met by Gussetius by the simple but correct remark, that the reference is to the yarn prepared for the warp and weft, and not to the woven fabrics themselves.
So long as the yarn was not woven into a fabric, the warp-yarn and weftyarn might very easily be separated and lie in different places, so that the one could be injured without the other. In this case the yarn intended for weaving is distinguished from the woven material, just as the leather is afterwards distinguished from leather-work (v. 49). The signs of leprosy were, if the mole in the fabric was greenish or reddish. In that case the priest was to shut up the thing affected with leprosy for seven days, and then examine it. If the mole had spread in the meantime, it was a “grievous leprosy.” raæm; , from m’r irritavit, recruduit (vulnus), is to be explained, as it is by Bochart, as signifying lepra exasperata. [gæn, raæm; making the mole bad or angry; not, as Gesenius maintains, from m’r = mrr acerbum faciens, i.e., dolorem acerbum excitans, which would not apply to leprosy in fabrics and houses (Leviticus 14:44), and is not required by Ezekiel 28:24. All such fabrics were to be burned as unclean.
LEVITICUS. 13:53-55
If the mole had not spread during the seven days, the priest was to cause the fabric in which the mole appeared to be washed, and then shut it up for seven days more. If the mole did not alter its appearance after being washed, even though it had not spread, the fabric was unclean, and was therefore to be burned. “It is a corroding in the back and front” (of the fabric of leather). tt,j,p] , from tjæpæ , in Syriac fodit, from which comes hj;p, a pit, lit., a digging: here a corroding depression. tjæræq; a bald place in the front or right side, tjæBæGæ a bald place in the back or left side of the fabric or leather.
LEVITICUS. 13:56
But if the mole had turned pale by the seventh day after the washing, it (the place of the mole) was to be separated (torn off) from the clothes, leather or yarn, and then (as is added afterwards in v. 58) the garment or fabric from which the mole had disappeared was to be washed a second time, and would then be clean.
LEVITICUS. 13:57-59
But if the mole appeared again in any such garment or cloth, i.e., if it appeared again after this, it was a leprosy bursting forth afresh, and the thing affected with it was to be burned. Leprosy in linen and woollen fabrics or clothes, and in leather, consisted in all probability in nothing but so-called mildew, which commonly arises from damp and want of air, and consists, in the case of linen, of round, partially coloured spots, which spread, and gradually eat up the fabric, until it falls to pieces like mould. In leather the mildew consists most strictly of “holes eaten in,” and is of a “greenish, reddish, or whitish colour, according to the species of the delicate cryptogami by which it has been formed.”
LEVITICUS. 14:1-32
Purification of the leper, after his recovery from his disease. As leprosy, regarded as a decomposition of the vital juices, and as putrefaction in a living body, was an image of death, and like this introduced the same dissolution and destruction of life into the corporeal sphere which sin introduced into the spiritual; and as the leper for this very reason as not only excluded from the fellowship of the sanctuary, but cut off from intercourse with the covenant nation which was called to sanctification: the man, when recovered from leprosy, was first of all to be received into the fellowship of the covenant nation by a significant rite of purification, and then again to be still further inducted into living fellowship with Jehovah in His sanctuary. Hence the purification prescribed was divided into two acts, separated from one another by an interval of seven days.
Verse 2-8. The first act (vv. 2-8) set forth the restoration of the man, who had been regarded as dead, into the fellowship of the living members of the covenant nation, and was therefore performed by the priest outside the camp.
Verse 2-4. On the day of his purification the priest was to examine the leper outside the camp; and if he found the leprosy cured and gone ( ˆmi ap;r; , const. praegnans, healed away from, i.e., healed and gone away from), he was to send for (lit., order them to fetch or bring) two living ( yjæ , with all the fulness of their vital power) birds (without any precise direction as to the kind, not merely sparrows), and (a piece of) cedar-wood and coccus (probably scarlet wool, or a little piece of scarlet cloth), and hyssop (see at Exodus 12:22).
Verse 5-7. The priest was to have one of the birds killed into an earthen vessel upon fresh water (water drawn from a fountain or brook, Leviticus 15:13; Genesis 26:19), that is to say, slain in such a manner that its blood should flow into the fresh water which was in a vessel, and should mix with it. He was then to take the (other) live bird, together with the cedar-wood, scarlet, and hyssop, and dip them (these accompaniments) along with the bird into the blood of the one which had been killed over the water. With this the person cured of leprosy was to be sprinkled seven times (see Leviticus 4:6) and purified; after which the living bird was to be “let loose upon the face of the field,” i.e., to be allowed to fly away into the open country. The two birds were symbols of the person to be cleansed. The one let loose into the open country is regarded by all the commentators as a symbolical representation of the fact, that the former leper was now imbued with new vital energy, and released from the fetters of his disease, and could now return in liberty again into the fellowship of his countrymen.
But if this is established, the other must also be a symbol of the leper; and just as in the second the essential point in the symbol was its escape to the open country, in the first the main point must have been its death. Not, however, in this sense, that it was a figurative representation of the previous condition of the leper; but that, although it was no true sacrifice, since there was no sprinkling of blood in connection with it, its bloody death was intended to show that the leper would necessarily have suffered death on account of his uncleanness, which reached to the very foundation of his life, if the mercy of God had not delivered him from this punishment of sin, and restored to him the full power and vigour of life again. The restitution of this full and vigorous life was secured to him symbolically, by his being sprinkled with the blood of the bird which was killed in is stead.
But because his liability to death had assumed a bodily form in the uncleanness of leprosy, he was sprinkled not only with blood, but with the flowing water of purification into which the blood had flowed, and was thus purified from his mortal uncleanness. Whereas one of the birds, however, had to lay down its life, and shed its blood for the person to be cleansed, the other was made into a symbol of the person to be cleansed by being bathed in the mixture of blood and water; and its release, to return to its fellows and into its nest, represented his deliverance from the ban of death which rested upon leprosy, and his return to the fellowship of his own nation. This signification of the rite serves to explain not only the appointment of birds for the purpose, since free unfettered movement in all directions could not be more fittingly represented by anything than by birds, which are distinguished from all other animals by their freedom and rapidity of motion, but also the necessity for their being alive and clean, viz., to set forth the renewal of life and purification; also the addition of cedar-wood, scarlet wool, and hyssop, by which the life-giving power of the blood mixed with living (spring) water was to be still further strengthened.
The cedar-wood, on account of its antiseptic qualities ( e>cei a>shpton hJ ke>drov , Theodor. on Ezekiel 17:22), was a symbol of the continuance of life; the coccus colour, a symbol of freshness of life, or fulness of vital energy; and the hyssop ( bota>nh ruJptikh> , herba humilis, medicinalis, purgandis pulmonibus apta: August. on Psalm 51), a symbol of purification from the corruption of death. The sprinkling was performed seven times, because it referred to a readmission into the covenant, the stamp of which was seven; and it was made with a mixture of blood and fresh water, the blood signifying life, the water purification.
Verse 8. After this symbolical purification from the mortal ban of leprosy, the person cleansed had to purify himself bodily, by washing his clothes, shaving off all his hair-i.e., not merely the hair of his head and beard, but that of his whole body (cf. v. 9)-and bathing in water; and he could then enter into the camp. But he had still to remain outside his tent for seven days, not only because he did not yet feel himself at home in the congregation, or because he was still to retain the consciousness that something else was wanting before he could be fully restored, but, as the Chaldee has explained it by adding the clause, et non accedat ad latus uxoris suae, that he might not defile himself again by conjugal rights, and so interrupt his preparation for readmission into fellowship with Jehovah.
Verse 9-12. The second act (vv. 9-20) effected his restoration to fellowship with Jehovah, and his admission to the sanctuary. It commenced on the seventh day after the first with a fresh purification; viz., shaving off all the hair from the head, the beard, the eyebrows-in fact, the whole bodywashing the clothes, and bathing the body. On the eighth day there followed a sacrificial expiation; and for this the person to be expiated was to bring two sheep without blemish, a ewe-lamb of a year old, three-tenths of an ephah of fine flour mixed with oil as a meat-offering, and a log (or one-twelfth of a hin, i.e., as much as six hens’ eggs, or 15·62 Rhenish cubic inches) of oil; and the priest was to present him, together with these gifts, before Jehovah, i.e., before the altar of burnt-offering. The one lamb was then offered by the priest as a trespass-offering, together with the log of oil; and both of these were waves by him. By the waving, which did not take place on other occasions in connection with sin-offerings and trespassofferings, the lamb and oil were transferred symbolically to the Lord; and by the fat that these sacrificial gifts represented the offerer, the person to be consecrated to the Lord by means of them was dedicated to His service again, just as the Levites were dedicated to the Lord by the ceremony of waving (Numbers 8:11,15). But a trespass-offering was required as the consecration-offering, because the consecration itself served as a restoration to all the rights of the priestly covenant nation, which had been lost by the mortal ban of leprosy. f184 Verse 13-14. After the slaying of the lamb in the holy place, as the trespass-offering, like the sin-offering, was most holy and belonged to the priest (see at Leviticus 7:6), the priest put some of its blood upon the tip of the right ear, the right thumb, and the great toe of the right foot of the person to be consecrated, in order that the organ of hearing, with which he hearkened to the word of the Lord, and those used in acting and walking according to His commandments, might thereby be sanctified through the power of the atoning blood of the sacrifice; just as in the dedication of the priests (Leviticus 8:24). Verse 15-18. The priest then poured some oil out of the log into the hollow of his left hand, and dipping the finger of his right hand in the oil, sprinkled it seven times before Jehovah, i.e., before the altar of burntoffering, to consecrate the oil to God, and sanctify it for further use. With the rest of the oil he smeared the same organs of the person to be consecrated which he had already smeared with blood, placing it, in fact, “upon the blood of the trespass-offering,” i.e., upon the spots already touched with blood; he then poured the remainder upon the head of the person to be consecrated, and so made atonement for him before Jehovah.
The priests were also anointed at their consecration, not only by the pouring of oil upon their head, but by the sprinkling of oil upon their garments (Leviticus 8:12,30). But in their case the anointing of their head preceded the consecration-offering, and holy anointing oil was used for the purpose.
Here, on the contrary, it was ordinary oil, which the person to be consecrated had offered as a sacrificial gift; and this was first of all sanctified, therefore, by being sprinkled and poured upon the organs with which he was to serve the Lord, and then upon the head, which represented his personality. Just as the anointing oil, prepared according to divine directions, shadowed forth the power and gifts of the Spirit, with which God endowed the priests for their peculiar office in His kingdom; so the oil, which the leper about to be consecrated presented as a sacrifice out of his own resources, represented the spirit of life which he had received from God, and now possessed as his own. This property of his spirit was presented to the Lord by the priestly waving and sprinkling of the oil before Jehovah, to be pervaded and revived by His spirit of grace, and when so strengthened, to be not only applied to those organs of the person to be consecrated, with which he fulfilled the duties of his vocation as a member of the priestly nation of God, but also poured upon his head, to be fully appropriated to his person. And just as in the sacrifice the blood was the symbol of the soul, so in the anointing the oil was the symbol of the spirit. If, therefore, the soul was established in gracious fellowship with the Lord by being sprinkled with the atoning blood of sacrifice, the anointing with oil had reference to the spirit, which gives life to soul and body, and which was thereby endowed with the power of the Spirit of God. In this way the man cleansed from leprosy was reconciled to Jehovah, and reinstated in the covenant privileges and covenant grace. Verse 19-20. It was not till all this had been done, that the priest could proceed to make expiation for him with the sin-offering, for which the ewe-lamb was brought, “on account of his uncleanness,” i.e., on account of the sin which still adhered to him as well as to all the other members of the covenant nation, and which had come outwardly to light in the uncleanness of his leprosy; after which he presented his burnt-offering and meatoffering, which embodied the sanctification of all his members to the service of the Lord, and the performance of works well-pleasing to Him.
The sin-offering, burnt-offering, and meat-offering were therefore presented according to the general instructions, with this exception, that, as a representation of diligence in good works, a larger quantity of meal and oil was brought than the later law in Numbers 15:4 prescribed for the burnt-offering.
Verse 21-32. In cases of poverty on the part of the person to be consecrated, the burnt-offering and sin-offering were reduced to a pair of turtle-doves or young pigeons, and the meat-offering to a tenth of an ephah of meal and oil; but no diminution was allowed in the trespass-offering as the consecration-offering, since this was the conditio sine qua non of reinstatement in full covenant rights. On account of the importance of all the details of this law, every point is repeated a second time in vv. 21-32.
LEVITICUS. 14:33-34
The law concerning the leprosy of houses was made known to Moses and Aaron, as intended for the time when Israel should have taken possession of Canaan and dwell in houses. As it was Jehovah who gave His people the land for a possession, so “putting the plague of leprosy in a house of the land of their possession” is also ascribed to Him (v. 34), inasmuch as He held it over them, to remind the inhabitants of the house that they owed not only their bodies but also their dwelling-places to the Lord, and that they were to sanctify these to Him. By this expression, “I put,” the view which Knobel still regards as probable, viz., that the house-leprosy was only the transmission of human leprosy to the walls of the houses, is completely overthrown; not to mention the fact, that throughout the whole description there is not the slightest hint of any such transmission, but the inhabitants, on the contrary, are spoken of as clean, i.e., free from leprosy, and only those who went into the house, or slept in the house after it had been shut up as suspicious, are pronounced unclean (vv. 46, 47), though even they are not said to have been affected with leprosy. The only thing that can be gathered from the signs mentioned in v. 37 is, that the house-leprosy was an evil which calls to mind “the vegetable formations and braid-like structures that are found on mouldering walls and decaying walls, and which eat into them so as to produce a slight depression in the surface.” f185 LEVITICUS 14:35-36 When the evil showed itself in a house, the owner was to send this message to the priest, “A leprous evil has appeared in my house,” and the priest, before entering to examine it, was to have the house cleared, lest everything in it should become unclean. Consequently, as what was in the house became unclean only when the priest had declared the house affected with leprosy, the reason for the defilement is not to be sought for in physical infection, but must have been of an ideal or symbolical kind.
LEVITICUS. 14:37-42
If the leprous spot appeared in “greenish or reddish depressions, which looked deeper than the wall,” the priest was to shut up the house for seven days. If after that time he found that the mole had spread on the walls, he was to break out the stones upon which it appeared, and remove them to an unclean place outside the town, and to scrape the house all round inside, and throw the dust that was scraped off into an unclean place outside the town. He was then to put other stones in their place, and plaster the house with fresh mortar.
LEVITICUS. 14:43-45
If the mole broke out again after this had taken place, it was a malicious leprosy, and the house was to be pulled down as unclean, whilst the stones, the wood, and the mortar were to be taken to an unclean place outside the town.
LEVITICUS. 14:46-47
Whoever went into the house during the time that it was closed, became unclean till the evening and had to wash himself; but whoever slept or ate therein during this time, was to wash his clothes, and of course was unclean till the evening. tae rgæs; (v. 46) may be a perfect tense, and a relative clause dependent upon µwOy , or it may be an infinitive for ryGis]hæ as in v. 43.
LEVITICUS. 14:48-53
If the priest should find, however, that after the fresh plastering the mole had not appeared again, or spread (to other places), he was to pronounce the house clean, because the evil was cured, and (vv. 49-53) to perform the same rite of purification as was prescribed for the restoration of a man, who had been cured of leprosy, to the national community (vv. 4-7). The purpose was also the same, namely, to cleanse ( af;j; cleanse from sin) and make atonement for the house, i.e., to purify it from the uncleanness of sin which had appeared in the leprosy. For, although it is primarily in the human body that sin manifests itself, it spreads from man to the things which he touches, uses, inhabits, though without our being able to represent this spread as a physical contagion.
LEVITICUS. 14:54-57
Vv. 54-57 contain the concluding formula to ch. 13 and 14. The law of leprosy was given “to teach in the day of the unclean and the clean,” i.e., to give directions for the time when they would have to do with the clean and unclean.
LEVITICUS. 15:1
The Uncleanness of Secretions.
These include (1) a running issue from a man (vv. 2-15); (2) involuntary emission of seed (vv. 16, 17), and the emission of seed in sexual intercourse (v. 18); (3) the monthly period of a woman (vv. 19-24); (4) a diseased issue of blood from a woman (vv. 25-30). They consist, therefore, of two diseased and two natural secretions from the organs of generation. LEVITICUS 15:2-3 The running issue from a man is not described with sufficient clearness for us to be able to determine with certainty what disease is referred to: “if a man becomes flowing out of his flesh, he is unclean in his flux.” That even here the term flesh is not a euphemism for the organ of generation, as is frequently assumed, is evident from v. 13, “he shall wash his clothes and bathe his flesh in water,” when compared with Leviticus 16:23-24,28, etc., where flesh cannot possibly have any such meaning. The “flesh” is the body as in v. 7, “whoever touches the flesh of him that hath the issue,” as compared with v. 19, “whosoever toucheth her.” At the same time, the agreement between the law relating to the man with an issue and that concerning the woman with an issue (v. 19, “her issue in her flesh”) points unmistakeably to a secretion from the sexual organs. Only the seat of the disease is not more closely defined.
The issue of the man is not a hemorrhoidal disease, for nothing is said about a flow of blood; still less is it a syphilitic suppuration (gonorrhaea virulenta), for the occurrence of this at all in antiquity is very questionable; but it is either a diseased flow of semen (gonorrhaea), i.e., an involuntary flow drop by drop arising from weakness of the organ, as Jerome and the Rabbins assume, or more probably, simply blenorrhaea urethrae, a discharge of mucus arising from a catarrhal affection of the mucous membrane of the urethra (urethritis). The participle bWz hy;h; is expressive of continued duration. In v. 3 the uncleanness is still more closely defined: “whether his flesh run with his issue, or his flesh closes before his issue,” i.e., whether the member lets the matter flow out or by closing retains it, “it is his uncleanness,” i.e., in the latter case as well as the former it is uncleanness to him, he is unclean. For the “closing” is only a temporary obstruction, brought about by some particular circumstance.
LEVITICUS. 15:4-8
Every bed upon which he lay, and everything upon which he sat, was defiled in consequence; also every one who touched his bed (v. 5), or sat upon it (v. 6), or touched his flesh, i.e., his body (v. 7), was unclean, and had to bathe himself and wash his clothes in consequence. LEVITICUS 15:9-10 The conveyance in which such a man rode was also unclean, as well as everything under him; and whoever touched them was defiled till the evening, and the person who carried them was to wash his clothes and bathe himself.
LEVITICUS. 15:11
This also applied to every one whom the man with an issue might touch, without first rinsing his hands in water.
LEVITICUS 15:12,13 Vessels that he had touched were to be broken to pieces if they were of earthenware, and rinsed with water if they were of wood, for the reasons explained in Leviticus 11:33 and 6:21.
LEVITICUS. 15:13-15
When he was cleansed, i.e., recovered from his issue, he was to wait seven days with regard to his purification, and then wash his clothes and bathe his body in fresh water, and be clean. On the eighth day he was to bring two turtle-doves or young pigeons, in order that the priest might prepare one as a sin-offering and the other as a burnt-offering, and make an atonement for him before the Lord for his issue.
LEVITICUS. 15:16-17
Involuntary emission of seed. — This defiled for the whole of the day, not only the man himself, but any garment or skin upon which any of it had come, and required for purification that the whole body should be bathed, and the polluted things washed.
LEVITICUS. 15:18
Sexual connection. “If a man lie with a woman with the emission of seed, both shall be unclean till the evening, and bathe themselves in water.”
Consequently it was not the concubitus as such which defiled, as many erroneously suppose, but the emission of seed in the coitus. This explains the law and custom, of abstaining from conjugal intercourse during the preparation for acts of divine worship, or the performance of the same (Exodus 19:5; 1 Samuel 21:5-6; 2 Samuel 11:4), in which many other nations resembled the Israelites. (For proofs see Leyrer’s article in Herzog’s Cyclopaedia, and Knobel in loco, though the latter is wrong in supposing that conjugal intercourse itself defiled.)
LEVITICUS. 15:19-23
The menses of a woman. “If a woman have an issue, (if) blood is her issue in her flesh, she shall be seven days in her uncleanness.” As the discharge does not last as a rule more than four or five days, the period of seven days was fixed on account of the significance of the number seven. In this condition she rendered every one who touched her unclean (v. 19), everything upon which she lay or sat (v. 20), every one who touched her bed or whatever she sat upon (vv. 21, 22), also any one who touched the blood upon her bed or seat (v. 23, where aWh and µyrit;a are to be referred to µD; ); and they remained unclean till the evening, when they had to wash their clothes and bathe themselves.
LEVITICUS. 15:24
If a man lay with her and her uncleanness came upon him, he became unclean for seven days, and the bed upon which he lay became unclean as well. The meaning cannot be merely if he lie upon the same bed with her, but if he have conjugal intercourse, as is evident from Leviticus 20:18 and Numbers 5:13 (cf. Genesis 26:10; 34:2; 35:22; 1 Samuel 2:22). It cannot be adduced as an objection to this explanation, which is the only admissible one, that according to Leviticus 18:19 and 20:18 intercourse with a woman during her menses was an accursed crime, to be punished by extermination.
For the law in Leviticus 20:18 refers partly to conjugal intercourse during the hemorrhage of a woman after child-birth, as the similarity of the words in Leviticus 20:18 and 12:7 ( µD; rwOqm; ) clearly proves, and to the case of a man attempting cohabitation with a woman during her menstruation. The verse before us, on the contrary, refers simply to the possibility of menstruation commencing during the act of conjugal intercourse, when the man would be involuntarily defiled through the unexpected uncleanness of the woman. LEVITICUS 15:25-27 Diseased issue from a woman. — If an issue of blood in a woman flowed many days away from (not in) the time of her monthly uncleanness, or if it flowed beyond her monthly uncleanness, she was to be unclean as long as her unclean issue continued, just as in the days of her monthly uncleanness, and she defiled her couch as well as everything upon which she sat, as in the other case, also every one who touched either her or these things.
LEVITICUS. 15:28-31
After the issue had ceased, she was to purify herself like the man with an issue, as described in vv. 13-15. — Obedience to these commands is urged in v. 31: “Cause that the children of Israel free themselves from their uncleanness, that they die not through their uncleanness, by defiling My dwelling in the midst of them.” hiziyr, Hiphil, to cause that a person keeps aloof from anything, or loosens himself from it, from rzæn; , Niphal to separate one’s self, signifies here deliverance from the state of uncleanness, purification from it. Continuance in it was followed by death, not merely in the particular instance in which an unclean man ventured to enter the sanctuary, but as a general fact, because uncleanness as irreconcilable with the calling of Israel to be a holy nation, in the midst of which Jehovah the Holy One had His dwelling-place (Leviticus 11:44), and continuance in uncleanness without the prescribed purification was a disregard of the holiness of Jehovah, and involved rebellion against Him and His ordinances of grace.
LEVITICUS 15:32,33 Concluding formula. The words, “him that lieth with her that is unclean,” are more general than the expression, “lie with her,” in v. 24, and involve not only intercourse with an unclean woman, but lying by her side upon one and the same bed.
THE DAY OF ATONEMENT. CH. 16.
The sacrifices and purifications enjoined thus far did not suffice to complete the reconciliation between the congregation of Israel, which was called to be a holy nation, but in its very nature was still altogether involved in sin and uncleanness, and Jehovah the Holy One-that is to say, to restore the perfect reconciliation and true vital fellowship of the nation with its God, in accordance with the idea and object of the old covenantbecause, even with the most scrupulous observance of these directions, many sins and defilements would still remain unacknowledged, and therefore without expiation, and would necessarily produce in the congregation a feeling of separation from its God, so that it would be unable to attain to the true joyousness of access to the throne of grace, and to the place of reconciliation with God. This want was met by the appointment of a yearly general and perfect expiation of all the sins and uncleanness which had remained unatoned for and uncleansed in the course of the year. In this respect the laws of sacrifice and purification received their completion and finish in the institution of the festival of atonement, which provided for the congregation of Israel the highest and most comprehensive expiation that was possible under the Old Testament.
Hence the law concerning the day of atonement formed a fitting close to the ordinances designed to place the Israelites in fellowship with their God, and raise the promise of Jehovah, “I will be your God,” into a living truth.
This law is described in the present chapter, and contains (1) the instructions as to the performance of the general expiation for the year (vv. 2-28), and (2) directions for the celebration of this festival every year (vv. 29-34). From the expiation effected upon this day it received the name of “day of expiations,” i.e., of the highest expiation (Leviticus 23:27). The Rabbins call it briefly µm;wOy , the day kat’ exochee’n.
LEVITICUS. 16:1-2
Verse 1-2. The chronological link connecting the following law with the death of the sons of Aaron (Leviticus 10:1-5) was intended, not only to point out the historical event which led to the appointment of the day of atonement, but also to show the importance and holiness attached to an entrance into the inmost sanctuary of God. The death of Aaron’s sons, as a punishment for wilfully “drawing near before Jehovah,” was to be a solemn warning to Aaron himself, “not to come at all times into the holy place within the vail, before the mercy-seat upon the ark,” i.e., into the most holy place (see Exodus 25:10ff.), but only at the time to be appointed by Jehovah, and for the purposes instituted by Him, i.e., according to vv. 29ff., only once a year, on the day of atonement, and only in the manner prescribed in vv. 3ff., that he might not die. — “For I will appear in the cloud above the capporeth.” The cloud in which Jehovah appeared above the capporeth, between the cherubim (Exodus 25:22), was not the cloud of the incense, with which Aaron was to cover the capporeth on entering (v. 13), as Vitringa, Bähr, and others follow the Sadducees in supposing, but the cloud of the divine glory, in which Jehovah manifested His essential presence in the most holy place above the ark of the covenant.
Because Jehovah appeared in this cloud, not only could no unclean and sinful man go before the capporeth, i.e., approach the holiness of the allholy God; but even the anointed and sanctified high priest, if he went before it at his own pleasure, or without the expiatory blood of sacrifice, would expose himself to certain death. The reason for this prohibition is to be found in the fact, that the holiness communicated to the priest did not cancel the sin of his nature, but only covered it over for the performance of his official duties, and so long as the law, which produced only the knowledge of sin and not its forgiveness and removal, was not abolished by the complete atonement, the holy God was and remained to mortal and sinful man a consuming fire, before which no one could stand.
LEVITICUS. 16:3-5
Only tazO, “with this,” i.e., with the sacrifices, dress, purifications, and means of expiation mentioned afterwards, could he go into “the holy place,” i.e., according to the more precise description in v. 2, into the inmost division of the tabernacle, which is called Kodesh hakkadashim , “the holy of holies,” in Exodus 26:33. He was to bring an ox (bullock) for a sin-offering and a ram for a burnt-offering, as a sacrifice for himself and his house (i.e., the priesthood, v. 6), and two he-goats for a sin-offering and a ram for a burnt-offering, as a sacrifice for the congregation. For this purpose he was to put on, not the state-costume of the high priest, but a body-coat, drawers, girdle, and head-dress of white cloth (bad: see Exodus 28:42), having first bathed his body, and not merely his hands and feet, as he did for the ordinary service, to appear before Jehovah as entirely cleansed from the defilement of sin (see at Leviticus 8:6) and arrayed in clothes of holiness.
The dress of white cloth was not the plain official dress of the ordinary priests, for the girdle of that dress was coloured (see at Exodus 28:39-40); and in that case the high priest would not have appeared in the perfect purity of his divinely appointed office as chief of the priesthood, but simply as the priest appointed for this day (v. Hofmann). Nor did he officiate (as many of the Rabbins, and also C. a Lapide, Grotius, Rosenmüller, and Knobel suppose) as a penitent praying humbly for the forgiveness of sin.
For where in all the world have clear white clothes been worn either in mourning or as a penitential garment? The emphatic expression, “these are holy garments,” is a sufficient proof that the pure white colour of all the clothes, even of the girdle, was intended as a representation of holiness.
Although in Exodus 28:2,4, etc., the official dress not only of Aaron, but of his sons also, that is to say, the priestly costume generally, is described as “holy garments,” yet in the present chapter the word kodesh, “holy,” is frequently used in an emphatic sense (for example, in vv. 2, 3, 16, of the most holy place of the dwelling), and by this predicate the dress is characterized as most holy.
Moreover, it was in baddim (“linen”) that the angel of Jehovah was clothed (Ezekiel 9:2-3,11; 10:2,6-7, and Dan 10:5; 12:6-7), whose whole appearance, as described in Dan 10:6, resembled the appearance of the glory of Jehovah, which Ezekiel saw in the vision of the four cherubim (ch. 1), and was almost exactly like the glory of Jesus Christ, which John saw in the Revelation (Rev 1:13-15). The white material, therefore, of the dress which Aaron wore, when performing the highest act of expiation under the Old Testament, was a symbolical shadowing forth of the holiness and glory of the one perfect Mediator between God and man, who, being the radiation of the glory of God and the image of His nature, effected by Himself the perfect cleansing away of our sin, and who, as the true High Priest, being holy, innocent, unspotted, and separate from sinners, entered once by His own blood into the holy place not made with hands, namely, into heaven itself, to appear before the face of God for us, and obtain everlasting redemption (Hebrews 1:3; 7:26; 9:12,24).
LEVITICUS. 16:6-10
With the bullock Aaron was to make atonement for himself and his house.
The two he-goats he was to place before Jehovah (see Leviticus 1:5), and “give lots over them,” i.e., have lots cast upon them, one lot for Jehovah, the other for Azazel. The one upon which the lot for Jehovah fell ( `hl;[; , from the coming up of the lot out of the urn, Joshua 18:11; 19:10), he was to prepare as a sin-offering for Jehovah, and to present the one upon which the lot for Azazel fell alive before Jehovah, `l[æ rpæK; , “to expiate it,” i.e., to make it the object of expiation (see at v. 21), to send it (them) into the desert to Azazel. `lzeaz;[ , which only occurs in this chapter, signifies neither “a remote solitude,” nor any locality in the desert whatever (as Jonathan, Rashi, etc., suppose); nor the “he-goat” (from `z[e goat, and `aazal to turn off, “the goat departing or sent away,” as Symm., Theodot., the Vulgate, Luther, and others render it); nor “complete removal” (Bähr, Winer, Tholuck, etc.). The words, one lot for Jehovah and one for Azazel, require unconditionally that Azazel should be regarded as a personal being, in opposition to Jehovah. The word is a more intense form of `aazal removit, dimovit, and comes from `azal¦zeel by absorbing the liquid, like Babel from balbel (Genesis 11:9), and Golgotha from gulgalta (Ewald, §158c).
The Septuagint rendering is correct, oJ apopompai>ov ; although in v. the rendering apopomph> is also adopted, i.e., “averruncus, a fiend, or demon whom one drives away” (Ewald). We have not to think, however, of any demon whatever, who seduces men to wickedness in the form of an evil spirit, as the fallen angel Azazel is represented as doing in the Jewish writings (Book of Enoch Leviticus 8:1; 10:10; 13:1ff.), like the terrible field Shibe, whom the Arabs of the peninsula of Sinai so much dread (Seetzen, i. pp. 273-4), but of the devil himself, the head of the fallen angels, who was afterwards called Satan; for no subordinate evil spirit could have been placed in antithesis to Jehovah as Azazel is here, but only the ruler or head of the kingdom of demons. The desert and desolate places are mentioned elsewhere as the abode of evil spirits (Isaiah 13:21; 34:14; Matthew 12:43; Luke 11:24; Rev 18:2). The desert, regarded as an image of death and desolation, corresponds to the nature of evil spirits, who fell away from the primary source of life, and in their hostility to God devastated the world, which was created good, and brought death and destruction in their train.
LEVITICUS. 16:11-14
He was then to slay the bullock of the sin-offering, and make atonement for himself and his house (or family, i.e., for the priests, v. 33). But before bringing the blood of the sin-offering into the most holy place, he was to take “the filling of the censer (machtah, a coal-pan, Exodus 25:38) with fire-coals,” i.e., as many burning coals as the censer would hold, from the altar of burnt-offering, and “the filling of his hands,” i.e., two hands full of “fragrant incense” (Exodus 30:34), and go with this within the vail, i.e., into the most holy place, and there place the incense upon the fire before Jehovah, “that the cloud of (burning) incense might cover the capporeth above the testimony, and he might not die.” The design of these instructions was not that the holiest place, the place of Jehovah’s presence, might be hidden by the cloud of incense from the gaze of the unholy eye of man, and so he might separate himself reverentially from it, that the person approaching might not be seized with destruction.
But as burning incense was a symbol of prayer, this covering of the capporeth with the cloud of incense was a symbolical covering of the glory of the Most Holy One with prayer to God, in order that He might not see the sin, nor suffer His holy wrath to break forth upon the sinner, but might graciously accept, in the blood of the sin-offering, the souls for which it was presented. Being thus protected by the incense from the wrath of the holy God, he was to sprinkle (once) some of the blood of the ox with his finger, first upon the capporeth in front, i.e., not upon the top of the capporeth, but merely upon or against the front of it, and then seven times before the capporeth, i.e., upon the ground in front of it. It is here assumed as a matter of course, that when the offering of incense was finished, he would necessarily come out of the most holy place again, and go to the altar of burnt-offering to fetch some of the blood of the ox which had been slaughtered there.
LEVITICUS. 16:15
After this he was to slay the he-goat as a sin-offering for the nation, for which purpose, of course, he must necessarily come back to the court again, and then take the blood of the goat into the most holy place, and do just the same with it as he had already done with that of the ox. A double sprinkling took place in both cases, first upon or against the capporeth, and then seven times in front of the capporeth. The first sprinkling, which was performed once only, was for the expiation of the sins, first of the high priest and his house, and then of the congregation of Israel (Leviticus 4:7, and 18); the second, which was repeated seven times, was for the expiation of the sanctuary from the sins of the people. This is implied in the words of v. 16a, “and so shall he make expiation for the most holy place, on account of the uncleanness of the children of Israel, and on account of their transgressions with regard to all their sins,” which refer to both the sacrifices; since Aaron first of all expiated the sins of the priesthood, and the uncleanness with which the priesthood had stained the sanctuary through their sin, by the blood of the bullock of the sin-offering; and then the sins of the nation, and the uncleannesses with which it had defiled the sanctuary, by the he-goat, which was also slain as a sin-offering. f186 16b,17. “And so shall he do to the tabernacle of the congregation that dwelleth among them.” (i.e., has its place among them, Joshua 22:19) “in the midst of their uncleanness.” The holy things were rendered unclean, not only by the sins of those who touched them, but by the uncleanness, i.e., the bodily manifestations of the sin of the nation; so that they also required a yearly expiation and cleansing through the expiatory blood of sacrifice.
By ohel moed, “the tabernacle of the congregation,” in vv. 16 and 17, as well as vv. 20 and 33, we are to understand the holy place of the tabernacle, to which the name of the whole is applied on account of its occupying the principal space in the dwelling, and in distinction from kodesh (the holy), which is used in this chapter to designate the most holy place, or the space at the back of the dwelling. It follows still further from this, that by the altar in v. 18, and also in v. 20 and 33, which is mentioned here as the third portion of the entire sanctuary, we are to understand the altar of burnt-offering in the court, and not the altar of incense, as the Rabbins and most of the commentators assume.
This rabbinical view cannot be sustained, either from Exodus 30:10 or from the context. Exodus 30:10 simply prescribes a yearly expiation of the altar of incense on the day of atonement; and this is implied in the words “so shall he do,” in v. 16b. For these words can only mean, that in the same way in which he had expiated the most holy place he was also to expiate the holy place of the tabernacle, in which the altar of incense took the place of the ark of the covenant of the most holy place; so that the expiation was performed by his putting blood, in the first place, upon the horns of the altar, and then sprinkling it seven times upon the ground in front of it. The expression “go out” in v. 18 refers, not to his going out of the most holy into the holy place, but to his going out of the ohel moed (or holy place) into the court.
LEVITICUS. 16:17
There was to be no one in the ohel moed when Aaron went into it to make expiation in the most holy place, until he came out (of the tabernacle) again; not because no one but the chief servant of Jehovah was worthy to be near or present either as spectator or assistant at this sacred act before Jehovah (Knobel), but because no unholy person was to defile by his presence the sanctuary, which had just been cleansed; just as no layman at all was allowed to enter the holy place, or could go with impunity into the presence of the holy God.
LEVITICUS. 16:18-19
After he had made atonement for the dwelling, Aaron was to expiate the altar in the court, by first of all putting some of the blood of the bullock and he-goat upon the horns of the altar, and then sprinkling it seven times with his finger, and thus cleansing and sanctifying it from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel. The application of blood to the horns of the altar was intended to expiate the sins of the priests as well as those of the nation; just as in the case of ordinary sin-offerings it expiated the sins of individual members of the nation (Leviticus 4:25,30,34), to which the priests also belonged; and the sevenfold sprinkling effected the purification of the place of sacrifice from the uncleannesses of the congregation.
The meaning of the sprinkling of blood upon the capporeth and the horns of the two altars was the same as in the case of every sin-offering (see pp. 509 and 523). The peculiar features in the expiatory ritual of the day of atonement were the following. In the first place, the blood of both sacrifices was taken not merely into the holy place, but into the most holy, and sprinkled directly upon the throne of God. This was done to show that the true atonement could only take place before the throne of God Himself, and that the sinner was only then truly reconciled to God, and placed in the full and living fellowship of peace with God, when he could come directly to the throne of God, and not merely to the place where, although the Lord indeed manifested His grace to him, He was still separated from him by a curtain. In this respect, therefore, the bringing of the blood of atonement into the most holy place had a prophetic signification, and was a predictive sign that the curtain, which then separated Israel from its God, would one day be removed, and that with the entrance of the full and eternal atonement free access would be opened to the throne of the Lord. The second peculiarity in this act of atonement was the sprinkling of the blood seven times upon the holy places, the floor of the holy of holies and holy place, and the altar of the court; also the application of blood to the media of atonement in the three divisions of the tabernacle, for the cleansing of the holy places from the uncleanness of the children of Israel. As this uncleanness cannot be regarded as consisting of physical defilement, but simply as the ideal effluence of their sins, which had been transferred to the objects in question; so, on the other hand, the cleansing of the holy places can only be understood as consisting in an ideal transference of the influence of the atoning blood to the inanimate objects which had been defiled by sin.
If the way in which the sacrificial blood, regarded as the expiation of souls, produced its cleansing effects was, that by virtue thereof the sin was covered over, whilst the sinner was reconciled to God and received forgiveness of sin and the means of sanctification, we must regard the sindestroying virtue of the blood as working in the same way also upon the objects defiled by sin, namely, that powers were transferred to them which removed the effects proceeding from sin, and in this way wiped out the uncleanness of the children of Israel that was in them. This communication of purifying powers to the holy things was represented by the sprinkling of the atoning blood upon and against them, and indeed by their being sprinkled seven times, to set forth the communication as raised to an efficiency corresponding to its purpose, and to impress upon it the stamp of a divine act through the number seven, which was sanctified by the work of God in creation.
LEVITICUS. 16:20-22
After the completion of the expiation and cleansing of the holy things, Aaron was to bring up the live goat, i.e., to have it brought before the altar of burnt-offering, and placing both his hands upon its head, to confess all the sins and transgressions of the children of Israel upon it, and so put them upon its head. He was then to send the goat away into the desert by a man who was standing ready, that it might carry all its sins upon it into a land cut off; and there the man was to set the goat at liberty. `yTi[i , aJpa>x leg . from `t[e an appointed time, signifies opportune, present at the right time, or ready. hr;zeG] , which is also met with in this passage alone, from rzæG; to cut, or cut off, that which is severed, a country cut off from others, not connected by roads with any inhabited land. “The goat was not to find its way back” (Knobel). To understand clearly the meaning of this symbolical rite, we must start from the fact, that according to the distinct words of v. 5, the two goats were to serve as a sin-offering ( ha;F;jæ ). They were both of them devoted, therefore, to one and the same purpose, as was pointed out by the Talmudists, who laid down the law on that very account, that they were to be exactly alike, colore, statura, et valore. The living goat, therefore, is not to be regarded merely as the bearer of the sin to be taken away, but as quite as truly a sinoffering as the one that was slaughtered. It was appointed `l[æ rpæK; (v. 10), i.e., not that an expiatory rite might be performed over it, for `l[æ with rpæK; always applies to the object of the expiation, but properly to expiate it, i.e., to make it the object of the expiation, or make expiation with it.
To this end the sins of the nation were confessed upon it with the laying on of hands, and thus symbolically laid upon its head, that it might bear them, and when sent into the desert carry them away thither. The sins, which were thus laid upon its head by confession, were the sins of Israel, which had already been expiated by the sacrifice of the other goat. To understand, however, how the sins already expiated could still be confessed and laid upon the living goat, it is not sufficient to say, with Bähr, that the expiation with blood represented merely a covering or covering up of the sin, and that in order to impress upon the expiation the stamp of the greatest possible completeness and perfection, a supplement was appended, which represented the carrying away and removal of the sin. For in the case of every sin-offering for the congregation, in addition to the covering or forgiveness of sin represented by the sprinkling of blood, the removal or abolition of it was also represented by the burning of the flesh of the sacrifice; and this took place in the present instance also. As both goats were intended for a sin-offering, the sins of the nation were confessed upon both, and placed upon the heads of both by the laying on of hands; though it is of the living goat only that this is expressly recorded, being omitted in the case of the other, because the rule laid down in Leviticus 4:4ff. was followed. f187 By both Israel was delivered from all sins and transgressions; but by the one, upon which the lot “for Jehovah” fell, it was so with regard to Jehovah; by the other, upon which the lot “for Azazel” fell, with regard to Azazel. With regard to Jehovah, or in relation to Jehovah, the sins were wiped away by the sacrifice of the goat; the sprinkling of the blood setting forth their forgiveness, and the burning of the animal the blotting of them out; and with this the separation of the congregation from Jehovah because of its sin was removed, and living fellowship with God restored. But Israel had also been brought by its sin into a distinct relation to Azazel, the head of the evil spirits; and it was necessary that this should be brought to an end, if reconciliation with God was to be perfectly secured. This complete deliverance from sin and its author was symbolized in the leading away of the goat, which had been laden with the sins, into the desert.
This goat was to take back the sins, which God had forgiven to His congregation, into the desert to Azazel, the father of all sin, in the one hand as a proof that his evil influences upon men would be of no avail in the case of those who had received expiation from God, and on the other hand as a proof to the congregation also that those who were laden with sin could not remain in the kingdom of God, but would be banished to the abode of evil spirits, unless they were redeemed therefrom. This last point, it is true, is not expressly mentioned in the test; but it is evident from the fate which necessarily awaited the goat, when driven into the wilderness in the “land cut off.” It would be sure to perish out there in the desert, that is to say, to suffer just what a winner would have to endure if his sins remained upon him; though probably it is only a later addition, not founded in the law, which we find in the Mishnah, Joma vi. 6, viz., that the goat was driven headlong from a rock in the desert, and dashed to pieces at the foot. There is not the slightest idea of presenting a sacrifice to Azazel. This goat was a sin-offering, only so far as it was laden with the sins of the people to carry them away into the desert; and in this respect alone is there a resemblance between the two goats and the two birds used in the purification of the leper (Leviticus 14:4ff.), of which the one to be set free was bathed in the blood of the one that was killed. In both cases the reason for making use of two animals is to be found purely in the physical impossibility of combining all the features, that had to be set forth in the sin-offering, in one single animal.
LEVITICUS. 16:23-25
After the living goat had been sent away, Aaron was to go into the tabernacle, i.e., the holy place of the dwelling, and there take off his white clothes and lay them down, i.e., put them away, because they were only to be worn in the performance of the expiatory ritual of this day, and then bathe his body in the holy place, i.e., in the court, in the laver between the altar and the door of the dwelling, probably because the act of laying the sins upon the goat rendered him unclean. He was then to put on his clothes, i.e., the coloured state-dress of the high priest, and to offer in this the burnt-offerings, for an atonement for himself and the nation (see Leviticus 1:4), and to burn the fat portions of the sin-offerings upon the altar.
LEVITICUS. 16:26-28
The man who took the goat into the desert, and those who burned the two sin-offerings outside the camp (see at Leviticus 4:11,21), had also to wash their clothes and bathe their bodies before they returned to the camp, because they had been defiled by the animals laden with sin.
LEVITICUS. 16:29-31
“General directions for the yearly celebration of the day of atonement. — It was to be kept on the tenth day of the seventh month, as an “everlasting statute” (see at Exodus 12:14). On that day the Israelites were to “afflict their souls,” i.e., to fast, according to Leviticus 23:32, from the evening of the 9th till the evening of the 10th day. Every kind of work was to be suspended as on the Sabbath (Exodus 20:10), by both natives and foreigners (see Exodus 12:49), because this day was a high Sabbath (Exodus 31:15). Both fasting and sabbatical rest are enjoined again in Leviticus 23:27ff. and Numbers 29:7, on pain of death. The fasting commanded for this day, the only fasting prescribed in the law, is most intimately connected with the signification of the feast of atonement. If the general atonement made on this day was not to pass into a dead formal service, the people must necessarily enter in spirit into the signification of the act of expiation, prepare their souls for it with penitential feelings, and manifest this penitential state by abstinence from the ordinary enjoyments of life. To “afflict (bow, humble) the soul,” by restraining the earthly appetites, which have their seat in the soul, is the early Mosaic expression for fasting ( µWx ). The latter word came first of all into use in the time of the Judges (Judges 20:26; 1 Samuel 7:6; cf. Psalm 35:13: “I afflicted my soul with fasting”). “By bowing his soul the Israelite was to place himself in an inward relation to the sacrifice, whose soul was given for his soul; and by this state of mind, answering to the outward proceedings of the day, he was to appropriate the fruit of it to himself, namely, the reconciliation of his soul, which passed through the animal’s death” (Baumgarten). LEVITICUS 16:32-34 In the future, the priest who was anointed and set apart for the duty of the priesthood in his father’s stead, i.e., the existing high priest, was to perform the act of expiation in the manner prescribed, and that “once a year.” The yearly repetition of the general atonement showed that the sacrifices of the law were not sufficient to make the servant of God perfect according to this own conscience. And this imperfection of the expiation, made with the blood of bullocks and goats, could not fail to awaken a longing for the perfect sacrifice of the eternal High Priest, who has obtained eternal redemption by entering once, through His own blood, into the holiest of all (Hebrews 9:7-12). And just as this was effected negatively, so by the fact that the high priest entered on this day into the holiest of all, as the representative of the whole congregation, and there, before the throne of God, completed its reconciliation with Him, was the necessity exhibited in a positive manner for the true reconciliation of man, and his introduction into a perfect and abiding fellowship with Him, and the eventual realization of this by the blood of the Son of God, our eternal High Priest and Mediator, prophetically foreshadowed. The closing words in v. 34, “and he (i.e., Aaron, to whom Moses was to communicate the instructions of God concerning the feast of atonement, v. 2) did as the Lord commanded Moses,” are anticipatory in their character, like Exodus 12:50. For the law in question could not be carried out till the seventh month of the current year, that is to say, as we find from a comparison of Numbers 10:11 with Exodus 40:17, not till after the departure of Israel from Sinai.
II. LAWS FOR THE SANCTIFICATION OF ISRAEL IN THE COVENANT-FELLOWSHIP OF ITS GOD. Holiness of Conduct on the Part of the Israelites.
The contents of these four chapters have been very fittingly summed up by Baumgarten in the following heading: “Israel is not to walk in the way of the heathen and of the Canaanites, but in the ordinances of Jehovah,” as all the commandments contained in them relate to holiness of life. LEVITICUS 17:1. Holiness of Food.
The Israelites were not to slaughter domestic animals as food either within or outside the camp, but before the door of the tabernacle, and as slainofferings, that the blood and fat might be offered to Jehovah. They were not to sacrifice any more to field-devils (vv. 3-7), and were to offer all their burnt-offerings or slain-offerings before the door of the tabernacle (vv. and 9); and they were not to eat either blood or carrion (vv. 10-16). These laws are not intended simply as supplements to the food laws in ch. 11; but they place the eating of food on the part of the Israelites in the closest relation with their calling as the holy nation of Jehovah, on the one hand to oppose an effectual barrier to the inclination of the people to idolatrous sacrificial meals, on the other hand to give a consecrated character to the food of the people in harmony with their calling, that it might be received with thanksgiving and sanctified with prayer (1 Tim 4:4-5).
LEVITICUS. 17:1-2
Verse 1-2. The directions are given to “Aaron and his sons, and all the children of Israel,” because they were not only binding upon the nation generally, but upon the priesthood also; whereas the instructions in ch. 18- 20 are addressed to “the children of Israel,” or “the whole congregation” (Leviticus 18:2; 19:2; 20:2), just as special laws are laid down for the priests in ch. 20 and 21 with reference to the circumstances mentioned there.
LEVITICUS. 17:3-7
Whoever of the house of Israel slaughtered an ox, sheep, or goat, either within or outside the camp, without bringing the animal to the tabernacle, to offer a sacrifice therefrom to the Lord, “blood was to be reckoned to him;” that is to say, as the following expression, “he hath shed blood,” shows, such slaughtering was to be reckoned as the shedding of blood, or blood-guiltiness, and punished with extermination (see Genesis 17:14). The severity of this prohibition required some explanation, and this is given in the reason assigned in vv. 5-7, viz., “that the Israelites may bring their slain-offerings, which they slay in the open field, before the door of the tabernacle, as peace-offerings to Jehovah,” and “no more offer their sacrifices to the ry[ic; , after whom they go a whoring” (v. 7). This reason presupposes that the custom of dedicating the slain animals as sacrifices to some deity, to which a portion of them was offered, was then widely spread among the Israelites. It had probably been adopted from the Egyptians; though this is not expressly stated by ancient writers: Herodotus (i. 132) and Strabo (xv. 732) simply mentioning it as a Persian custom, whilst the law book of Manu ascribes it to the Indians. To root out this idolatrous custom from among the Israelites, they were commanded to slay every animal before the tabernacle, as a sacrificial gift to Jehovah, and to bring the slain-offerings, which they would have slain in the open field, to the priest at the tabernacle, as shelamim (praise-offerings and thankofferings), that he might sprinkle the blood upon the altar, and burn the fat as a sweet-smelling savour for Jehovah (see Leviticus 3:2-5). “The face of the field” (v. 5, as in Leviticus 14:7,53): the open field, in distinction from the enclosed space of the court of Jehovah’s dwelling. “The altar of Jehovah” is spoken of in v. 6 instead of “the altar” only (Leviticus 1:5; 11:15, etc.), on account of the contrast drawn between it and the altars upon which they offered sacrifice to Seirim. ry[ic; , literally goats, is here used to signify daemones (Vulg.), “field-devils” (Luther), demons, like the dve in Deuteronomy 32:17, who were supposed to inhabit the desert (Isaiah 13:21; 34:14), and whose pernicious influence they sought to avert by sacrifices.
The Israelites had brought this superstition, and the idolatry to which it gave rise, from Egypt. The Seirim were the gods whom the Israelites worshipped and went a whoring after in Egypt (Joshua 24:14; Ezekiel 20:7; 23:3,8,19,21,27). Both the thing and the name were derived from the Egyptians, who worshipped goats as gods (Josephus c. Ap. 2, 7), particularly Pan, who was represented in the form of a goat, a personification of the male and fertilizing principle in nature, whom they called Mendes and reckoned among the eight leading gods, and to whom they had built a splendid and celebrated temple in Thmuis, the capital of the Mendesian Nomos in Lower Egypt, and erected statues in the temples in all directions (cf. Herod. 2, 42, 46; Strabo, xvii. 802; Diod. Sic. i. 18). The expression “a statute for ever” refers to the principle of the law, that sacrifices were to be offered to Jehovah alone, and not to the law that every animal was to be slain before the tabernacle, which was afterwards repealed by Moses, when they were about to enter Canaan, where it could no longer be carried out (Deuteronomy 12:15). LEVITICUS 17:8-16 To this there are appended three laws, which are kindred in their nature, and which were binding not only upon the Israelites, but also upon the foreigners who dwelt in the midst of them.
Verse 8-12. Vv. 8, 9 contain the command, that whoever offered a burntoffering of slain-offering, and did not bring it to the tabernacle to prepare it for Jehovah there, was to be exterminated; a command which involved the prohibition of sacrifice in any other place whatever, and was given, as the further extension of this law in Deuteronomy 12 clearly proves, for the purpose of suppressing the disposition to offer sacrifice to other gods, as well as in other places. In vv. 10-14 the prohibition of the eating of blood is repeated, and ordered to be observed on pain of extermination; it is also extended to the strangers in Israel; and after a more precise explanation of the reason for the law, is supplemented by instructions for the disposal of the blood of edible game. God threatens that He will inflict the punishment Himself, because the eating of blood was a transgression of the law which might easily escape the notice of the authorities. “To set one’s face against:” i.e., to judge. The reason for the command in v. 11, “For the soul of the flesh (the soul which gives life to the flesh) is in the blood, and I have given it to you upon the altar, to make an atonement for your souls,” is not a double one, viz., (1) because the blood contained the soul of the animal, and (2) because God had set apart the blood, as the medium of expiation for the human soul, for the altar, i.e., to be sprinkled upon the altar.
The first reason simply forms the foundation for the second: God appointed the blood for the altar, as containing the soul of the animal, to be the medium of expiation for the souls of men, and therefore prohibited its being used as food. “For the blood it expiates by virtue of the soul,” not “the soul” itself. b¦ with rpæK; has only a local or instrumental signification (Leviticus 6:23; 16:17,27; also 7:7; 29:33; 5:8). Accordingly, it was not the blood as such, but the blood as the vehicle of the soul, which possessed expiatory virtue; because the animal soul was offered to God upon the altar as a substitute for the human soul. Hence every bleeding sacrifice had an expiatory force, though without being an expiatory sacrifice in the strict sense of the word. Verse 13. The blood also of such hunted game as was edible, whether bird or beast, was not to be eaten either by the Israelite or stranger, but to be poured out and covered with earth. In Deuteronomy 12:16 and 24, where the command to slay all the domestic animals at the tabernacle as slainofferings is repealed, this is extended to such domestic animals as were slaughtered for food; their blood also was not to be eaten, but to be poured upon the earth “like water,” i.e., not quasi rem profanam et nullo ritu sacro (Rosenmüller, etc.), but like water which is poured upon the earth, sucked in by it, and thus given back to the womb of the earth, from which God had caused the animals to come forth at their creation (Genesis 1:24). Hence pouring it out upon the earth like water was substantially the same as pouring it out and covering it with earth (cf. Ezekiel 24:7-8); and the purpose of the command was to prevent the desecration of the vehicle of the soulish life, which was sanctified as the medium of expiation.
Verse 14-16. “For as for the soul of all flesh...its blood makes out its soul:” i.e., “this is the case with the soul of all flesh, that it is its blood which makes out its soul.” vp,n, is to be taken as a predicate in its meaning, introduced with beth essentiale. It is only as so understood, that the clause supplies a reason at all in harmony with the context. Because the distinguishing characteristic of the blood as, that it was the soul of the being when living in the flesh; therefore it was not to be eaten in the case of any animal: and even in the case of animals that were not proper for sacrifice, it was to be allowed to run out upon the ground, and then covered with earth, or, so to speak, buried. f188 Lastly (vv. 15, 16), the prohibition against eating “that which died” (Leviticus 11:39-40), or “that which was torn” (Exodus 22:30), is renewed and supplemented by the law, that whoever, either of the natives or of foreigners, should eat the flesh of that which had fallen (died a natural death), or had been torn in pieces by wild beasts (sc., thoughtlessly or in ignorance; cf. Leviticus 5:2), and neglected the legal purification afterwards, was to bear his iniquity (Leviticus 5:1).
Of course the flesh intended is that of animals which were clean, and therefore allowable as food, when properly slaughtered, and which became unclean simply from the fact, that when they had died a natural death, or had been torn to pieces by wild beasts, the blood remained in the flesh, or did not flow out in a proper manner. According to Exodus 22:30, the hl;ben] (that which had fallen) was to be thrown to the dogs; but in Deuteronomy 14:21 permission is given either to sell it or give it to a stranger or alien, to prevent the plea that it was a pity that such a thing should be entirely wasted, and so the more effectually to secure the observance of the command, that it was not to be eaten by an Israelite.
LEVITICUS. 18:1-5
Holiness of the Marriage Relation.
The prohibition of incest and similar sensual abominations is introduced with a general warning as to the licentious customs of the Egyptians and Canaanites, and an exhortation to walk in the judgments and ordinances of Jehovah (vv. 2-5), and is brought to a close with a threatening allusion to the consequences of all such defilements (vv. 24-30).
Verse 1-4. By the words, “I am Jehovah your God,” which are placed at the head and repeated at the close (v. 30), the observance of the command is enforced upon the people as a covenant obligation, and urged upon them most strongly by the promise, that through the observance of the ordinances and judgments of Jehovah they should live (v. 5).
Verse 5. “The man who does them (the ordinances of Jehovah) shall live (gain true life) through them” (see at Exodus 1:16 and Genesis 3:22).
LEVITICUS. 18:6-7
The laws against incest are introduced in v. 6 with the general prohibition, descriptive of the nature of this sin, “None of you shall approach wOrc;B] raec]AlK;Ala, to any flesh of his flesh, to uncover nakedness.” The difference between raev] flesh, and rc;B; flesh, is involved in obscurity, as both words are used in connection with edible flesh (see the Lexicons). “Flesh of his flesh” is a flesh that is of his own flesh, belongs to the same flesh as himself (Genesis 2:24), and is applied to a blood-relation, bloodrelationship being called hr;avæ (or flesh-kindred) in Hebrew (v. 17).
Sexual intercourse is called uncovering the nakedness of another (Ezekiel 16:36; 23:18). The prohibition relates to both married and unmarried intercourse, though the reference is chiefly to the former (see v. 18; Leviticus 20:14,17,21). Intercourse is forbidden (1) with a mother, (2) with a step-mother, (3) with a sister or half-sister, (4) with a granddaughter, the daughter of either son or daughter, (5) with the daughter of a step-mother, (6) with an aunt, the sister of either father or mother, (7) with the wife of an uncle on the father’s side, (8) with a daughter-in-law, (9) with a sister-in-law, or brother’s wife, (10) with a woman and her daughter, or a woman and her granddaughter, and (11) with two sisters at the same time.
No special reference is made to sexual intercourse with (a) a daughter, (b) a full sister, (c) a mother-in-law; the last, however, which is mentioned in Deuteronomy 27:23 as an accursed crime, is included here in No. 10, and the second in No. 3, whilst the first, like parricide in Exodus 21:15, is not expressly noticed, simply because the crime was regarded as one that never could occur. Those mentioned under Nos. 1, 2, 3, 8, and 10 were to be followed by the death or extermination of the criminals (Leviticus 20:11-12,14,17), on account of their being accursed crimes (Deuteronomy 23:1; 27:20,22-23). On the other hand, the only threat held out in the case of the connection mentioned under Nos. 6, 7, and 9, was that those who committed such crimes should bear their iniquity, or die childless (Leviticus 20:19-21). The cases noticed under Nos. 4 and 5 are passed over in ch. 20, though they no doubt belonged to the crimes which were to be punished with death, and No. 11, for which no punishment was fixed, because the wrong had been already pointed out in v. 18. f189 Elaborate commentaries upon this chapter are to be found in Michaelis Abhandl. über die Ehegesetze Mosis, and his Mos. Recht; also in Saalschütz Mos. Recth. See also my Archäologie ii. p. 108. For the rabbinical laws and those of the Talmud, see Selden oxur ebr. lib. 1, c. 1ff., and Saalschütz ut sup.
The enumeration of the different cases commences in v. 7 very appropriately with the prohibition of incest with a mother. Sexual connection with a mother is called “uncovering the nakedness of father and mother.” As husband and wife are one flesh (Genesis 2:24), the nakedness of the husband is uncovered in that of his wife, or, as it is described in Deuteronomy 22:30; 27:20, the wing, i.e., the edge, of the bedclothes of the father’s bed, as the husband spreads his bedclothes over his wife as well as himself (Ruth 3:9). For, strictly speaking, `hw;r][, hl,G, is only used with reference to the wife; but in the dishonouring of his wife the honour of the husband is violated also, and his bed defiled, Genesis 49:4. It is wrong, therefore, to interpret the verse, as Jonathan and Clericus do, as relating to carnal intercourse between a daughter and father. Not only is this at variance with the circumstance that all these laws are intended for the man alone, and addressed expressly to him, but also with v. 8, where the nakedness of the father’s wife is distinctly called the father’s shame.
LEVITICUS. 18:8
Intercourse with a father’s wife, i.e., with a step-mother, is forbidden as uncovering the father’s nakedness; since a father’s wife stood in bloodrelationship only to the son whose mother she was. But for the father’s sake her nakedness was to be inaccessible to the son, and uncovering it was to be punished with death as incest (Leviticus 20:11; Deuteronomy 27:20). By the “father’s wife” we are probably to understand not merely his full lawful wife, but his concubine also, since the father’s bed was defiled in the latter case no less than in the former (Genesis 49:4), and an accursed crime was committed, the punishment of which was death. At all events, it cannot be inferred from Leviticus 19:20-22 and Exodus 21:9, as Knobel supposes, that a milder punishment was inflicted in this case.
LEVITICUS. 18:9
By the sister, the daughter of father or mother, we are to understand only the step- or half-sister, who had either the same father or the same mother as the brother had. The clause, “whether born at home or born abroad,” does not refer to legitimate or illegitimate birth, but is to be taken as a more precise definition of the words, daughter of thy father or of thy mother, and understood, as Lud. de Dieu supposes, as referring to the halfsister “of the first marriage, whether the father’s daughter left by a deceased wife, or the mother’s daughter left by a deceased husband,” so that the person marrying her would be a son by a second marriage. Sexual intercourse with a half-sister is described as dseje in Leviticus 20:17, and threatened with extermination. This word generally signifies sparing love, favour, grace; but here, as in Prov 14:34, it means dishonour, shame, from the Piel chiceed, to dishonour.
LEVITICUS. 18:10
The prohibition of marriage with a granddaughter, whether the daughter of a son or daughter, is explained in the words, “for they are thy nakedness,” the meaning of which is, that as they were directly descended from the grandfather, carnal intercourse with them would be equivalent to dishonouring his own flesh and blood.
LEVITICUS. 18:11
“The daughter of thy father’s wife (i.e., thy step-mother), born to thy father,” is the half-sister by a second marriage; and the prohibition refers to the son by a first marriage, whereas v. 9 treats of the son by a second marriage. The notion that the man’s own mother is also included, and that the prohibition includes marriage with a full sister, is at variance with the usage of the expression “thy father’s wife.”
LEVITICUS. 18:12-13
Marriage or conjugal intercourse with the sister of either father or mother (i.e., with either the paternal or maternal aunt) was prohibited, because she was the blood-relation of the father or mother. raev] = rc;B; raev] (v. 6, as in Leviticus 20:19; 21:2; Numbers 27:11), hence hr;avæ , blood-relationship (v. 17).
LEVITICUS. 18:14
So, again, with the wife of the father’s brother, because the nakedness of the uncle was thereby uncovered. The threat held out in Leviticus 20:19 and 20 against the alliances prohibited in vv. 12-14, is that the persons concerned should bear their iniquity or sin, i.e., should suffer punishment in consequence (see at Leviticus 5:1); and in the last case it is stated that they should die childless. From this it is obvious that sexual connection with the sister of either father or mother was not to be punished with death by the magistrate, but would be punished with disease by God Himself. LEVITICUS 18:15 Sexual connection with a daughter-in-law, a son’s wife, is called lb,T, in Leviticus 20:12, and threatened with death to both the parties concerned. lb,T, , from llæB; to mix, to confuse, signifies a sinful mixing up or confusing of the divine ordinances by unnatural unchastity, like the lying of a woman with a beast, which is the only other connection in which the word occurs (v. 23).
LEVITICUS. 18:16
Marriage with a brother’s wife was a sin against the brother’s nakedness, a sexual defilement, which God would punish with barrenness. This prohibition, however, only refers to cases in which the deceased brother had left children; for if he had died childless, the brother not only might, but was required to marry his sister-in-law (Deuteronomy 25:5).
LEVITICUS. 18:16
Marriage with a brother’s wife was a sin against the brother’s nakedness, a sexual defilement, which God would punish with barrenness. This prohibition, however, only refers to cases in which the deceased brother had left children; for if he had died childless, the brother not only might, but was required to marry his sister-in-law (Deuteronomy 25:5).
LEVITICUS. 18:17
Marriage with a woman and her daughter, whether both together or in succession, is described in Deuteronomy 27:20 as an accursed lying with the mother-in-law; whereas here it is the relation to the step-daughter which is primarily referred to, as we may see from the parallel prohibition, which is added, against taking the daughter of her son or daughter, i.e., the granddaughter-in-law. Both of these were crimes against bloodrelationship which were to be punished with death in the case of both parties (Leviticus 20:14), because they were “wickedness,” hM;zi , lit., invention, design, here applied to the crime of licentiousness and whoredom (Leviticus 19:29; Judges 20:6; Job 31:11). LEVITICUS 18:18 Lastly, it was forbidden to take a wife to her sister ( `l[æ upon her, as in Genesis 28:9; 31:50) in her life-time, that is to say, to marry two sisters at the same time, rræx; “to pack together, to uncover this nakedness,” i.e., to pack both together into one marriage bond, and so place the sisters in carnal union through their common husband, and disturb the sisterly relation, as the marriage with two sisters that was forced upon Jacob had evidently done. No punishment is fixed for the marriage with two sisters; and, of course, after the death of the first wife a man was at liberty to marry her sister.
LEVITICUS. 18:19-23
Prohibition of other kinds of unchastity and of unnatural crimes. — V. prohibits intercourse with a woman during her uncleanness. ha;m]fu hD;ni signifies the uncleanness of a woman’s hemorrhage, whether menstruation or after childbirth, which is called in Leviticus 12:7; 20:18, the fountain of bleeding. The guilty persons were both of them to be cut off from their nation according to Leviticus 20:18, i.e., to be punished with death.
Verse 20. “To a neighbour’s wife thou shalt not give tb,kov, thy pouring as seed” (i.e., make her pregnant), “to defile thyself with her,” viz., by the emissio seminis (Leviticus 15:16-17), a defilement which was to be punished as adultery by the stoning to death of both parties (Leviticus 20:10; Deuteronomy 22:22, cf. John 9:5).
Verse 21. To bodily unchastity there is appended a prohibition of spiritual whoredom. “Thou shalt not give of thy seed to cause to pass through (sc., the fire; Deuteronomy 18:10) for Moloch.” Ël,mo is constantly written with the article: it is rendered by the LXX a>rcwn both here and in Leviticus 20:2ff., but oJ Molo>c basileu>v in other places (2 Kings 23:10; Jeremiah 32:35). Moloch was an old Canaanitish idol, called by the Phoenicians and Carthaginians Melkarth, Baal-melech, Malcom, and other such names, and related to Baal, a sun-god worshipped, like Kronos and Saturn, by the sacrifice of children. It was represented by a brazen statue, which was hollow and capable of being heated, and formed with a bull’s head, and arms stretched out to receive the children to be sacrificed. From the time of Ahaz children were slain at Jerusalem in the valley of Ben-hinnom, and then sacrificed by being laid in the heated arms and burned (Ezekiel 16:20- 21; 20:31; Jeremiah 32:35; 2 Kings 23:10; 16:3; 17:17; 21:6, cf. Psalm 106:37-38).
Now although this offering of children in the valley of Ben-hinnom is called a “slaughtering” by Ezekiel (Ezekiel 16:21), and a “burning through (in the) fire” by Jeremiah (Jeremiah 7:31), and although, in the times of the later kings, children were actually given up to Moloch and burned as slainofferings, even among the Israelites; it by no means follows from this, that “passing through to Moloch,” or “passing through the fire,” or “passing through the fire to Moloch” (2 Kings 23:10), signified slaughtering and burning with fire, though this has been almost unanimously assumed since the time of Clericus. But according to the unanimous explanation of the Rabbins, fathers, and earlier theologians, “causing to pass through the fire” denoted primarily going through the fire without burning, a februation, or purification through fire, by which the children were consecrated to Moloch; a kind of fire-baptism, which preceded the sacrificing, and was performed, particularly in olden time, without actual sacrificing, or slaying and burning.
For februation was practised among the most different nations without being connected with human sacrifices; and, like most of the idolatrous rites of the heathen, no doubt the worship of Moloch assumed different forms at different times and among different nations. If the Israelites had really sacrificed their children to Moloch, i.e., had slain and burned them, before the time of Ahaz, the burning would certainly have been mentioned before; for Solomon had built a high place upon the mountain to the east of Jerusalem for Moloch, the abomination of the children of Ammon, to please his foreign wives (1 Kings 11:7: see the Art. Moloch in Herzog’s Cycl.). This idolatrous worship was to be punished with death by stoning, as a desecration of the name of Jehovah, and a defiling of His sanctuary (Leviticus 20:3), i.e., as a practical contempt of the manifestations of the grace of the living God (Leviticus 20:2-3).
Verse 22-23. Lastly, it was forbidden to “lie with mankind as with womankind,” i.e., to commit the crime of paederastia, that sin of Sodom (Genesis 19:5), to which the whole of the heathen were more or less addicted (Romans 1:27), and from which even the Israelites did not keep themselves free (Judges 19:22ff.); or to “lie with any beast.” “Into no beast shalt thou give thine emission of seed,...and a woman shall not place herself before a beast to lie down thereto.” [bær; = xbær; “to lie,” is the term used particularly to denote a crime of this description (Leviticus 20:13 and 15, 16, cf. Exodus 22:18). Lying with animals was connected in Egypt with the worship of the goat; at Mendes especially, where the women lay down before he-goats (Herodotus, 2, 46; Strabo, 17, p. 802). Aelian (nat. an. vii. 19) relates an account of the crime being also committed with a dog in Rome; and according to Sonnini, R. 11, p. 330, in modern Egypt men are said to lie even with female crocodiles.
LEVITICUS. 18:24-30
In the concluding exhortation God pointed expressly to the fact, that the nations which He was driving out before the Israelites (the participle jlæv; is used of that which is certainly and speedily coming to pass) had defiled the land by such abominations as those, that He had visited their iniquity and the land had spat out its inhabitants, and warned the Israelites to beware of these abominations, that the land might not spit them out as it had the Canaanites before them. The pret. awOq (v. 25) and awOq (v. 28) are prophetic (cf. Leviticus 20:22-23), and the expression is poetical. The land is personified as a living creature, which violently rejects food that it dislikes. “Hoc enim tropo vult significare Scriptura enormitatem criminum, quod scilicet ipsae creaturae irrationales suo creatori semper obedientes et pro illo pugnantes detestentur peccatores tales eosque terra quasi evomat, cum illi expelluntur ab ea” (C. a Lap.).
LEVITICUS. 19:1
Holiness of Behaviour Towards God and Man.
However manifold the commandments, which are grouped together rather according to a loose association of ideas than according to any logical arrangement, they are all linked together by the common purpose expressed in v. 2 in the words, “Ye shall be holy, for I am holy, Jehovah your God.” The absence of any strictly logical arrangement is to be explained chiefly from the nature of the object, and the great variety of circumstances occurring in life which no casuistry can fully exhaust, so that any attempt to throw light upon these relations must consist more or less of the description of a series of concrete events. LEVITICUS 19:2-8 The commandment in v. 2, “to be holy as God is holy,” expresses on the one hand the principle upon which all the different commandments that follow were based, and on the other hand the goal which the Israelites were to keep before them as the nation of Jehovah.
Verse 3. The first thing required is reverence towards parents and the observance of the Lord’s Sabbaths-the two leading pillars of the moral government, and of social well-being. To fear father and mother answers to the honour commanded in the decalogue to be paid to parents; and in the observance of the Sabbaths the labour connected with a social calling is sanctified to the Lord God.
Verse 4. V. 4 embraces the first two commandments of the decalogue: viz., not to turn to idols to worship them (Deuteronomy 31:18,20), nor to make molten gods (see at Exodus 34:17). The gods beside Jehovah are called elilim, i.e., nothings, from their true nature.
Verse 5-8. True fidelity to Jehovah was to be shown, so far as sacrifice, the leading form of divine worship, was concerned, in the fact, that the holiness of the sacrificial flesh was strictly preserved in the sacrificial meals, and none of the flesh of the peace-offerings eaten on the third day. To this end the command in Leviticus 7:15-18 is emphatically repeated, and transgressors are threatened with extermination. On the singular ac;n; in v. 8, see at Genesis 27:29, and for the expression “shall be cut off,” Genesis 17:14.
LEVITICUS. 19:9-18
Laws concerning the conduct towards one’s neighbour, which should flow from unselfish love, especially with regard to the poor and distressed.
Verse 9-10. In reaping the field, “thou shalt not finish to reap the edge of thy field,” i.e., not reap the field to the extreme edge; “neither shalt thou hold a gathering up (gleaning) of thy harvest,” i.e., not gather together the ears left upon the field in the reaping. In the vineyard and olive-plantation, also, they were not to have any gleaning, or gather up what was strewn about (peret signifies the grapes and olives that had fallen off), but to leave them for the distressed and the foreigner, that he might also share in the harvest and gathering. µr,K, , lit., a noble plantation, generally signifies a vineyard; but it is also applied to an olive-plantation (Judges 15:5), and her it is to be understood of both. For when this command is repeated in Deuteronomy 24:20-21, both vineyards and olive-plantations are mentioned. When the olives had been gathered by being knocked off with sticks, the custom of shaking the boughs ( ph>hr ) to get at those olives which could not be reached with the sticks was expressly forbidden, in the interest of the strangers, orphans, and widows, as well as gleaning after the vintage. The command with regard to the corn-harvest is repeated again in the law for the feast of Weeks or Harvest Feast (Leviticus 23:20); and in Deuteronomy 24:19 it is extended, quite in the spirit of our law, so far as to forbid fetching a sheaf that had been overlooked in the field, and to order it to be left for the needy. (Compare with this Deut. 23:25-26.)
Verse 11-13. The Israelites were not to steal (Exodus 20:15); nor to deny, viz., anything entrusted to them or found (Leviticus 5:21ff.); nor to lie to a neighbour, i.e., with regard to property or goods, for the purpose of overreaching and cheating him; nor to swear by the name of Jehovah to lie and defraud, and so profane the name of God (see Exodus 20:7,16); nor to oppress and rob a neighbour (cf. Leviticus 5:21), by the unjust abstraction or detention of what belonged to him or was due to him-for example, they were not to keep the wages of a day-labourer over night, but to pay him every day before sunset (Deuteronomy 24:14-15).
Verse 14. They were not to do an injury to an infirm person: neither to ridicule or curse the deaf, who could not hear the ridicule or curse, and therefore could not defend himself (Psalm 38:15); nor “to put a stumblingblock before the blind,” i.e., to put anything in his way over which he might stumble and fall (compare Deuteronomy 27:18, where a curse is pronounced upon the man who should lead the blind astray). But they were to “fear before God,” who hears, and sees, and will punish every act of wrong (cf. v. 32, Leviticus 25:17,36,43).
Verse 15. In judgment, i.e., in the administration of justice, they were to do no unrighteousness: neither to respect the person of the poor ( pro>swpon lamba>nein , to do anything out of regard to a person, used in a good sense in Genesis 19:21, in a bad sense here, namely, to act partially from unmanly pity); nor to adorn the person of the great (i.e., powerful, distinguished, exalted), i.e., to favour him in a judicial decision (see at Exodus 23:3).
Verse 16. They were not to go about as calumniators among their countrymen, to bring their neighbour to destruction (Ezekiel 22:9); nor to set themselves against the blood of a neighbour, i.e., to seek his life. lykir; does not mean calumny, but, according to its formation, a calumniator (Ewald, §149e).
Verse 17. They were not to cherish hatred in their hearts towards their brother, but to admonish a neighbour, i.e., to tell him openly what they had against him, and reprove him for his conduct, just as Christ teaches His disciples in Matthew 18:15-17, and “not to load a sin upon themselves.” af]je `l[æ ac;n; does not mean to have to bear, or atone for a sin on his account (Onkelos, Knobel, etc.), but, as in Leviticus 22:9; Numbers 18:32, to bring sin upon one’s self, which one then has to bear, or atone for; so also in Numbers 18:22, af]je taec] , from which the meaning “to bear,” i.e., atone for sin, or suffer its consequences, was first derived.
Verse 18. Lastly, they were not to avenge themselves, or bear malice against the sons of their nation (their countrymen), but to love their neighbour as themselves. rfæn; to watch for (Song of Sol. 1:6; 8:11, 12), hence (= threi>n ) to cherish a design upon a person, or bear him malice (Psalm 103:9; Jeremiah 3:5,12; Nah 1:2).
LEVITICUS. 19:19-32
The words, “Ye shall keep My statutes,” open the second series of commandments, which make it a duty on the part of the people of God to keep the physical and moral order of the world sacred. This series begins in v. 19 with the commandment not to mix the things which are separated in the creation of God. “Thou shalt not let thy cattle gender with a diverse kind: thou shalt not sow thy field with two kinds of seed, or put on a garment of mixed stuff.” µyiaæl]Ki , from al,K, separation, signifies duae res diversi generis, heterogeneae, and is a substantive in the accusative, giving a more precise definition. wnf[v is in apposition to µyiaæl]Ki dg,B, , and according to Deuteronomy 22:11 refers to cloth or a garment woven of wool and flax, to a mixed fabric therefore. The etymology is obscure, and the rendering given by the LXX, ki>bdhlon , i.e., forged, not genuine, is probably merely a conjecture based upon the context.
The word is probably derived from the Egyptian; although the attempt to explain it from the Coptic has not been so far satisfactory. In Deuteronomy 22:9-11, instead of the field, the vineyard is mentioned, as that which they were not to sow with things of two kinds, i.e., so that a mixed produce should arise; and the threat is added, “that thy fulness (full fruit, Exodus 22:28), the seed, and the produce of the vineyard (i.e., the corn and wine grown upon the vineyard) may not become holy” (cf. Leviticus 27:10,21), i.e., fall to the sanctuary for its servants. It is also forbidden to plough with an ox and ass together, i.e., to yoke them to the same plough. By these laws the observance of the natural order and separation of things is made a duty binding upon the Israelites, the people of Jehovah, as a divine ordinance founded in the creation itself (Genesis 1:11-12,21,24-25). All the symbolical, mystical, moral, and utilitarian reasons that have been supposed to lie at the foundation of these commands, are foreign to the spirit of the law. And with regard to the observance of them, the statement of Josephus and the Rabbins, that the dress of the priests, as well as the tapestries and curtains of the tabernacle, consisted of wool and linen, is founded upon the assumption, which cannot be established, that vve , bu>ssov , is a term applied to linen. The mules frequently mentioned, e.g., in 2 Samuel 13:29; 18:9; 1 Kings 1:33, may have been imported from abroad, as we may conclude from 1 Kings 10:25.
Verse 20-22. Even the personal rights of slaves were to be upheld; and a maid, though a slave, was not to be degraded to the condition of personal property. If any one lay with a woman who was a slave and betrothed to a man, but neither redeemed nor emancipated, the punishment of death was not to be inflicted, as in the case of adultery (Leviticus 20:10), or the seduction of a free virgin who was betrothed (Deuteronomy 22:23ff.), because she was not set free; but scourging was to be inflicted, and the guilty person was also to bring a trespass-offering for the expiation of his sin against God (see at Leviticus 5:15ff.). ãræj; , from chaarap carpere, lit., plucked, i.e., set apart, betrothed to a man, not abandoned or despised. hd;p; redeemed, hv;p]ju emancipation without purchase-the two ways in which a slave could obtain her freedom. tr,QBi , hap leg, from biqeer to examine (Leviticus 13:36), lit., investigation, then punishment, chastisement. This referred to both parties, as is evident from the expression, “they shall not be put to death;” though it is not more precisely defined. According to the Mishnah, Kerith. ii. 4, the punishment of the woman consisted of forty stripes.
Verse 23-25. The garden-fruit was also to be sanctified to the Lord. When the Israelites had planted all kinds of fruit-trees in the land of Canaan, they were to treat the fruit of every tree as uncircumcised for the first three years, i.e., not to eat it, as being uncircumcised. The singular suffix in `hl;r][; refers to lKo , and the verb lr[ is a denom. from `hl;r][; , to make into a foreskin, to treat as uncircumcised, i.e., to throw away as unclean or uneatable. The reason for this command is not to be sought for in the fact, that in the first three years fruit-trees bear only a little fruit, and that somewhat insipid, and that if the blossom or fruit is broken off the first year, the trees will bear all the more plentifully afterwards (Aben Esra, Clericus, J. D. Mich.), though this end would no doubt be thereby attained; but it rests rather upon ethical grounds. Israel was to treat the fruits of horticulture with the most careful regard as a gift of God, and sanctify the enjoyment of them by a thank-offering. In the fourth year the whole of the fruit was to be a holiness of praise for Jehovah, i.e., to be offered to the Lord as a holy sacrificial gift, in praise and thanksgiving for the blessing which He had bestowed upon the fruit-trees. This offering falls into the category of first-fruits, and was no doubt given up entirely to the Lord for the servants of the altar; although the expression lWLhi `hc;[; (Judges 9:27) seems to point to sacrificial meals of the first-fruits, that had already been reaped: and this is the way in which Josephus has explained the command (Ant. iv. 8, 19). For (v. 25) they were not to eat the fruits till the fifth year, “to add (increase) its produce to you,” viz., by the blessing of God, not by breaking off the fruits that might set in the first years.
Verse 26-32. The Israelites were to abstain from all unnatural, idolatrous, and heathenish conduct.
Verse 26. “Ye shall not eat upon blood” ( `l[æ as in Exodus 12:8, referring to the basis of the eating), i.e., no flesh of which blood still lay at the foundation, which was not entirely cleansed from blood (cf. 1 Samuel 14:32). These words were not a mere repetition of the law against eating blood (Leviticus 17:10), but a strengthening of the law. Not only were they to eat no blood, but no flesh to which any blood adhered. They were also “to practise no kind of incantations.” nicheesh: from vjæn; to whisper (see Genesis 44:5), or, according to some, a denom. verb from vj;n; a serpent; literally, to prophesy from observing snakes, then to prophesy from auguries generally, augurari. vjæn; a denom. verb, not from `ˆn;[; a cloud, with the signification to prophesy from the motion of the clouds, of which there is not the slightest historical trace in Hebrew; but, as the Rabbins maintain, from `ˆyi[æ an eye, literally, to ogle, then to bewitch with an evil eye.
Verse 27. “Ye shall not round the border of your head:” i.e., not cut the hair in a circle from one temple to the other, as some of the Arab tribes did, according to Herodotus (3, 8), in honour of their god Arota’l, whom he identifies with the Dionysos of the Greeks. In Jeremiah 9:25; 25:23; 49:32, the persons who did this are called ha;pe xxæq; , round-cropped, from their peculiar tonsure. “Neither shalt thou mar the corners of thy beard,” sc., by cutting it off (cf. Leviticus 21:5), which Pliny reports some of the Arabs to have done, barba abraditur, praeterquam in superiore labro, aliis et haec intonsa, whereas the modern Arabs either wear a short moustache, or shave off the beard altogether (Niebuhr, Arab. p. 68).
Verse 28. “Ye shall not make cuttings on your flesh (body) on account of a soul, i.e., a dead person ( vp,n, = tWm vp,n, , Leviticus 21:11; Numbers 6:6, or tWm , Deuteronomy 14:1; so again in Leviticus 22:4; Numbers 5:2; 9:6- 7,10), nor make engraven (or branded) writing upon yourselves.” Two prohibitions of an unnatural disfigurement of the body. The first refers to passionate outbursts of mourning, common among the excitable nations of the East, particularly in the southern parts, and to the custom of scratching the arms, hands, and face (Deuteronomy 14:1), which is said to have prevailed among the Babylonians and Armenians (Cyrop. iii. 1, 13, iii. 3, 67), the Scythians (Herod. 4, 71), and even the ancient Romans (cf. M.
Geier de Ebraeor. luctu, c. 10), and to be still practised by the Arabs (Arvieux Beduinen, p. 153), the Persians (Morier Zweite Reise, p. 189), and the Abyssinians of the present day, and which apparently held its ground among the Israelites notwithstanding the prohibition (cf. Jeremiah 16:6; 41:5; 47:5)-as well as to the custom, which is also forbidden in Leviticus 21:5 and Deuteronomy 14:1, of cutting off the hair of the head and beard (cf. Isaiah 3:24; 22:12; Micah. Leviticus 1:16; Amos 8:10; Ezekiel 7:18).
It cannot be inferred from the words of Plutarch, quoted by Spencer, dokou>ntev cari>zesqai toi>v teteleukhko>sin , that the heathen associated with this custom the idea of making an expiation to the dead.
The prohibition of [qæ[qæ tb,toK] , scriptio stigmatis, writing corroded or branded (see Ges. thes. pp. 1207-8), i.e., of tattooing-a custom not only very common among the savage tribes, but still met with in Arabia (Arvieux Beduinen, p. 155; Burckhardt Beduinen, pp. 40, 41) and in Egypt among both men and women of the lower orders (Lane, Manners and Customs i. pp. 25, 35, iii. p. 169)-had no reference to idolatrous usages, but was intended to inculcate upon the Israelites a proper reverence for God’s creation.
Verse 29. “Do not prostitute thy daughter, to cause her to be a whore, lest the land fall to whoredom, and the land become full of vice” (zimmah: see Leviticus 18:17). The reference is not to spiritual whoredom or idolatry (Exodus 34:16), but to fleshly whoredom, the word zimmah being only used in this connection. If a father caused his daughter to become a prostitute, immorality would soon become predominant, and the land (the population of the land) fall away to whoredom.
Verse 30. The exhortation now returns to the chief point, the observance of the Lord’s Sabbaths and reverence for His sanctuary, which embrace the true method of divine worship as laid down in the ritual commandments.
When the Lord’s day is kept holy, and a holy reverence for the Lord’s sanctuary lives in the heart, not only are many sins avoided, but social and domestic life is pervaded by the fear of God and characterized by chasteness and propriety.
Verse 31. True fear of God, however, awakens confidence in the Lord and His guidance, and excludes all superstitious and idolatrous ways and methods of discovering the future. This thought prepares the way for the warning against turning to familiar spirits, or seeking after wizards. bwOa denotes a departed spirit, who was called up to make disclosures with regard to the future, hence a familiar spirit, spiritum malum qui certis artibus eliciebatur ut evocaret mortuorum manes, qui praedicarent quae ab eis petebantur (Cler.). This is the meaning in Isaiah 29:4, as well as here and in Leviticus 20:6, as is evident from ch. 20:27, “a man or woman in whom is an ob,” and from 1 Samuel 28:7-8, baalath ob, “a woman with such a spirit.” The name was then applied to the necromantist himself, by whom the departed were called up (1 Samuel 28:3; 2 Kings 23:24). The word is connected with ob, a skin. yni[oD]yi , the knowing, so to speak, “clever man” (Symm. gnw>sthv , Aq. gnooristee’s), is only found in connection with ob, and denotes unquestionably a person acquainted with necromancy, or a conjurer who devoted himself to the invocation of spirits. (For further remarks, see as 1 Samuel 28:7ff.). Verse 32. This series concludes with the moral precept, “Before a hoary head thou shalt rise up (sc., with reverence, Job 29:8), and the countenance (the person) of the old man thou shalt honour and fear before thy God.”
God is honoured in the old man, and for this reason reverence for age is required. This virtue was cultivated even by the heathen, e.g., the Egyptians (Herod. 2, 80), the Spartans (Plutarch), and the ancient Romans (Gellius, ii. 15). It is still found in the East (Lane, Sitten und Gebr. ii. p. 121).
LEVITICUS. 19:33-34
A few commandments are added of a judicial character.
Vv. 33, 34. The Israelite was not only not to oppress the foreigner in his land (as had already been commanded in Exodus 22:20 and 23:9), but to treat him as a native, and love him as himself.
LEVITICUS. 19:35-36
As a universal rule, they were to do no wrong in judgment (the administration of justice, v. 15), or in social intercourse and trade with weights and measures of length and capacity; but to keep just scales, weights, and measures. On ephah and hin, see at Exodus 16:36 and 29:40.
In the renewal of this command in Deuteronomy 25:13-16, it is forbidden to carry “stone and stone” in the bag, i.e., two kinds of stones (namely, for weights), large and small; or to keep two kinds of measures, a large one for buying and a small one for selling; and full (unadulterated) and just weight and measure are laid down as an obligation. This was a command, the breach of which was frequently condemned (Prov 16:11; 20:10,23; Amos 8:5; Micah 6:10, cf. Ezekiel 45:10).
LEVITICUS. 19:37
Concluding exhortation, summing up all the rest.
LEVITICUS. 20:1
Punishments for the Vices and crimes Prohibited in Ch. 18 and 19. — The list commences with idolatry and soothsaying, which were to be followed by extermination, as a practical apostasy from Jehovah, and a manifest breach of the covenant. LEVITICUS 20:2 Whoever, whether an Israelite or a foreigner in Israel, dedicated of his seed (children) to Moloch (see Leviticus 18:21), was to be put to death. The people of the land were to stone him. ˆb,a, µgær; , lapide obruere, is synonymous with lqæs; , lit., lapidem jacere: this was the usual punishment appointed in the law for cases in which death was inflicted, either as the result of a judicial sentence, or by the national community.
LEVITICUS. 20:3
By this punishment the nation only carried out the will of Jehovah; for He would cut off such a man (see at Leviticus 17:10 and 18:21) for having defiled the sanctuary of Jehovah and desecrated the name of Jehovah, not because he had brought the sacrifice to Moloch into the sanctuary of Jehovah, as Movers supposes, but in the same sense in which all the sins of Israel defiled the sanctuary in their midst (Leviticus 15:31; 16:16).
LEVITICUS. 20:4-5
If the people, however (the people of the land), should hide their eyes from him (on the dagesh in `µlæ[; and `µlæ[; see the note on p. 526), from an unscrupulous indifference or a secret approval of his sin, the Lord would direct His face against him and his family, and cut him off with all that went a whoring after him.
LEVITICUS. 20:6
He would also do the same to every soul that turned to familiar spirits and necromantists (Leviticus 19:31, cf. Exodus 22:17), “to go a whoring after them,” i.e., to make himself guilty of idolatry by so doing, such practices being always closely connected with idolatry.
LEVITICUS. 20:7-8
For the Israelites were to sanctify themselves, i.e., to keep themselves pure from all idolatrous abominations, to be holy because Jehovah was holy (Leviticus 11:44; 19:2), and to keep the statutes of their God who sanctified them (Exodus 31:13). LEVITICUS 20:9-18 Whoever cursed father or mother was to be punished with death (Leviticus 19:3); “His blood would be upon him.” The cursing of parents was a capital crime (see at Leviticus 17:4, and for the plural µD; Exodus 22:1 and Genesis 4:10), which was to return upon the doer of it, according to Genesis 9:6. The same punishment was to be inflicted upon adultery (v. 10, cf. Leviticus 18:20), carnal intercourse with a father’s wife (v. 11, cf. ch. 18:7-8) or with a daughter-in-law (v. 12, cf. Leviticus 18:17), sodomy (v. 13, cf. ch. 18:22), sexual intercourse with a mother and her daughter, in which case the punishment was to be heightened by the burning of the criminals when put to death (v. 14, cf. Leviticus 18:17), lying with a beast (vv. 15, 16, cf. ch. 18:23), sexual intercourse with a half-sister (v. 17, cf.
Leviticus 18:9 and 11), and lying with a menstruous woman (v. 18, cf.
Leviticus 18:19). The punishment of death, which was to be inflicted in all these cases upon both the criminals, and also upon the beast that had been abused (vv. 15, 16), was to be by stoning, according to vv. 2, 27, and Deuteronomy 22:21ff.; and by the burning (v. 14) we are not to understand death by fire, or burning alive, but, as we may clearly see from Joshua 7:15 and 25, burning the corpse after death. This was also the case in Leviticus 21:9 and Genesis 38:24.
LEVITICUS. 20:19-21
No civil punishment, on the other hand, to be inflicted by the magistrate or by the community generally, was ordered to follow marriage with an aunt, the sister of father or mother (v. 19, cf. Leviticus 18:12-13), with an uncle’s wife (v. 20, cf. ch. 18:4), or with a sister-in-law, a brother’s wife (v. 21, cf. Leviticus 18:16). In all these cases the threat is simply held out, “they shall bear their iniquity,” and (according to vv. 20, 21) “die childless;” that is to say, God would reserve the punishment to Himself (see at Leviticus 18:14). In the list of punishments no reference is made to intercourse with a mother (Leviticus 18:7) or a granddaughter (ch. 18:10), as it was taken for granted that the punishment of death would be inflicted in such cases as these; just as marriage with a daughter or a full sister is passed over in the prohibitions in ch. 18. LEVITICUS 20:22-26 The list of punishments concludes, like the prohibitions in Leviticus 18:24ff., with exhortations to observe the commandments and judgments of the Lord, and to avoid such abominations (on v. 22 cf. Leviticus 18:3- 5,26,28,30; and on v. 23 cf. ch. 18:3 and 24). The reason assigned for the exhortations is, that Jehovah was about to give them for a possession the fruitful land, whose inhabitants He had driven out because of their abominations, and that Jehovah was their God, who had separated Israel from the nations. For this reason (v. 25) they were also to sever (make distinctions) between clean and unclean cattle and birds, and not make their souls (i.e., their persons) abominable through unclean animals, with which the earth swarmed, and which God had “separated to make unclean,” i.e., had prohibited them from eating or touching when dead, because they defiled (see ch. 11). For (v. 26) they were to be holy, because Jehovah their God was holy, who had severed them from the nations, to belong to Him, i.e., to be the nation of His possession (see Exodus 19:4-6).
LEVITICUS. 20:27
But because Israel was called to be the holy nation of Jehovah, every one, ether man or woman, in whom there was a heathenish spirit of soothsaying, was to be put to death, viz., stoned (cf. Leviticus 19:31), to prevent defilement by idolatrous abominations.
HOLINESS OF THE PRIESTS, OF THE HOLY GIFTS, AND OF SACRIFICES. The Sanctification of the Priests.
As the whole nation was to strive after sanctification in all the duties of life, on account of its calling as a nation of God, the priests, whom Jehovah had chosen out of the whole nation to be the custodians of His sanctuary, and had sanctified to that end, were above all to prove themselves the sanctified servants of the Lord in their domestic life and the duties of their calling. (1) They were not to defile themselves by touching the dead or by signs of mourning (vv. 1-6 and 10-12); (2) they were to contract and maintain a spotless marriage (vv. 7-9 and 13-15); and (3) those members of the priesthood who had any bodily failings were to keep away from the duties of the priests’ office (vv. 16-24).
LEVITICUS. 21:1-6
Verse 1-6. The priest was not to defile himself on account of a soul, i.e., a dead person (nephesh , as in Leviticus 19:28), among his countrymen, unless it were of his kindred, who stood near to him (i.e., in the closest relation to him), formed part of the same family with him (cf. v. 3), such as his mother, father, son, daughter, brother, or a sister who was still living with him as a virgin and was not betrothed to a husband (cf. Ezekiel 44:25). As every corpse not only defiled the persons who touched it, but also the tent or dwelling in which the person had died (Numbers 19:11,14); in the case of death among members of the family or household, defilement was not to be avoided on the part of the priest as the head of the family. It was therefore allowable for him to defile himself on account of such persons as these, and even to take part in their burial. The words of v. are obscure: “He shall not defile himself `µ[æ l[æBæ , i.e., as lord (paterfamilias) among his countrymen, to desecrate himself;” and the early translators have wandered in uncertainty among different renderings.
In all probability l[æBæ denotes the master of the house or husband. But, for all that, the explanation given by Knobel and others, “as a husband he shall not defile himself on the death of his wife, his mother-in-law and daughterin- law, by taking part in their burial,” is decidedly to be rejected. For, apart from the unwarrantable introduction of the mother-in-law and daughter-inlaw, there is sufficient to prevent our thinking of defilement on the death of a wife, in the fact that the wife is included in the “kin that is near unto him” in v. 2, though not in the way that many Rabbins suppose, who maintain that raev] signifies wife, but implicite, the wife not being expressly mentioned, because man and wife form one flesh (Genesis 2:24), and the wife stands nearer to the husband than father and mother, son and daughter, or brother and sister. Nothing is proved by appealing to the statement made by Plutarch, that the priests of the Romans were not allowed to defile themselves by touching the corpses of their wives; inasmuch as there is no trace of this custom to be found among the Israelites, and the Rabbins, for this very reason, suppose the death of an illegitimate wife to be intended.
The correct interpretation of the words can only be arrived at by considering the relation of the fourth verse to what precedes and follows.
As vv. 1b-3 stand in a very close relation to vv. 5 and 6-the defilement on account of a dead person being more particularly explained in the latter, or rather, strictly speaking, greater force being given to the prohibition-it is natural to regard v. 4 as standing in a similar relation to v. 7, and to understand it as a general prohibition, which is still more clearly expounded in vv. 7 and 9. The priest was not to defile himself as a husband and the head of a household, either by marrying a wife of immoral or ambiguous reputation, or by training his children carelessly, so as to desecrate himself, i.e., profane the holiness of his rank and office by either one or the other (cf. vv. 9 and 15). — In v. 5 desecration is forbidden in the event of a death occurring.
He was not to shave a bald place upon his head. According to the Chethib yiq¦r¦chaah is to be pointed with aa-h attached, and the Keri jræq; is a grammatical alteration to suit the plural suffix in varo , which is obviously to be rejected on account of the parallel jlæG; alo ˆq;z; ha;pe . In both of the clauses there is a constructio ad sensum, the prohibition which is addressed to individuals being applicable to the whole: upon their head shall no one shave a bald place, namely, in front above the forehead, “between the eyes” (Deuteronomy 14:1). We may infer from the context that reference is made to a customary mode of mourning for the dead; and this is placed beyond all doubt by Deuteronomy 14:1, where it is forbidden to all the Israelites “for the dead.” According to Herodotus, 2, 36, the priests in Egypt were shaven, whereas in other places they wore their hair long.
In other nations it was customary for those who were more immediately concerned to shave their heads as a sign of mourning; but the Egyptians let their hair grow both upon their head and chin when any of their relations were dead, whereas they shaved at other times. The two other outward signs of mourning mentioned, namely, cutting off the edge of the beard and making incisions in the body, have already been forbidden in Leviticus 19:27-28, and the latter is repeated in Deuteronomy 14:1. The reason for the prohibition is given in v. 6-”they shall be holy unto their God,” and therefore not disfigure their head and body by signs of passionate grief, and so profane the name of their God when they offer the firings of Jehovah; that is to say, when they serve and approach the God who has manifested Himself to His people as the Holy One. On the epithet applied to the sacrifices, “the food of God,” see at Leviticus 3:11 and 16.
LEVITICUS. 21:7-9
Their marriage and their domestic life were also to be in keeping with their holy calling. They were not to marry a whore (i.e., a public prostitute), or a fallen woman, or a woman put away (divorced) from her husband, that is to say, any person of notoriously immoral life, for this would be irreconcilable with the holiness of the priesthood, but (as may be seen from this in comparison with v. 14) only a virgin or widow of irreproachable character. She need not be an Israelite, but might be the daughter of a stranger living among the Israelites; only she must not be an idolater or a Canaanite, for the Israelites were all forbidden to marry such a woman (Exodus 34:16; Deuteronomy 7:3).
Verse 8. “Thou shalt sanctify him therefore,” that is to say, not merely “respect his holy dignity” (Knobel), but take care that he did not desecrate his office by a marriage so polluted. The Israelites as a nation are addressed in the persons of their chiefs. The second clause of the verse, “he shall be holy unto thee,” contains the same thought. The repetition strengthens the exhortation. The reason assigned for the first clause is the same as in v. 6; and that for the second, the same as in Leviticus 20:8,26; Exodus 31:13, etc.
Verse 9. The priests’s family was also to lead a blameless life. If a priest’s daughter began to play the whore, she profaned her father, and was to be burned, i.e., to be stoned and then burned (see Leviticus 20:14). ˆheKo vyai , a man who is a priest, a priest-man.
LEVITICUS. 21:10-12
The high priest was to maintain a spotless purity in a higher degree still.
He, whose head had been anointed with oil, and who had been sanctified to put on the holy clothes (see Leviticus 8:7-12 and 7:37), was not to go with his hair flying loose when a death had taken place, nor to rend his clothes (see Leviticus 10:6), nor to go in to any dead body ( tWm vp,n, souls of a departed one, i.e., dead persons); he was not to defile himself (cf. v. 2) on account of his father and mother (i.e., when they were dead), nor to go out of the sanctuary funeris nempe causa (Ros.), to give way to his grief or attend the funeral. We are not to understand by this, however, that the sanctuary was to be his constant abode, as Bähr and Baumgarten maintain (cf. Leviticus 10:7). “Neither shall he profane the sanctuary of his God,” sc., by any defilement of his person which he could and ought to avoid; “for the consecration of the anointing oil of his God is upon him” (cf.
Leviticus 10:7), and defilement was incompatible with this. rz,n, does not mean the diadem of the high priest here, as in Exodus 29:6; 39:30, but consecration (see at Numbers 6:7).
LEVITICUS. 21:13-14
He was only to marry a woman in her virginity, not a widow, a woman put away, or a fallen woman, a whore ( hn;z; without a copulative is in apposition to ll;j; a fallen girl, who was to be the same to him as a whore), but “a virgin of his own people,” that is to say, only an Israelitish woman.
LEVITICUS. 21:15
“Neither shall he profane his seed (posterity) among his people,” sc., by contracting a marriage that was not in keeping with the holiness of his rank.
LEVITICUS. 21:16-18
Directions for the sons (descendants) of Aaron who were afflicted with bodily imperfections. As the spiritual nature of a man is reflected in his bodily form, only a faultless condition of body could correspond to the holiness of the priest; just as the Greeks and Romans required, for the very same reason, that the priests should be oJlo>klhroi , integri corporis (Plato de legg. 6, 759; Seneca excerpt. controv. 4, 2; Plutarch quaest. rom. 73).
Consequently none of the descendants of Aaron, “according to their generations,” i.e., in all future generations (see Exodus 12:14), who had any blemish (mum, mw>mov , bodily fault) were to approach the vail, i.e., enter the holy place, or draw near to the altar (in the court) to offer the food of Jehovah, viz., the sacrifices. No blind man, or lame man, or charum, kolobo’rin (from kolobo>v and riJ>n ), naso mutilus (LXX), i.e., one who had sustained any mutilation, especially in the face, on the nose, ears, lips, or eyes, not merely one who had a flat or stunted nose; or [ræc; , lit., stretched out, i.e., one who had anything beyond what was normal, an ill-formed bodily member therefore; so that a man who had more than ten fingers and ten toes might be so regarded (2 Samuel 21:20).
LEVITICUS. 21:19
Whoever had a fracture in his foot or hand.
LEVITICUS. 21:20-21
ˆBeGi a hump-backed man. qDæ , lit., crushed to powder, fine: as distinguished from the former, it signified one how had an unnaturally thin or withered body or member, not merely consumptive or wasted away. `ˆyi[æ lLuBæT] mixed, i.e., spotted in his eye, one who had a white speck in his eye (Onk., Vulg., Saad.), not blear-eyed (LXX). br;G; , which occurs nowhere else except in Leviticus 22:22 and Deuteronomy 28:27, signifies, according to the ancient versions, the itch; and tp,L,yæ , which only occurs here and in Leviticus 22:22, the ring-worm (LXX, Targ., etc.). Ëv,a, jæwOrm] , crushed in the stones, one who had crushed or softened stones; for in Isaiah 38:21, the only other place where maarach occurs, it signifies, not to rub to pieces, but to squeeze out, to lay in a squeezed or liquid form upon the wound: the Sept. rendering is mo’norchis, having only one stone. Others understand the word as signifying ruptured (Vulg., Saad.), or with swollen testicles (Juda ben Karish). All that is certain is, that we are not to think of castration of any kind (cf. Deuteronomy 23:2), and that there is not sufficient ground for altering the text into jæwOrm] extension.
LEVITICUS. 21:22-23
Persons afflicted in the manner described might eat the bread of their God, however, the sacrificial gifts, the most holy and the holy, i.e., the waveofferings, the first-fruits, the firstlings, tithes and things laid under a ban (Numbers 18:11-19 and 26-29)-that is to say, they might eat them like the rest of the priests; but they were not allowed to perform any priestly duty, that they might not desecrate the sanctuary of the Lord (v. 23, cf. v. 12). LEVITICUS 21:24 Moses communicated these instructions to Aaron and his sons.
LEVITICUS. 22:1-16
Reverence for Things Sanctified.
The law on this matter was, (1) that no priest who had become unclean was to touch or eat them (vv. 2-9), and (2) that no one was to eat them who was not a member of a priestly family (vv. 10-16).
Verse 2-3. Aaron and his sons were to keep away from the holy gifts of the children of Israel, which they consecrated to Jehovah, that they might not profane the holy name of Jehovah by defiling them rzæn; with ˆmi to keep away, separate one’s self from anything, i.e., not to regard or treat them as on a par with unconsecrated things. The words, “which they sanctify to Me,” are a supplementary apposition, added as a more precise definition of the “holy things of the children of Israel;” as the expression “holy things” was applied to the holy objects universally, including the furniture of the tabernacle. Here, however, the reference is solely to the holy offerings or gifts, which were not placed upon the altar, but presented to the Lord as heave-offerings and wave-offerings, and assigned by Him to the priests as the servants of His house, for their maintenance (Numbers 18:11-19,26- 29). None of the descendants of Aaron were to approach these gifts, which were set apart for them-i.e., to touch them either for the purpose of eating, or making them ready for eating-whilst any uncleanness was upon them, on pain of extermination.
Verse 4-5. No leper was to touch them (see Leviticus 13:2), or person with gonorrhaea (ch. 15:2), until he was clean; no one who had touched a person defiled by a corpse (Leviticus 19:28; Numbers 19:22), or whose seed had gone from him (Leviticus 15:16,18); and no one who had touched an unclean creeping animal, or an unclean man. ha;m]fu lKo , as in Leviticus 5:3, a closer definition of ttK; amef; rv,a , “who is unclean to him with regard to (on account of) any uncleanness which he may have.” Verse 6-7. “A soul which touches it,” i.e., any son of Aaron, who had touched either an unclean person or thing, was to be unclean till the evening, and then bathe his body; after sunset, i.e., when the day was over, he became clean, and could eat of the sanctified things, for they were his food.
Verse 8-9. In this connection the command given to all the Israelites, not to eat anything that had fallen down dead or been torn in pieces (Leviticus 17:15-16), is repeated with special reference to the priests. (On. v. 9, see Leviticus 8:35; 18:30, and 19:17). llæj; , “because they have defiled it (the sanctified thing).”
Verse 10-16. No stranger was to eat a sanctified thing. rWz is in general the non-priest, then any person who was not fully incorporated into a priestly family, e.g., a visitor or day-labourer (cf. Exodus 12:49), who were neither of them members of his family.
Verse 11. On the other hand, slaves bought for money, or born in the house, became members of his family and lived upon his bread; they were therefore allowed to eat of that which was sanctified along with him, since the slaves were, in fact, formally incorporated into the nation by circumcision (Genesis 17:12-13).
Verse 12-13. So again the daughter of a priest, if she became a widow, or was put away by her husband, and returned childless to her father’s house, and became a member of his family again, just as in the days of her youth, might eat of the holy things. But if she had any children, then after the death of her husband, or after her divorce, she formed with them a family of her own, which could not be incorporated into the priesthood, of course always supposing that her husband was not a priest.
Verse 14-16. But if any one (i.e., a layman) should eat unawares of that which was sanctified, he was to bring it, i.e., an equivalent for it, with the addition of a fifth as a compensation for the priest; like a man who had sinned by unfaithfulness in relation to that which was sanctified (Leviticus 5:16). — In the concluding exhortation in vv. 15 and 16, the subject to llæj; (profane) and ac;n; (bear) is indefinite, and the passage to be rendered thus: “They are not to profane the sanctified gifts of the children of Israel, what they heave for the Lord (namely, by letting laymen eat of them), and are to cause them (the laymen) who do this unawares to bear a trespass-sin (by imposing the compensation mentioned in v. 14), if they eat their (the priests’) sanctified gifts.” Understood in this way, both verses furnish a fitting conclusion to the section vv. 10-14. On the other hand, according to the traditional interpretation of these verses, the priesthood is regarded as the subject of the first verb, and a negative supplied before the second.
Both of these are arbitrary and quite indefensible, because vv. 10-14 do not refer to the priests but to laymen, and in the latter case we should expect lae ac;n; alo (cf. v. 9) instead of the unusual tae ac;n; .
LEVITICUS. 22:17-20
Acceptable Sacrifices.
Vv. 18-20. Every sacrifice offered to the Lord by an Israelite or foreigner, in consequence of a vow or as a freewill-offering (cf. Leviticus 7:16), was to be faultless and male, “for good pleasure to the offerer” (cf. 1:3), i.e., to secure for him the good pleasure of God. An animal with a fault would not be acceptable.
LEVITICUS. 22:21-22
Every peace-offering was also to be faultless, whether brought “to fulfil a special (important) vow” (cf. Numbers 15:3,8: al;p; , from al;p; to be great, distinguished, wonderful), or as a freewill gift; that is to say, it was to be free from such faults as blindness, or a broken limb (from lameness therefore: Deuteronomy 15:21), or cutting (i.e., mutilation, answering to µræj; Leviticus 21:18), or an abscess ( lBeyæ , from yaabeel to flow, probably a flowing suppurating abscess).
LEVITICUS. 22:23
As a voluntary peace-offering they might indeed offer an ox or sheep that was flæq; [ræc; , “stretched out and drawn together,” i.e., with the whole body or certain limbs either too large or too small; but such an animal could not be acceptable as a votive offering.
LEVITICUS. 22:24
Castrated animals were not to be sacrificed, nor in fact to be kept in the land at all. Ë[æm; compressus, qlibi>av , an animal with the stones crushed; ttæK; contusus, thlasi’as, with them beaten to pieces; qtæn; avulsus, spa>dwn , with them twisted off; træK; excisus, tomi>av or ektomi>av , with them cut off. In all these different ways was the operation performed among the ancients (cf. Aristot. hist. an. ix. 37, 3; Colum. vi. 26, vii. 11; Pallad. vi. 7). “And in your land ye shall not make,” sc., wgw ËW[m; , i.e., castrated animals, that is to say, “not castrate animals.” This explanation, which is the one given by Josephus (Ant. iv. 8, 40) and all the Rabbins, is required by the expression “in your land,” which does not at all suit the interpretation adopted by Clericus and Knobel, who understand by `hc;[; the preparation of sacrifices, for sacrifices were never prepared outside the land. The castration of animals is a mutilation of God’s creation, and the prohibition of it was based upon the same principle as that of mixing heterogeneous things in Leviticus 19:19.
LEVITICUS. 22:25-26
Again, the Israelites were not to accept any one of all these, i.e., the faulty animals described, as sacrifice from a foreigner. “For their corruption is in them,” i.e., something corrupt, a fault, adheres to them; so that such offerings could not procure good pleasure towards them. — In vv. 26-30 three laws are given of a similar character.
LEVITICUS. 22:27
A young ox, sheep, or goat was to be seven days under its mother, and could only be sacrificed from the eighth day onwards, according to the rule laid down in Exodus 22:29 with regard to the first-born. The reason for this was, that the young animal had not attained to a mature and selfsustained life during the first week of its existence. f191 This maturity was not reached till after the lapse of a week, that period of time sanctified by the creation. There is no rule laid down in the law respecting the age up to which an animal was admissible in sacrifice.
Bullocks, i.e., steers or young oxen of more than a year old, are frequently mentioned and prescribed for the festal sacrifices (for the young ox of less than a year old is called `lg,[e ; Leviticus 9:3), viz., as burnt-offerings in Leviticus 23:18; Numbers 7:15,21,27,33,39ff., Leviticus 8:8; 15:24; 28:11,19,27; 29:2,8, and as sin-offerings in Leviticus 4:3,14; 16:3;-sheep (lambs) of one year old are also prescribed as burnt-offerings in Leviticus 9:3; 12:6; 23:12; Exodus 29:38; Numbers 6:14; 7:17,21,27,33,39ff., 28:3,9,19,27; 29:2,8,13,17ff., as peace-offerings in Numbers 7:17,23; 29:35ff., and as trespass-offerings in Numbers 6:12; also a yearling ewe as a sin-offering in Leviticus 14:10 and Numbers 6:14, and a yearling goat in Numbers 15:27. They generally brought older oxen or bullocks for peaceofferings (Numbers 7:17; 23:29ff.), and sometimes as burnt-offerings. In Judges 6:25 an ox of seven years old is said to have been brought as a burnt-offering; and there can be no doubt that the goats and rams presented as sin-offerings and trespass-offerings were more than a year old.
LEVITICUS. 22:28-30
The command not to kill an ox or sheep at the same time as its young is related to the law in Exodus 23:19 and Deuteronomy 22:6-7, and was intended to lay it down as a duty on the part of the Israelites to keep sacred the relation which God had established between parent and offspring. — In vv. 29, 30, the command to eat the flesh of the animal on the day on which it was offered (Leviticus 7:15; 19:5-6) is repeated with special reference to the praise-offering.
LEVITICUS. 22:31-33
Concluding exhortation, as in Leviticus 18:29; 19:37. (On v. 32, cf. ch. 18:21 and 11:44-45.)
SANCTIFICATION OF THE SABBATH AND THE FEASTS OF JEHOVAH.
LEVITICUS. 23:1-2
This chapter does not contain a “calendar of feasts,” or a summary and completion of the directions previously given in a scattered form concerning the festal times of Israel, but simply a list of those festal days and periods of the year at which holy meetings were to be held. This is most clearly stated in the heading (v. 2): “the festal times of Jehovah, which ye shall call out as holy meetings, these are they, My feasts,” i.e., those which are to be regarded as My feasts, sanctified to Me. The festal seasons and days were called “feasts of Jehovah,” times appointed and fixed by Jehovah (see Genesis 1:14), not because the feasts belonged to fixed times regulated by the course of the moon (Knobel), but because Jehovah had appointed them as days, or times, which were to be sanctified to Him. Hence the expression is not only used with reference to the Sabbath, the new moon, and the other yearly feasts; but in Numbers 28:2 and 29:39 it is extended so as to include the times of the daily morning and evening sacrifice. (On the “holy convocation” see Exodus 12:16.)
LEVITICUS. 23:3
At the head of these moadim stood the Sabbath, as the day which God had already sanctified as a day of rest for His people, by His own rest on the seventh creation-day (Genesis 2:3, cf. Exodus 20:8-11). On ˆwOtB;væ tB;væ , see at Exodus 31:15 and 16:33. As a weekly returning day of rest, the observance of which had its foundation in the creative work of God, the Sabbath was distinguished from the yearly feasts, in which Israel commemorated the facts connected with its elevation into a people of God, and which were generally called “feasts of Jehovah” in the stricter sense, and as such were distinguished from the Sabbath (vv. 37, 38; Isaiah 1:13-14; 1 Chronicles 23:31; 2 Chronicles 31:3; Neh 10:34). This distinction is pointed out in the heading, “these are the feasts of Jehovah” (v. 4). f192 In Numbers 28:11 the feast of new moon follows the Sabbath; but this is passed over here, because the new moon was not to be observed either with sabbatical rest or a holy meeting.
LEVITICUS. 23:4-14
V. 4 contains the special heading for the yearly feasts. d[ewOm at their appointed time.
Verse 5-14. The leading directions for the Passover and feast of Mazzoth are repeated from Exodus 12:6,11,15-20. `hd;bo[ hk;al;m] , occupation of a work, signifies labour at some definite occupation, e.g., the building of the tabernacle, Exodus 35:24; 36:1,3; hence occupation in connection with trade or one’s social calling, such as agriculture, handicraft, and so forth; whilst hk;al;m] is the performance of any kind of work, e.g., kindling fire for cooking food (Exodus 35:2-3). On the Sabbath and the day of atonement every kind of civil work was prohibited, even to the kindling of fire for the purpose of cooking (vv. 3, 30, 31, cf. Exodus 20:10; 31:14; 35:2-3; Deuteronomy 5:14 and Leviticus 16:29; Numbers 29:7); on the other feast-days with a holy convocation, only servile work (vv. 7, 8, 21, 25, 35, 36, cf. Exodus 12:16, and the explanation on p. 333, and Numbers 28:18,25-26; 29:1,12,35).
To this there is appended a fresh regulation in vv. 9-14, with the repetition of the introductory clause, “And the Lord spake,” etc. When the Israelites had come into the land to be given them by the Lord, and had reaped the harvest, they were to bring a sheaf as first-fruits of their harvest to the priest, that he might wave it before Jehovah on the day after the Sabbath, i.e., after the first day of Mazzoth. According to Josephus and Philo, it was a sheaf of barley; but this is not expressly commanded, because it would be taken for granted in Canaan, where the harvest began with the barley. In the warmer parts of Palestine the barley ripens about the middle of April, and is reaped in April or the beginning of May, whereas the wheat ripens two or three weeks later (Seetzen; Robinson’s Pal. ii. 263, 278). The priest was to wave the sheaf before Jehovah, i.e., to present it symbolically to Jehovah by the ceremony of waving, without burning any of it upon the altar.
The rabbinical rule, viz., to dry a portion of the ears by the fire, and then, after rubbing them out, to burn them on the altar, was an ordinance of the later scribes, who knew not the law, and was based upon Leviticus 2:14.
For the law in ch. 2:14 refers to the offerings of first-fruits made by private persons, which are treated of in Numbers 18:12-13, and Deuteronomy 26:2ff. The sheaf of first-fruits, on the other hand, which was to be offered before Jehovah as a wave-offering in the name of the congregation, corresponded to the two wave-loaves which were leavened and then baked, and were to be presented to the Lord as first-fruits (v. 17). As no portion of these wave-loaves was burned upon the altar, because nothing leavened was to be placed upon it (Leviticus 2:11), but they were assigned entirely to the priests, we have only to assume that the same application was intended by the law in the case of the sheaf of first-fruits, since the text only prescribes the waving, and does not contain a word about roasting, rubbing, or burning the grains upon the altar. hashabaat maachaarat (the morrow after the Sabbath) signifies the next day after the first day of the feast of Mazzoth, i.e., the 16th Abib (Nisan), not the day of the Sabbath which fell in the seven days’ feast of Mazzoth, as the Baethoseans supposed, still less the 22nd of Nisan, or the day after the conclusion of the seven days’ feast, which always closed with a Sabbath, as Hitzig imagines. f193 The “Sabbath” does not mean the seventh day of the week, but the day of rest, although the weekly Sabbath was always the seventh or last day of the week; hence not only the seventh day of the week (Exodus 31:15, etc.), but the day of atonement (the tenth of the seventh month), is called “Sabbath,” and “Shabbath shabbathon” (v. 32; Leviticus 16:31). As a day of rest, on which no laborious work was to be performed (v. 8), the first day of the feast of Mazzoth is called “Sabbath,” irrespectively of the day of the week upon which it fell; and “the morrow after the Sabbath” is equivalent to “the morrow after the Passover” mentioned in Joshua 5:11, where “Passover” signifies the day at the beginning of which the paschal meal was held, i.e., the first day of unleavened bread, which commenced on the evening of the 14th, in other words, the 15th Abib. By offering the sheaf of first-fruits of the harvest, the Israelites were to consecrate their daily bread to the Lord their God, and practically to acknowledge that they owed the blessing of the harvest to the grace of God. They were not to eat any bread or roasted grains of the new corn till they had presented the offering of their God (v. 14).
This offering was fixed for the second day of the feast of the Passover, that the connection between the harvest and the Passover might be kept in subordination to the leading idea of the Passover itself (see at Exodus 12:15ff.). But as the sheaf was not burned upon the altar, but only presented symbolically to the Lord by waving, and then handed over to the priests, an altar-gift had to be connected with it-namely, a yearling sheep as a burnt-offering, a meat-offering of two-tenths of an ephah of fine flour mixed with oil, and a drink-offering of a quarter of a hin of wine-to give expression to the obligation and willingness of the congregation not only to enjoy their earthly food, but to strengthen all the members of their body for growth in holiness and diligence in good works. The burnt-offering, for which a yearling lamb was prescribed, as in fact for all the regular festal sacrifices, was of course in addition to the burnt-offerings prescribed in Numbers 28:19-20, for every feast-day. The meat-offering, however, was not to consist of one-tenth of an ephah of fine flour, as on other occasions (Exodus 29:40; Numbers 28:9,13, etc.), but of two-tenths, that the offering of corn at the harvest-feast might be a more plentiful one than usual. LEVITICUS 23:15-17 The law for the special observance of the feast of Harvest (Exodus 23:16) is added here without any fresh introductory formula, to show at the very outset the close connection between the two feasts. Seven whole weeks, or fifty days, were to be reckoned from the day of the offering of the sheaf, and then the day of first-fruits (Numbers 28:26) or feast of Weeks (Exodus 34:22; Deuteronomy 16:10) was to be celebrated. From this reckoning the feast received the name of Pentecost ( hJ penthkosth> , Acts 2:1). That tB;væ (v. 15) signifies weeks, like [æWbv] in Deuteronomy 16:9, and ta> sa>bbata in the Gospels (e.g., Matthew 28:1), is evident from the predicate µymiT; , “complete,” which would be quite unsuitable if Sabbath-days were intended, as a long period might be reckoned by half weeks instead of whole, but certainly not by half Sabbath-days. Consequently “the morrow after the seventh Sabbath” (v. 16) is the day after the seventh week, not after the seventh Sabbath. On this day, i.e., fifty days after the first day of Mazzoth, Israel was to offer a new meat-offering to the Lord, i.e., made of the fruit of the new harvest (Leviticus 26:10), “wave-loaves” from its dwellings, two of two-tenths of an ephah of fine flour baked leavened, like the bread which served for their daily food, “as first-fruits unto the Lord,” and of the wheat-harvest (Exodus 34:22), which fell in the second half of May and the first weeks of June (Robinson, Palestine), and therefore was finished as a whole by the feast of Weeks. The loaves differed from all the other meat-offerings, being made of leavened dough, because in them their daily bread was offered to the Lord, who had blessed the harvest, as a thank-offering for His blessing. They were therefore only given to the Lord symbolically by waving, and were then to belong to the priests (v. 20). The injunction “out of your habitations” is not to be understood, as Calvin and others suppose, as signifying that every householder was to present two such loaves; it simply expresses the idea, that they were to be loaves made for the daily food of a household, and not prepared expressly for holy purposes.
LEVITICUS. 23:18-19
In addition to the loaves, they were to offer seven yearling lambs, one young bullock, and two rams, as burnt-offerings, together with their (the appropriate) meat and drink-offerings, one he-goat as a sin-offering, and two yearling lambs as peace-offerings. LEVITICUS 23:20 “The priest shall wave them (the two lambs of the peace-offerings), together with the loaves of the first-fruits, as a wave-offering before Jehovah; with the two lambs (the two just mentioned), they (the loaves) shall be holy to Jehovah for the priest.” In the case of the peace-offerings of private individuals, the flesh belonged for the most part to the offerer; but here, in the case of a thank-offering presented by the congregation, it was set apart for the priest. The circumstance, that not only was a much more bountiful burnt-offering prescribed than in the offerings of the dedicatory sheaf at the commencement of harvest (v. 12), but a sin-offering and peace-offering also, is to be attributed to the meaning of the festival itself, as a feast of thanksgiving for the rich blessing of God that had just been gathered in. The sin-offering was to excite the feeling and consciousness of sin on the part of the congregation of Israel, that whilst eating their daily leavened bread they might not serve the leaven of their old nature, but seek and implore from the Lord their God the forgiveness and cleansing away of their sin.
Through the increased burnt-offering they were to give practical expression to their gratitude for the blessing of harvest, by a strengthened consecration and sanctification of all the members of the whole man to the service of the Lord; whilst through the peace-offering they entered into that fellowship of peace with the Lord to which they were called, and which they were eventually to enjoy through His blessing in their promised inheritance. In this way the whole of the year’s harvest was placed under the gracious blessing of the Lord by the sanctification of its commencement and its close; and the enjoyment of their daily food was also sanctified thereby. For the sake of this inward connection, the laws concerning the wave-sheaf and wave-loaves are bound together into one whole; and by this connection, which was established by reckoning the time for the feast of Weeks from the day of the dedication of the sheaf, the two feasts were linked together into an internal unity. The Jews recognised this unity from the very earliest times, and called the feast of Pentecost Azqereth (Greek, Asartha’), because it was the close of the seven weeks (see at v. 36; Josephus, Ant. iii. 10). f194 LEVITICUS 23:21-22 On this day a holy meeting was to be held, and laborious work to be suspended, just as on the first and seventh days of Mazzoth. This was to be maintained as a statute for ever (see v. 14). It was not sufficient, however, to thank the Lord for the blessing of harvest by a feast of thanksgiving to the Lord, but they were not to forget the poor and distressed when gathering in their harvest. To indicate this, the law laid down in Leviticus 19:9-10 is repeated in v. 22.
LEVITICUS. 23:23-25
On the first day of the seventh month there was to be shabbathon, rest, i.e., a day of rest (see Exodus 16:23), a memorial of blowing of trumpets, a holy convocation, the suspension of laborious work, and the offering of a firing for Jehovah, which are still more minutely described in the calendar of festal sacrifices in Numbers 29:2-6. h[;WrT] , a joyful noise, from [ræp; to make a noise, is used in v. 24 for rp;wOv h[;WrT] , a blast of trumpets. On this day the shophar was to be blown, a blast of trumpets to be appointed for a memorial before Jehovah (Numbers 10:10), i.e., to call the congregation into remembrance before Jehovah, that He might turn towards it His favour and grace (see at Exodus 28:12,29; 30:16); and from this the feast-day is called the day of the trumpet-blast (Numbers 19:1).
Shophar, a trumpet, was a large horn which produced a dull, far-reaching tone. Buccina pastoralis est et cornu recurvo efficitur, unde et proprie hebraice sophar, graece kerati>nh appellatur (Jerome on Hos. Leviticus 5:8). f195 The seventh month of the year, like the seventh day of the week, was consecrated as a Sabbath or sabbatical month, by a holy convocation and the suspension of labour, which were to distinguish the first day of the seventh month from the beginning of the other months or the other new moon days throughout the year. For the whole month was sanctified in the first day, as the beginning or head of the month; and by the sabbatical observance of the commencement, the whole course of the month was raised to a Sabbath. This was enjoined, not merely because it was the seventh month, but because the seventh month was to secure to the congregation the complete atonement for all its sins, and the wiping away of all the uncleannesses which separated it from its God, viz., on the day of atonement, which fell within this month, and to bring it a foretaste of the blessedness of life in fellowship with the Lord, viz., in the feast of Tabernacles, which commenced five days afterwards. This significant character of the seventh month was indicated by the trumpet-blast, by which the congregation presented the memorial of itself loudly and strongly before Jehovah on the first day of the month, that He might bestow upon them the promised blessings of His grace, for the realization of His covenant. The trumpet-blast on this day was a prelude of the trumpet-blast with which the commencement of the year of jubilee was proclaimed to the whole nation, on the day of atonement of every seventh sabbatical year, that great year of grace under the old covenant (Leviticus 25:9); just as the seventh month in general formed the link between the weekly Sabbath and the sabbatical and jubilee years, and corresponded as a Sabbath month to the year of jubilee rather than the sabbatical year, which had its prelude in the weekly Sabbath-day.
LEVITICUS. 23:26-31
On the tenth day of the seventh month the day of atonement was to be observed by a holy meeting, by fasting from the evening of the ninth till the evening of the tenth, by resting from all work on pain of death, and with sacrifices, of which the great expiatory sacrifice peculiar to this day had already been appointed in ch. 16, and the general festal sacrifices are described in Numbers 29:8-11. (For fuller particulars, see at ch. 16.) By the restrictive Ëaæ , the observance of the day of atonement is represented a priori as a peculiar one. The Ëaæ refers less to “the tenth day,” than to the leading directions respecting this feast: “only on the tenth of this seventh month...there shall be a holy meeting to you, and ye shall afflict your souls,” etc.
LEVITICUS. 23:32
“Ye shall rest your rest,” i.e., observe the rest that is binding upon you from all laborious work.
LEVITICUS. 23:33-37
On the fifteenth of the same month the feast of Tabernacles was to be kept to the Lord for seven days: on the first day with a holy meeting and rest from all laborious work, and for seven days with sacrifices, as appointed for every day in Numbers 29:13-33. Moreover, on the eighth day, i.e., the 22nd of the month, the closing feast was to be observed in the same manner as on the first day (vv. 34-36). The name, “feast of Tabernacles” (booths), is to be explained from the fact, that the Israelites were to dwell in booths made of boughs for the seven days that this festival lasted (v. 42). `hr;x;[ , which is used in v. 36 and Numbers 29:35 for the eighth day, which terminated the feast of Tabernacles, and in Deuteronomy 16:8 for the seventh day of the feast of Mazzoth, signifies the solemn close of a feast of several days, clausula festi, from `rx;[; to shut in, or close (Genesis 16:2; Deuteronomy 11:17, etc.), not a coagendo, congregando populo ad festum, nor a cohibitione laboris, ab interdicto opere, because the word is only applied to the last day of the feasts of Mazzoth and Tabernacles, and not to the first, although this was also kept with a national assembly and suspension of work.
But as these clausaulae festi were holidays with a holy convocation and suspension of work, it was very natural that the word should be transferred at a later period to feasts generally, on which the people suspended work and met for worship and edification (Joel 1:14; Isaiah 1:13; 2 Kings 10:20).
The azareth, as the eighth day, did not strictly belong to the feast of Tabernacles, which was only to last seven days; and it was distinguished, moreover, from these seven days by a smaller number of offerings (Numbers 29:35ff.). The eighth day was rather the solemn close of the whole circle of yearly feasts, and therefore was appended to the close of the last of these feasts as the eighth day of the feast itself (see at Numbers 28 seq.). — With v. 36 the enumeration of all the yearly feasts on which holy meetings were to be convened is brought to an end. This is stated in the concluding formula (vv. 37, 38), which answers to the heading in v. 4, in which the Sabbaths are excepted, as they simply belonged to the moadim in the more general sense of the word.
In this concluding formula, therefore, there is no indication that vv. 2 and and vv. 39-43 are later additions to the original list of feasts which were to be kept with a meeting for worship. wgw bræq; (to offer, etc.) is not dependent upon “holy convocations,” but upon the main idea, “feasts of Jehovah.” Jehovah had appointed moadim, fixed periods in the year, for His congregation to offer sacrifices; not as if no sacrifices could be or were to be offered except at these feasts, but to remind His people, through these fixed days, of their duty to approach the Lord with sacrifices. hV;ai is defined by the enumeration of four principal kinds of sacrifice-burnt- offerings, meat-offerings, slain (i.e., peace-) offerings, and drink-offerings. awOB µwOy rb;d; : “every day those appointed for it,” as in Exodus 5:13.
LEVITICUS. 23:38-43
“Beside the Sabbaths:” i.e., the Sabbath sacrifices (see Numbers 28:9-10), and the gifts and offerings, which formed no integral part of the keeping of the feasts and Sabbaths, but might be offered on those days. hn;T;mæ , gifts, include all the dedicatory offerings, which were presented to the Lord without being intended to be burned upon the altar; such, for example, as the dedicatory gifts of the tribe-princes (Numbers 7), the firstlings and tithes, and other so-called heave-offerings (Numbers 18:11,29). By the “vows” and hb;d;n] , “freewill-offerings,” we are to understand not only the votive and freewill slain or peace-offerings, but burnt-offerings also, and meat-offerings, which were offered in consequence of a vow, or from spontaneous impulse (see Judges 11:31, where Jephthah vows a burntoffering). — In vv. 39ff. there follows a fuller description of the observance of the last feast of the year, for which the title, “feast of Tabernacles” (v. 34), had prepared the way, as the feast had already been mentioned briefly in Exodus 23:16 and 34:22 as “feast of Ingathering,” though hitherto no rule had been laid down concerning the peculiar manner in which it was to be observed.
In connection with this epithet in Exodus, it is described again in v. 39, as in vv. 35, 36, as a seven days’ feast, with sabbatical rest on the first and eighth day; and in vv. 40ff. the following rule is given for its observance: “Take to you fruit of ornamental trees, palm-branches, and boughs of trees with thick foliage, and willows of the brook, and rejoice before the Lord your God seven days, every native in Israel.” If we observe that there are only three kinds of boughs that are connected together by the copula (vav) in v. 40, and that it is wanting before amef; ãKæ , there can hardly be any doubt that rd;h; `x[e yrip] is the generic term, and that the three names which follow specify the particular kinds of boughs. By “the fruits,” therefore, we understand the shoots and branches of the trees, as well as the blossom and fruit that grew out of them. rd;h; `x[e , “trees of ornament:” we are not to understand by these only such trees as the orange and citron, which were placed in gardens for ornament rather than use, as the Chald. and Syr. indicate, although these trees grow in the gardens of Palestine (Rob., Pal. i. 327, iii. 420). The expression is a more general one, and includes myrtles, which were great favourites with the ancients, on account of their beauty and the fragrant odour which they diffused, olive-trees, palms, and other trees, which were used as booths in Ezra’s time (Neh 8:15). In the words, “Take fruit of ornamental trees,” it is not expressly stated, it is true, that this fruit was to be used, like the palm-branches, for constructing booths; but this is certainly implied in the context: “Take...and rejoice...and keep a feast...in the booths shall he dwell.” hK;su with the article is equivalent to “in the booths which ye have constructed from the branches mentioned” (cf. Ges. §109, 3). It was in this sense that the law was understood and carried out in the time of Ezra (Neh 8:15ff.). f196 The leading character of the feast of Tabernacles, which is indicated at the outset by the emphatic Ëaæ (v. 39, see at v. 27), was to consist in “joy before the Lord.” As a “feast,” i.e., a feast of joy ( gjæ , from ggæj; = gWj , denoting the circular motion of the dance, 1 Samuel 30:16), it was to be kept for seven days; so that Israel “should be only rejoicing,” and give itself up entirely to joy (Deuteronomy 16:15). Now, although the motive assigned in Deut. is this: “for God will bless thee (Israel) in all thine increase, and in all the work of thine hands;” and although the feast, as a “feast of ingathering,” was a feast of thanksgiving for the gathering in of the produce of the land, “the produce of the floor and wine-press;” and the blessing they had received in the harvested fruits, the oil and wine, which contributed even more to the enjoyment of life than the bread that was needed for daily food, furnished in a very high degree the occasion and stimulus to the utterance of grateful joy: the origin and true signification of the feast of Tabernacles are not to be sought for in this natural allusion to the blessing of the harvest, but the dwelling in booths was the principal point in the feast; and this was instituted as a law for all future time (v. 41), that succeeding generations might know that Jehovah had caused the children of Israel to dwell in booths when He led them out of Egypt (v. 43). hK;su , a booth or hut, is not to be confounded with lh,ao a tent, but comes from Ëkæs; texuit, and signifies casa, umbraculum ex frondibus ramisque consertum (Ges. thes. s. v.), serving as a defence both against the heat of the sun, and also against wind and rain (Psalm 31:21; Isaiah 4:6; Jonah 4:5).
Their dwelling in booths was by no means intended, as Bähr supposes, to bring before the minds of the people the unsettled wandering life of the desert, and remind them of the trouble endured there, for the recollection of privation and want can never be an occasion of joy; but it was to place vividly before the eyes of the future generations of Israel a memorial of the grace, care, and protection which God afforded to His people in the great and terrible wilderness (Deuteronomy 8:15). Whether the Israelites, in their journey through the wilderness, not only used the tents which they had taken with them (cf. Leviticus 14:8; Exodus 16:1; 18:7; 33:8ff.; Numbers 16:26ff., Leviticus 24:5, etc.), but erected booths of branches and bushes in those places of encampment where they remained for a considerable time, as the Bedouins still do sometimes in the peninsula of Sinai (Burckhardt, Syrien, p. 858), or not; at all events, the shielding and protecting presence of the Lord in the pillar of cloud and fire was, in the words of the prophet, “a booth (tabernacle) for a shadow in the day-time from the heat, and for a place of refuge, and for a covert from storm and from rain” (Isaiah 4:6) in the barren wilderness, to those who had just been redeemed out of Egypt.
Moreover, the booths used at this feast were not made of miserable shrubs of the desert, but of branches of fruit-trees, palms and thickly covered trees, the produce of the good and glorious land into which God had brought them (Deuteronomy 8:7ff.); and in this respect they presented a living picture of the plenteous fulness of blessing with which the Lord had enriched His people.
This fulness of blessing was to be called to mind by their dwelling in booths; in order that, in the land “wherein they ate bread without scarceness and lacked nothing, where they built goodly houses and dwelt therein; where their herds and flocks, their silver and their gold, and all that they had, multiplied” (Deuteronomy 8:9,12-13), they might not say in their hearts, “My power, and the might of mine hand, hath gotten me this wealth,” but might remember that Jehovah was their God, who gave them power to get wealth (vv. 17, 18), that so their heart might not “be lifted up and forget Jehovah their God, who had led them out of the land of Egypt, the house of bondage.” If, therefore, the foliage of the booths pointed to the glorious possessions of the inheritance, which the Lord had prepared for His redeemed people in Canaan, yet the natural allusion of the feast, which was superadded to the historical, and subordinate to it-viz., to the plentiful harvest of rich and beautiful fruits, which they had gathered in from this inheritance, and could now enjoy in peace after the toil of cultivating the land was over-would necessarily raise their hearts to still higher joy through their gratitude to the Lord and Giver of all, and make this feats a striking figure of the blessedness of the people of God when resting from their labours.
LEVITICUS. 23:44
Communication of these laws to the people.
PREPARATION OF THE HOLY LAMPS AND SHEW-BREAD. PUNISHMENT OF A BLASPHEMER.
LEVITICUS. 24:1-4
The directions concerning the oil for the holy candlestick (vv. 1-4) and the preparation of the shew-bread (vv. 5-9) lose the appearance of an interpolation, when we consider and rightly understand on the one hand the manner in which the two are introduced in v. 2, and on the other their significance in relation to the worship of God. The introductory formula, “Command the children of Israel that they fetch (bring),” shows that the command relates to an offering on the part of the congregation, a sacrificial gift, with which Israel was to serve the Lord continually. This service consisted in the fact, that in the oil of the lamps of the seven-branched candlestick, which burned before Jehovah, the nation of Israel manifested itself as a congregation which caused its light to shine in the darkness of this world; and that in the shew-bread it offered the fruits of its labour in the field of the kingdom of God, as a spiritual sacrifice to Jehovah. The offering of oil, therefore, for the preparation of the candlestick, and that of fine flour for making the loaves to be placed before Jehovah, formed part of the service in which Israel sanctified its life and labour to the Lord its God, not only at the appointed festal periods, but every day; and the law is very appropriately appended to the sanctification of the Sabbaths and feastdays, prescribed in ch. 23. The first instructions in vv. 2-4 are a verbal repetition of Exodus 27:20-21, and have been explained already. Their execution by Aaron is recorded at Numbers 8:1-4; and the candlestick itself was set in order by Moses at the consecration of the tabernacle (Exodus 40:25). LEVITICUS 24:5-9 The preparation of the shew-bread and the use to be made of it are described here for the first time; though it had already been offered by the congregation at the consecration of the tabernacle, and placed by Moses upon the table (Exodus 39:36; 40:23). Twelve cakes (challoth, Leviticus 2:4) were to be made of fine flour, of two-tenths of an ephah each, and placed in two rows, six in each row, upon the golden table before Jehovah (Exodus 25:23ff.). Pure incense was then to be added to each row, which was to be (to serve) as a memorial (Azcarah, see Leviticus 2:2), as a firing for Jehovah. `l[æ ˆtæn; to give upon, to add to, does not force us to the conclusion that the incense was to be spread upon the cakes; but is easily reconcilable with the Jewish tradition (Josephus, Ant. iii. 10, 7; Mishnah, Menach. xi. 7, 8), that the incense was placed in golden saucers with each row of bread.
The number twelve corresponded to the number of the twelve tribes of Israel. The arrangement of the loaves in rows of six each was in accordance with the shape of the table, just like the division of the names of the twelve tribes upon the two precious stones on Aaron’s shoulderdress (Exodus 28:10). By the presentation or preparation of them from the fine flour presented by the congregation, and still more by the addition of incense, which was burned upon the altar every Sabbath on the removal of the loaves as azcarah, i.e., as a practical memento of the congregation before God, the laying out of these loaves assumed the form of a bloodless sacrifice, in which the congregation brought the fruit of its life and labour before the face of the Lord, and presented itself to its God as a nation diligent in sanctification to good works. If the shew-bread was a minchah, or meat-offering, and even a most holy one, which only the priests were allowed to eat in the holy place (v. 9, cf. Leviticus 2:3 and 6:9-10), it must naturally have been unleavened, as the unanimous testimony of the Jewish tradition affirms it to have been.
And if as a rule no meat-offering could be leavened, and of the loaves of first-fruits prepared for the feast of Pentecost, which were actually leavened, none was allowed to be placed upon the altar (Leviticus 2:11-12; 6:10); still less could leavened bread be brought into the sanctuary before Jehovah. The only ground, therefore, on which Knobel can maintain that those loaves were leavened, is on the supposition that they were intended to represent the daily bread, which could no more fail in the house of Jehovah than in any other well-appointed house (see Bähr, Symbolik i. p. 410). The process of laying these loaves before Jehovah continually was to be “an everlasting covenant” (v. 8), i.e., a pledge or sign of the everlasting covenant, just as circumcision, as the covenant in the flesh, was to be an everlasting covenant (Genesis 17:13).
LEVITICUS. 24:10-12
The account of the Punishment of a Blasphemer is introduced in the midst of the laws, less because “it brings out to view by a clear example the administration of the divine law in Israel, and also introduces and furnishes the reason for several important laws” (Baumgarten), than because the historical occurrence itself took place at the time when the laws relating to sanctification of life before the Lord were given, whilst the punishment denounced against the blasphemer exhibited in a practical form, as a warning to the whole nation, the sanctification of the Lord in the despisers of His name. The circumstances were the following:-The son of an Israelitish woman named Shelomith, the daughter of Dibri, of the tribe of Dan, and of an Egyptian whom the Israelitish woman had married, went out into the midst of the children of Israel, i.e., went out of his tent or place of encampment among the Israelites. As the son of an Egyptian, he belonged to the foreigners who had gone out with Israel (Exodus 12:38), and who probably had their tents somewhere apart from those of the Israelites, who were encamped according to their tribes (Numbers 2:2).
Having got into a quarrel with an Israelite, this man scoffed at the name (of Jehovah) and cursed. The cause of the quarrel is not given, and cannot be determined. bqæn; : to bore, hollow out, then to sting, metaphorically to separate, fix (Genesis 30:28), hence to designate (Numbers 1:17, etc.), and to prick in malam partem, to taunt, i.e., to blaspheme, curse, = bbæq; Numbers 23:11,25, etc. That the word is used here in a bad sense, is evident from the expression “and cursed,” and from the whole context of vv. 15 and 16. The Jews, on the other hand, have taken the word bqæn; in this passage from time immemorial in the sense of eponoma>zein (LXX), and founded upon it the well-known law, against even uttering the name Jehovah (see particularly v. 16). “The name” kat> ex . is the name “Jehovah” (cf. v. 16), in which God manifested His nature. It was this passage that gave rise to the custom, so prevalent among the Rabbins, of using the expression “name,” or “the name,” for Dominus, or Deus (see Buxtorf, lex. talmud. pp. 2432ff.). The blasphemer was brought before Moses and then put into confinement, “to determine for them (such blasphemers) according to the mouth (command) of Jehovah.” vr;p; : to separate, distinguish, then to determine exactly, which is the sense both here and in Numbers 15:34, where it occurs in a similar connection.
LEVITICUS. 24:13-16
Jehovah ordered the blasphemer to be taken out of the camp, and the witnesses to lay their hands upon his head, and the whole congregation to stone him; and published at the same time the general law, that whoever cursed his God should bear (i.e., atone for) his sin (cf. Exodus 22:27), and whoever blasphemed the name of Jehovah should be stoned, the native as well as the foreigner. By laying (resting, cf. Leviticus 1:4) their hands upon the head of the blasphemer, the hearers or witnesses were to throw off from themselves the blasphemy which they had heard, and return it upon the head of the blasphemer, for him to expiate. The washing of hands in Deuteronomy 21:6 is analogous; but the reference made by Knobel to Deuteronomy 17:7, where the witnesses are commanded to turn their hand against an idolater who had been condemned to death, i.e., to stone him, is out of place.
LEVITICUS. 24:17-18
The decision asked for from God concerning the crime of the blasphemer, who was the son of an Egyptian, and therefore not a member of the congregation of Jehovah, furnished the occasion for God to repeat those laws respecting murder or personal injury inflicted upon a man, which had hitherto been given for the Israelites alone (Exodus 21:12ff.), and to proclaim their validity in the case of the foreigner also (vv. 17, 21, 22). To these there are appended the kindred commandments concerning the killing of cattle (vv. 18, 21, 22), which had not been given, it is true, expressis verbis, but were contained implicite in the rights of Israel (Exodus 21:33ff.), and are also extended to foreigners. µd;a; vp,n, hk;n; , to smite the soul of a man, i.e., to put him to death;-the expression “soul of a beast,” in v. 18, is to be understood in the same sense. LEVITICUS 24:19-22 “Cause a blemish,” i.e., inflict a bodily injury. This is still further defined in the cases mentioned (breach, eye, tooth), in which punishment was to be inflicted according to the jus talionis (see at Exodus 21:23ff.).
LEVITICUS. 24:23
After these laws had been issued, the punishment was inflicted upon the blasphemer.
SANCTIFICATION OF THE POSSESSION OF LAND BY THE SABBATICAL AND JUBILEE YEARS.
LEVITICUS. 25:1
The law for the sabbatical and jubilee years brings to a close the laws given to Moses by Jehovah upon Mount Sinai. This is shown by the words of the heading (v. 1), which point back to Exodus 34:32, and bind together into an inward unity the whole round of laws that Moses received from God upon the mountain, and then gradually announced to the people. The same words are repeated, not only in Leviticus 7:38 at the close of the laws of sacrifice, but also at Leviticus 26:46, at the close of the promises and threats which follow the law for the sabbatical and jubilee years, and lastly, at Leviticus 27:34, after the supplementary law concerning vows. The institution of the jubilee years corresponds to the institution of the day of atonement (ch. 16). Just as all the sins and uncleannesses of the whole congregation, which had remained unatoned for and uncleansed in the course of the year, were to be wiped away by the all-embracing expiation of the yearly recurring day of atonement, and an undisturbed relation to be restored between Jehovah and His people; so, by the appointment of the year of jubilee, the disturbance and confusion of the divinely appointed relations, which had been introduced in the course of time through the inconstancy of all human or earthly things, were to be removed by the appointment of the year of jubilee, and the kingdom of Israel to be brought back to its original condition. The next chapter (ch. 26) bears the same relation to the giving of the law upon Sinai as Exodus 23:20-33 to the covenant rights in Exodus 20:22-23:19. LEVITICUS 25:2-4 The Sabbatical Year.
When Israel had come into the land which the Lord gave to it, it was to sanctify it to the Lord by the observance of a Sabbath. As the nation at large, with its labourers and beasts of burden, was to keep a Sabbath or day of rest every seventh day of the week, so the land which they filled was to rest (to keep, tB;væ tbæv; as in Leviticus 23:32) a Sabbath to the Lord.
Six years they were to sow the field and cut the vineyard, i.e., cultivate the corn-fields, vineyards, and olive-yards (Exodus 23:11: see the remarks on cerem at Leviticus 19:10), and gather in their produce; but in the seventh year the land was to keep a Sabbath of rest (Sabbath sabbathon, Exodus 31:15), a Sabbath consecrated to the Lord (see Exodus 20:10); and in this year the land was neither to be tilled nor reaped (cf. Exodus 23:10-11). rmæz; in Kal applies only to the cutting of grapes, and so also in Niphal, Isaiah 5:6; hence zemorah, a vine-branch (Numbers 13:23), and mazmerah, a pruning-knife (Isaiah 2:4, etc.). f197 The omission of sowing and reaping presupposed that the sabbatical year commenced with the civil year, in the autumn of the sixth year of labour, and not with the ecclesiastical year, on the first of Abib (Nisan), and that it lasted till the autumn of the seventh year, when the cultivation of the land would commence again with the preparation of the ground and the sowing of the seed for the eighth year; and with this the command to proclaim the jubilee year on “the tenth day of the seventh month” throughout all the land (v. 9), and the calculation in vv. 21, 22, fully agree.
LEVITICUS. 25:5
“That which has fallen out (been shaken out) of thy harvest (i.e., the corn which had grown from the grains of the previous harvest that had fallen out) thou shalt not reap, and the grapes of thine uncut thou shalt not gather.” ryzin; , the Nazarite, who let his hair grow freely without cutting it (Numbers 6:5), is used figuratively, both here and in v. 11, to denote a vine not pruned, since by being left to put forth all its productive power it was consecrated to the Lord. The Roman poets employ a similar figure, and speak of the viridis coma of the vine (Tibull. i. 7, 34; Propert. ii. 15, 12). LEVITICUS 25:6-7 “And the Sabbath of the land (i.e., the produce of the sabbatical year or year of rest, whatever grew that year without cultivation) shall be to you for food, for thee and thy servant,...and for the beasts that are in thy land shall all its produce be for food.” The meaning is, that what grew of itself was not to be reaped by the owner of the land, but that masters and servants, labourers and visitors, cattle and game, were to eat thereof away from the field (cf. v. 12). The produce arising without tilling or sowing was to be a common good for man and beast. According to Exodus 23:11, it was to belong to the poor and needy; but the owner was not forbidden to partake of it also, so that there can be no discrepancy discovered between this passage and the verse before us. The produce referred to would be by no means inconsiderable, particularly if there had not been a careful gleaning after the harvest, or the corn had become over-ripe.
In the fertile portions of Palestine, especially in the plain of Jezreel and on the table-land of Galilee, as well as in other parts, large quantities of wheat and other cereals are still self-sown from the ripe ears, the over-flowing of which is not gathered by any of the inhabitants of the land. Strabo gives a similar account of Albania, viz., that in many parts a field once sown will bear fruit twice and even three times, the first yield being as much as fiftyfold.
The intention of his law was not so much to secure the physical recreation of both the land and people, however useful and necessary this might be for men, animals, and land in this sublunary world; but the land was to keep Sabbath to the Lord in the seventh year. In the sabbatical year the land, which the Lord had given to His people, was to observe a period of holy rest and refreshment to its Lord and God, just as the congregation did on the Sabbath-day; and the hand of man was to be withheld from the fields and fruit-gardens from working them, that they might yield their produce for his use.
The earth was to be saved from the hand of man exhausting its power for earthly purposes as his own property, and to enjoy the holy rest with which God had blessed the earth and all its productions after the creation. From this, Israel, as the nation of God, was to learn, on the one hand, that although the earth was created for man, it was not merely created for him to draw out its powers for his own use, but also to be holy to the Lord, and participate in His blessed rest; and on the other hand, that the great purpose for which the congregation of the Lord existed, did not consist in the uninterrupted tilling of the earth, connected with bitter labour in the sweat of his brow (Genesis 3:17,19), but in the peaceful enjoyment of the fruits of the earth, which the Lord their God had given them, and would give them still without the labour of their hands, if they strove to keep His covenant and satisfy themselves with His grace. This intention of the sabbatical year comes out still more plainly in the year of jubilee, in which the idea of the sanctification of the whole land as the Lord’s property is still more strongly expressed, and whose inward connection with the sabbatical year is indicated by the fact that the time for observing it was regulated by the sabbatical years (v. 8).
LEVITICUS. 25:8-55
The law for the Year of Jubilee refers first of all to its observance (vv. 8- 12), and secondly to its effects (a) upon the possession of property (vv. 13-34), and (b) upon the personal freedom of the Israelites (vv. 35-55).
Verse 8-9. Keeping the year of jubilee. Vv. 8, 9. Seven Sabbaths of yearsi. e., year-Sabbaths or sabbatical years, or seven times seven years, the time of seven year-Sabbaths, that is to say, 49 years-they were to count, and then at the expiration of that time to cause the trumpet of jubilee to go (sound) through the whole land on the tenth of the seventh month, i.e., the day of atonement, to proclaim the entrance of the year of jubilee. This mode of announcement was closely connected with the idea of the year itself. The blowing of trumpets, or blast of the far-sounding horn (shophar, see at Leviticus 23:24), was the signal of the descent of the Lord upon Sinai, to raise Israel to be His people, to receive them into His covenant, to unite them to Himself, and bless them through His covenant of grace (Exodus 19:13,16,19; 20:18). Just as the people were to come up to the mountain at the sounding of the lbewOy , or the voice of the shophar, to commemorate its union with the Lord, so at the expiration of the seventh sabbatical year the trumpet-blast was to announce to the covenant nation the gracious presence of its God, and the coming of the year which was to bring “liberty throughout the land to all that dwelt therein” (v. 10)- deliverance from bondage (vv. 40ff.), return to their property and family (vv. 10, 13), and release from the bitter labour of cultivating the land (vv. 11, 12). This year of grace as proclaimed and began with the day of atonement of every seventh sabbatical year, to show that it was only with the full forgiveness of sins that the blessed liberty of the children of God could possibly commence. This grand year of grace was to return after seven times seven years; i.e., as is expressly stated in v. 10, every fiftieth year was to be sanctified as a year of jubilee. By this regulation of the time, the view held by R. Jehuda, and the chronologists and antiquarians who have followed him, that every seventh sabbatical year, i.e., the 49th year, was to be kept as the year of jubilee, is proved to be at variance with the text, and the fiftieth year is shown to be the year of rest, in which the sabbatical idea attained its fullest realization, and reached its earthly temporal close.
Verse 10. The words, “Ye shall proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof,” are more closely defined by the two clauses commencing with aWh lbewOy in vv. 10 and 11. “A trumpet-blast shall it be to you, that ye return every one to his own possession, and every one to his family:” a still further explanation is given in vv. 23-34 and 39- 55. This was to be the fruit or effect of the blast, i.e., of the year commencing with the blast, and hence the year was called “the year of liberty,” or free year, in Ezekiel 46:17. lbewOy , from lbæy; to flow with a rushing noise, does not mean jubilation or the time of jubilation (Ges., Kn., and others); but wherever it is not applied to the year of jubilee, it signifies only the loud blast of a trumpet (Exodus 19:13; Joshua 6:5). This meaning also applies here in vv. 10b, 11 and 12; whilst in vv. 15, 28, 30, 31, 33, Leviticus 27:18, and Numbers 36:4, it is used as an abbreviated expression for lbewOy hn,v; , the year of the trumpet-blast.
Verse 11-12. The other effect of the fiftieth year proclaimed with the trumpet-blast consisted in the fact that the Israelites were not to sow or reap, just as in the sabbatical year (see vv. 4, 5). “For it is lbewOy ,” i.e., not “jubilation or time of jubilation,” but “the time or year of the trumpet-blast, it shall be holy to you,” i.e., a sabbatical time, which is to be holy to you like the day of the trumpet-blast (vv. 23, 24).
Verse 13-34. One of the effects of the year of freedom is mentioned here, viz., the return of every man to his own possession; and the way is prepared for it by a warning against overreaching in the sale of land, and the assignment of a reason for this. Verse 14-17. In the purchase and sale of pieces of land no one was to oppress another, i.e., to overreach him by false statements as to its value and produce. hn;y; applies specially to the oppression of foreigners (Leviticus 19:33; Exodus 22:20), of slaves (Deuteronomy 23:17), of the poor, widows, and orphans (Jeremiah 22:3; Ezekiel 18:8) in civil matters, by overreaching them or taking their property away. The inf. abs. hn;q; : as in Genesis 41:43. The singular suffix in `tymi[; is to be understood distributively of a particular Israelite.
Verse 15-16. The purchase and sale were to be regulated by the number of years that had elapsed since the year of jubilee, so that they were only to sell the produce of the yearly revenues up to the next jubilee year, and made the price higher or lower according to the larger or smaller number of the years.
Verse 17-19. Overreaching and oppression God would avenge; they were therefore to fear before Him. On the other hand, if they kept His commandments and judgments, He would take care that they should dwell in the land in safety (secure, free from anxiety), and be satisfied with the abundance of its produce. In this way vv. 18-22 fit on exceedingly well to what precedes. f198 Verse 20-22. Jehovah would preserve them from want, without their sowing or reaping. He would bestow His blessing upon them in the sixth year, so that it should bear the produce of three ( `hc;[; for `hc;[; as in Genesis 33:11); and when they sowed in the eighth year, they should eat the produce of the old year up to the ninth year, that is to say, till the harvest of that year. It is quite evident from vv. 21 and 22, according to which the sixth year was to produce enough for three years, and the sowing for the ninth was to take place in the eighth, that not only the year of jubilee, but the sabbatical year also, commenced in the autumn, when they first began to sow for the coming year; so that the sowing was suspended from the autumn of the sixth year till the autumn of the seventh, and even till the autumn of the eighth, whenever the jubilee year came round, in which case both sowing and reaping were omitted for two years in succession, and consequently the produce of the sixth year, which was harvested in the seventh month of that year, must have sufficed for three years, not merely till the sowing in the autumn of the eight or fiftieth year, but till the harvest of the ninth or fifty-first year, as the Talmud and Rabbins of every age have understood the law.
Verse 23-27. What was already implied in the laws relating to the purchase and sale of the year’s produce (vv. 15, 16), namely, that the land could not be alienated, is here clearly expressed; and at the same time the rule is laid down, showing how a man, who had been compelled by poverty to sell his patrimony, was to recover possession of it by redemption. In the first place, v. 23 contains the general rule, “the land shall not be sold ttuymix] ” (lit., to annihilation), i.e., so as to vanish away from, or be for ever lost to, the seller. For “the land belongs to Jehovah:” the Israelites, to whom He would give it (v. 2), were not actual owners or full possessors, so that they could do what they pleased with it, but “strangers and sojourners with Jehovah” in His land. Consequently (v. 24) throughout the whole of the land of their possession they were to grant hL;auG] release, redemption to the land.
There were three ways in which this could be done. The first case (v. 25) was this: if a brother became poor and sold his property, his nearest redeemer was to come and release what his brother had sold, i.e., buy it back from the purchaser and restore it to its former possessor. The nearest redeemer was the relative upon whom this obligation rested according to the series mentioned in vv. 48, 49. — The second case (vv. 26, 27) was this: if any one had no redeemer, either because there were no relatives upon whom the obligation rested, or because they were all too poor, and he had earned and acquired sufficient to redeem it, he was to calculate the years of purchase, and return the surplus to the man who had bought it, i.e., as much as he had paid for the years that still remained up to the next year of jubilee, that so he might come into possession of it again. As the purchaser had only paid the amount of the annual harvests till the next year of jubilee, all that he could demand back was as much as he had paid for the years that still remained.
Verse 28. The third case was this: if a man had not earned as much as was required to make compensation for the recovery of the land, what he had sold was to remain in the possession of the buyer till the year of jubilee, and then it was to “go out,” i.e., to become free again, so that the impoverished seller could enter into possession without compensation. The buyer lost nothing by this, for he had fully recovered all that he paid for the annual harvests up to the year of jubilee, from the amount which those harvests yielded. Through these legal regulations every purchase of land became simply a lease for a term of years.
Verse 29-30. Alienation and redemption of houses. — Vv. 29, 30. On the sale of a dwelling-house in a wall-town (a town surrounded by a wall) there was to be redemption till the completion of the year of its purchase. µwOy , “days (i.e., a definite period) shall its redemption be;” that is to say, the right of redemption or repurchase should be retained. If it was not redeemed within the year, it remained to the buyer for ever for his descendants, and did not go out free in the year of jubilee. µWq to arise for a possession, i.e., to become a fixed standing possession, as in Genesis 23:17. alo rv,a for ttæK; rv,a as in Leviticus 11:21 (see at Exodus 21:8).
This law is founded upon the assumption, that the houses in unwalled towns are not so closely connected with the ownership of the land, as that the alienation of the houses would alter the portion originally assigned to each family for a possession. Having been built by men, they belonged to their owners in full possession, whether they had received them just as they were at the conquest of the land, or had erected them for themselves. This last point of view, however, was altogether a subordinate one; for in the case of “the houses of the villages” (i.e., farm-buildings and villages, see Joshua 13:23, etc.), which had no walls round them, it was not taken into consideration at all.
Verse 31. Such houses as these were to be reckoned as part of the land, and to be treated as landed property, with regard to redemption and restoration at the year of jubilee.
Verse 32. On the other hand, so far as the Levitical towns, viz., the houses of the Levites in the towns belonging to them, were concerned, there was to be eternal redemption for the Levites; that is to say, when they were parted with, the right of repurchase was never lost. `µl;wO[ (eternal) is to be understood as a contrast to the year allowed in the case of other houses (vv. 29, 30).
Verse 33. “And whoever (if any one) redeems, i.e., buys, of the Levites, the house that is sold and (indeed in) the town of his possession is to go out free in the year of jubilee; for the houses of the Levitical towns are their (the Levites’) possession among the children of Israel.” The meaning is this: If any one bought a Levite’s house in one of the Levitical towns, the house he had bought was to revert to the Levite without compensation in the year of jubilee. The difficulty connected with the first clause is removed, if we understand the word laæG; (to redeem, i.e., to buy back), as the Rabbins do, in the sense of hn;q; to buy, acquire. The use of laæG; for hn;q; may be explained from the fact, that when the land was divided, the Levites did not receive either an inheritance in the land, or even the towns appointed for them to dwell in as their own property. The Levitical towns were allotted to the different tribes in which they were situated, with the simple obligation to set apart a certain number of dwelling-houses for the Levites, together with pasture-ground for their cattle in the precincts of the towns (cf. Numbers 35:1ff. and my Commentary on Joshua, p. translation). If a non-Levite, therefore, bought a Levite’s house, it was in reality a repurchase of property belonging to his tribe, or the redemption of what the tribe had relinquished to the Levites as their dwelling and for their necessities. f199 The words ja `ry[i are an explanatory apposition-”and that in the town of his possession,” — and do not mean “whatever he had sold of his houseproperty or anything else in his town,” for the Levites had no other property in the town besides the houses, but “the house which he had sold, namely, in the town of his possession.” This implies that the right of reversion was only to apply to the houses ceded to the Levites in their own towns, and not to houses which they had acquired in other towns either by purchase or inheritance. The singular aWh is used after a subject in the plural, because the copula agrees with the object (see Ewald, §319c). As the Levites were to have no hereditary property in the land except the houses in the towns appointed for them, it was necessary that the possession of their houses should be secured to them for all time, if they were not to fall behind the other tribes.
Verse 34. The field of the pasture-ground of the Levitical towns was not to be sold. Beside the houses, the Levites were also to receive vr;g]mi pasturage for their flocks (from vræG; to drive, to drive out the cattle) round about these cities (Numbers 35:2-3). These meadows were not to be saleable, and not even to be let till the year of jubilee; because, if they were sold, the Levites would have nothing left upon which to feed their cattle.
Verse 35-55. The second effect of the jubilee year, viz., the return of an Israelite, who had become a slave, to liberty and to his family, is also introduced with an exhortation to support an impoverished brother (vv. 35- 38), and preserve to him his personal freedom.
Verse 35. “If thy brother (countryman, or member of the same tribe) becomes poor, and his hand trembles by thee, thou shalt lay hold of him;” i.e., if he is no longer able to sustain himself alone, thou shalt take him by the arm to help him out of his misfortune. “Let him live with thee as a stranger and sojourner.” yyæj; introduces the apodosis (see Ges. §126, note 1).
Verse 36-41. If he borrowed money, they were not to demand interest; or if food, they were not to demand any addition, any larger quantity, when it was returned (cf. Exodus 22:24; Deuteronomy 23:20-21), from fear of God, who had redeemed Israel out of bondage, to give them the land of Canaan. In v. 37 hy;j; is an abbreviation of yyæj; , which only occurs here. — From v. 39 onwards there follow the laws relating to the bondage of the Israelite, who had been obliged to sell himself from poverty. Vv. 36-46 relate to his service in bondage to an (other) Israelite. The man to whom he had sold himself as servant was not to have slave-labour performed by him (Exodus 1:14), but to keep him as a day-labourer and sojourner, and let him serve with him till the year of jubilee. He was then to go out free with his children, and return to his family and the possession of his fathers (his patrimony).
This regulation is a supplement to the laws relating to the rights of Israel (Exodus 21:2-6), though without a contradiction arising, as Knobel maintains, between the different rules laid down. In Exodus 21 nothing at all is determined respecting the treatment of an Israelitish servant; it is simply stated that in the seventh year of his service he was to recover his liberty. This limit is not mentioned here, because the chapter before us simply treats of the influence of the year of jubilee upon the bondage of the Israelites. On this point it is decided, that the year of jubilee was to bring freedom even to the Israelite who had been brought into slavery by his poverty-of course only to the man who was still in slavery when it commenced and had not served seven full years, provided, that is to say, that he had not renounced his claim to be set free at the end of his seven years’ service, according to Exodus 21:5-6. We have no right to expect this exception to be expressly mentioned here, because it did not interfere with the idea of the year of jubilee. For whoever voluntarily renounced the claim to be set free, whether because the year of jubilee was still so far off that he did not expect to live to see it, or because he had found a better lot with his master than he could secure for himself in a state of freedom, had thereby made a voluntary renunciation of the liberty which the year of jubilee might have brought to him (see Oehler’s art. in Herzog’s Cycl., where the different views on this subject are given).
Verse 42-43. Because the Israelites were servants of Jehovah, who had redeemed them out of Pharaoh’s bondage and adopted them as His people (Exodus 19:5; 18:10, etc.), they were not to be sold “a selling of slaves,” i.e., not to be sold into actual slavery, and no one of them was to rule over another with severity (v. 43, cf. Exodus 1:13-14). “Through this principle slavery was completely abolished, so far as the people of the theocracy were concerned”’ (Oehler).
Verse 44-46. As the Israelites could only hold in slavery servants and maid-servants whom they had bought of foreign nations, or foreigners who had settled in the land, these they might leave as an inheritance to their children, and “through them they might work,” i.e., have slave-labour performed, but not through their brethren the children of Israel (v. 46, cf. v. 43).
Verse 47-50. The servitude of an Israelite to a settler who had come to the possession of property, or a non-Israelite dwelling in the land, was to be redeemable at any time. If an Israelite had sold himself because of poverty to a foreign settler ( bv;wOT rGe , to distinguish the non-Israelitish sojourner from the Israelitish, v. 35), or to a stock of a foreigner, then one of his brethren, or his uncle, or his uncle’s son or some one of his kindred, was to redeem him; or if he came into the possession of property, he was to redeem himself. When this was done, the time was to be calculated from the year of purchase to the year of jubilee, and “the money of his purchase was to be according to the number of the years,” i.e., the price at which he had sold himself was to be distributed over the number of years that he would have to serve to the year of jubilee; and “according to the days of a day-labourer shall he be with him,” i.e., the time that he had worked was to be estimated as that of a day-labourer, and be put to the credit of the man to be redeemed.
Verse 51-52. According as there were few or many years to the year of jubilee would the redemption-money be paid be little or much. hn,v; bræ much in years: bræ neuter, and b¦ as in Genesis 7:21; 8:17 etc. hp, according to the measure of the same.
Verse 53. During the time of service the buyer was to keep him as a daylabourer year by year, i.e., as a labourer engaged for a term of years, and not rule over him with severe oppression. “In thine eyes,” i.e., so that thou (the nation addressed) seest it.
Verse 54-55. If he were not redeemed by these (the relations mentioned in vv. 48, 49), he was to go out free in the year of jubilee along with his children, i.e., to be liberated without compensation. For (v. 55) he was not to remain in bondage, because the Israelites were the servants of Jehovah (cf. v. 42).
But although, through these arrangements, the year of jubilee helped every Israelite, who had fallen into poverty and slavery, to the recovery of his property and personal freedom, and thus the whole community was restored to its original condition as appointed by God, through the return of all the landed property that had been alienated in the course of years to its original proprietor the restoration of the theocratical state to its original condition was not the highest or ultimate object of the year of jubilee. The observance of sabbatical rest throughout the whole land, and by the whole nation, formed part of the liberty which it was to bring to the land and its inhabitants. In the year of jubilee, as in the sabbatical year, the land of Jehovah was to enjoy holy rest, and the nation of Jehovah to be set free from the bitter labour of cultivating the soil, and to live and refresh itself in blessed rest with the blessing which had been given to it by the Lord its God. In this way the year of jubilee became to the poor, oppressed, and suffering, in fact to the whole nation, a year of festivity and grace, which not only brought redemption to the captives and deliverance to the poor out of their distresses, but release to the whole congregation of the Lord from the bitter labour of this world; a time of refreshing, in which all oppression was to cease, and every member of the covenant nation find his redeemer in the Lord, who brought every one back to his own property and home.
Because Jehovah had brought the children of Israel out of Egypt to give them the land of Canaan, where they were to live as His servants and serve Him, in the year of jubilee the nation and land of Jehovah were to celebrate a year of holy rest and refreshing before the Lord, and in this celebration to receive foretaste of the times of refreshing from the presence of the Lord, which were to be brought to all men by One anointed with the Spirit of the Lord, who would come to preach the Gospel to the poor, to bind up the broken-hearted, to bring liberty to the captives and the opening of the prisons to them that were bound, to proclaim to all that mourn a year of grace from the Lord (Isaiah 61:1-3; Luke 4:17-21); and who will come again from heaven in the times of the restitution of all things to complete the apokata>stasiv th>v basilei>av tou> Qeou> , to glorify the whole creation into a kingdom of God, to restore everything that has been destroyed by sin from the beginning of the world, to abolish all the slavery of sin, establish the true liberty of the children of God, emancipate every creature from the bondage of vanity, under which it sighs on account of the sin of man, and introduce all His chosen into the kingdom of peace and everlasting blessedness, which was prepared for their inheritance before the foundation of the world (Acts 3:19-20; Romans 8:19ff.; Matthew 25:34; Colossians 1:12; 1 Peter 1:4).
PROMISES AND THREATS.
Just as the book of the covenant, the kernel containing the fundamental principles of the covenant fellowship, which the Lord established with the children of Israel whom He had adopted as His nation, and the rule of life for the covenant nation (Exodus 20:22-23:19), concluded with promises and threats (Exodus 23:20-33); so the giving of the law at Sinai, as the unfolding of the inner, spiritual side of the whole of the covenant constitution, closes in this chapter with an elaborate unfolding of the blessing which would be secured by a faithful observance of the laws, and the curse which would follow the transgression of them. But whilst the former promises and threats (Exodus 23) related to the conquest of the promised land of Canaan, the promises in this chapter refer to the blessings which were to be bestowed upon Israel when the land was in their possession (vv. 3-13), and the threats to the judgments with which the Lord would visit His disobedient people in their inheritance, and in fact drive them out and scatter them among the heathen (vv. 14-39). When this had been done, then, as is still further proclaimed with a prophetic look into the distant future, would they feel remorse, acknowledge their sin to the Lord, and be once more received into favour by Him, the eternally faithful covenant God (vv. 40-45). f200 The blessings and curse of the law were impressed upon the hearts of the people in a still more comprehensive manner at the close of the whole law (Deuteronomy 28-30), and on the threshold of the promised land.
LEVITICUS. 26:1-2
Verse 1-2. Vv. 1 and 2 form the introduction; and the essence of the whole law, the observance of which will bring a rich blessing, and the transgression of it severe judgments, is summed up in two leading commandments, and placed at the head of the blessing and curse which were to be proclaimed. Ye shall not make to you elilim, nugatory gods, and set up carved images and standing images for worship, but worship Jehovah your God with the observance of His Sabbaths, and fear before His sanctuary. The prohibition of elilim, according to Leviticus 19:4, calls to mind the fundamental law of the decalogue (Exodus 20:3-4, cf.
Leviticus 21:23; Exodus 23:24-25). To pesel (cf. Exodus 20:4) and mazzebah (cf. Exodus 23:24), which were not to be set up, there is added the command not to put tyKic]mæ ˆb,a, , “figure-stones,” in the land, to worship over (by) them. The “figure-stone” is a stone formed into a figure, and idol of stone, not merely a stone with an inscription or with hieroglyphical figures; it is synonymous with tyKic]mæ in Numbers 33:52, and consequently we are to understand by pesel the wooden idol as in Isaiah 44:15, etc. The construction of hw;j\Tæv]hi with `l[æ may be explained on the ground that the worshipper of a stone image placed upon the ground rises above it (for `l[æ in this sense, see Genesis 18:2). — In v. the true way to serve God is urged upon the Israelites once more, in words copied verbally from Leviticus 19:30.
LEVITICUS. 26:3-5
The Blessing of Fidelity to the Law.
Vv. 3-5. If the Israelites walked in the commandments of the Lord (for the expression see Leviticus 18:3ff.), the Lord would give fruitfulness to their land, that they should have bread to the full. “I will give you rain-showers in season.” The allusion here is to the showers which fall at the two rainy seasons, and upon which the fruitfulness of Palestine depends, viz., the early and latter rain (Deuteronomy 11:14). The former of these occurs after the autumnal equinox, at the time of the winter-sowing of wheat and barley, in the latter half of October or beginning of November. It generally falls in heavy showers in November and December, and then after that only at long intervals, and not so heavily. The latter, or so-called latter rain, fall sin March before the beginning of the harvest of the winter crops, at the time of sowing the summer seed, and lasts only a few days, in some years only a few hours (see Robinson, Pal. ii. pp. 97ff.). — On vv. 5, 6, see Leviticus 25:18-19.
LEVITICUS. 26:6-8
The Lord would give peace in the land, and cause the beasts of prey which endanger life to vanish out of the land, and suffer no war to come over it, but would put to flight before the Israelites the enemies who attacked them, and cause them to fall into their sword. bkæv; , to lie without being frightened up by any one, is a figure used to denote the quiet and peaceable enjoyment of life, and taken from the resting of a flock in good pastureground (Isaiah 14:30) exposed to no attacks from either wild beasts or men. dræj; is generally applied to the frightening of men by a hostile attack (Micah. Leviticus 4:4; Jeremiah 30:10; Ezekiel 39:26; Job 11:19); but it is also applied to the frightening of flocks and animals (Isaiah 17:2; Deuteronomy 28:26; Jeremiah 7:33, etc.). [ræ yjæ : an evil animal, for a beast of prey, as in Genesis 37:20. “Sword,” as the principal weapon applied, is used for war. The pursuing of the enemy relates to neighbouring tribes, who would make war upon the Israelites. laachereb naapal does not mean to be felled by the sword (Knobel), but to fall into the sword. The words, “five of you shall put a hundred to flight, and a hundred ten thousand,” are a proverbial expression for the most victorious superiority of Israel over their enemies. It is repeated in the opposite sense and in an intensified form in Deuteronomy 32:30 and Isaiah 30:17.
LEVITICUS. 26:9
Moreover the Lord would bestow His covenant blessing upon them without intermission. lae hn;p; signifies a sympathizing and gracious regard (Psalm 25:16; 69:17). The multiplication and fruitfulness of the nation were a constant fulfilment of the covenant promise (Genesis 17:4-6) and an establishment of the covenant (Genesis 17:7); not merely the preservation of it, but the continual realization of the covenant grace, by which the covenant itself was carried on further and further towards its completion. This was the real purpose of the blessing, to which all earthly good, as the pledge of the constant abode of God in the midst of His people, simply served as the foundation.
LEVITICUS. 26:10
Notwithstanding their numerous increase, they would suffer no want of food. “Ye shall eat that which has become old, and bring out old for new.”
Multiplicabo vos et multiplicabo simul annonam vestram, adeo ut illam prae multitudine et copia absumere non possitis, sed illam diutissime servare adeoque abjicere cogamini, novarum frugum suavitate et copia superveniente (C. a Lap.). ax;y; vetustum triticum ex horreo et vinum ex cella promere (Calvin).
LEVITICUS. 26:11
“I will make My dwelling among you, and My soul will not despise you.” ˆK;v]mi , applied to the dwelling of God among His people in the sanctuary, involves the idea of satisfied repose.
LEVITICUS. 26:12
God’s walking in the midst of Israel does not refer to His accompanying and leading the people on their journeyings, but denotes the walking of God in the midst of His people in Canaan itself, whereby He would continually manifest Himself to the nation as its God and make them a people of possession, bringing them into closer and closer fellowship with Himself, and giving them all the saving blessings of His covenant of grace.
LEVITICUS. 26:13
For He was their God, who had brought them out of the land of the Egyptians, that they might no longer be servants to them, and had broken the bands of their yokes and made them go upright. `l[o hf;wOm , lit., the poles of the yoke (cf. Ezekiel 34:27), i.e., the poles which are laid upon the necks of beasts of burden (Jeremiah 27:2) as a yoke, to bend their necks and harness them for work. It was with the burden of such a yoke that Egypt had pressed down the Israelites, so that they could no longer walk upright, till God by breaking the yoke helped them to walk upright again.
As the yoke is a figurative description of severe oppression, so going upright is a figurative description of emancipation from bondage. tWYmim]wOq , lit., a substantive, an upright position; here it is an adverb (cf.
Ges. §100, 2).
LEVITICUS. 26:14-16
The Curse for Contempt of the Law.
The following judgments are threatened, not for single breaches of the law, but for contempt of all the laws, amounting to inward contempt of the divine commandments and a breach of the covenant (vv. 14, 15)-for presumptuous and obstinate rebellion, therefore, against God and His commandments. For this, severe judgments are announced, which were to be carried to their uttermost in a fourfold series, if the hardening were obstinately continued. If Israel acted in opposition to the Lord in the manner stated, He would act towards them as follows (vv. 16, 17): He would appoint over them hl;h;B, terror-a general notion, which is afterwards particularized as consisting of diseases, sowing without enjoying the fruit, defeat in war, and flight before their enemies. Two kinds of disease are mentioned by which life is destroyed: consumption and burning, i.e., burning fever, pureto>v , febris, which cause the eyes (the light of this life) to disappear, and the soul (the life itself) to pine away; whereas in Exodus 23:25; 15:26, preservation from diseases is promised for obedience to the law. Of these diseases, consumption is at present very rare in Palestine and Syria, though it occurs in more elevated regions; but burning fever is one of the standing diseases. To these there would be added the invasion of the land by enemies, so that they would labour in vain and sow their seed to no purpose, for their enemies would consume the produce, as actually was the case (e.g., Judges 6:3-4).
LEVITICUS. 26:17
Yea, the Lord would turn His face against them, so that they would be beaten by their enemies, and be so thoroughly humbled in consequence, that they would flee when no man pursued (cf. v. 36).
But if these punishments did not answer their purpose, and bring Israel back to fidelity to its God, the Lord would punish the disobedient nation still more severely, and chasten the rebellious for their sin, not simply only, but sevenfold. This He would do, so long as Israel persevered in obstinate resistance, and to this end He would multiply His judgments by degrees.
This graduated advance of the judgments of God is so depicted in the following passage, that four times in succession new and multiplied punishments are announced: (1) utter barrenness in their land-that is to say, one heavier punishment (vv. 18-20); (2) the extermination of their cattle by beasts of prey, and childlessnesstwo punishments (vv. 21, 22); (3) war, plague, and famine-three punishments (vv. 23-26); (4) the destruction of all idolatrous abominations, the overthrow of their towns and holy places, the devastation of the land, and the dispersion of the people among the heathen-four punishments which would bring the Israelites to the verge of destruction (vv. 27-33).
In this way would the Lord punish the stiffneckedness of His people. — These divine threats embrace the whole of Israel’s future. But the series of judgments mentioned is not to be understood historically, as a prediction of the temporal succession of the different punishments, but as an ideal account of the judgments of God, unfolding themselves with inward necessity in a manner answering to the progressive development of the sin.
As the nation would not resist the Lord continually, but times of disobedience and apostasy would alternate with times of obedience and faithfulness, so the judgments of God would alternate with His blessings; and as the opposition would not increase in uniform progress, sometimes becoming weaker and then at other times gaining greater force again, so the punishments would not multiply continuously, but correspond in every case to the amount of the sin, and only burst in upon the incorrigible race in all the intensity foretold, when ungodliness gained the upper hand.
LEVITICUS. 26:18-20
First stage of the aggravated judgments. — If they did not hearken hL,ae `d[æ , “up to these” (the punishments named in vv. 16, 17), that is to say, if they persisted in their disobedience even when the judgments reached to this height, God would add a sevenfold chastisement on account of their sins, would punish them seven times more severely, and break down their strong pride by fearful drought. Seven, as the number of perfection in the works of God, denotes the strengthening of the chastisement, even to the height of its full measure (cf. Prov 24:16). `z[o ˆwOaG; , lit., the eminence or pride of strength, includes everything upon which a nation rests its might; then the pride and haughtiness which rely upon earthly might and its auxiliaries (Ex. 30:6,18; 33:28); here it signifies the pride of a nation, puffed up by the fruitfulness and rich produce of its land. God would make their heaven (the sky of their land) like iron and their earth like brass, i.e., as hard and dry as metal, so that not a drop of rain and dew would fall from heaven to moisten the earth, and not a plant could grow out of the earth (cf. Deuteronomy 28:23); and when the land was cultivated, the people would exhaust their strength for nought. µmæT; , consumi.
LEVITICUS. 26:21-22
The second stage.
But if the people’s resistance amounted to a hostile rebellion against God, He would smite them sevenfold for their sin by sending beasts of prey and childlessness. By beasts of prey He would destroy their cattle, and by barrenness He would make the nation so small that the ways would be deserted, that high roads would cease because there would be no traveller upon them on account of the depopulation of the land (Isaiah 33:8; Zeph 3:6), and the few inhabitants who still remained would be afraid to venture because of the wild beasts (Ezekiel 14:15). `µ[i yriq] Ëlæy; (“to go a meeting with a person,” i.e., to meet a person in a hostile manner, to fight against him) only occurs here in vv. 21 and 23, and is strengthened in vv. 24, 27, 28, 40, 41 into `µ[i yriq] Ëlæy; , to engage in a hostile encounter with a person. [bæv, hK;mæ , a sevenfold blow. “According to your sins,” i.e., answering to them sevenfold. In v. 22 the first clause corresponds to the third, and the second to the fourth, so that Nos. 3 and 4 contain the effects of Nos. 1 and 2.
LEVITICUS. 26:23-24
The third stage.
But if they would not be chastened by these punishments, and still rose up in hostility to the Lord, He would also engage in a hostile encounter with them, and punish them sevenfold with war, plague, and hunger. LEVITICUS 26:25-26 He would bring over them “the sword avenging (i.e., executing) the covenant vengeance.” The “covenant vengeance” was punishment inflicted for a breach of the covenant, the severity of which corresponded to the greatness of the covenant blessings forfeited by a faithless apostasy. If they retreated to their towns (fortified places) from the sword of the enemy, the Lord would send a plague over them there, and give those who were spared by the plague into the power of the foe. He would also “break in pieces the staff of bread,” and compel them by the force of famine to submit to the foe. The means of sustenance should become so scarce, that ten women could bake their bread in a single oven, whereas in ordinary times every woman would require an oven for herself; and they would have to eat the bread which they brought home by weight, i.e., not as much as every one pleased, but in rations weighed out so scantily, that those who ate would not be satisfied, and would only be able to sustain their life in the most miserable way. Calamities such as these burst upon Israel and Judah more than once when their fortified towns were besieged, particularly in the later times of the kings, e.g., upon Samaria in the reign of Joram (2 Kings 6:25ff.), and upon Jerusalem through the invasions of the Chaldeans (cf. Isaiah 3:1; Jeremiah 14:18; Ezekiel 4:16; 5:12).
LEVITICUS. 26:27-30
Fourth and severest stage.
If they should still persist in their opposition, God would chastise them with wrathful meeting, yea, punish them so severely in His wrath, that they would be compelled to eat the flesh of their sons and daughters, i.e., to slay their own children and eat them in the extremity of their hunger-a fact which literally occurred in Samaria in the period of the Syrians (2 Kings 6:28-29), and in Jerusalem in that of the Chaldeans (Lam 2:20; 4:10), and in the Roman war of extermination under Titus (Josephus bell. jud. v. 10, 3) in the most appalling manner. Eating the flesh of their own children is mentioned first, as indicating the extremity of the misery and wretchedness in which the people would perish; and after this, the judgment, by which the nation would be brought to this extremity, is more minutely described in its four principal features: viz., (1) the destruction of all idolatrous abominations (v. 30); (2) the overthrow of the towns and sanctuaries (v. 31); (3) the devastation of the land, to the amazement of the enemies who dwelt therein (v. 32); and (4) the dispersion of the people among the heathen (v. 33).
The “high places” are altars erected upon heights and mountains in the land, upon which sacrifices were offered both to Jehovah in an unlawful way and also to heathen deities. chamaaniym, sun-pillars, are idols of the Canaanitish nature-worship, either simple pillars dedicated to Baal, or idolatrous statues of the sun-god (cf. Movers Phönizier i. pp. 343ff.). “And I give your carcases upon the carcases of your idols.” giluliym, lit., clods, from llæG; to roll, a contemptuous expression for idols. With the idols the idolaters also were to perish, and defile with their corpses the images, which had also become corpses as it were, through their overthrow and destruction. For the further execution of this threat, see Ezekiel 6:4ff. This will be your lot, for “My soul rejects you.” By virtue of the inward character of His holy nature, Jehovah must abhor and reject the sinner.
LEVITICUS. 26:31
Their towns and their sanctuaries He would destroy, because He took no pleasure in their sacrificial worship. vD;q]mi are the holy things of the worship of Jehovah, the tabernacle and temple, with their altars and the rest of their holy furniture, as in Ps. 68:36; 74:7. jæwOjyni jæyre (Leviticus 1:9) is the odour of the sacrifice; and jæWr , to smell, an anthropomorphic designation of divine satisfaction (cf. Amos 5:21; Isaiah 11:3).
LEVITICUS. 26:32-33
The land was to become a wilderness, so that even the enemies who dwelt therein would be terrified in consequence (cf. Jeremiah 18:16; 19:8); and the Israelites would be scattered among the heathen, because Jehovah would draw out His sword behind them, i.e., drive them away with a drawn sword, and scatter them to all the winds of heaven (cf. Ezekiel 5:2,12; 12:14). LEVITICUS 26:34-35 Object of the Divine Judgments in Relation to the Land and Nation of Israel.
Vv. 34 and 35. The land would then enjoy and keep its Sabbaths, so long as it was desolate, and Israel was in the land of its foes. µmev; µwOy lKo , during the whole period of its devastation. µmev; inf. Hophal with the suffix, in which the mappik is wanting, as in Exodus 2:3 (cf. Ewald, §131e). hx;r; to have satisfaction: with b¦ and an accusative it signifies to take delight, take pleasure, in anything, e.g., in rest after the day’s work is done (Job 14:6); here also to enjoy rest (not “to pay its debt:” Ges., Kn.). The keeping of the Sabbath was not a performance binding upon the land, nor had the land been in fault because the Sabbath was not kept. As the earth groans under the pressure of the sin of men, so does it rejoice in deliverance from this pressure, and participation in the blessed rest of the whole creation. wgw’ rv,a tae tbæv; : the land “will rest (keep) what it has not rested on your Sabbaths and whilst you dwelt in it;” i.e., it will make up the rest which you did not give it on your Sabbaths (daily and yearly). It is evident from this, that the keeping of the Sabbaths and sabbatical years was suspended when the apostasy of the nation increased-a result which could be clearly foreseen in consequence of the inward dislike of a sinner to the commandments of the holy God, and which is described in 2 Chr. 26:31 as having actually occurred.
LEVITICUS. 26:36-38
So far as the nation was concerned, those who were left when the kingdom was overthrown would find no rest in the land of their enemies, but would perish among the heathen for their own and their fathers’ iniquities, till they confessed their sins and bent their uncircumcised hearts under the righteousness of the divine punishments. µyrit;a raæv; (nominative abs.): “as for those who are left in (as in Leviticus 5:9), i.e., of, you,” who have not perished in the destruction of the kingdom and dispersion of the people, God will bring despair into their heart in the lands of your enemies, that the sound (“voice”) of a moving leaf will hunt them to flee as before the sword, so that they will fall in their anxious flight, and stumble one over another, though no one is pursuing. The hap leg Ër,mo from Ëræm;; , related to jræm; and qræm; to rub, rub to pieces, signifies that inward anguish, fear, and despair, which rend the heart and destroy the life, deili>a , pavor (LXX, Vulg.), what is described in Deuteronomy 28:65 in even stronger terms as “a trembling heart, and failing of eyes, and sorrow of mind.”
There should not be to them hm;WqT] , standi et resistendi facultas (Rosenmüller), standing before the enemy; but they should perish among the nations. “The land of their enemies will eat them up,” sc., by their falling under the pressure of the circumstances in which they were placed (cf. Numbers 13:32; Ezekiel 36:13).
LEVITICUS. 26:39
But those who still remained under this oppression would pine away in their iniquities ( qqæm; , lit., to rot, moulder away), and “also in the iniquities of their fathers with them.” tae refers to `awonowt, “which are with them,” which they carry with them and must atone for (see at Exodus 20:5), LEVITICUS 26:40-43 In this state of pining away under their enemies, they would confess to themselves their own and their fathers’ sins, i.e., would make the discovery that their sufferings were a punishment from God for their sins, and acknowledge that they were suffering what they had deserved, through their unfaithfulness to their God and rebellion against Him, for which He had been obliged to set Himself in hostility to them, and bring them into the land of their enemies; or rather their uncircumcised hearts would then humble themselves, and they would look with satisfaction upon this fruit of their sin. The construction is the following: rkæz; (v. 42) corresponds to hd;y; (v. 40) as the apodosis; so that, according to the more strictly logical connection, which is customary in our language, we may unite vv. 40, 41 in one period with v. 42. “If they shall confess their iniquity...or rather their uncircumcised heart shall humble itself...I will remember My covenant.”
With l[æmæ a parenthetical clause is introduced into the main sentence explanatory of the iniquity, and reaches as far as “into the land of their enemies.” With [næK;yi za;Aˆa , “or if, etc.,” the main sentence is resumed. owOa , “or rather” (as in 1 Samuel 29:3), bringing out the humiliation of the heart as the most important result to which the confession of sin ought to deepen itself. The heart is called “uncircumcised” as being unsanctified, and not susceptible to the manifestations of divine grace. µn;wO[\Ata, Wxr]yi eudokh>sousi ta>v amarti>av autw>n (LXX), they will take pleasure, rejoice in their misdeeds, i.e., in the consequences and results of them-that their misdeed have so deeply humbled them, and brought them to the knowledge of the corruption into which they have fallen: a bold and, so to speak, paradoxical expression for their complete change of heart, which we may render thus: “they will enjoy their misdeeds,” as hx;r; may be rendered in the same way in v. 43 also. f201 But where punishment bears such fruit, God looks upon the sinner with favour again. When Israel had gone so far, He would remember His covenant with the fathers (“My covenant with Jacob,” bqo[yæ tyriB] : the suffix is attached to the governing noun, as in Leviticus 6:3, because the noun governed, being a proper name, could not take the suffix), and remember the land (including its inhabitants), which, as is repeated again in v. 43, would be left by them (become desolate) and enjoy its Sabbaths whilst it was waste (depopulated) from (i.e., away from, without) them; and they would enjoy their iniquity, because they had despised the judgments of the Lord, and their soul had rejected His statues.
LEVITICUS. 26:44
“And yet, even with regard to this, when they shall be in the land of their enemies, have I not despised them.” That is to say, if it shall have come even so far as that they are in the land of their enemies (the words tazOAµGæ stand first in an absolute sense, and are strengthened or intensified by ãaæ and more fully explained by wgw hy;h; ), I have not rejected them, to destroy them and break My covenant with them. For I am Jehovah their God, who, as the absolutely existing and unchangeably faithful One, keeps His promises and does not repent of His calling (Romans 11:29).
LEVITICUS. 26:45
He would therefore remember the covenant with the forefathers, whom He had brought out of Egypt before the eyes of the nations, to be a God to them; and He would renew the covenant with the fathers to them (the descendants), to gather them again out of the heathen, and adopt them again as His nation (cf. Deuteronomy 30:3-5). In this way the judgment would eventually turn to a blessing, if they would bend in true repentance under the mighty hand of their God. LEVITICUS 26:46 Verse 46 contains the close of the entire book, or rather of the whole of the covenant legislation from Exodus 25 onwards, although the expression “in Mount Sinai” points back primarily to Leviticus 25:1.
OF VOWS LEVITICUS. 27:1
The directions concerning vows follow the express termination of the Sinaitic lawgiving (Leviticus 26:46), as an appendix to it, because vows formed no integral part of the covenant laws, but were a freewill expression of piety common to almost all nations, and belonged to the modes of worship current in all religions, which were not demanded and might be omitted altogether, and which really lay outside the law, though it was necessary to bring them into harmony with the demands of the law upon Israel. Making a vow, therefore, or dedicating anything to the Lord by vowing, was not commanded, but was presupposed as a manifestation of reverence for God, sanctified by ancient tradition, and was simply regulated according to the principle laid down in Deuteronomy 23:22-24, that it was not a sin to refrain from vowing, but that every vow, when once it had been made, was to be conscientiously and inviolably kept (cf. Prov 20:25; Eccl 5:3-5), and the neglect to keep it to be atoned for with a sinoffering (Leviticus 5:4). — The objects of a vow might be persons (vv. 2- 8), cattle (vv. 9-13), houses (vv. 14, 15), and land (vv. 16-25), all of which might be redeemed with the exception of sacrificial animals; but not the first-born (v. 26), nor persons and things dedicated to the Lord by the ban (vv. 28, 29), nor tithes (vv. 30-33), because all of these were to be handed over to the Lord according to the law, and therefore could not be redeemed.
This followed from the very idea of the vow. For a vow was a promise made by any one to dedicate and given his own person, or a portion of his property, to the Lord for averting some danger and distress, or for bringing to his possession some desired earthly good. — Besides ordinary vowing or promising to give, there was also vowing away, or the vow of renunciation, as is evident from Numbers 30. The chapter before us treats only of ordinary vowing, and gives directions for redeeming the thing vowed, in which it is presupposed that everything vowed to the Lord would fall to His sanctuary as corban, an offering (Mark 7:11); and therefore, that when it was redeemed, the money would also be paid to His sanctuary. — (On the vow, see my Archaeologie, §96; Oehler in Herzog’s Cycl.)
LEVITICUS. 27:2-8
The vowing of persons. “If any one make a special vow, souls shall be to the Lord according to thy valuation.” rd,n, al;p; does not mean to dedicate or set apart a vow, but to make a special vow (see at Leviticus 22:21). The words `Ër,[e , “according to thy (Moses’) valuation,” it is more simple to regard as an apodosis, so as to supply to hwO;hy] the substantive verb hy;h; , than as a fuller description of the protasis, in which case the apodosis would follow in v. 3, and the verb vdæq; would have to be supplied. But whatever may be the conclusion adopted, in any case this thought is expressed in the words, that souls, i.e., persons, were to be vowed to the Lord according to Moses’ valuation, i.e., according to the price fixed by Moses. This implies clearly enough, that whenever a person was vowed, redemption was to follow according to the valuation. Otherwise what was the object of valuing them? Valuation supposes either redemption or purchase. But in the case of men (i.e., Israelites) there could be no purchasing as slaves, and therefore the object of the valuing could only have been for the purpose of redeeming, buying off the person vowed to the Lord, and the fulfilment of the vow could only have consisted in the payment into the sanctuary of the price fixed by the law. f202 Verse 3-7. This was to be, for persons between twenty and thirty years of age, 50 shekels for a man and 30 for a woman; for a boy between 5 and 20, 20 shekels, for a girl of the same age 10 shekels; for a male child from a month to five years 5 shekels, for a female of the same age 3 shekels; for an old man above sixty 15 shekels, for an old woman of that age 10; the whole to be in shekels of the sanctuary (see at Exodus 30:15). The valuation price was regulated, therefore, according to capacity and vigour of life, and the female sex, as the weaker vessel (1 Peter 3:7), was only appraised at half the amount of the male.
Verse 8. But if the person making the vow was “poor before thy valuation,” i.e., too poor to be able to pay the valuation price fixed by the law, he was to be brought before the priest, who would value him according to the measure of what his hand could raise (see Leviticus 5:11), i.e., what he was able to pay. This regulation, which made it possible for the poor man to vow his own person to the Lord, presupposed that the person vowed would have to be redeemed. For otherwise a person of this kind would only need to dedicate himself to the sanctuary, with all his power for work, to fulfil his vow completely.
LEVITICUS. 27:9-10
When animals were vowed, of the cattle that were usually offered in sacrifice, everything that was given to Jehovah of these (i.e., dedicated to Him by vowing) was to be holy and not changed, i.e., exchanged, a good animal for a bad, or a bad one for a good. But if such an exchange should be made, the animal first dedicated and the one substituted were both to be holy (vv 9, 10). The expression “it shall be holy” unquestionably implies that an animal of this kind could not be redeemed; but if it was free from faults, it was offered in sacrifice: if, however, it was not fit for sacrifice on account of some blemish, it fell to the portion of the priests for their maintenance like the first-born of cattle (cf. v. 33).
LEVITICUS. 27:11-12
Every unclean beast, however-an ass for example-which could not be offered in sacrifice, was to be placed before the priest for him to value it “between good and bad,” i.e., neither very high as if it were good, nor very low as if it were bad, but at a medium price; and it was to be according to this valuation, i.e., to be worth the value placed upon it ( ˆheKo `Ër,[e according to thy, the priest’s, valuation), namely, when sold for the good of the sanctuary and its servants.
LEVITICUS. 27:13
But if the person vowing wanted to redeem it, he was to add a fifth above the valuation price, as a kind of compensation for taking back the animal he had vowed (cf. Leviticus 5:16). LEVITICUS 27:14-15 When a house was vowed, the same rules applied as in the case of unclean cattle. Knobel’s supposition, that the person making the vow was to pay the valuation price if he did not wish to redeem the house, is quite a groundless supposition. The house that was not redeemed was sold, of course, for the good of the sanctuary.
LEVITICUS. 27:16-25
With regard to the vowing of land, a difference was made between a field inherited and one that had been purchased.
Verse 16. If any one sanctified to the Lord “of the field of his possession,” i.e., a portion of his hereditary property, the valuation was to be made according to the measure of the seed sown; and an omer of barley was to be appraised at fifty shekels, so that a field sown with an omer of barley would be valued at fifty shekels. As an omer was equal to ten ephahs (Ezekiel 45:11), and, according to the calculation made by Thenius, held about 225 lbs., the fifty shekels cannot have been the average value of the yearly produce of such a field, but must be understood, as it was by the Rabbins, as the value of the produce of a complete jubilee period of 49 or 50 years; so that whoever wished to redeem the field had to pay, according to Mishnah, Erachin vii. 1, a shekel and a fifth per annum.
Verse 17-19. If he sanctified his field from the year of jubilee, i.e., immediately after the expiration of that year, it was to “stand according to thy valuation,” i.e., no alteration was to be made in the valuation. But if it took place after the year of jubilee, i.e., some time or some years after, the priest was to estimate the value according to the number of years to the next year of jubilee, and “it shall be abated from thy valuation,” sc., praeteritum tempus, the time that has elapsed since the year of jubilee.
Hence, for example, if the field was vowed ten years after the year of jubilee, the man who wished to redeem it had only forty shekels to pay for the forty years remaining up to the next year of jubilee, or, with the addition of the fifth, 48 shekels. The valuation was necessary in both cases, for the hereditary field was inalienable, and reverted to the original owner or his heirs in the year of jubilee without compensation (cf. v. 21 and Leviticus 25:13,23ff.); so that, strictly speaking, it was not the field itself, but the produce of its harvests up to the next year of jubilee, that was vowed, whether the person making the vow left it to the sanctuary in natura till the year of jubilee, or wished to redeem it again by paying the valuation price. In the latter case, however, he had to put a fifth over and above the valuation price (v. 19, like vv. 13 and 15), that it might be left to him.
Verse 20-21. In case he did not redeem it, however, namely, before the commencement of the next year of jubilee, or sold it to another man, i.e., to a man not belonging to his family, he could no longer redeem it; but on its going out, i.e., becoming free in the year of jubilee (see Leviticus 25:28), it was to be holy to the Lord, like a field under the ban (see v. 28), and to fall to the priests as their property. Hinc colligere est, redimendum fuisse ante Jubilaeum consecratum agrum, nisi quis vellet eum plane abalienari (Clericus). According to the distinct words of the text (observe the correspondence of ( µai ), the field, that had been vowed, fell to the sanctuary in the jubilee year not only when the owner had sold it in the meantime, but also when he had not previously redeemed it. The reason for selling the field at a time when he had vowed it to the sanctuary, need not be sought for in caprice and dishonesty, as it is by Knobel. If the field was vowed in this sense, that it was not handed over to the sanctuary (the priesthood) to be cultivated, but remained in the hands of the proprietor, so that every year he paid to the sanctuary simply the valuation price-and this may have been the rule, as the priests whose duties lay at the sanctuary could not busy themselves about the cultivation of the field, but would be obliged either to sell the piece of land at once, or farm it-the owner might sell the field up to the year of jubilee, to be saved the trouble of cultivating it, and the purchaser could not only live upon what it yielded over and above the price to be paid every year to the sanctuary, but might possibly realize something more.
In such a case the fault of the seller, for which he had to make atonement by the forfeiture of his field to the sanctuary in the year of jubilee, consisted simply in the fact that he had looked upon the land which he vowed to the Lord as though it were his own property, still and entirely at his own disposal, and therefore had allowed himself to violate the rights of the Lord by the sale of his land. At any rate, it is quite inadmissible to supply a different subject to rkæm; from that of the parallel laæG; , viz., the priest.
Verse 22-24. If on the other hand any one dedicated to the Lord a “field of his purchase,” i.e., a field that had been bought and did not belong to his patrimony, he was to give the amount of the valuation as estimated by the priest up to the year of jubilee “on that day,” i.e., immediately, and all at once. This regulation warrants the conclusion, that on the dedication of hereditary fields, the amount was not paid all at once, but year by year. In the year of jubilee the field that had been vowed, if a field acquired by purchase, did not revert to the buyer, but to the hereditary owner from whom it had been bought, according to the law in Leviticus 25:23-28.
Verse 25. All valuations were to be made according to the shekel of the sanctuary.
LEVITICUS. 27:26-27
What belonged to the Lord by law could not be dedicated to Him by a vow, especially the first-born of clean cattle (cf. Exodus 13:1-2). The firstborn of unclean animals were to be redeemed according to the valuation of the priest, with the addition of a fifth; and if this was not done, it was to be sold at the estimated value. By this regulation the earlier law, which commanded that an ass should either be redeemed with a sheep or else be put to death (Exodus 13:13; 34:20), was modified in favour of the revenues of the sanctuary and its servants.
LEVITICUS. 27:28-29
Moreover, nothing put under the ban, nothing that a man had devoted (banned) to the Lord of his property, of man, beast, or the field of his possession, was to be sold or redeemed, because it was most holy (see at Leviticus 2:3). The man laid under the ban was to be put to death.
According to the words of v. 28, the individual Israelite was quite at liberty to ban, not only his cattle and field, but also men who belonged to him, that is to say, slaves and children. µræj; signifies to dedicate something to the Lord in an unredeemable manner, as cherum, i.e., ban, or banned. µr,je (to devote, or ban), judging from the cognate words in the Arabic, signifying prohibere, vetare, illicitum facere, illicitum, sacrum, has the primary signification “to cut off,” and denotes that which is taken away from use and abuse on the part of men, and surrendered to God in an irrevocable and unredeemable manner, viz., human beings by being put to death, cattle and inanimate objects by being either given up to the sanctuary for ever or destroyed for the glory of the Lord. The latter took place, no doubt, only with the property of idolaters; at all events, it is commanded simply for the infliction of punishment on idolatrous towns (Deuteronomy 13:13ff.). It follows from this, however, that the vow of banning could only be made in connection with persons who obstinately resisted that sanctification of life which was binding upon them; and that an individual was not at liberty to devote a human being to the ban simply at his own will and pleasure, otherwise the ban might have been abused to purposes of ungodliness, and have amounted to a breach of the law, which prohibited the killing of any man, even though he were a slave (Exodus 21:20).
In a manner analogous to this, too, the owner of cattle and fields was only allowed to put them under the ban when they had been either desecrated by idolatry or abused to unholy purposes. For there can be no doubt that the idea which lay at the foundation of the ban was that of a compulsory dedication of something which resisted or impeded sanctification; so that in all cases in which it was carried into execution by the community or the magistracy, it was an act of the judicial holiness of God manifesting itself in righteousness and judgment.
LEVITICUS. 27:30-31
Lastly, the tenth of the land, both of the seed of the land-i.e., not of what was sown, but of what was yielded, the produce of the seed (Deuteronomy 14:22), the harvest reaped, or “corn of the threshing-floor,” Numbers 18:27-and also of the fruit of the tree, i.e., “the fulness of the press” (Numbers 18:27), the wine and oil (Deuteronomy 14:23), belonged to the Lord, were holy to Him, and could not be dedicated to Him by a vow. At the same time they could be redeemed by the addition of a fifth beyond the actual amount.
LEVITICUS. 27:32-34
With regard to all the tithes of the flock and herd, of all that passed under the rod of the herdsman, the tenth (animal) was to be holy to the Lord. No discrimination was to be made in this case between good and bad, and no exchange to be made: if, however, this did take place, the tenth animal was to be holy as well as the one for which it was exchanged, and could not be redeemed. The words “whatsoever passeth under the rod” may be explained from the custom of numbering the flocks by driving the animals one by one past the shepherd, who counted them with a rod stretched out over them (cf. Jeremiah 33:13; Ezekiel 20:37). They mean everything that is submitted to the process of numbering, and are correctly explained by the Rabbins as referring to the fact that every year the additions to the flock and herd were tithed, and not the whole of the cattle. In these directions the tithe is referred to as something well known.
In the laws published hitherto, it is true that no mention has been made of it; but, like the burnt-offerings, meat-offerings, and peace-offerings, it formed from time immemorial an essential part of the worship of God; so that not only did Jacob vow that he would tithe for the Lord all that He should give him in a foreign land (Genesis 28:22), but Abraham gave a tenth of his booty to Melchizedek the priest (Genesis 14:20). Under these circumstances, it was really unnecessary to enjoin upon the Israelites for the first time the offering of tithe to Jehovah. All that was required was to incorporate this in the covenant legislation, and bring it into harmony with the spirit of the law. This is done here in connection with the holy consecrations; and in Numbers 18:20-32 instructions are given in the proper place concerning their appropriation, and further directions are added in Deuteronomy 12:6,11; 14:22ff. respecting a second tithe. — The laws contained in this chapter are brought to a close in v. 34 with a new concluding formula (see Leviticus 26:46), by which they are attached to the law given at Sinai. FOOTNOTES According to Berosus and Syncellus, the Chaldean myth represents the “All” as consisting of darkness and water, filled with monstrous creatures, and ruled by a woman, Markaya, or Aomo>rwka (? Ocean).
Bel divided the darkness, and cut the woman into two halves, of which he formed the heaven and the earth; he then cut off his own head, and from the drops of blood men were formed. — According to the Phoenician myth of Sanchuniathon, the beginning of the All was a movement of dark air, and a dark, turbid chaos. By the union of the spirit with the All, Ew>t , i.e., slime, was formed, from which every seed of creation and the universe was developed; and the heavens were made in the form of an egg, from which the sun and moon, the stars and constellations, sprang. By the heating of the earth and sea there arose winds, clouds and rain, lightning and thunder, the roaring of which wakened up sensitive beings, so that living creatures of both sexes moved in the waters and upon the earth. In another passage Sanchuniathon representsColpi>a (probably jæypi lwOq , the moaning of the wind) and his wife Ba>au (bohu) as producing Aiw>n and prwto>gonov , two mortal men, from whom sprang Ge>nov and Genea> , the inhabitants of Phoenicia. — It is well known from Hesiod’s theogony how the Grecian myth represents the gods as coming into existence at the same time as the world. The numerous inventions of the Indians, again, all agree in this, that they picture the origin of the world as an emanation from the absolute, through Brahma’s thinking, or through the contemplation of a primeval being called Tad (it). — Buddhism also acknowledges no God as creator of the world, teaches no creation, but simply describes the origin of the world and the beings that inhabit it as the necessary consequence of former acts performed by these beings themselves. According to the Etruscan saga, which Suidas quotes from a historian, who was a “parr’ autoi>v (the Tyrrhenians) e>mpeirov anh>r (therefore not a native),” God created the world in six periods of one thousand years each: in the first, the heavens and the earth; in the second, the firmament; in the third, the sea and other waters of the earth; in the fourth, sun moon, and stars; in the fifth, the beasts of the air, the water, and the land; in the sixth, men. The world will last twelve thousand years, the human race six thousand. — According to the saga of the Zend in Avesta, the supreme Being Ormuzd created the visible world by his word in six periods or thousands of years: (1) the heaven, with the stars; (2) the water on the earth, with the clouds; (3) the earth, with the mountain Alborj and the other mountains; (4) the trees; (5) the beasts, which sprang from the primeval beast; (6) men, the first of whom was Kajomorts. Every one of these separate creations is celebrated by a festival. The world will last twelve thousand years. Exegesis must insist upon this, and not allow itself to alter the plain sense of the words of the Bible, from irrelevant and untimely regard to the so-called certain inductions of natural science. Irrelevant we call such considerations, as make interpretation dependent upon natural science, because the creation lies outside the limits of empirical and speculative research, and, as an act of the omnipotent God, belongs rather to the sphere of miracles and mysteries, which can only be received by faith (Hebrews 11:3); and untimely, because natural science has supplied no certain conclusions as to the origin of the earth, and geology especially, even at the present time, is in a chaotic state of fermentation, the issue of which it is impossible to foresee. There is no proof of the existence of such “ethereal waters” to be found in such passages as Rev 4:6; 15:2; 22:1; for what the holy seer there beholds before the throne as “a sea of glass like unto crystal mingled with fire,” and “a river of living water, clear as crystal,” flowing from the throne of God into the streets of the heavenly Jerusalem, are wide as the poles from any fluid or material substance from which the stars were made upon the fourth day. Of such a fluid the Scriptures know quite as little, as of the nebular theory of Lamentations Place, which, notwithstanding the bright spots in Mars and the inferior density of Jupiter, Saturn, and other planets, is still enveloped in a mist which no astronomy will ever disperse. If the waters above the firmament were the elementary matter of which the stars were made, the waters beneath must be the elementary matter of which the earth was formed; for the waters were one and the same before the creation of the firmament.
But the earth was not formed from the waters beneath; on the contrary, these waters were merely spread upon the earth and then gathered together into one place, and this place is called Sea. The earth, which appeared as dry land after the accumulation of the waters in the sea, was created in the beginning along with the heavens; but until the separation of land and water on the third day, it was so completely enveloped in water, that nothing could be seen but “the deep,” or “the waters” (v. 2). If, therefore, in the course of the work of creation, the heaven with its stars, and the earth with its vegetation and living creatures, came forth from this deep, or, to speak more correctly, if they appeared as well-ordered, and in a certain sense as finished worlds; it would be a complete misunderstanding of the account of the creation to suppose it to teach, that the water formed the elementary matter, out of which the heaven and the earth were made with all their hosts.
Had this been the meaning of the writer, he would have mentioned water as the first creation, and not the heaven and the earth. How irreconcilable the idea of the waters above the firmament being ethereal waters is with the biblical representation of the opening of the windows of heaven when it rains, is evident from the way in which Keerl, the latest supporter of this theory, sets aside this difficulty, viz., by the bold assertion, that the mass of water which came through the windows of heaven at the flood was different from the rain which falls from the clouds; in direct opposition to the text of the Scriptures, which speaks of it not merely as rain (Genesis 7:12), but as the water of the clouds.
Vid., Genesis 9:12ff., where it is said that when God brings a cloud over the earth, He will set the rainbow in the cloud, as a sign that the water (of the clouds collected above the earth) shall not become a flood to destroy the earth again.
FT5 In v. 8 the LXX interpolates kai> ei>den oJ Qeo>v oJ>ti kalo>n (and God saw that it was good), and transfers the words “and it was so” from the end of v. 7 to the close of v. 6: two apparent improvements, but in reality two arbitrary changes. The transposition is copied from vv. 9, 15, 24; and in making the interpolation, the author of the gloss has not observed that the division of the waters was not complete till the separation of the dry land from the water had taken place, and therefore the proper place for the expression of approval is at the close of the work of the third day. Most of the objections to the historical character of our account, which have been founded upon the work of the fourth day, rest upon a misconception of the proper point of view from which it should be studied. And, in addition to that, the conjectures of astronomers as to the immeasurable distance of most of the fixed stars, and the time which a ray of light would require to reach the earth, are accepted as indisputable mathematical proof; whereas these approximative estimates of distance rest upon the unsubstantiated supposition, that everything which has been ascertained with regard to the nature and motion of light in our solar system, must be equally true of the light of the fixed stars. “The breath of God became the soul of man; the soul of man therefore is nothing but the breath of God. The rest of the world exists through the word of God; man through His own peculiar breath. This breath is the seal and pledge of our relation to God, of our godlike dignity; whereas the breath breathed into the animals is nothing but the common breath, the life-wind of nature, which is moving everywhere, and only appears in the animal fixed and bound into a certain independence and individuality, so that the animal soul is nothing but a nature-soul individualized into certain, though still material spirituality.” — Ziegler. For a fuller discussion of the meaning and pronunciation of the name Jehovah vid., Hengstenberg, Dissertations on the Pentateuch i. p. 213ff.; Oehler in Herzog’s Cyclopaedia; and Hölemann in his Bibelstudien. The last, in common with Stier and others, decides in favour of the Masoretic pointing hwO;hy] as giving the original pronunciation, chiefly on the ground of Rev 1:4 and 5, 8; but the theological expansion oJ w>n kai> oJ h>n kai> oJ erco>menov cannot be regarded as a philological proof of the formation of hwO;hy] by the fusion of hy;h; , heowh, hy;h; into one word. The two productions furnish no proof that the Phishon is to be sought for in India. The assertion that the name bdolach is Indian, is quite unfounded, for it cannot be proved that madâlaka in Sanscrit is a vegetable gum; nor has this been proved of madâra, which is possibly related to it (cf. Lassen’s indische Althk. 1, 290 note). Moreover, Pliny speaks of Bactriana as the land “in qua Bdellium est nominatissimum,” although he adds, “nascitur et in Arabia Indiaque, et Media ac Babylone;” and Isidorus says of the Bdella which comes from India, “Sordida est et nigra et majori gleba,” which, again, does not agree with Numbers 11:7. — The Shoham-stone also is not necessarily associated with India; for although Pliny says of the beryls, “India eos gignit, raro alibi repertos,” he also observes, “in nostro orbe aliquando circa Pontum inveniri putantur.” That the continents of our globe have undergone great changes since the creation of the human race, is a truth sustained by the facts of natural history and the earliest national traditions, and admitted by the most celebrated naturalists. (See the collection of proofs made by Keerl.) These changes must not be all attributed to the flood; many may have occurred before and many after, like the catastrophe in which the Dead Sea originated, without being recorded in history as this has been.
Still less must we interpret Genesis 11:1 (compared with 10:25), as Fabri and Keerl have done, as indicating a complete revolution of the globe, or a geogonic process, by which the continents of the old world were divided, and assumed their present physignomy. A striking example of this style of narrative we find in 1 Kings 7:13.
First of all, the building and completion of the temple are noticed several times in ch. 6, and the last time in connection with the year and month (Genesis 6:9,14,37-38); after that, the fact is stated, that the royal palace was thirteen years in building; and then the writer proceeds thus: “And king Solomon sent and fetched Hiram from Tyre...and he came to king Solomon, and did all his work; and made the two pillars,” etc. Now, if we were to understand the historical preterite with consec., here, as giving the order of sequence, Solomon would be made to send for the Tyrian artist, thirteen years after the temple was finished, to come and prepare the pillars for the porch, and all the vessels needed for the temple. But the writer merely expresses in Semitic style the simple thought, that “Hiram, whom Solomon fetched from Tyre, made the vessels,” etc. Another instance we find in Judges 2:6. Natural science can only demonstrate the unity of the human race, not the descent of all men from one pair, though many naturalists question and deny even the former, but without any warrant from anthropological facts. For every thorough investigation leads to the conclusion arrived at by the latest inquirer in this department, Th.
Waitz, that not only are there no facts in natural history which preclude the unity of the various races of men, and fewer difficulties in the way of this assumption than in that of the opposite theory of specific diversities; but even in mental respects there are no specific differences within the limits of the race. Delitzsch has given an admirable summary of the proofs of unity. “That the races of men,” he says, “are not species of one genus, but varieties of one species, is confirmed by the agreement in the physiological and pathological phenomena in them all, by the similarity in the anatomical structure, in the fundamental powers and traits of the mind, in the limits to the duration of life, in the normal temperature of the body and the average rate of pulsation, in the duration of pregnancy, and in the unrestricted fruitfulness of marriages between the various races.” There was a fall, therefore, in the higher spiritual world before the fall of man; and this is not only plainly taught in 2 Peter 2:4 and Jude 6, but assumed in everything that the Scriptures say of Satan. But this event in the world of spirits neither compels us to place the fall of Satan before the six days’ work of creation, nor to assume that the days represent long periods. For as man did not continue long in communion with God, so the angel-prince may have rebelled against God shortly after his creation, and not only have involved a host of angels in his apostasy and fall, but have proceeded immediately to tempt the men, who were created in the image of God, to abuse their liberty by transgressing the divine command. yKi used to establish a denial jqæp; perfect c. w consec. See Gesenius, §126, Note 1. Non omnia incommoda enumerat Moses, quibus se homo per peccatum implicuit: constat enim ex eodem prodiisse fonte omnes praesentis vitae aerumnas, quas experientia innumeras esse ostendit. Aëris intemperies, gelu, tonitrua, pluviae intempestivae, uredo, grandines et quicquid inordinatum est in mundo, peccati sunt fructus. Nec alia morborum prima est causa: idque poeticis fabulis celebratum fuit: haud dubie quod per manus a patribus traditum esset. Unde illud Horatii: -Post ignem aethera domo -Subductum, macies et nova febrium -Terris incubuit cohors: -Semotique prius tarda necessitas -Lethi corripuit gradum.
Sed Moses qui brevitati studet, suo more pro communi vulgi captu attingere contentus fuit quod magis apparuit: ut sub exemplo uno discamus, hominis vitio inversum fuisse totum naturae ordinem. CALVIN The numbers in brackets are the reading of the Cod. Alexandrinus of the LXX. In the genealogical table, Genesis 11:10 ff., the Samaritan text is the only one which gives the whole duration of life. We cannot admit that there is any force in Hofmann’s argument in his Schriftbeweis 1, p. 426, that “the begetting of children on the part of angels is not more irreconcilable with a nature that is not organized, like that of man, on the basis of sexual distinctions, than partaking of food is with a nature that is altogether spiritual; and yet food was eaten by the angels who visited Abraham.” For, in the first place, the eating in this case was a miracle wrought through the condescending grace of the omnipotent God, and furnishes no standard for judging what angels can do by their own power in rebellion against God. And in the second place, there is a considerable difference between the act of eating on the part of the angels of God who appeared in human shape, and the taking of wives and begetting of children on the part of sinning angels.
We are quite unable also to accept as historical testimony, the myths of the heathen respecting demigods, sons of gods, and the begetting of children on the part of their gods, or the fables of the book of Enoch (ch. 6ff.) about the 200 angels, with their leaders, who lusted after the beautiful and delicate daughters of men, and who came down from heaven and took to themselves wives, with whom they begat giants of 3000 (or according to one MS 300) cubits in height.
Nor do 2 Peter 2:4 and Jude 6 furnish any evidence of angel marriages.
Peter is merely speaking of sinning angels in general ( agge>lwn aJmarthsa>ntwn ) whom God did not spare, and not of any particular sin on the part of a small number of angels; and Jude describes these angels as tou>v mh> thrh>santav th>n eJautw>n arch>n alla> apolipo>ntav to> i>dion oikhth>rion , those who kept not their princedom, their position as rulers, but left their own habitation. There is nothing here about marriages with the daughters of men or the begetting of children, even if we refer the word tou>toiv in the clause to>n oJ>moion tou>toiv tro>pon ekporneu>sasai in v. 7 to the angels mentioned in v. 6; for ekporneu’ein, the commission of fornication, would be altogether different from marriage, that is to say, from a conjugal bond that was permanent even though unnatural.
But it is neither certain nor probable that this is the connection of tou>toiv . Huther, the latest commentator upon this Epistle, who gives the preference to this explanation of tou>toiv , and therefore cannot be accused of being biassed by doctrinal prejudices, says distinctly in the 2nd Ed. of his commentary, “ tou>toiv may be grammatically construed as referring to Sodom and Gomorrah, or per synesin to the inhabitants of these cities; but in that case the sin of Sodom and Gomorrah would only be mentioned indirectly.” There is nothing in the rules of syntax, therefore, to prevent our connecting the word with Sodom and Gomorrah; and it is not a fact, that “grammaticae et logicae praecepta compel us to refer this word to the angels,” as G. v. Zeschwitz says.
But the very same reason which Huther assigns for not connecting it with Sodom and Gomorrah, may be also assigned for not connecting it with the angels, namely, that in that case the sin of the angels would only be mentioned indirectly.
We regard Philippi’s explanation (in his Glaubenslehre iii. p. 303) as a possible one, viz., that the word tou>toiv refers back to the a>nqrwpoi aselgei>v mentioned in v. 4, and as by no means set aside by Deuteronomy Wette’s objection, that the thought of v. 8 would be anticipated in that case; for this objection is fully met by the circumstance, that not only does the word ouJ>toi , which is repeated five times from v. 8 onwards, refer back to these men, but even the word tou>toiv in v. 14 also. On the other hand, the reference of tou>toiv to the angels is altogether precluded by the clause kai> apelqou>sai opi>sw sarko>v eJte>rav , which follows the word ekporneu>sasai . For fornication on the part of the angels could only consist in their going after flesh, or, as Hofmann expresses it, “having to do with flesh, for which they were not created,” but not in their going after other, or foreign flesh.
There would be no sense in the word eJte>rav unless those who were ekporneu’santes were themselves possessed of sa>rx ; so that this is the only alternative, either we must attribute to the angels a sa>rx or fleshly body, or the idea of referring tou>toiv to the angels must be given up. When Kurtz replies to this by saying that “to angels human bodies are quite as much a eJte>ra sa>rx , i.e., a means of sensual gratification opposed to their nature and calling, as man can be to human man,” he hides the difficulty, but does not remove it, by the ambiguous expression “opposed to their nature and calling.” The eJte>ra sa>rx must necessarily presuppose an idi>a sa>rx .
But it is thought by some, that even if tou>toiv in v. 7 do not refer to the angels in v. 6, the words of Jude agree so thoroughly with the tradition of the book of Enoch respecting the fall of the angels, that we must admit the allusion to the Enoch legend, and so indirectly to Genesis 6, since Jude could not have expressed himself more clearly to persons who possessed the book of Enoch, or were acquainted with the tradition it contained. Now this conclusion would certainly be irresistible, if the only sin of the angels mentioned in the book of Enoch, as that for which they were kept in chains of darkness still the judgment-day, had been their intercourse with human wives. For the fact that Jude was acquainted with the legend of Enoch, and took for granted that the readers of his Epistle were so too, is evident from his introducing a prediction of Enoch in vv. 14, 15, which is to be found in ch. i. 9 of Dillmann’s edition of the book of Enoch. But it is admitted by all critical writers upon this book, that in the book of Enoch which has been edited by Dillmann, and is only to be found in an Ethiopic version, there are contradictory legends concerning the fall and judgment of the angels; that the book itself is composed of earlier and later materials; and that those very sections (ch. 6-16:106, etc.) in which the legend of the angel marriages is given without ambiguity, belong to the so-called book of Noah, i.e., to a later portion of the Enoch legend, which is opposed in many passages to the earlier legend.
The fall of the angels is certainly often referred to in the earlier portions of the work; but among all the passages adduced by Dillmann in proof of this, there is only one (19:1) which mentions the angels who had taken wives. In the others, the only thing mentioned as the sin of the angels or of the hosts of Azazel, is the fact that they were subject to Satan, and seduced those who dwelt on the earth (54:3-6), or that they came down from heaven to earth, and revealed to the children of men what was hidden from them, and then led them astray to the commission of sin (Genesis 64:2). There is nothing at all here about their taking wives. Moreover, in the earlier portions of the book, besides the fall of the angels, there is frequent reference made to a fall, i.e., an act of sin, on the part of the stars of heaven and the army of heaven, which transgressed the commandment of God before they rose, by not appearing at their appointed time (vid., 18:14-15; 21:3; 90:21,24, etc.); and their punishment and place of punishment are described, in just the same manner as in the case of the wicked angels, as a prison, a lofty and horrible place in which the seven stars of heaven lie bound like great mountains and flaming with fire (Genesis 21:2-3), as an abyss, narrow and deep, dreadful and dark, in which the star which fell first from heaven is lying, bound hand and foot (Genesis 88:1, cf. 90:24).
From these passages it is quite evident, that the legend concerning the fall of the angels and stars sprang out of Isaiah 24:21-22 (“And it shall come to pass in that day, that the Lord shall visit the host of the height µwOrm; ab;x; , the host of heaven, by which stars and angels are to be understood on high i.e., the spiritual powers of the heavens and the kings of the earth upon the earth, and they shall be gathered together, bound in the dungeon, and shut up in prison, and after many days they shall be punished”), along with Isaiah 14:12 (“How art thou fallen from heaven, thou beautiful morning star!”), and that the account of the sons of God in Genesis 6, as interpreted by those who refer it to the angels, was afterwards combined and amalgamated with it.
Now if these different legends, describing the judgment upon the stars that fell from heaven, and the angels that followed Satan in seducing man, in just the same manner as the judgment upon the angels who begot giants from women, were in circulation at the time when the Epistle of Jude was written; we must not interpret the sin of the angels, referred to by Peter and Jude, in a one-sided manner, and arbitrarily connect it with only such passages of the book of Enoch as speak of angel marriages, to the entire disregard of all the other passages, which mention totally different sins as committed by the angels, that are punished with bands of darkness; but we must interpret it from what Jude himself has said concerning this sin, as Peter gives no further explanation of what he means by aJmarth>sai . Now the only sins that Jude mentions are mh> thrh>sai th>n eJautw>n arch>n and apolipei>n to> i>dion oikhth>rion .
The two are closely connected. Through not keeping the arch> (i.e., the position as rulers in heaven) which belonged to them, and was assigned them at their creation, the angels left “their own habitation” ( i>dion oikhth>rion ); just as man, when he broke the commandment of God and failed to keep his position as ruler on earth, also lost “his own habitation” ( i>dion oikhth>rion ), that is to say, not paradise alone, but the holy body of innocence also, so that he needed a covering for his nakedness, and will continue to need it, until we are “clothed upon with our hose which is from heaven” ( oikhth>rion hJmw>n ex ouranou> ). In this description of the angels’ sin, there is not the slightest allusion to their leaving heaven to woo the beautiful daughters of men. The words may be very well interpreted, as they were by the earlier Christian theologians, as relating to the fall of Satan and his angels, to whom all that is said concerning their punishment fully applies.
If Jude had had the pornei>a of the angels, mentioned in the Enoch legends, in his mind, he would have stated this distinctly, just as he does in v. 9 in the case of the legend concerning Michael and the devil, and in v. 11 in that of Enoch’s prophecy. There was all the more reason for his doing this, because not only to contradictory accounts of the sin of the angels occur in the Enoch legends, but a comparison of the parallels cited from the book of Enoch proves that he deviated from the Enoch legend in points of no little importance. Thus, for example, according to Enoch 54:3, “iron chains of immense weight” are prepared for the hosts of Azazel, to put them into the lowest hell, and cast them on that great day into the furnace with flaming fire. Now Jude and Peter say nothing about iron chains, and merely mention “everlasting chains under darkness” and “chains of darkness.”
Again, according to Enoch Genesis 10:12, the angel sinners are “bound fast under the earth for seventy generations, till the day of judgment and their completion, till the last judgment shall be held for all eternity.” Peter and Jude make no allusion to this point of time, and the supporters of the angel marriages, therefore, have thought well to leave it out when quoting this parallel to Jude 6. Under these circumstances, the silence of the apostles as to either marriages or fornication on the part of the sinful angels, is a sure sign that they gave no credence to these fables of a Jewish gnosticizing tradition. The notion that the Nephilim were giants, to which the Sept. rendering gi>gantev has given rise, was rejected even by Luther as fabulous. He bases his view upon Joshua 11:7: “Nephilim non dictos a magnitudine corporum, sicut Rabbini putant, sed a tyrannide et oppressione quod vi grassati sint, nulla habita ratione legum aut honestatis, sed simpliciter indulgentes suis voluptatibus et cupiditatibus.” The opinion that giants are intended derives no support from Numbers 13:32-33. When the spies describe the land of Canaan as “a land that eateth up the inhabitants thereof,” and then add (v. 33), “and there we saw the Nephilim, the sons of Anak among ( ˆmi lit., from, out of, in a partitive sense) the Nephilim,” by the side of whom they were as grasshoppers; the term Nephilim cannot signify giants, since the spies not only mention them especially along with the inhabitants of the land, who are described as people of great stature, but single out only a portion of the Nephilim as “sons of Anak” ( qn;[\ yneB] ), i.e., long-necked people or giants. The explanation “fallen from heaven” needs no refutation; inasmuch as the main element, “from heaven,” is a purely arbitrary addition. How thoroughly irreconcilable the contents of this verse are with the angel-hypothesis is evident from the strenuous efforts of its supporters to bring them into harmony with it. Thus, in Reuter’s Repert., p. 7, Del. observes that the verse cannot be rendered in any but the following manner: “The giants were on the earth in those days, and also afterwards, when the sons of God went in to the daughters of men, these they bare to them, or rather, and these bare to them;” but, for all that, he gives this as the meaning of the words, “At the time of the divine determination to inflict punishment the giants arose, and also afterwards, when this unnatural connection between super-terrestrial and human beings continued, there arose such giants;” not only substituting “arose” for “were,” but changing “when they connected themselves with them” into “when this connection continued.”
Nevertheless he is obliged to confess that “it is strange that this unnatural connection, which I also suppose to be the intermediate cause of the origin of the giants, should not be mentioned in the first clause of v. 4.” This is an admission that the text says nothing about the origin of the giants being traceable to the marriages of the sons of God, but that the commentators have been obliged to insert it in the text to save their angel marriages. Kurtz has tried three different explanations of this verse but they are all opposed to the rules of the language. (1) In the History of the Old Covenant he gives this rendering: “Nephilim were on earth in these days, and that even after the sons of God had formed connections with the daughters of men;” in which he not only gives to µGæ the unsupportable meaning, “even, just,” but takes the imperfect awOB in the sense of the perfect awOB. (2) In his Ehen der Söhne Gottes (p. 80) he gives the choice of this and the following rendering: “The Nephilim were on earth in those days, and also after this had happened, that the sons of God came to the daughters of men and begat children,” were the ungrammatical rendering of the imperfect as the perfect is artfully concealed by the interpolation of “after this had happened.” (3) In “die Söhne Gottes,” p. 85: “In these days and also afterwards, when the sons of God came (continued to come) to the daughters of men, they bare to them (sc., Nephilim),” where awOB, they came, is arbitrarily altered into awOB ãsæy; , they continued to come. But when he observes in defence of this quid pro quo, that “the imperfect denotes here, as Hengstenberg has correctly affirmed, and as so often is the case, an action frequently repeated in past times,” this remark only shows that he has neither understood the nature of the usage to which H. refers, nor what Ewald has said (§136) concerning the force and use of the imperfect. When, on the other hand, the supporters of the angel marriages maintain that it is only on this interpretation that the necessity for the flood, i.e., for the complete destruction of the whole human race with the exception of righteous Noah, can be understood, not only is there no scriptural foundation for this argument, but it is decidedly at variance with those statements of the Scriptures, which speak of the corruption of the men whom God had created, and not of a race that had arisen through an unnatural connection of angels and men and forced their way into God’s creation. If it were really the case, that it would otherwise be impossible to understand where the necessity could lie, for all the rest of the human race to be destroyed and a new beginning to be made, whereas afterwards, when Abraham was chosen, the rest of the human race was not only spared, but preserved for subsequent participation in the blessings of salvation: we should only need to call Job to mind, who also could not comprehend the necessity for the fearful sufferings which overwhelmed him, and was unable to discover the justice of God, but who was afterwards taught a better lesson by God Himself, and reproved for his rash conclusions, as a sufficient proof of the deceptive and futile character of all such human reasoning.
But this is not the true state of the case. The Scriptures expressly affirm, that after the flood the moral corruption of man was the same as before the flood; for they describe it in Genesis 8:21 in the very same words as in ch. 6:5: and the reason they assign for the same judgment not being repeated, is simply the promise that God would no more smite and destroy all living, as He had done before-an evident proof that God expected no change in human nature, and out of pure mercy and long-suffering would never send a second flood. “Now, if the race destroyed had been one that sprang from angel-fathers, it is difficult to understand why no improvement was to be looked for after the flood; for the repetition of any such unnatural angel-tragedy was certainly not probable, and still less inevitable” (Philippi). As the height of the ark was thirty cubits, the three stories of cells can hardly have filled the entire space, since a room ten cubits high, or nine cubits if we deduct the thickness of the floors, would have been a prodigality of space beyond what the necessities required. It has been conjectured that above or below these stories there was space provided for the necessary supplies of food and fodder. At the same time, this is pure conjecture, like every other calculation, not only as to the number and size of the cells, but also as to the number of animals to be collected and the fodder they would require. Hence every objection that has been raised to the suitability of the structure, and the possibility of collecting all the animals in the ark and providing them with food, is based upon arbitrary assumptions, and should be treated as a perfectly groundless fancy. As natural science is still in the dark as to the formation of species, and therefore not in a condition to determine the number of pairs from which all existing species are descended, it is ridiculous to talk, as Pfaff and others do, of 2000 species of mammalia, and 6500 species of birds, which Noah would have had to feed every day. The geological facts which testify to the submersion of the entire globe are collected in Buckland’s reliquiae diluv., Schubert’s Gesch. der Natur, and C. v. Raumer’s Geography, and are of such importance that even Cuvier acknowledged “Je pense donc, avec MM. Deluc et Dolomieu, que s’il y a quelque chose de constate en geologie; c’est que la surface de notre globe a ete victime d’une grande et subite revolution, dont la date ne peut remonter beaucoup au delà de cinq ou six mille ans” (Discours sur les revol. de la surface du globe, p. 190, ed. 6). The latest phase of geology, however, denies that these facts furnish any testimony to the historical character of the flood, and substitutes the hypothesis of a submersion of the entire globe before the creation of man: 1. because the animals found are very different from those at present in existence; and 2. because no certain traces have hitherto been found of fossil human bones. We have already shown that there is no force in these arguments. Vid., Keerl, pp. 489ff. Hic igitur fons est, ex quo manat totum just civile et just gentium. Nam si Deus concedit homini potestatem super vitam et mortem, profecto etiam concedit potestatem super id, quod minus est, ut sunt fortunae, familia, uxor, liberi, servi, agri; Haec omnia vult certorum hominum potestati esse obnoxia Deus, ut reos puniant.LUTHER Sam. Bochart has brought great learning to the explanation of the table of nations in Phaleg, the first part of his geographia sacra, to which Michaelis and Rosenmüller made valuable additions-the former in his spicil. geogr. Hebr. ext. 1769 and 1780, the latter in his Biblical Antiquities. Knobel has made use of all the modern ethnographical discoveries in his “Völkertafel der Genesis” (1850), but many of his combinations are very speculative. Kiepert, in his article über d. geograph. Stellung der nördlichen Länder in der phönikischhebräischen Erdkunde (in the Monatsberichte d. Berliner Akad. 1859), denies entirely the ethnographical character of the table of nations, and reduces it to a mere attempt on the part of the Phoenicians to account for the geographical position of the nations with which they were acquainted. These analogies overthrow the assertion that the verses before us have been interpolated by the Jehovist into the Elohistic document; since the use of the name Jehovah is no proof of difference of authorship, nor the use of dliy; for dlæy; , as the former also occurs in vv. 13, 15, 24, and 26. This was seen even by Perizonius (Origg. Babyl. p. 183), who says, “Crediderim hominem hunc utpote venatorem ferocem et sodalium comitatu succinctum semper in ore habuisse et ingeminasse, ad reliquos in rebellionem excitandos, illud nimrod, nimrod, h.e. rebellemus, rebellemus, atque inde postea ab aliis, etiam ab ipso Mose, hoc vocabalo tanquam proprio nomine designatium,” and who supports his opinion by other similar instances in history. This view of Nimrod and his deeds is favoured by the Eastern legend, which not only makes him the builder of the tower of Babel, which was to reach to heaven, but has also placed him among the constellations of heaven as a heaven-storming giant, who was chained by God in consequence. Vid., Herzog’s Real-Encycl. Art. Nimrod This supposition of Rawlinson, Grote, M. v. Niebuhr, Knobel, Delitzsch and others, has recently been adopted by Ewald also The opinion of the Rabbins and earlier theologians, that the Hebrew was the primitive language, has been generally abandoned in consequence of modern philological researches. The fact that the biblical names handed down from the earliest times are of Hebrew extraction proves nothing. With the gradual development and change of language, the traditions with their names were cast into the mould of existing dialects, without thereby affecting the truth of the tradition.
For as Drechster has said, “it makes no difference whether I say that Adam’s eldest son had a name corresponding to the name Cain from hn;q; , or to the name Ctesias from kta>sqai ; the truth of the Thorah, which presents us with the tradition handed down from the sons of Noah through Shem to Abraham and Israel, is not a verbal, but a living tradition-is not in the letter, but in the spirit.” Such explanations of the name as “gate, or house, or fortress of Bel,” are all the less worthy of notice, because the derivation apo’ tou’ Bee’lou in the Etymol. magn., and in Persian and Nabatean works, is founded upon the myth, that Bel was the founder of the city. And as this myth is destitute of historical worth, so is also the legend that the city was built by Semiramis, which may possibly have so much of history as its basis, that this half-mythical queen extended and beautified the city, just as Nebuchadnezzar added a new quarter, and a second fortress, and strongly fortified it. The hypothesis, that the history is compounded of Jehovistic and Elohistic documents, can only be maintained by those who misunderstand that distinctive meaning of these two names, and arbitrarily set aside the Jehovah in Genesis 27:1, on account of an erroneous determination of the relation in which yDævæ lae stands to hwO;hy] . J. G. Wetztein, however, has lately denied the identity of Ashteroth Karnaim, which he interprets as meaning Ashtaroth near Karnaim, with Ashtaroth the capital of Og (see Reiseber. üb. Hauran, etc. 1860, p. 107). But he does so without sufficient reason. He disputes most strongly the fact that Ashtaroth was situated on the hill Ashtere, because the Arabs now in Hauran assured him, that the ruins of this Tell (or hill) suggested rather a monastery or watch-tower than a large city, and associates it with the Bostra of the Greeks and Romans, the modern Bozra, partly on account of the central situation of this town, and its consequent importance to Hauran and Peraea generally, and partly also on account of the similarity in the name, as Bostra is the latinized form of Beeshterah, which we find in Joshua 21:27 in the place of the Ashtaroth of 1 Chronicles 6:56; and that form is composed of Beth Ashtaroth, to which there are as many analogies as there are instances of the omission of Beth before the names of towns, which is a sufficient explanation of Ashtaroth (cf. Ges. thes., p. 175 and 193). The circumstance that in the midst of a list of tribes who were defeated, we find not the tribe but only the fields ( hd,c; ) of the Amalekites mentioned, can only be explained on the supposition that the nation of the Amalekites was not then in existence, and the country was designated proleptically by the name of its future and well-known inhabitants (Hengstenberg, Diss. ii. p. 249, translation). One runs below the Sea of Galilee past Fik and Nowa, almost in a straight line to Damascus; the other from Jacob’s Bridge, below Lake Merom. But if the enemy, instead of returning with their booty to Thapsacus, on the Euphrates, by one of the direct roads leading from the Jordan past Damascus and Palmyra, had gone through the land of Canaan to the sources of the Jordan, they would undoubtedly, when defeated at Laish-Dan, have fled through the Wady et Teim and the Bekaa to Hamath, and not by Damascus at all (vid., Robinson, Bibl.
Researches). The legend of Abram having been king in Damascus appears to have originated in this, though the passage before us does not so much as show that Abram obtained possession of Eliezer on his way through Damascus. `ˆyi[æ , with a point over the second Jod, to show that it is irregular and suspicious; since ˆyBe with the singular suffix is always treated as a singular, and only with a plural suffix as plural. The objections to this change in the accentuation are entirely counterbalanced by the grammatical difficulty connected with the second explanation. If, for example, ha;r; is a participle with the 1st pers. suff., it should be written ro>hni y (Isaiah 29:15) or ha;r; (Isaiah 47:10). ha;r; cannot mean, “who sees me,” but “my seer,” an expression utterly inapplicable to God, which cannot be supported by a reference to Job 7:8, for the accentuation varies there; and the derivation of ha;r; from yair’ “eye of the seeing,” for the eye which looks after me, is apparently fully warranted by the analogous expression dlæy; hV;ai in Jeremiah 13:21. What stands out clearly in this promise-viz., the fact that the expressions “seed of Abraham” (people of Israel) and “land of Canaan” are not exhausted in the physical Israel and earthly Canaan, but are to be understood spiritually, Israel and Canaan acquiring the typical significance of the people of God and land of the Lord-is still further expanded by the prophets, and most distinctly expressed in the New Testament by Christ and the apostles. This scriptural and spiritual interpretation of the Old Testament is entirely overlooked by those who, like Auberlen, restrict all the promises of God and the prophetic proclamations of salvation to the physical Israel, and reduce the application of them to the “Israel after the spirit,” i.e., to believing Christendom, to a mere accommodation. Whether the Dead Sea originated in this catastrophe, or whether there was previously a lake, possibly a fresh water lake, at the north of the valley of Siddim, which was enlarged to the dimensions of the existing sea by the destruction of the valley with its cities, and received its present character at the same time, is a question which has been raised, since Capt. Lynch has discovered by actual measurement the remarkable fact, that the bottom of the lake consists of two totally different levels, which are separated by a peninsula that stretches to a very great distance into the lake from the eastern shore; so that whilst the lake to the north of this peninsula is, on an average, from 1000 to 1200 feet deep, the southern portion is at the most 16 feet deep, and generally much less, the bottom being covered with salt mud, and heated by hot springs from below. But when this pillar of salt is mentioned in Wisdom 11:7 and Clemens ad Cor. xi. as still in existence, and Josephus professes to have seen it, this legend is probably based upon the pillar-like lumps of salt, which are still to be seen at Mount Usdum (Sodom), on the south-western side of the Dead Sea Cf. Lightfoot, opp. 1, p. 19. This correct estimate of Luther’s is based upon the following calculation:-When Joseph was introduced to Pharaoh he was thirty years old (41:46), and when Jacob went into Egypt, thirty-nine, as the seven years of abundance and two of famine had then passed by (45:6). But Jacob was at that time 130 years old (47:9). Consequently Joseph was born before Jacob was ninety-one; and as his birth took place in the fourteenth year of Jacob’s sojourn in Mesopotamia (cf. 30:25, and 29:18,21, and 27), Jacob’s flight to Laban occurred in the seventy-seventh year of his own life, and the 137th of Isaac’s. We must not think of our European goats, whose skins would be quite unsuitable for any such deception. “It is the camel-goat of the East, whose black, silk-like hair was used even by the Romans as a substitute for human hair. Martial xii. 46.” — Tuch on v. 16. I cannot discover, however, in Malachi 1:3 an authentic proof of the privative meaning, as Kurtz and Delitzsch do, since the prophet’s words, “I have hated Esau, and laid his mountains and his heritage waste,” are not descriptive of the natural condition of Idumaea, but of the desolation to which the land was given up. This reference is incorrect; the Niphal is used in Isaiah 1:24, the Hithpael in Jeremiah 5:9-29. Tr.) The fact mentioned here has often been cited as the origin of the anointed stones ( bai>tuloi ) of the heathen, and this heathen custom has been regarded as a degeneration of the patriarchal. But apart from this essential difference, that the Baetulian worship was chiefly connected with meteoric stones (cf. F. von Dalberg, üb. d. Meteorcultus d. Alten), which were supposed to have come down from some god, and were looked upon as deified, this opinion is at variance with the circumstance, that Jacob himself, in consecrating the stone by pouring oil upon it, only followed a custom already established, and still more with the fact, that the name bai>tuloi baito>lia , notwithstanding its sounding like Bethel, can hardly have arisen from the name Beth-El, Gr. Baiqh>l , since the t for th would be perfectly inexplicable. Dietrich derives baitu>lion from baTeel, to render inoperative, and interprets it amulet. Like the cistern Bir Beshat, described by Rosen., in the valley of Hebron, or those which Robinson found in the desert of Judah (Pal. ii. 165), hollowed out in the great mass of rock, and covered with a large, thick, flat stone, in the middle of which a round hole had been left, which formed the opening of the cistern, and in many cases was closed up with a heavy stone, which it would take two or three men to roll away. This is the case still with the Bedouins, the Druses, and other Eastern tribes (Burckhardt, Voleny, Layard, and Lane). Cf. Lightfoot, opp. 1, p. 19. This correct estimate of Luther’s is based upon the following calculation:-When Joseph was introduced to Pharaoh he was thirty years old (41:46), and when Jacob went into Egypt, thirty-nine, as the seven years of abundance and two of famine had then passed by (45:6). But Jacob was at that time 130 years old (47:9). Consequently Joseph was born before Jacob was ninety-one; and as his birth took place in the fourteenth year of Jacob’s sojourn in Mesopotamia (cf. 30:25, and 29:18,21, and 27), Jacob’s flight to Laban occurred in the seventy-seventh year of his own life, and the 137th of Isaac’s We must not think of our European goats, whose skins would be quite unsuitable for any such deception. “It is the camel-goat of the East, whose black, silk-like hair was used even by the Romans as a substitute for human hair. Martial xii. 46.” — Tuch on v. I cannot discover, however, in Malachi 1:3 an authentic proof of the privative meaning, as Kurtz and Delitzsch do, since the prophet’s words, “I have hated Esau, and laid his mountains and his heritage waste,” are not descriptive of the natural condition of Idumaea, but of the desolation to which the land was given up. This reference is incorrect; the Niphal is used in Isaiah 1:24, the Hithpael in Jeremiah 5:9-29. Tr.) The fact mentioned here has often been cited as the origin of the anointed stones ( bai>tuloi ) of the heathen, and this heathen custom has been regarded as a degeneration of the patriarchal. But apart from this essential difference, that the Baetulian worship was chiefly connected with meteoric stones (cf. F. von Dalberg, üb. d. Meteorcultus d. Alten), which were supposed to have come down from some god, and were looked upon as deified, this opinion is at variance with the circumstance, that Jacob himself, in consecrating the stone by pouring oil upon it, only followed a custom already established, and still more with the fact, that the name bai>tuloi baito>lia , notwithstanding its sounding like Bethel, can hardly have arisen from the name Beth-El, Gr. Baiqh>l , since the t for th would be perfectly inexplicable. Dietrich derives baitu>lion from lFeBæ , to render inoperative, and interprets it amulet. Like the cistern Bir Beshat, described by Rosen., in the valley of Hebron, or those which Robinson found in the desert of Judah (Pal. ii. 165), hollowed out in the great mass of rock, and covered with a large, thick, flat stone, in the middle of which a round hole had been left, which formed the opening of the cistern, and in many cases was closed up with a heavy stone, which it would take two or three men to roll away. This is the case still with the Bedouins, the Druses, and other Eastern tribes (Burckhardt, Voleny, Layard, and Lane These words are the oldest proof, that in the native country of the patriarchs, Mesopotamia, Aramaean or Chaldaean was spoken, and Hebrew in Jacob’s native country, Canaan; from which we may conclude that Abraham’s family first acquired the Hebrew in Canaan from the Canaanites (Phoenicians).) There can be no doubt that vv. 49 and 50 bear the marks of a subsequent insertion. But there is nothing in the nature of this interpolation to indicate a compilation of the history from different sources. That Laban, when making this covenant, should have spoken of the future treatment of his daughters, is a thing so natural, that there would have been something strange in the omission. And it is not less suitable to the circumstances, that he calls upon the God of Jacob, i.e., Jehovah, to watch in this affair. And apart from the use of the name Jehovah, which is perfectly suitable here, there is nothing whatever to point to a different source; to say nothing of the fact that the critics themselves cannot agree as to the nature of the source supposed. Mamortha, which according to Plin. (h. n. v. 14) was the earlier name of Neapolis (Nablus), appears to have been a corruption of Chamor. This view is generally supported by the earlier writers, such as Demetrius, Petavius (Hengst. Diss.), etc.; only they reckon Dinah’s age at 16, placing her birth in the 14th year of Jacob’s service. This conjecture derives no support from the fact that the manifestations of God are ascribed to Elohim in vv. 1 and 9ff., although the whole chapter treats of the display of mercy by the covenant God, i.e., Jehovah. For the occurrence of Elohim instead of Jehovah in v. 1 may be explained, partly from the antithesis of God and man (because Jacob, the man, had neglected to redeem his vow, it was necessary that he should be reminded of it by God), and partly from the fact that there is no allusion to any appearance of God, but the words “God said” are to be understood, no doubt, as relating to an inward communication.
The use of Elohim in vv. 9ff. follows naturally from the injunction of Elohim in v. 1; and there was the less necessity for an express designation of the God appearing as Jehovah, because, on the one hand, the object of this appearance was simply to renew and confirm the former appearance of Jehovah (Genesis 28:12ff.), and on the other hand, the title assumed in v. 11, El Shaddai, refers to Genesis 27:1, where Jehovah announces Himself to Abram as El Shaddai. But even if this Mazzebah was really preserved till the conquest of Canaan by the Israelites, i.e., more than 450 years, and the remark referred to that time, it might be an interpolation by a later hand. The grave was certainly a well-known spot in Samuel’s time (1 Samuel 10:2); but a monumentum ubi Rachel posita est uxor Jacob is first mentioned again by the Bordeaux pilgrims of A.D. 333 and Jerome.
The Kubbet Rahil (Rachel’s grave), which is now shown about half an hour’s journey to the north of Bethlehem, to the right of the road from Jerusalem to Hebron, is merely “an ordinary Muslim wely, or tomb of a holy person, a small square building of stone with a dome, and within it a tomb in the ordinary Mohammedan form” (Rob. Pal. 1, p. 322). It has been recently enlarged by a square court with high walls and arches on the eastern side (Rob. Bibl. Researches. p. 357). Now although this grave is not ancient, the correctness of the tradition, which fixes upon this as the site of Rachel’s grave, cannot on the whole be disputed. At any rate, the reasons assigned to the contrary by Thenius, Kurtz, and others are not conclusive. The occurrence of “Timna and Amalek” in 1 Chronicles 1:36, as coordinate with the sons of Eliphaz, is simply a more concise form of saying “and from Timna, Amalek.” Knobel also undertakes to explain these names geographically, and to point them out in tribes and places of Arabia, assuming, quite arbitrarily and in opposition to the text, that the names refer to tribes, not to persons, although an incident is related of Zibeon’s son, which proves at once that the list relates to persons and not to tribes; and expecting his readers to believe that not only are the descendants of these troglodytes, who were exterminated before the time of Moses, still to be found, but even their names may be traced in certain Bedouin tribes, though more than 3000 years have passed away! The utter groundlessness of such explanations, which rest upon nothing more than similarity of names, may be seen in the association of Shobal with Syria Sobal (Judith 3:1), the name used by the Crusaders for Arabia tertia, i.e., the southernmost district below the Dead Sea, which was conquered by them. For notwithstanding the resemblance of the name Shobal to Sobal, no one could seriously think of connecting Syria Sobal with the Horite prince Shobal, unless he was altogether ignorant of the apocryphal origin of the former name, which first of all arose from the Greek or Latin version of the Old Testament, and in fact from a misunderstanding of Psalm 60:2, where, instead hbwx µra , Aram Zobah, we find in the LXX Suria> Soba>l , and in the Vulg. Syria et Sobal It is possible that there may be something significant in the fact that it was “as he was feeding his father’s asses,” and that the asses may have contributed to the discovery; just as the whirlpool of Karlsbad is said to have been discovered through a hound of Charles IV, which pursued a stag into a hot spring, and attracted the huntsmen to the spot by its howling. If this be admitted; then, on the supposition that this list of kings contains all the previous kings of Edom, the introduction of monarchy among the Edomites can hardly have taken place more than 200 years before the exodus; and, in that case, none of the phylarchs named in vv. 15-18 can have lived to see its establishment. For the list only reaches to the grandsons of Esau, none of whom are likely to have lived more than 100 or 150 years after Esau’s death. It is true we do not know when Esau died; but 413 years elapsed between the death of Jacob and the exodus, and Joseph, who was born in the 91st years of Jacob’s life, died 54 years afterwards, i.e., 359 years before the exodus. But Esau was married in his 40th year, 37 years before Jacob (Genesis 26:34), and had sons and daughters before his removal to Seir (v. 6). Unless, therefore, his sons and grandsons attained a most unusual age, or were married remarkably late in life, his grandsons can hardly have outlived Joseph more than 100 years. Now, if we fix their death at about years before the exodus of Israel from Egypt, there remains from that point to the arrival of the Israelites at the land of Edom (Numbers 20:14) a period of 290 years; amply sufficient for the reigns of eight kings, even if the monarchy was not introduced till after the death of the last of the phylarchs mentioned in vv. 15-18. The very fact that the author of Genesis, who wrote in the light of the further development and fuller revelation of the ways of the Lord with Joseph and the whole house of Jacob, represents the career of Joseph as a gracious interposition of Jehovah (ch. 39), and yet makes Joseph himself speak of Elohim as arranging the whole, is by no means an unimportant testimony to the historical fidelity and truth of the narrative; of which further proofs are to be found in the faithful and exact representation of the circumstances, manners, and customs of Egypt, as Hengstenberg has proved in his Egypt and the Books of Moses, from a comparison of these accounts of Joseph’s life with ancient document and monuments connected with this land. As the expression “at that time” does not compel us to place Judah’s marriage after the sale of Joseph, many have followed Augustine (qusaet. 123), and placed it some years earlier. But this assumption is rendered extremely improbable, if not impossible, by the fact that Judah was not merely accidentally present when Joseph was sold, but was evidently living with his brethren, and had not yet set up an establishment of his own; whereas he had settled at Adullam previous to his marriage, and seems to have lived there up to the time of the birth of the twins by Thamar. Moreover, the 23 years which intervened between the taking of Joseph into Egypt and the migration of Jacob thither, furnish space enough for all the events recorded in this chapter.
If we suppose that Judah, who was 20 years old when Joseph was sold, went to Adullam soon afterwards and married there, is three sons might have been born four or five years after Joseph’s captivity. And if his eldest son was born about a year and a half after the sale of Joseph, and he married him to Thamar when he was 15 years old, and gave her to his second son a year after that, Onan’s death would occur at least five years before Jacob’s removal to Egypt; time enough, therefore, both for the generation and birth of the twin-sons of Judah by Thamar, and for Judah’s two journeys into Egypt with his brethren to buy corn. (See Genesis 46:8ff.) Credibile est aliquod fuisse indicium, quo Josephum innocentem esse Potiphari constiteret; neque enim servi vita tanti erat ut ei parceretur in tam gravi delicto. Sed licet innocuum, in carcere tamen detinebat, ut uxoris honori et suo consuleret (Clericus). The chastity of Egyptian women has been in bad repute from time immemorial (Diod. Sic. i. 59; Herod. ii. 111). Even in the middle ages the Fatimite Hakim thought it necessary to adopt severe measures against their immorality (Bar- Hebraei, chron. p. 217), and at the present day, according to Burckhardt (arab. Sprichwörter, pp. 222, 227), chastity is “a great rarity” among women of every rank in Cairo. See my Bibl. Antiquities, §17, 5. The reference, no doubt, is to the esqh>ta line>hn , worn by the Egyptian priests, which was not made of linen, but of the frutex quem aliqui gossipion vocant, plures xylon et ideo LINA inde facta xylina. Nec ulla sunt eis candore mollitiave praeferenda. — Vestes inde sacerdotibus Aegypti gratissimae. Plin. h.n. xix. 1. Luther in his version, “privy councillor,” follows the rabbinical explanation, which was already to be found in Josephus (Ant. ii. 6, 1): kruptw>n euJreth>v , from tnpx = twnwpx occulta, and jn[p revelator. Joseph nihil aliud agit quam ut revelet peccatum fratrum hoc durissimo opere et sermone. Descendunt enim in Aegyptum una cum aliis emtum frumentum, securi et negligentes tam atrocis delicti, cujus sibi erant conscii, quasi nihil unquam deliguissent contra patrem decrepitum aut fratrem innocentem, cogitant Joseph jam diu exemtum esse rebus humanis, patrem vero rerum omnium ignarum esse. Quid ad nos? Non agunt poenitentiam. Hi silices et adamantes frangendi et conterendi sunt ac aperiendi oculi eorum, ut videant atrocitatem sceleris sui, idque ubi perfecit Joseph statim verbis et gestibus humaniorem se praebet eosque honorifice tractat. — Haec igitur atrocitas scelerum movit Joseph ad explorandos animos fratrum accuratius, ita ut non solum priorum delictorum sed et cogitationum pravarum memoriam renovaret, ac fuit sane inquisitio satis ingrata et acerba et tamen ab animo placidissimo profecta. Ego durius eos tractassem. Sed haec acerbitas, quam prae se fert, non pertinet ad vindicandum injuriam sed ad salutarem eorum poenitentiam, ut humilientur. LUTHER Such a scene as this, with the emigrants taking their goods laden upon asses, and even two children in panniers upon an ass’s back, may be seen depicted upon a tomb at Beni Hassan, which might represent the immigration of Israel, although it cannot be directly connected with it. (See the particulars in Hengstenberg, Egypt and the Books of Moses.) Instead of the number 70 given here, Exodus 1:5, and Deuteronomy 10:22, Stephen speaks of 75 (Acts 7:14), according to the LXX, which has the number 75 both here and Exodus 1:5, on account of the words which follow the names of Manasseh and Ephraim in v. 20: ege>nonto de> oiJoi> Manassh> ouJ>v e>teken autw> hJ pallakh> hJ Su>ra tou> Maci>r Maci>r de> ege>nnhse to>n Galaa>d uiJoi> de> Efrai>m adelfou> Manassh> Soutalaa>m kai> Taa>m uiJoi> de> Soutalaa>m Edw>m : and which are interpolated by conjecture from Genesis 1:23, and Numbers 26:29,35, and 36 (33, 39, and 40), these three grandsons and two great-grandsons of Joseph being reckoned in. This was the manner in which the earlier theologians solved the actual difficulties connected with our list; and this solution has been adopted and defended against the objections offered to it by Hengstenberg (Dissertations) and Kurtz (History of the Old Covenant). There is no force in Kurtz’s objection, that this gift did not apply to Joseph as the father of Ephraim and Manasseh, but to Joseph personally; for it rests upon the erroneous assumption, that Jacob separated Joseph from his sons by their adoption. But there is not a word to that effect in v. 6, and the very opposite in v. 15, viz., that Jacob blessed Joseph in Ephraim and Manasseh. Heim’s conjecture, which Kurtz approves, that by the land given to Joseph we are to understand the high land of Gilead, which Jacob had conquered from the Amorites, needs no refutation, for it is purely imaginary. Jam de situ regionis loquitur, quae sorte filiis Judae obtigit. Significat autem tantam illic fore vitium copiam, ut passim obviae prostent non secus atque alibi vepres vel infrugifera arbusta. Nam quum ad sepes ligari soleant asini, vites ad hunc contemptibilem usum aeputat. Eodem pertinet quae sequuntur hyperbolicae loquendi formae, quod Judas lavabit vestem suam in vino, et oculis eritrubicundus. Tantam enim vini abundantiam fore intelligit, ut promiscue ad lotiones, perinde ut aqua effundi queat sine magno dispendio; assiduo autem largioreque illius potu rubedinem contracturi sint oculi. CALVIN This is the reading according to the text of the Jerusalem Targum, in the London Polyglot as corrected from the extracts of Fagius in the Critt.
Sacr., to which the Targum Jonathan also adds, “for Thy redemption, O Jehovah, is an everlasting redemption.” But whilst the Targumists and several fathers connect the serpent in the way with Samson, by many others the serpent in the way is supposed to be Antichrist. On this interpretation Luther remarks: Puto Diabolum hujus fabulae auctorem fuisse et finxisse hanc glossam, ut nostras cogitationes a vero et praesente Antichristo abduceret “Thus is the whole composed in pictorial words. Whatever of man and cattle can be fruitful shall multiply and have enough. Childbearing, and the increase of cattle, and of the corn in the field, are not our affair, but the mercy and blessing of God.” — Luther. Consequently the statement of Jerome in the Onam. s. v. Area Atad- ”locus trans Jordanem, in quo planxerunt quondam Jacob, tertio ab Jerico lapide, duobus millibus ab Jordane, qui nunc vocatur Bethagla, quod interpretatur locus gyri, eo quod ibi more plangentium circumierint in funere Jacob” — is wrong. Beth Agla cannot be the same as Goren Atad, if only because of the distances given by Jerome from Jericho and the Jordan. They do not harmonize at all with his trans Jordanem, which is probably taken from this passage, but point to a place on this side of the Jordan; but still more, because Beth Hagla was on the frontier of Benjamin towards Judah (Joshua 15:6; 18:19), and its name has been retained in the fountain and tower of Hajla, an hour and a quarter to the S.E. of Riha (Jericho), and three-quarters of an hour from the Jordan, by which the site of the ancient Beth Hagla is certainly determined. (Vid., Robinson, Pal., ii. p. 268ff.) Ant. ii. 9, 1. He>v basilei>av eiv a>llon oi>kon metalhluqui>av The want of trustworthy accounts of the history of ancient Egypt and its rulers precludes the possibility of bringing this question to a decision. It is true that attempts have been made to mix it up in various ways with the statements which Josephus has transmitted from Manetho with regard to the rule of the Hyksos in Egypt (c. Ap. i. and 26), and the rising up of the “new king” has been identified sometimes with the commencement of the Hyksos rule, and at other times with the return of the native dynasty on the expulsion of the Hyksos. But just as the accounts of the ancients with regard to the Hyksos bear throughout the stamp of very distorted legends and exaggerations, so the attempts of modern inquirers to clear up the confusion of these legends, and to bring out the historical truth that lies at the foundation of them all, have led to nothing but confused and contradictory hypotheses; so that the greatest Egyptologists of our own days-viz., Lepsius, Bunsen, and Brugsch-differ throughout, and are even diametrically opposed to one another in their views respecting the dynasties of Egypt. Not a single trace of the Hyksos dynasty is to be found either in or upon the ancient monuments.
The documental proofs of the existence of a dynasty of foreign kings, which the Vicomte de Rouge thought that he had discovered in the Papyrus Sallier No. 1 of the British Museum, and which Brugsch pronounced “an Egyptian document concerning the Hyksos period,” have since then been declared untenable both by Brugsch and Lepsius, and therefore given up again. Neither Herodotus nor Diodorus Siculus heard anything at all about the Hyksos though the former made very minute inquiry of the Egyptian priests of Memphis and Heliopolis. And lastly, the notices of Egypt and its kings, which we meet with in Genesis and Exodus, do not contain the slightest intimation that there were foreign kings ruling there either in Joseph’s or Moses’ days, or that the genuine Egyptian spirit which pervades these notices was nothing more than the “outward adoption” of Egyptian customs and modes of thought. If we add to this the unquestionably legendary character of the Manetho accounts, there is always the greatest probability in the views of those inquirers who regard the two accounts given by Manetho concerning the Hyksos as two different forms of one and the same legend, and the historical fact upon which this legend was founded as being the 430 years’ sojourn of the Israelites, which had been thoroughly distorted in the national interests of Egypt. — For a further expansion and defence of this view see Hävernick’s Einleitung in d. A. T. i. 2, pp. 338ff., Ed. 2 (Introduction to the Pentateuch, pp. 235ff. English translation). Wilkinson gives a picture of bathing scene, in which an Egyptian woman of rank is introduced, attended by four female servants Josephus gives a somewhat different explanation in his book against Apion (i. 31), when he says, “His true name was Moüses, and signifies a person who is rescued from the water, for the Egyptians call water Moü.” Other explanations, though less probable ones, are attempted by Gesenius in his Thes. p. 824, and Knobel in loc. The tradition, on the other hand, that Moses was a priest of Heliopolis, named Osarsiph (Jos. c. Ap. i. 26, 28), is just as unhistorical as the legend of his expedition against the Ethiopians (Jos. Ant. ii. 10), and many others with which the later, glorifying Saga embellished his life in Egypt. The judgment of Augustine is really the true one. Thus, in his c.
Faustum Manich. l. 22, c. 70, he says, “I affirm, that the man, though criminal and really the offender, ought not to have been put to death by one who had no legal authority to do so. But minds that are capable of virtues often produce vices also, and show thereby for what virtue they would have been best adapted, if they had but been properly trained.
For just as farmers, when they see large herbs, however useless, at once conclude that the land is good for growing corn, so that very impulse of the mind which led Moses to avenge his brother when suffering wrong from a native, without regard to legal forms, was not unfitted to produce the fruits of virtue, but, though hitherto uncultivated, was at least a sign of great fertility.” Augustine then compares this deed to that of Peter, when attempting to defend his Lord with a sword (Matthew 26:51), and adds, “Both of them broke through the rules of justice, not through any base inhumanity, but through animosity that needed correction: both sinned through their hatred of another’s wickedness, and their love, though carnal, in the one case towards a brother, in the other to the Lord. This fault needed pruning or rooting up; but yet so great a heart could be as readily cultivated for bearing virtues, as land for bearing fruit.” In the Vulgate the account of his birth and name is interpolated here, and so also in some of the later codices of the LXX. But in the oldest and best of the Greek codices it is wanting here, so that there is no ground for the supposition that it has fallen out of the Hebrew text The hypothesis, that, after the calling of Moses, this branch of the Midianites left the district they had hitherto occupied, and sought out fresh pasture ground, probably on the eastern side of the Elanitic Gulf, is as needless as it is without support Kurtz follows the Lutheran rendering “sacrifice,” and understands by it the first national sacrifice; and then, from the significance of the first, which included potentially all the rest, supposes the covenant sacrifice to be intended. But not only is the original text disregarded here, the fact is also overlooked, that Luther himself has translated `db,[, correctly, to “serve,” in every other place. And it is not sufficient to say, that by the direction of God (Exodus 3:18) Moses first of all asked Pharaoh for permission merely to go a three days’ journey into the wilderness to sacrifice to their God (5:1-3), in consequence of which Pharaoh afterwards offered to allow them to sacrifice (8:3) within the land, and at a still later period outside (8:21ff.). For the fact that Pharaoh merely spoke of sacrificing may be explained on the ground that at first nothing more was asked. But this first demand arose from the desire on the part of God to make known His purposes concerning Israel only step by step, that it might be all the easier for the hard heart of the king to grant what was required. But even if Pharaoh understood nothing more by the expression “serve God” than the offering of sacrifice, this would not justify us in restricting the words which Jehovah addressed to Moses, “When thou hast brought forth the people out of Egypt, ye shall serve God upon this mountain,” to the first national offering, or to the covenant sacrifice “This moderate request was made only at the period of the earlier plagues. It served to put Pharaoh to the proof. God did not come forth with His whole plan and desire at first, that his obduracy might appear so much the more glaring, and find no excuse in the greatness of the requirement. Had Pharaoh granted this request, Israel would not have gone beyond it; but had not God foreseen, what He repeatedly says (compare, for instance, Exodus 3:18), that he would not comply with it, He would not thus have presented it; He would from the beginning have revealed His whole design. Thus Augustine remarks (Quaest. in Ex.).” Hengstenberg, Diss. on the Pentateuch. vol. ii. p. 427, Ryland’s translation. Clark, 1847. For the different views as to the supposed borrowing of the gold and silver vessels, see Hengstenberg, Dissertations on the Pentateuch, vol. ii. pp. 419ff., and Kurtz, History of the Old Covenant, vol. ii. 319ff. Even in 2 Kings 5:6; see my commentary on the passage “The sun, by the force of its heat, moistens the wax and dries the clay, softening the one and hardening the other; and as this produces opposite effects by the same power, so, through the long-suffering of God, which reaches to all, some receive good and others evil, some are softened and others hardened.” — (Theodoret, quaest. 12 in Ex.) The organic connection of this genealogy with the entire narrative has been so conclusively demonstrated by Ranke, in his Unterss. ub. d.
Pent. i. p. 68ff. and ii. 19ff., that even Knobel has admitted it, and thrown away the fragmentary hypothesis The objections of M. Baumgarten to these correct remarks have been conclusively met by Kurtz (Hist. of O. C. vol. ii. p. 144). We find a similar case in the genealogy of Ezra in Ezra 7:3, which passes over from Azariah the son of Meraioth to Azariah the son of Johanan, and omits five links between the two, as we may see from 1 Chronicles 6:7-11. In the same way the genealogy before us skips over from Amram the son of Kohath to Amram the father of Moses without mentioning the generations between. See my Archäologie i. p. 386. Baehr (Symb. 2, 635) has given the true explanation: “By avoiding the breaking of the bones, the animal was preserved in complete integrity, undisturbed and entire (Psalm 34:20).
The sacrificial lamb to be eaten was to be thoroughly and perfectly whole, and at the time of eating was to appear as a perfect whole, and therefore as one; for it is not what is dissected, divided, broken in pieces, but only what is whole, that is eo ipso one. There was not other reason for this, than that all who took part in this one whole animal, i.e., all who ate of it, should look upon themselves as one whole, one community, like those who eat the New Testament Passover, the body of Christ (1 Cor 5:7), of whom the apostle says (1 Cor 10:17), “There is one bread, and so we, being many, are one body: for we are all partakers of one body.” The preservation of Christ, so that not a bone was broken, had the same signification; and God ordained this that He might appear as the true paschal lamb, that was slain for the sins of the world.” In the elaborate account of the Passover under Josiah, in 2 Chronicles 35, we have, it is true, an allusion to the presentation of the burntoffering and fat (v. 14); but the boiling of the offerings in pots, caldrons, and pans is also mentioned, along with the roasting of the Passover (v. 13); from which it is very obvious, that in this account the offering of burnt and slain-offerings is associated with the preparation of the paschal lamb, and the paschal meal is not specially separated from the sacrificial meals of the seven days’ feast; just as we find that the king and the princes give the priests and Levites not only lambs and kids, but oxen also, for the sacrifices and sacrificial meals of this festival (see my Archäologie, §81, 8). The different views as to the march of the Israelites from Raemses to their passage through the sea, are to be found in the Studien und Kritiken, 1850, pp. 328ff., and in Kurtz, ii. pp. 361ff The Alexandrian translators have arbitrarily altered the text to suit the genealogy of Moses in Exodus 6:16ff., just as in the genealogies of the patriarchs in Genesis 5 and 11. The view held by the Seventy became traditional in the synagogue, and the Apostle Paul followed it in Galatians 3:17, where he reckoned the interval between the promise to Abraham and the giving of the law as 430 years, the question of chronological exactness having no bearing upon his subject at the time Possibly these scrolls were originally nothing more than a literal compliance with the figurative expression, or a change of the figure into a symbol, so that the custom did not arise from a pure misunderstanding; though at a later period the symbolical character gave place more and more to the casual misinterpretation. On the phylacteries generally, see my Archäologie and Herzog’s Cycl. There is no force in the objection to this situation, that according to different geognostic indications, the Gulf of Suez formerly stretched much farther north, and covered the basin of the Bitter Lake; for there is no evidence that it reached as far as this in the time of Moses; and the statements of early writers as to the position of Heroopolis in the inner corner of the Arabian Gulf, and not far to the north of Klysma, furnish no clear evidence of this, as Knobel has already observed. Knobel is quite wrong in affirming, that according to the primary work, the cloud was first instituted after the erection of the tabernacle. For in the passages cited in proof of this (Exodus 40:34ff.; Numbers 9:15ff., Exodus 10:11-12, cf. 17:7), the cloud is invariably referred to, with the definite article, as something already known, so that all these passages refer to v. 21 of the present chapter “This is done,” Sartorius proceeds to say, “not by His making His own invisible nature visible, nor yet merely figuratively or ideally, but by His rendering it objectively perceptible through the energy it excites, and the glorious effects it produces. The curtain (velum) of the natural which surrounds the Deity is moved and lifted (revelatur) by the word of His will, and the corresponding intention of His presence (per dextram Dei). But this is effected not by His causing the light of His countenance, which is unapproachable, to burst forth unveiled, but by His weaving out of the natural element a holy, transparent veil, which, like the fiery cloud, both shines and throws a shade, veils and unveils, so that it is equally true that God dwells in light and that He dwells in darkness (2 Chronicles 6:1; 1 Tim 6:16), as true that He can be found as that He must always be sought.” But as the ebb at Suez leaves the shallow parts of the gulf so far dry, when a strong wind is blowing, that it is possible to cross over them, we may understand how the legend could have arisen among the Ichthyophagi of that neighbourhood (Diod. Sic. 3, 39) and even the inhabitants of Memphis (Euseb. praep. ev. 9, 27), that the Israelites took advantage of a strong ebb, and how modern writers like Clericus have tried to show that the passage through the sea may be so accounted for The fact that the inhabitants of Philistia and Canaan are described in the same terms as Edom and Moab, is an unquestionable proof that this song was composed at a time when the command to exterminate the Canaanites had not yet been given, and the boundary of the territory to be captured by the Israelites was not yet fixed; in other words, that it was sung by Moses and the Israelites after the passage through the Red Sea. In the words `rbæ[; `d[æ in v. 16, there is by no means the allusion to, or play upon, the passage through the Jordan, which Knobel introduces. Auberlen’s remarks in the Jahrb.f. d. Theol. iii. p. 793, are quite to the point: “In spirit Moses already saw the people brought to Canaan, which Jehovah had described, in the promise given to the fathers and repeated to him, as His own dwelling-place where He would abide in the midst of His people in holy separation from the nations of the world. When the first stage had been so gloriously finished, he could already see the termination of the journey.”...”The nation was so entirely devoted to Jehovah, that its own dwelling-place fell into the shade beside that of its God, and assumed the appearance of a sojourning around the sanctuary of Jehovah, for God went up before the people in the pillar of cloud and fire. The fact that a mountain is mentioned in v. 17 as the dwelling-place of Jehovah is no proof of a vaticinium post eventum, but is a true prophecy, having its natural side, however, in the fact that mountains were generally the sites chosen for divine worship and for temples; a fact with which Moses was already acquainted (Genesis 22:2; Exodus 3:1,12; compare such passages as Numbers 22:41; 33:52; Micah 4:1-2). In the actual fulfilment its was Mount Zion upon which Jehovah was enthroned as King in the midst of his People The small quantity of water at Howâra, “which is hardly sufficient for a few hundred men, to say nothing of so large an army as the Israelites formed” (Seetzen), is no proof that Howâra and Marah are not identical. For the spring, which is now sanded up, may have flowed more copiously at one time, when it was kept in better order. Its present neglected state is the cause of the scarcity. This pass is also mentioned by Graul (Reise ii. p. 226) as “a wild romantic mountain pass,” and he writes respecting it, “For five minutes the road down was so narrow and steep, that the camels stept in fear, and we ourselves preferred to follow on foot. If the Israelites came up here on their way from the sea at Ras Zelime, the immense procession must certainly have taken a long time to get through the narrow gateway.” To this we may add, that if Moses had led the people to Sinai through one of these narrow passes, they could not possibly have reached Sinai in a month from the desert of Sin, to say nothing of eight days, which was all that was left for them, if, as is generally supposed, and as Kurtz maintains, their stay at the place of encampment in the desert of Sin, where they arrived on the 15th day of the second month (Exodus 16:1), lasted full seven days, and their arrival at Sinai took place on the first day of the third month. For if a pass is so narrow that only one camel can pass, not more than three men could walk abreast.
Now if the people of Israel, consisting of two millions of men, had gone through such a pass, it would have taken at least twenty days for them all to pass through, as an army of 100,000 men, arranged three abreast, would reach 27 English miles; so that, supposing the pass to be not more than five minutes walk long, 100,000 Israelites would hardly go through in a day, to say nothing at all about their flocks and herds Vide Hengstenberg’s Geschichte Bileam’s, p. 284ff. For the English translation, see “Hengstenberg on the Genuineness of Daniel, etc.,” p. 566. Clark. The natural manna was not exclusively confined to the tamarisk, which seems to be the only tree in the peninsula of Sinai that yields it now; but, according to both ancient and modern testimony, it has been found in Persia, Chorasan, and other parts of Asia, dropping from other trees.
Cf. Rosenmüller ubi supra, and Ritter, 14, pp. 686ff Omer proprie nomen poculi fuit, quale secum gestare solent Orientales, per deserta iter facientes, ad hauriendam si quam rivus vel fons offerret aquam.... Hoc in poculo, alia vasa non habentes, et mannam collegerunt Israelitae (Michaelis, Supplem. ad Lex. hebr., p. 1929). Cf.
Hengstenberg, Dissertations on the Pentateuch, vol. ii. p. 172 Burckhardt, p. 799; v. Raumer, Zug der Israeliten, p. 29; Robinson’s Palestine, pp. 178, 179; Deuteronomy Laborde, comment., p. 78; Tischendorf, Reise i. p. Kurtz (Hist. of O. C. iii. 46, 53) supposes that it was chiefly the report of the glorious result of the battle with Amalek which led Jethro to resolve to bring Moses’ family back to him. There is no statement, however, to this effect in the biblical text, but rather the opposite, namely, that what Jethro had heard of all that God had done to Moses and Israel consisted of the fact that Jehovah had brought Israel out of Egypt. Again, there are not sufficient grounds for placing the arrival of Jethro at the camp of Israel, in the desert of Sinai and after the giving of the law, as Ranke has done. For the fact that the mount of God is mentioned as the place of encampment at the time, is an argument in favour of Rephidim, rather than against it, as we have already shown.
And we can see no force in the assertion that the circumstances, in which we find the people, point rather to the longer stay at Sinai, than to the passing halt at Rephidim. For how do we know that the stay at Rephidim was such a passing one, that it would not afford time enough for Jethro’s visit?
It is true that, according to the ordinary assumption, only half a month intervened between the arrival of the Israelites in the desert of Sin and their arrival in the desert of Sinai; but within this space of time everything might have taken place that is said to have occurred on the march from the former to the latter place of encampment. It is not stated in the biblical text that seven days were absorbed in the desert of Sin alone, but only that the Israelites spent a Sabbath there, and had received manna a few days before, so that three or four days (say from Thursday to Saturday inclusive) would amply suffice for all that took place. If the Israelites, therefore, encamped there in the evening of the 15th, they might have moved farther on the morning of the 19th or 20th, and after a two days’ journey by Dofkah and Alush have reached Rephidim on the 21st or 22nd. They could then have fought the battle with the Amalekites the following day, so that Jethro might have come to the camp on the 24th or 25th, and held the sacrificial meal with the Israelites the next day.
In that case there would still be four or five days left for him to see Moses sitting in judgment a whole day long (v. 13), and for the introduction of the judicial arrangements proposed by Jethro;-amply sufficient time, inasmuch as one whole day would suffice for the sight of the judicial sitting, which is said to have taken place the day after the sacrificial meal (v. 13). And the election of judges on the part of the people, for which Moses gave directions in accordance with Jethro’s advice, might easily have been carried out in two days. For, on the one hand, it is most probable that after Jethro had watched this severe and exhausting occupation of Moses for a whole day, he spoke to Moses on the subject the very same evening, and laid his plan before him; and on the other hand, the execution of this plan did not require a very long time, as the people were not scattered over a whole country, but were collected together in one camp.
Moreover, Moses carried on all his negotiations with the people through the elders as their representatives; and the judges were not elected in modern fashion by universal suffrage, but were nominated by the people, i.e., by the natural representatives of the nation, from the body of elders, according to their tribes, and then appointed by Moses himself. — Again, it is by no means certain that Israel arrived at the desert of Sinai on the first day of the third month, and that only half a month (15 or 16 days) elapsed between their arrival in the desert of sin and their encamping at Sinai (cf. Exodus 19:1). And lastly, though Kurtz still affirms that Jethro lived on the other side of the Elanitic Gulf, and did not set out till he heard of the defeat of the Amalekites, in which case a whole month might easily intervene between the victory of Israel and the arrival of Jethro, the two premises upon which this conclusion is based, are assumptions without foundation, as we have already shown at Exodus 3:1 in relation to the former, and have just shown in relation to the latter. This hypothesis advocated by Lepsius, that Sinai or Horeb is to be sought for in Serbal, has very properly met with no favour. For the objections to this, see Ritter, Erdkunde 14, pp. 738ff.; and Kurtz, History of O.C., vol. iii. p. 94ff “Sinai falls towards the south for about 2000 feet into low granite hills, and then into a large plain, which is about 1600 feet broad and nearly five miles long, and rises like an amphitheatre opposite to the mountain both on the south and east. It is a plain that seems made to accommodate a large number gathered round the foot of the mountain” (Strauss, p. 135). Some Englishmen who accompanied F. A. Strauss “had taken threequarters of an hour for a fast walk from the Sebayeh plain to Wady es Sheikh;” so that it is not too much to reckon an hour for ordinary walking. Döbel tool quite six hours to go round Horeb-Sinai, which is only a little larger than Jebel Deir; so that at least three hours must be reckoned as necessary to accomplish the walk from the eastern end of the plain of er Rahah through the Wady Sebayeh to the foot of Sinai.
And Robinson took fifty minutes to go with camels from the commencement of the Sheikh valley, at the end of the Convent Valley, to the point at which it is joined by the valley of Sebayeh (Palestine i. p. 215). We are still in want of exact information from travellers as to the breadth of the southern end of the valley of Sebayeh. Ritter merely states, on the ground of MS notes in Strauss’ diary, that “at first it is somewhat contracted on account of projections in the heights by which it is bounded towards the south, but it still remains more than 500 feet broad.” And “when it turns towards the north-west, the wady is considerably widened; so that at the narrowest points it is more than 600 feet broad. And very frequently, at the different curves in the valley, large basins are formed, which would hold a considerable number of people.” LXX: basi>leion iJera>teuma , a royal priesthood, i.e., a priestly nation of royal power and glory. ˆynih\Kæ ˆykil]mæ : Kings-priests (Onkelos). — “Eritis coram me reges coronati ( al;ylik] yreyfiq] vincti coronis) et sacerdotes ministrantes” (Jonathan). — “Eritis meo nomini reges et sacerdotes” (Jer. Targ.). The idea of the people fleeing and running away must have been got by Kurtz from either Luther’s or Deuteronomy Wette’s translation. They have both of them rendered wgw’ [æWn , “they fled and went far off,” instead of “they trembled and stood far off.” And not only the supposed flight, but his idea that “thunder, lightning, and the trumpet blast (which were silent in any case during the utterance of the ten commandments), concluded the promulgation of the law, as they had already introduced it according to Exodus 19:16,” also rests upon a misunderstanding of the text of the Bible. There is not a syllable in Exodus 20:18 about the thunder, lightning, and trumpet blast bursting forth afresh after the proclamation of the ten commandments. There is simply an account of the impression, which the alarming phenomena, mentioned in Exodus 19:16-19 as attending the descent of Jehovah upon the mountain (v. 20), and preceding His speaking to Moses and the people, made upon the people, who had been brought out of the camp to meet with God. The discrepancies in the two texts are the following:-In Deuteronomy 5:8 the cop. w (“or,” Eng. Ver.), which stands before hm;WmTi lKo (any likeness), is omitted, to give greater clearness to the meaning; and on the other hand it is added before vLevi `l[æ in v. 9 for rhetorical reasons.
In the fourth commandment (v. 12) rmæv; is chosen instead of rkæz; in Ex. v. 8, and rkæz; is reserved fore the hortatory clause appended in v. 15: “and remember that thou wast a servant,” etc.; and with this is connected the still further fact, that instead of the fourth commandment being enforced on the ground of the creation of the world in six days and the resting of God on the seventh day, their deliverance from Egypt is adduced as the subjective reason for their observance of the command. In v. 14, too, the clause “nor thy cattle” (Ex. v. 10) is amplified rhetorically, and particularized in the words “thine ox, nor thine ass, nor any of thy cattle.”
So again, in v. 16, the promise appended to the fifth commandment, “that thy days may be long in the land,” etc., is amplified by the interpolation of the clause “and that it may go well with thee,” and strengthened by the words “as Jehovah thy God hath commanded thee.” In v. 17, instead of rq,v, `d[e (Ex. v. 16), the more comprehensive expression ad]v; `d[e is chosen. Again, in the tenth commandment (v. 18), the “neighbour’s wife” is placed first, and then, after the “house,” the field is added before the “man-servant and maidservant,” whereas in Exodus the “neighbour’s house” is mentioned first, and then the “wife” along with the “man-servant and maidservant;” and instead of the repetition of dmæj; , the synonym hW,aæt]Ti is employed. Lastly, in Deuteronomy all the commandments from jxær; alo onwards are connected together by the repetition of the cop. w before every one, whereas in Exodus it is not introduced at all. — Now if, after what has been said, the rhetorical and hortatory intention is patent in all the variations of the text of Deuteronomy, even down to the transposition of wife and house in the last commandment, this transposition must also be attributed to the freedom with which the decalogue was reproduced, and the text of Exodus be accepted as the original, which is not to be altered in the interests of any arbitrary exposition of the commandments. This also applies to the Targums. Onkelos and Jonathan have y;y] llemæW in v. 1, and the Jerusalem Targum y;y]dæ ar;m]yme lylemæ . But in the popular Jewish Midrash, the statement in Deuteronomy 33:2 (cf. Psalm 68:17), that Jehovah came down upon Sinai “out of myriads of His holiness,” i.e., attended by myriads of holy angels, seems to have given rise to the notion that God spake through angels. Thus Josephus represents King Herod as saying to the people, “For ourselves, we have learned from God the most excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy part of our law through angels” (Ant. 15, 5, 3, Whiston’s translation). That Stephen cannot have meant to say that God spoke through a number of finite angels, is evident from the fact, that in v. 38 he had spoken just before of the Angel (in the singular) who spoke to Moses upon Mount Sinai, and had described him in vv. 35 and 30 as the Angel who appeared to Moses in the bush, i.e., as no other than the Angel of Jehovah who was identical with Jehovah. “The Angel of the Lord occupies the same place in v. 38 as Jehovah in Exodus 19. The angels in v. 53 and Galatians 3:19 are taken from Deuteronomy 33. And there the angels do not come in the place of the Lord, but the Lord comes attended by them” (Hengstenberg). Lud. de Dieu, in his commentary on Acts 7:53, after citing the parallel passages Galatians 3:19 and Hebrews 2:2, correctly observes, that “horum dictorum haec videtur esse ratio et veritas. S. Stephanus supra 5:39 dixit, Angelum locutum esse cum Mose in monte Sina, eundem nempe qui in rubo ipsa apparuerat, v. 35 qui quamvis in se Deus hic tamen kat> oikonomi>an tanquam Angelus Deit caeterorumque angelorum praefectus consideratus e medio angelorum, qui eum undique stipabant, legem i monte Mosi dedit.... Atque inde colligi potest causa, cur apostolus Hebrews 2:2-3, Legi Evnagelium tantopere anteferat. Etsi enim utriusque auctor et promulgator fuerit idem Dei filius, quia tamen legem tulit in forma angeli e senatu angelico et velatus gloria angelorum, tandem vero caro factus et in carne manifestatus, gloriam prae se ferens non angelorum sed unigeniti filii Dei, evangelium ipsemet, humana voce, habitans inter homines praedicavit, merito lex angelorum sermo, evangelium autem solius filii Dei dicitur.” They either speak of two tables with five commandments upon each (Iren. adv. haer. ii. 42), or mention only one commandment against coveting (Constit. apost. i. 1, vii. 3; Theoph. ad Autol. ii. 50; Tertull, adv. Marc. ii. 17; Ephr. Syr. ad Ex. 20; Epiphan. haer. ii. 2, etc.), or else they expressly distinguish the commandment against images from that against other gods (Origen, homil. 8 in Ex.; Hieron. ad Ephes. vi. 2; Greg. Naz. carm. i. 1; Sulpicius Sev. hist. sacr. i. 17, etc.). It is adopted by Gemar. Macc. f. 24 a; Targ. Jon. on Ex. and Deut.; Mechilta on Exodus 20:15; Pesikta on Deuteronomy 5:6; and the rabbinical commentators of the middle ages See Geiger (wissensch. Ztschr. iii. 1, 151). According to the testimony of a Rabbin who had embraced Christianity, the decalogue was read in one way, when it occurred as a Sabbath parashah, either in the middle of January or at the beginning of July, and in another way at the feast of Pentecost, as the feast of the giving of the law; the lower accentuation being followed in the former case, and the upper in the latter. We may compare with this the account given in En Israel, fol. 103, col. 3, that one form of accentuation was intended for ordinary or private reading, the other for public reading in the synagogue. If the whole of the contents stood upon the table, the ten words cannot have been arranged either according to Philo’s two pentads, or according to Augustine’s division into three and seven; for in either case there would have been far more words upon the first table than upon the second, and, according to Augustine’s arrangement, there would have been 131 upon one table, and only 41 upon the other. We obtain a much more suitable result, if the words of vv. 2-7, i.e., the first three commandments according to Philo’s reckoning, were engraved upon the one table, and the other seven from the Sabbath commandment onwards upon the other; for in that case there would be 96 words upon the first table and 76 upon the second. If the reasons for the commandments were not written along with them upon the tables, the commandments respecting the name and nature of God, and the keeping of the Sabbath, together with the preamble, which could not possibly be left out, would amount to 73 words in all, the commandment to honour one’s parents would contain 5 words, and the rest of the commandments 26. On the visitation of the sins of the fathers upon the children, see also Hengstenberg, Dissertations, vol. ii. p. 446ff “In this demand for reverence to parents, the fifth commandment lays the foundation for the sanctification of the whole social life, inasmuch as it thereby teaches us to acknowledge a divine authority in the same” (Oehler, Dekalog, p. 322). LUTHER has pointed out this mirum et aptum ordinem, and expounds it thus: Incipit prohibitio a majori usque ad minimum, nam maximum damnum est occisio hominis, deinde proximum violatio conjugis, tertium ablatio facultatis. Quod qui in iis nocere non possunt, saltem lingua nocent, ideo quartum est laesio famae. Quodsi in iis non praevalent omnibus, saltem corde laedunt proximum, cupiendo quae ejus sunt, in quo et invidia proprie consistit Saalschütz is quite wrong in his supposition, that `yrib][i relates not to Israelites, but to relations of the Israelites who had come over to them from their original native land. (See my Archäologie, §112, Note 2.) The words dl,y, ax;y; are rendered by the LXX kai> exe>lqh to> paidi>on auth>v mh> exeikonisme>non and the corresponding clause hy;h; ˆwOsa; µai by ea>n de> exeikonisme>non h> ; consequently the translators have understood the words as meaning that the fruit, the premature birth of which was caused by the blow, if not yet developed into a human form, was not to be regarded as in any sense a human being, so that the giver of the blow was only required to pay a pecuniary compensation-as Philo expresses it, “on account of the injury done to the woman, and because he prevented nature, which forms and shapes a man into the most beautiful being, from bringing him forth alive.” But the arbitrary character of this explanation is apparent at once; for dl,y, only denotes a child, as a fully developed human being, and not the fruit of the womb before it has assumed a human form.
In a manner no less arbitrary ˆwOsa; has been rendered by Onkelos and the Rabbins µve , death, and the clause is made to refer to the death of the mother alone, in opposition to the penal sentence in vv. 23, 24, which not only demands life for life, but eye for eye, etc., and therefore presupposes not death alone, but injury done to particular members.
The omission of ttæK; , also, apparently renders it impracticable to refer the words to injury done to the woman alone. CALVIN gives the same explanation: Major in scelere obstinatio se prodit, ubi res furtiva in quaestum conversa est, nec spes est ulla resipiscentiae, atque ita continuo progressu duplicatur malae fidei crimen. Fieri potest ut fur statim post delictum contremiscat: qui vero animal occidere ausus est, aut vendere, prorsus in maleficio obduruit The LXX have expanded this law by interpolating apoti>sei ek tou> agrou> autou> kata> to> ge>nnhma autou> ea>n de> pa>nta to>n agro>n kataboskh>sh before bf;yme . And the Samaritan does the same. But this expansion is proved to be an arbitrary interpolation, by the simple fact that pa>nta to>n agro>n forms no logical antithesis to agro>n eJ>teron This is the derivation adopted by the English translators in their rendering “paved work.” — Tr.) Glanzwurm: “the Linnean name is coccus ilicis. It frequents the boughs of a species of ilex; on these it lays its eggs in groups, which become covered with a kind of down.” Smith’s Dictionary, Art. Colours. — Tr. See Abdallatif’s Merkwürdigkeiten Aegyptens, and Rosenmüller, Althk. iv. i. pp. 278-9. This genuine acacia, Sont, must not be confounded, according to Robinson (Pal. 2, 350), with the Acacia gumnifera (Talh). Seetzen also makes a distinction between the Thollhh, the Szont of the Egyptians, and the Szeiâl, and between an acacia which produces gum and one which does not; but he also observes that the same tree is called both Thollhh and Szeiâl in different places. He then goes on to say that he did not find a single tree large enough to furnish planks of ten cubits in length and one and a half in breadth for the construction of the ark (he means, of the tabernacle), and he therefore conjectures that the Israelites may have gone to Egypt for the materials with which to build the tabernacle. But he has overlooked the fact, that it is not stated in the text of the Bible that the boards of the tabernacle, which were a cubit and a half in breadth, were cut from one plank of the breadth named; and also that the trees in the valleys of the peninsula of Sinai are being more and more sacrificed to the charcoal trade of the Bedouin Arabs (see p. 366), and therefore that no conclusion can be drawn from the present condition of the trees as to what they were in the far distant antiquity. The conclusion drawn by Delitzsch (Hebräerbrief, p. 337), that because the author does not refer to anything between the epoura>nia and their anti>tupa (Exodus 9:24), the tu>pov can only have consisted of the epoura>nia themselves, is a mistake. All that the premises preclude, is the intervention of any objective reality, or third material object, but not the introduction of a pictorial representation, through which Moses was shown how to copy the heavenly realities and embody them in an earthly form. The earthly tent would no more be a copy of the copy of a heavenly original in this case, than a palace built according to a model is a copy of that model. Moreover, Delitzsch himself thinks it is “not conceivable that, when Moses was favoured with a view of the heavenly world, it was left to him to embody what he saw in a material form, to bring it within the limits of space.” He therefore assumes, both for the reason assigned, and because “no mortal has ever looked directly at heavenly things,” that “inasmuch as what was seen could not be directly reflected in the mirror of his mind, not to mention the retina of his eye, it was set before him in a visible form, and according to the operation of God who showed it, in a manner adapted to serve as a model of the earthly sanctuary to be erected.” Thus he admits that it is true that Moses did not see the heavenly world itself, but only a copy of it that was shown to him by God. The coverings of the tents of the Bedouin Arabs are still made of cloth woven from black goats’ hair, which the women spin and weave (see Lynch’s Expedition of the United States to the Jordan and Dead Sea). Kamphausen (Stud. und Krit. 1859, p. 117) appeals to Bähr’s Symbolik 1, p. 261-2, and Knobel, Exod. p. 261, in support of the opinion, that at any rate formerly there were genuine acacias of such size and strength, that beams could have been cut from them a cubit and a half broad and a cubit thick; but we look in vain to either of these writings for such authority as will establish this fact. Expressions like those of Jerome and Hasselquist, viz., grandes arbores and arbos ingens ramosissima, are far too indefinite. It is true that, according to Abdullatif, the Sont is “a very large tree,” but he gives a quotation from Dinuri, in which it is merely spoken of as “a tree of the size of a nuttree.”
See the passages cited in Rosenmüller’s bibl. Althk. iv. 1, p. 278, Not. 7, where we find the following remark of Wesling on Prosper.
Alpin. de plantis Aeg.: Caudicem non raro ampliorem deprehendi, quam ut brachio meo circumdari possit. Even the statement of Theophrast (hist. plant. 4, 3), to the effect that rafters are cut from these trees 12 cubits long ( dwdeka>phcuv ere>yimov uJ>lh ), is no proof that they were beams a cubit and a half broad and a cubit thick. And even if there had been trees of this size in the peninsula of Sinai in Moses’ time, a beam of such dimensions, according to Kamphausen’s calculation, which is by no means too high, would have weighed more than twelve cwt. And certainly the Israelites could never have carried beams of this weight with them through the desert; for the waggons needed would have been such as could never be used where there are no beaten roads The significant character of these different quadrangular forms is placed beyond all doubt, when we compare the tabernacle and Solomon’s temple, which was built according to the same proportions, with the prophetic description of the temple and holy city in Ezek, and that of the heavenly Jerusalem in Rev 21 and 22. Just as in both the tabernacle and Solomon’s temple the most holy place was in the form of a perfect cube (of 10 and 20 cubits respectively), so John saw the city of God, which came down from God out of heaven, in the form of a perfect cube. “The length, and the breadth, and the height of it were equal,” viz., 12,000 furlongs on every side (Rev 21:16), a symbolical representation of the idea, that the holy of holies in the temple will be seen in its perfected form in the heavenly Jerusalem, and God will dwell in it for ever, along with the just made perfect. This city of God is “the tabernacle of God with men;” it has no longer a temple, but the Lord God of Hosts and the Lamb are the temple of it (v. 22), and those who dwell therein see the face of God and the Lamb (Exodus 22:4).
The square comes next to the cube, and the regular oblong next to this.
The tabernacle was in the form of an oblong: the dwelling was cubits long and 10 broad, and the court 100 cubits long and 50 bread.
Solomon’s temple, when regarded as a whole, was in the same form; it was 60 cubits long and 20 cubits broad, apart from the porch and side buildings. In Ezekiel’s vision not only is the sanctuary a square of reeds (Ezekiel 42:15-20; 45:2), but the inner court (40:23,27,47), the paved space in the outer court (40:19), and other parts also, are all in the form of squares. The city opposite to the temple was a square of 4500 reeds (48:16), and the suburbs a square of 250 reeds on every side (v. 17). The idea thus symbolically expressed is, that the temple and city, and in fact the whole of the holy ground, already approximate to the form of the most holy place. Both the city and temple are still distinct from one another, although they both stand upon holy ground in the midst of the land (ch. 47 and 48); and in the temple itself the distinction between the holy place and the most holy is still maintained, although the most holy place is no longer separated by a curtain from the holy place; and in the same manner the distinction is still maintained between the temple-building and the courts, though the latter have acquired much greater importance than in Solomon’s temple, and are very minutely described, whereas they are only very briefly referred to in the case of Solomon’s temple. The sanctuary which Ezekiel saw, however, was only a symbol of the renewed and glorified kingdom of God, not of the perfected kingdom. This was first shown to the holy seer in Patmos, in the vision of the heavenly Jerusalem, as it appeared in a perfect cubical form Although any one may easily convince himself of the correctness of these numbers by drawing a figure, Knobel has revived Philo’s erroneous statement about 56 pillars and the double reckoning of the pillars in the corner. And the statement in vv. 14-16, that three pillars were to be made in front to carry the hangings on either side of the door, and four to carry the curtain which covered the entrance, may be easily shown to be correct, notwithstanding the fact that, as every drawing shows, four pillars would be required, and not three only, to carry 15 cubits of hangings, and five (not four) to carry a curtain cubits broad, if the pillars were to be placed 5 cubits apart; for the corner pillars, as belonging to both sides, and the pillars which stood between the hangings and the curtain on either side, could only be reckoned as halves in connection with each side or each post; and in reckoning the number of pillars according to the method adopted in every other case, the pillar from which you start would not be reckoned at all. Now, if you count the pillars of the eastern side upon this principle (starting from a corner pillar, which is not reckoned, because it is the starting-point and is the last pillar of the side wall), you have 1, 2, 3, then 1, 2, 3, 4, and then again 1, 2, 3; that is to say, 3 pillars for each wing and 4 for the curtain, although the hangings of each wing would really be supported by 4 pillars, and the curtain in the middle by 5. The art of weaving fabrics with gold thread (cf. Plin. h. n. 33, c. 3, s. 19, “aurum netur ac texitur lanae modo et sine lana”), was known in ancient Egypt. “Among the coloured Egyptian costumes which are represented upon the monuments, there are some that are probably woven with gold thread.” — Wilkinson 3, 131. Hengstenberg, Egypt, etc., p. 140. The leading opinions and the most important writings upon the subject are given in my Bibl. Archaeol. §39, note See my Archaeology i. pp. 183-4. The following are CALVIN’s admirable remarks: Oblationum sanctarum iniquitas tollenda et purganda fuit per sacerdotem. Frigidum est illud commentum, si quid erroris admissum est in ceremoniis, remissum fuisse sacerdotis precibus. Longius enim respicere nos oportet: ideo oblationum iniquitatem deleri a sacerdote, quia nulla oblatio, quatenus est hominis, omni vitio caret. Dictu hoc asperum est et fere para>doxon , sanctitates ipsas esse immundas, ut venia indigeant; sed tenendum est, nihil esse sane purum, quod non aliquid labis a nobis contrahat.... Nihil Dei cultu praestantius: et tamen nihil offerre potuit populus, etiam a lege praescriptum, nisi intercedente venia, quam nonnisi per sacerdotem obtinuit.] Knobel’s objection to this explanation, viz., that “at a time when the sanctuary was not yet erected, the author could not speak of women as coming to the door of the sanctuary, or performing religious service there,” would contain its own refutation, if there were any ground for it at all. For before the sanctuary was erected, the author could not speak of Levitical women as coming at particular times to the sanctuary, and bringing things with them for the purpose of washing and cleaning. But the participle ab;x; does not imply that they had served there before the erection of the sanctuary, but only that from that time forward, they did perform service there There is no necessity to refer to the process of calcining gold, either here or in connection with the destruction of the Asherah by Josiah (2 Kings 23:4,12; 2 Chronicles 34:4,7), apart altogether from the question, whether this chemical mode of reducing the precious metals was known at all to Moses and the Israelites Domine fac ut verbis tuis respondeat eventus. CALVIN Namely, the ten words in Exodus 20:2-17, not the laws contained in vv. 12-26 of this chapter, as Göthe and Hitzig suppose. See Hengstenberg, Dissertations ii. p. 319, and Kurtz on the Old Covenant iii. 182ff. For drawings of the Egyptian weaving-stool, see Wilkinson, iii. p. 135; also Hartmann, die Hebräerinn am Putztisch i. Taf. 1. Thus, to mention only one or two examples, the images in the temple of Belus, at Babylon, consisted of several thousand talents of gold, to say nothing of the golden tables, the bedsteads, and other articles of gold and silver (Diod. Sic. 2, 9; Herod. 1, 181, 183). In the siege of Nineveh, Sardanapalus erected a funeral pile, upon which he collected all his wealth, including 150 golden bedsteads, 150 golden tables, a million talents of gold, and ten times as much silver and other valuables, to prevent their falling into the hands of the foe (Ctesias in Athen. 12, 28, p. 529). According to a statement in Pliny’s Hist. Nat. 33, 3, on the conquest of Asia by Cyrus, he carried off booty to the extent of 34,000 lbs. of gold, beside the golden vessels and 500,000 talents of silver, including the goblet of Semiramis, which alone weighed 15 talents. Alexander the Great found more than 40,000 talents of gold and silver and 9000 talents of coined gold in the royal treasury at Susa (Diod. Sic. 17, 66), and a treasure of 120,000 talents of gold in the citadel of Persepolis (Diod. Sic. 17, 71; Curtius, v. 6, 9).
For further accounts of the enormous wealth of Asia in gold and silver, see Bähr, Symbolik i. pp. 258ff Works relating to the sacrifices: Guil. Outram de sacrificiis libri duo, Amst. 1688; Bähr, Symbolik des mos. Cultus ii. pp. 189ff.; Kurtz on the Sacrificial Worship of the Old Testament (Clark, 1863); and Oehler, in Herzog’s Cyclopaedia. The rabbinical traditions are to be found in the two talmudical tractates Sebachim and Menachoth, and a brief summary of them is given in Otho lex. rabbin. philol. pp. 631ff When Knobel, in his Commentary on Leviticus (p. 347), endeavours to set aside the validity of these proofs, by affirming that sacrificial worship in the earliest times is merely a fancy of the Jehovist; apart altogether from the untenable character of the Elohistic and Jehovistic hypothesis, there is a sufficient proof that this subterfuge is worthless, in the fact that the so-called Elohist, instead of pronouncing Moses the originator of the sacrificial worship of the Hebrews, introduces his laws of sacrifice with this formula, “If any man of you bring an offering of cattle unto the Lord,” and thus stamps the presentation of animal sacrifice as a traditional custom. Knobel cannot adduce any historical testimony in support of his assertion, that, according to the opinion of the ancients, there were no animal sacrifices offered to the gods in the earliest times, but only meal, honey, vegetables, and flowers, roots, leaves, and fruit; all that he does is to quote a few passages from Plato, Plutarch, and Porphyry, in which these philosophers, who were much too young to answer the question, express their ideas and conjectures respecting the rise and progress of sacrificial worship among the nations Outram (l. c. p. 213) draws the following conclusion from Hosea 14:3: “Prayer was a certain kind of sacrifice, and sacrifice a certain kind of prayer. Prayers were, so to speak, spiritual sacrifices, and sacrifices symbolical prayers.” The notion, which is still very widely spread, that the burnt-offerings of Abel, Noah, and the patriarchs were expiatory sacrifices, in which the slaying of the sacrificial animals set forth the fact, that the sinner was deserving of death in the presence of the holy God, not only cannot be proved from the Scriptures, but is irreconcilable with the attitude of a Noah, an Abraham and other patriarchs, towards the Lord God. And even Kahnis’s explanation, “The man felt that his own ipse must die, before it could enter into union with the Holy One, but he had also his surmises, that another life might possibly bear this death for him, and in this obscure feeling he took away the life of an animal that was physically clean,” is only true and to the point so far as the deeper forms of the development of the heathen consciousness of God are concerned, and not in the sphere of revealed religion, in which the expiatory sacrifices did not originate in any dim consciousness on the part of the sinner that he was deserving of death, but were appointed for the first time by God at Sinai, for the purpose of awakening and sharpening this feeling. There is no historical foundation for the arguments adduced by Hofmann in support of the opinion, that there were sin-offerings before the Mosaic law; and the assertion, that sinofferings and trespass-offerings were not really introduced by the law, but were presupposed as already well known, just as much as the burnt-offerings and thank-offerings, is obviously at variance with Leviticus 4 and 5. This is the view expressed by Knobel in his Commentary on Leviticus, p. 346, where the idea is carried out in the following manner: in the dedication of animals they preferred to give the offering the form of a meal, which was provided for God, and of which flesh formed the principal part, though bread and wine could not be omitted. These meals of animal food were prepared every day in the daily burntofferings, just as the more respectable classes in the East eat animal food every day, and give the preference to food of this kind; and the daily offering of incense corresponded to the oriental custom of fumigating rooms, and burning perfumes in honour of a guest. At the same time Knobel also explains, that the Hebrews hardly attributed any wants of a sensual kind of Jehovah; or, at any rate, that the educated did not look upon the sacrifice as food for Jehovah, or regard the festal sacrifices as festal meals for Him, but may simply have thought of the fact that Jehovah was to be worshipped at all times, and more especially at the feasts, and that in this the prevailing and traditional custom was to be observed Hence Knobel’s assertion (at Leviticus 7:2), that the laying on of the hand upon the head of the animal, which is prescribed in the case of all the other sacrifices, was omitted in that of the trespass-offering alone, needs correction, and there is no foundation for the conclusion, that it did not take place in connection with the trespass-offering This was the view held by some of the Rabbins and of the earlier theologians, e.g., Calovius, bibl. ill. ad Lev. i. 4, Lundius and others, but by no means by “most of the Rabbins, some of the fathers, and most of the earlier archaeologists and doctrinal writers,” as is affirmed by Bähr (ii. p. 336), who supports his assertion by passages from Outram, which refer to the sin-offering only, but which Bähr transfers without reserve to all the bleeding sacrifices, thus confounding substitution with the imputation of sin, in his antipathy to the orthodox doctrine of satisfaction. Outram’s general view of this ceremony is expressed clearly enough in the following passages: “ritus erat ea notandi ac designandi, quae vel morti devota erant, vel Dei gratiae commendata, vel denique gravi alicui muneri usuique sacro destinata.
Eique ritui semper adhiberi solebant verba aliqua explicata, quae rei susceptae rationi maxime congruere viderentur” (l.c. 8 and 9).
With reference to the words which explained the imposition of hands he observes: “ita ut sacris piacularibus culparum potissimum confessiones cum poenae deprecatione junctas, voluntariis bonorum precationes, eucharisticus autem et votivis post res prosperas impetratas periculave depulsa factis laudes et gratiarum actiones, omnique denique victimarum generi ejusmodi preces adjunctas putem, quae cuique maxime conveniebant” (c. 9). The meaning “to make atonement” lies at the foundation in every passage in which the word is used metaphorically, such as Genesis 32:21, where Jacob seeks to expiate the face of his angry brother, i.e., to appease his wrath, with a present; or Prov 16:14, “the wrath of a king is as messengers of death, but a wise man expiates it, i.e., softens, pacifies it;” Isaiah 47:11, “Mischief (destruction) will fall upon thee, thou will not be able to expiate it,” that is to say, to avert the wrath of God, which has burst upon thee in the calamity, by means of an expiatory sacrifice. Even in Isaiah 28:18, “and your covenant with death is disannulled” (annihilated) ( rpæK; ), the use of the word rp,Ko is to be explained from the fact that the guilt, which brought the judgment in its train, could be cancelled by a sacrificial expiation (cf. Isaiah 6:7 and 22:14); so that there is no necessity to resort to a meaning which is altogether foreign to the word, viz., that of covering up by blotting over.
When Hofmann therefore maintains that there is no other way of explaining the use of the word in these passages, than by the supposition that, in addition to the verb rp,Ko to cover, there was another denominative verb, founded upon the word rp,Ko a covering, or payment, the stumblingblock in the use of the word lies simply this, that Hofmann has taken a one-sided view of the idea of expiation, through overlooking the fact, that the expiation had reference to the wrath of God which hung over the sinner and had to be averted from him by means of expiation, as is clearly proved by Exodus 32:30 as compared with vv. 10 and 22. The meaning of expiation which properly belongs to the verb rpæK; is not only retained in the nouns cippurim and capporeth, but lies at the root of the word copher, which is formed from the Kal, as we may clearly see from Exodus 30:12-16, where the Israelites are ordered to pay a copher at the census, to expiate their souls, i.e., to cover their souls from the death which threatens the unholy, when he draws near without expiation to a holy God. Vid., Oehler in Herzog’s Cycl This is the rendering adopted by Onkelos. The LXX, on the contrary, render it afelei> to>n pro>lobon su>n toi>v pteroi>v , and this rendering is followed by Luther (and the English Version, Tr.), “its crop with its feathers.” But the Hebrew for this would have been wOtx;nOw] . In Mishnah, Sebach. vi. 5, the instructions are the following: “et removet ingluviem et pennas et viscera egredentia cum illa.” This interpretation may be substantially correct, although the reference of bnwtsth to the feathers of the pigeon cannot be sustained on the ground assigned. For if the bird’s crop was taken out, the intestines with their contents would unquestionably come out along with it. The plucking off of the feathers, however, follows from the analogy of the flaying of the animal. Only, in the text neither intestines nor feathers are mentioned; they are passed over as subordinate matters, that could readily be understood from the analogy of the other instructions. The Greeks and Romans also regarded salt as indispensable to a sacrifice. Maxime in sacris intelligitur auctoritas salis, quando nulla conficiuntur sine mola salsa. Plin. h. n. 31, 7, (cf. 41). Cf. Hengstenberg, Dissertations. Outram’s explanation is quite correct:
Sacrificia salutaria in sacris litteris shelamim dicta, ut quae semper de rebus prosperis fieri solerent, impetratis utique aut impetrandis. The most holy character of the flesh of the sin-offering (Leviticus 6:18ff.) furnishes no valid argument against the correctness of this explanation of the burning; for, in the first place, there is an essential difference between real or inherent sin, and sin imputed or merely transferred; and secondly, the flesh of the sin-offering was called most holy, not in a moral, but only in a liturgical or ritual sense, as subservient to the most holy purpose of wiping away sin; on which account it was to be entirely removed from all appropriation to earthly objects. Moreover, the idea that sin was imputed to the sin-offering, that it was made sin by the laying on of the hand, has a firm basis in the sacrifice of the red cow (Numbers 19), and also occurs among the Greeks (see Oehler in Herzog’s Cycl.). In the correct editions `µlæ[; has dagesh both here and in Leviticus 5:2,4, as Delitzsch informs me, according to an old rule in pointing, which required that every consonant which followed a syllable terminating with a guttural should be pointed with dagesh, if the guttural was to be read with a quiescent sheva and not with chateph.
This is the case in rsæa; in Genesis 46:29; Exodus 14:6, `µlæ[; in Psalm 10:1, and other words in the critical edition of the Psalter which has been carefully revised by Bär according to the Masora, and published with an introduction by Delitzsch. In other passages, such as b¦kaallibiy Psalm 9:2, `al-l¦shonow Psalm 15:3, etc., the dagesh is introduced to prevent the second letter from being lost in the preceding one through the rapidity of reading. — Ewald’s conjectures and remarks about this “dagesh, which is found in certain MSS,” is a proof that he was not acquainted with this rule which the Masora recognises From the instructions to offer two pigeons in order to obtain expiation, it is perfectly evident that the eating of the flesh of the sin-offering on the part of the priest formed an essential part of the act of expiation, and was not merely a kind of honourable tribute, which God awarded to His servants who officiated at the sacrifice In the original the division of verses in the Hebrew text is followed; but we have thought it better to keep to the arrangement adopted in our English version. — Tr For the different views, see Bähr’s Symbolik; Winer’s bibl. R. W.; Kurtz on Sacrificial Worship; Riehm, theol. Stud. und Krit. 1854, pp. 93ff.; Rinck, id. 1855, p. 369; Oehler in Herzog’s Cycl. Even in the case of the trespass-offering, which those who had taken heathen wives offered at Ezra’s instigation (Ezra 10:18ff.), it had reference to a trespass (cf. vv. 2 and 10), an act of unfaithfulness to Jehovah, which demanded satisfaction. And so again the Philistines (1 Samuel 6:3ff.), when presenting gifts as a trespass-offering for Jehovah, rendered satisfaction for the robbery committed upon Him by the removal of the ark of the covenant. Vid., Lundius, jüd. Heiligthümer, B. 3, c 9, §17 and 19; Thalhofer ut supra, p. 139; and Delitzsch on the Epistle to the Hebrews. The text evidently enjoins the offering of this minchah upon Aaron alone; for though Aaron and his sons are mentioned in v. 13, as they were consecrated together, in v. 15 the priest anointed of his sons in Aaron’s stead, i.e., the successor of Aaron in the high- priesthood, is commanded to offer it. Consequently the view maintained by Maimonides, Abarbanel, and others, which did not become general even among the Rabbins, viz., that every ordinary priest was required to offer this meat-offering when entering upon his office, has no solid foundation in the law (see Selden de success. in pontif. ii. c. 9; L’ Empereur ad Middoth 1, 4, Not. 8; and Thalhofer, p. 150). There is no foundation for Knobel’s assertion, that in Leviticus 19:5ff. another early lawgiver introduces a milder regulation with regard to the thank-offering, and allows all the thank-offerings to be eaten on the second day. For Leviticus 19:5ff. does not profess to lay down a universal rule with regard to all the thank-offerings, but presupposes our law, and simply enforces its regulations with regard to the vow and freewill-offerings, and threatens transgressors with severe punishment. The etymology of the word is obscure. According to Winer, Gesenius, and others, it signifies adspectui patens; whilst Meier and Knobel regard it as meaning literally the division, or middle-piece; and Dietrich attributes to it the fundamental signification, “to be moved,” viz., the breast, as being the part moved by the heart In the Talmud (cf. Gemar. Kiddush 36, 2, Gem. Succa 37, 2, and Tosaphta Menach. 7, 17), which Maimonides and Rashi follow, tenuphah is correctly interpreted ducebat et reducebat; but some of the later Rabbins (vid., Outram ut sup.) make it out to have been a movement in the direction of the four quarters of the heavens, and Witsius and others find an allusion in this to the omnipresence of Godan allusion which is quite out of character with the occasion In the instructions in Exodus 29:21 this ceremony is connected with the sprinkling of the blood upon the altar; but here, on the contrary, it is mentioned after the burning of the flesh. Whether because it was not performed till after this, or because it is merely recorded here in a supplementary form, it is difficult to decide. The latter is the more probable, because the blood upon the altar would soon run off; so that if Moses wanted to take any of it off, it could not be long delayed It no more follows from the omission of express instructions concerning the repetition of the ceremony in the case of every priest who had to be consecrated, that the future priests were not invested, anointed, and in all respects formally consecrated, than the fact that the anointing is not mentioned in v. 13 proves that the priests were not anointed at all C. a Lapide has given this correct interpretation of the passage: “ut scilicet cum hostiis populi pro peccato simul etiam populi peccata in vos quasi recipiatis, ut illa expietis.” There is no foundation for the objection offered by Oehler, that the actual removal of guilt and the atonement itself were effected by the offering of the blood. For it by no means follows from Leviticus 17:11, that the blood, as the soul of the sacrificial animal, covered or expiated the soul of the sinner, and that the removal and extinction of the sin had already taken place with the covering of the soul before the holy God, which involved the forgiveness of the sin and the reception of the sinner to mercy Upon this mistaken view of the excuse furnished by Aaron, Knobel has founded his assertion, that “this section did not emanate from the Elohist, because he could not have written in this way,” an assertion which falls to the ground when the words are correctly explained See Shaw, iii. p. 301; Seetzen, ii. p. 228; Robinson’s Biblical Researches, p. 387; and Roediger on Gesenius thesaurus, p. The list is “hardly intended to be exhaustive, but simply mentions those which were eaten by others, and in relation to which, therefore, it was necessary that the Israelites should receive a special prohibition against eating them” (Knobel). Hence in Deuteronomy Moses added the ha;r; and enumerated twenty-one varieties; and on doubt, under other circumstances, he could have made the list still longer. In Deuteronomy 14:11 rwOPxi is used, as synonymous with `ãwO[ in v. Oedmann (v. 58ff.), Knobel, and others follow the Greek translation of Leviticus and the Psalms, and the Vulgate rendering of Leviticus, the Psalms, and Job, and suppose the reference to be to the erwdio>v , herodius, the heron: but the name chasidah points decidedly to the stork, which was generally regarded by the ancients as pietatis cultrix (Petron. 55, 6), whereas, with the exception of the somewhat indefinite passage in Aelian (Nat. an. 3, 23), kai> tou>v erwdiou>v akou>w poiei>n tauto>n (i.e., feed their young by spitting out their food) kai> tou>v peleka>nav me>ntoi , nothing is said about the parental affection of the heron. And the testimony of Bellonius, “Ciconiae quae aetate in Europa sunt, magna hyemis parte ut in Aegypto sic etiam circa Antiochiam et juxta Amanum montem degunt,” is a sufficient answer to Knobel’s assertion, that according to Seetzen there are not storks in Mount Lebanon On account of the omission of tae Knobel would connect hpnah as an adjective with hdysjh , and explain ãna as derived from `ãn;[; frons, `ãne[; frondens, and signifying bushy. The herons were called “the bushy chasidah,” he supposes, because they have a tuft of feathers at the back of their head, or long feathers hanging down from their neck, which are wanting in the other marsh-birds, such as the flamingo, crane, and ibis.
But there is this important objection to the explanation, that the change of ynæa for [ in such a word as `ãn;[; frons, which occurs as early as Leviticus 23:40, and has retained its ` even in the Aramaean dialects, is destitute of all probability. In addition to this, there is the improbability of the chasidah being restricted by anaphah to the different species of heron, with three of which the ancients were acquainted (Aristot. h. an. 9, 2; Plin. h. n. 10, 60).
If chasidah denoted the heron generally, or the white heron, the epithet anaphah would be superfluous. It would be necessary to assume, therefore, that chasidah denotes the whole tribe of marsh-birds, and that Moses simply intended to prohibit the heron or bushy marsh-bird.
But either of these is very improbable: the former, because in every other passage of the Old Testament chasidah stands for one particular kind of bird; the latter, because Moses could hardly have excluded storks, ibises, and other marsh-birds that live on worms, from his prohibition. All that remains, therefore, is to separate ha-anaphah from the preceding word, as in Deuteronomy, and to understand it as denoting the plover (?) or heron, as there were several species of both.
Which is intended, it is impossible to decide, as there is nothing certain to be gathered from either the ancient versions or the etymology.
Bochart’s reference of the word to a fierce bird, viz., a species of eagle, which the Arabs call Tammaj, is not raised into a probability by a comparison with the similarly sounding anopai>a of Od. 1, 320, by which Aristarchus understands a kind of eagle In Deuteronomy 14:19 the edible kinds of locusts are passed over, because it was not the intention of Moses to repeat every particular of the earlier laws in these addresses. But when Knobel (on Lev. pp. and 461) gives this explanation of the omission, that the eating of locusts is prohibited in Deuteronomy, and the Deuteronomist passes them over because in his more advanced age there was apparently no longer any necessity for the prohibition, this arbitrary interpretation is proved to be at variance with historical truth by the fact that locusts were eaten by John the Baptist, inasmuch as this proves at all events that a more advanced age had not given up the custom of eating locusts The large w in ˆwOjG; (v. 42) shows that this vav is the middle letter of the Pentateuch “In its direct and deep insight into the entire nexus of the physical, psychical, and spiritual world, into the secret correspondences of the cosmos and nomos, this sense for nature anticipated discoveries which we shall never make with our ways of thinking, but which a purified humanity, when looking back from the new earth, will fully understand, and will no longer only ‘see through a glass darkly.’” — Leyrer, Herzog’s Cycl At the present day there are pest-houses specially set apart for lepers outside the towns. In Jerusalem they are situated against the Zion-gate (see Robinson, Pal. i.p. 364). Others, e.g., Riehm and Oehler, regard this trespass-offering also as a kind of mulcta, or satisfaction rendered for the fact, that during the whole period of his sickness, and so long as he was excluded from the congregation, the leper had failed to perform his theocratical duties, and Jehovah had been injured in consequence. But if this was the idea upon which the trespass-offering was founded, the law would necessarily have required that trespass-offerings should be presented on the recovery of persons who had been affected with diseased secretions; for during the continuance of their disease, which often lasted a long time, even as much as 12 years (Luke 8:43), they were precluded from visiting the sanctuary or serving the Lord with sacrifices, because they were unclean, and therefore could not perform their theocratical duties Cf. Sommer (p. 220), who says, “The crust of many of these lichens is so marvellously thin, that they simply appear as coloured spots, for the most part circular, which gradually spread in a concentric form, and can be rubbed off like dust. Some species have a striking resemblance to eruptions upon the skin. There is one genus called spiloma (spots); and another very numerous genus bears the name of lepraria.” V. Hofmann’s objection to this rests upon the erroneous supposition that a double act of expiation was required for the congregation, and only a single one for the priesthood, whereas, according to the distinct words of the text, a double sprinkling was performed with the blood of both the sin-offerings, and therefore a double expiation effected. The distinction, that in the case of all the other sacrifices the (one) hand is ordered to be laid upon the victim, whilst here both hands are ordered to be laid upon the goat, does not constitute an essential difference, as Hofmann supposes; but the laying on of both hands rendered the act more solemn and expressive, in harmony with the solemnity of the whole proceeding On the truth which lay at the foundation of this idea of the unity of the soul and blood, which others of the ancients shared with the Hebrews, particularly the early Greek philosophers, see Delitzsch’s bibl. Psychol. pp. 242ff. “It seems at first sight to be founded upon no other reason, than that a sudden diminution of the quantity of the blood is sure to cause death. But this phenomenon rests upon the still deeper ground, that all the activity of the body, especially that of the nervous and muscular systems, is dependent upon the circulation of the blood; for if the flow of blood is stopped from any part of the body, all its activity ceases immediately; a sensitive part loses all sensation in a very few minutes, and muscular action is entirely suspended.... The blood is really the basis of the physical life; and so far the soul, as the vital principle of the body, is pre-eminently in the blood” (p. 245). The marriage laws and customs were much more lax among the Gentiles. With the Egyptians it was lawful to marry sisters and halfsisters (Diod. Sic. i. 27), and the licentiousness of the women was very great among them (see at Genesis 39:6ff.). With the Persians marriage was allowed with mother, daughter, and sister (Clem. Al. strom. iii. p. 431; Eusebii praep. ev. vi. 10); and this is also said to have been the case with the Medians, Indians, and Ethiopians, as well as with the Assyrians (Jerome adv. Jovin. ii. 7; Lucian, Sacriff. 5); whereas the Greeks and Romans abhorred such marriages, and the Athenians and Spartans only permitted marriages with half-sisters (cf. Selden de jure nat. et gent. v. 11, pp. 619ff.). The ancient Arabs, before the time of Mohammed, were very strict in this respect, and would not allow of marriage with a mother, daughter, or aunt on either the father’s or mother’s side, or with two sisters at the same time. The only cases on record of marriage between brothers and sisters are among the Arabs of Marbat (Seetzen, Zach’s Mon. Corresp. Oct. 1809). This custom Mohammed raised into a law, and extended it to nieces, nurses, fostersisters, etc. (Koran, Sure iv. 20ff.). In explanation of these words Knobel very properly remarks, that with the Greeks the sacrificial animal was required to be afelh>v (Pollux i. 1, 26), upon which Hesychius observes, mh>te pleona>zwn mh>te de>wn ti tou> sw>matov ft 191 For this reason the following rule was also laid down by the Romans:
Suis faetus sacrificio die quinto purus est, pecoris die octavo, bovis tricesimo (Plin. h. n. 8, 51). Partly on account of his repetition, and partly because of the supposed discrepancy observable in the fact, that holy meetings are not prescribed for the Sabbath in the list of festal sacrifices in Numbers and 29, Hupfield and Knobel maintain that the words of vv. 2 and 3, from hwO;hy] to bv;wOm , notwithstanding their Elohistic expression, were not written by the Elohist, but are an interpolation of the later editor.
The repetition of the heading, however, cannot prove anything at all with the constant repetitions that occur in the so-called Elohistic groundwork, especially as it can be fully explained by the reason mentioned in the text. And the pretended discrepancy rests upon the perfectly arbitrary assumption, that Numbers 28 and 29 contain a complete codex of all the laws relating to all the feasts. How totally this assumption is at variance with the calendar of feasts, is clear enough from the fact, that no rule is laid down there for the observance of the Sabbath, with the exception of the sacrifices to be offered upon it, and that even rest from labour is not commanded. Moreover Knobel is wrong in identifying the “holy convocation” with a journey to the sanctuary, whereas appearance at the tabernacle to hold the holy convocations (for worship) was not regarded as necessary either in the law itself or according to the later orthodox custom, but, on the contrary, holy meetings for edification were held on the Sabbath in every place in the land, and it was out of this that the synagogues arose The view advocated by the Baethoseans, which has been lately supported by W. Schultz, is refuted not only by Joshua 5:11, but by the definite article used, tB;væ , which points back to one of the feast-days already mentioned, and still more decisively by the circumstance, that according to v. 15 the seven weeks, at the close of which the feast of Pentecost was to be kept, were to be reckoned from this Sabbath; and if the Sabbath was not fixed, but might fall upon any day of the seven days’ feast of Mazzoth, and therefore as much as give or six days after the Passover, the feast of Passover itself would be forced out of the fundamental position which it occupied in the series of annual festivals (cf. Ranke, Pentateuch ii. 108). Hitzig’s hypothesis has been revived by Hupfeld and Knobel, without any notice of the conclusive refutation given to it by Bähr and Wieseler; only Knobel makes “the Sabbath” not the concluding but the opening Sabbath of the feast of Passover, on the ground that “otherwise the festal sheaf would not have been offered till the 22nd of the month, and therefore would have come post festum.”
But this hypothesis, which renders it necessary that the commencement of the ecclesiastical year should always be assigned to a Saturday (Sabbath), in order to gain weekly Sabbaths for the 14th and 21st of the month, as the opening and close of the feast of Passover, gives such a form to the Jewish year as would involve its invariably closing with a broken week; a hypothesis which is not only incapable of demonstration, but, from the holiness attached to the Jewish division of weeks, is a priori improbable, and in fact inconceivable.
The Mosaic law, which gave such sanctity to the division of time into weeks, as founded upon the history of creation, by the institution of the observance of the Sabbath, that it raised the Sabbath into the groundwork of a magnificent festal cycle, could not possibly have made such an arrangement with regard to the time for the observance of the Passover, as would involve almost invariably the mutilation of the last week of the year, and an interruption of the old and sacred weekly cycle with the Sabbath festival at its close. The arguments by which so forced a hypothesis is defended, must be very conclusive indeed, to meet with any acceptance. But neither Hitzig nor his followers have been able to adduce any such arguments as these. Besides the word “Sabbath” and Joshua 5:11, which prove nothing at all, the only other argument adduced by Knobel is, that “it is impossible to see why precisely the second day of the azyma, when the people went about their ordinary duties, and there was no meeting at the sanctuary, should have been distinguished by the sacrificial gift which was the peculiar characteristic of the feast,” — an argument based upon the fallacious principle, that anything for which I can see no reason, cannot possibly have occurred. A connection between the feast of Pentecost and the giving of the law, which Maimonides (A.D. †1205) was the first to discover, is not only foreign to the Mosaic law, but to the whole of the Jewish antiquity; and even Abarbanel expressly denies it. The word h[;WrT] is also used in Numbers 10:5-6 to denote the blowing with the silver trumpets; but there seems to be no ground for supposing these trumpets to be intended here, not only because of the analogy between the seventh day of the new moon as a jubilee day and the jubilee year (Leviticus 25:9-10), but also because the silver trumpets are assigned to a different purpose in Numbers 10:2-10, and their use is restricted to the blowing at the offering of the burntofferings on the feast-days and new moons. To this we have to add the Jewish tradition, which favours with perfect unanimity the practice of blowing with horns (the horns of animals). Even in the time of the Maccabees, on the other hand (cf. 2 Macc. 10:6, 7), the feast of the Purification of the Temple was celebrated by the Jews after the manner of the Tabernacles ( kata> skhnwma>twn tro>pon ); so that they offered songs of praise, holding ( e>contev , carrying?) leafy poles ( qu>rsouv , not branches of ivy, cf. Grimm. ad l.c.) and beautiful branches, also palms; in the time of Christ it was the custom to have sticks or poles (staves) of palm-trees and citron-trees ( qu>rsouv ek foini>kwn kai> kitre>wn : Josephus, Ant. xiii. 13, 5), or to carry in the hand a branch of myrtle and willow bound round with wool, with palms at the top and an apple of the perse’a (peach or pomegranate?) upon it ( eiresiw>nhn mursi>nhv kai> ite>av su>n kra>dh foi>nikov pepoihme>nhn tou> mh>lou tou> th>v Perse>av proso>ntov ). This custom, which was still further developed in the Talmud, where a bunch made of palm, myrtle, and willow boughs is ordered to be carried in the right hand, and a citron or orange in the left, has no foundation in the law: it sprang rather out of an imitation of the Greek harvest-feast of the Pyanepsia and Bacchus festivals, from which the words qu>rsoi and eiresioo’nee were borrowed by Josephus, and had been tacked on by the scribes to the text of the Bible (v. 40) in the best way they could. See Bähr, Symbol. ii. p. 625, and the innumerable trivial laws in Mishna Succa and Succa Codex talm. babyl. sive de tabernaculorum festo ed. Dachs. Utr. 1726, 4. The meaning to sin and play, which is peculiar to the Piel, and is derived from zamar, to hum, has hardly anything to do with this. At all events the connection has not yet been shown to be a probable one. See Hupfeld, Psalm 4 pp. 421-2, note To prove that this verse is an interpolation made by the Jehovist into the Elohistic writings, Knobel is obliged to resort to two groundless assumptions: viz., (1) to regard vv. 23 and 24, which belong to what follows (vv. 25ff.) and lay down the general rule respecting the possession and redemption of land, as belonging to what precedes and connected with vv. 14-17; and (2) to explain vv. 18-22 in the most arbitrary manner, as a supplementary clause relating to the sabbatical year, whereas the promise that the sixth year should yield produce enough for three years (vv. 21, 22) shows as clearly as possible that they treat of the year of jubilee together with the seventh sabbatical year which preceded it, and in v. 20 the seventh year is mentioned simply as the beginning of the two years’ Sabbath which the land was to keep without either sowing or reaping. This is the way in which it is correctly explained by Hiskuni: Utitur scriptura verbo redimendi non emendi, quia quidquid Levitae vendunt ex Israelitarum haereditate est, non ex ipsorum haerediatate. Nam ecce non habent partes in terra, unde omnis qui accipit aut emit ab illis est acsi redimeret, quoniam ecce initio ipsius possessio fuit. On the other hand, the proposal made by Ewald, Knobel, etc., after the example of the Vulgate, to supply alo before laæG; is not only an unnecessary conjecture, but is utterly unsuitable, inasmuch as the words “if one of the Levites does not redeem it” would restrict the right to the Levites without any perceptible reason; just as if a blood-relation on the female side, belonging to any other tribe, might not have done this When modern critics, who are carried away by naturalism, maintain that Moses was not the author of these exhortations and warnings, because of their prophetic contents, and assign them to the times of the kings, the end of the eighth, or beginning of the seventh century (see Ewald, Gesch. i. 156), they have not considered, in their antipathy to any supernatural revelations from God in the Old Testament, that even apart from any higher illumination, the fundamental idea of these promises and threats must have presented itself to the mind of the lawgiver Moses. It required but a very little knowledge of the nature of the human heart, and a clear insight into the spiritual and ethical character of the law, to enable him to foresee that the earthly-minded, unholy nation would not fulfil the solemn demand of the law that their whole life should be sanctified to the Lord God, that they would transgress in many ways, and rebel against God and His holy laws, and therefore that in any case times of fidelity and the corresponding blessing would alternate with times of unfaithfulness and the corresponding curse, but that, for all that, at the end the grace of God would obtain the victory over the severely punished and deeply humbled nation, and bring the work of salvation to a glorious close. It is true, the concrete character of this chapter cannot be fully explained in this way, but it furnishes the clue to the psychological interpretation of the conception of this prophetic discourse, and shows us the subjective points of contact for the divine revelation which Moses has announced to us here. For, as Auberlen observes, “there is a marvellous and grand display of the greatness of God in the fact, that He holds out before the people, whom He has just delivered from the hands of the heathen and gathered round Himself, the prospect of being scattered again among the heathen, and that, even before the land is taken by the Israelites, He predicts its return to desolation. These words could only be spoken by One who has the future really before His mind, who sees through the whole depth of sin, and who can destroy His own work, and yet attain His end. But so much the more adorable and marvellous is the grace, which nevertheless begins its work among such sinners, and is certain of victory notwithstanding all retarding and opposing difficulties.” The peculiar character of this revelation, which must deeply have affected Moses, will explain the peculiarities observable in the style, viz., the heaping up of unusual words and modes of expression, several of which never occur again in the Old Testament, whilst others are only used by the prophets who followed the Pentateuch in their style. Luther has translated `ˆwO[; in this sense, “punishment of iniquity,” and observes in the marginal notes-”(Pleasure), i.e., just as they had pleasure in their sins and felt disgust at My laws, so they would now take pleasure in their punishment and say, ‘We have just what we deserve. This is what we have to thank our cursed sin for. It is just, O God, quite just.’ And these are thoughts and words of earnest repentance, hating itself from the bottom of the heart, and crying out, Shame upon me, what have I done? This pleases God, so that He becomes gracious once more.” Saalschütz adopts this explanation in common with the Mishnah.
Oehler is wrong in citing 1 Samuel 2:11,22,28 as a proof of the opposite. For the dedication of Samuel did not consist of a simple vow, but was a dedication as a Nazarite for the whole of his life, and Samuel was thereby vowed to service at the sanctuary, whereas the law says nothing about attachment to the sanctuary in the case of the simple vowing of persons. But because redemption in the case of persons was not left to the pleasure or free-will of the person making the vow as in the case of material property, no addition is made to the valuation price as though for a merely possible circumstance.