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| When He Had Left the Manichæans, He Retained His Depraved Opinions Concerning Sin and the Origin of the Saviour. PREVIOUS SECTION - NEXT SECTION - HELP
Chapter X.—When He Had Left the
Manichæans, He Retained His Depraved Opinions Concerning Sin and
the Origin of the Saviour.
18. Thou restoredst me then from that illness, and
made sound the son of Thy hand-maid meanwhile in body, that he
might live for Thee, to endow him with a higher and more enduring health.
And even then at Rome I joined those deluding and deluded
“saints;” not their “hearers” only,—of the number of whom
was he in whose house I had fallen ill, and had recovered,—but
those also whom they designate “The Elect.”410
410 See iv. sec. 1, note, above. | For it still seemed to me “that
it was not we that sin, but that I know not what other nature
sinned in us.”411
411 See iv. sec. 26, note 2, above. | And it
gratified my pride to be free from blame and, after I had committed
any fault, not to acknowledge that I had done any,—“that Thou
mightest heal my soul because it had sinned against Thee;”412 but I loved
to excuse it, and to accuse something else (I wot not what) which
was with me, but was not I. But assuredly it was wholly I, and my
impiety had divided me against myself; and that sin was all the
more incurable in that I did not deem myself a sinner. And
execrable iniquity it was, O God omnipotent, that I would rather
have Thee to be overcome in me to my destruction, than myself of
Thee to salvation! Not yet, therefore, hadst Thou set a watch
before my mouth, and kept the door of my lips, that my heart might
not incline to wicked speeches, to make excuses of sins, with men
that work iniquity413
413 Ps. cxli. 3, 4, Old Vers. See also
Augustin’s Commentary on the Psalms, where, using his
Septuagint version, he applies this passage to the Manichæans. | —and, therefore, was I still
united with their “Elect.”
19. But now, hopeless of making proficiency in
that false doctrine, even those things with which I had decided
upon contenting myself, providing that I could find nothing better,
I now held more loosely and negligently. For I was half inclined to
believe that those philosophers whom they call “Academics”414
414 “Amongst these philosophers,” i.e. those
who have founded their systems on denial, “some are satisfied
with denying certainty, admitting at the same time probability, and
these are the New Academics; the others, who are the Pyrrhonists,
have denied even this probability, and have maintained that all
things are equally certain and uncertain” (Port. Roy. Log.
iv. 1). There are, according to the usual divisions, three
Academies, the old, the middle, and the new; and some subdivide the
middle and the new each into two schools, making five schools of
thought in all. These begin with Plato, the founder (387 B.C.), and continue to the fifth school, founded
by Antiochus (83 B.C.), who, by combining
his teachings with that of Aristotle and Zeno, prepared the way for
Neo-Platonism and its development of the dogmatic side of Plato’s
teaching. In the second Academic school, founded by Arcesilas,—of
whom Aristo, the Stoic, parodying the line in the Iliad (vi.
181), Πρόσθε λέων, ὄπιθεν δὲ
δράκων, μέσσῃ δὲ χίμαιρα, said sarcastically he was
“Plato in front, Pyrrho behind, and Diodorus in the
middle,”—the “sceptical” tendency in Platonism began to
develope itself, which, under Carneades, was expanded into the
doctrine of the third Academic school. Arcesilas had been a pupil
of Polemo when he was head of the old Academy. Zeno also,
dissatisfied with the cynical philosophy of Crates, had learnt
Platonic doctrine from Polemo, and was, as Cicero tells us (De
Fin. iv. 16), greatly influenced by his teaching. Zeno,
however, soon founded his own school of Stoical philosophy, which
was violently opposed by Arcesilas (Cicero, Acad. Post. i.
12). Arcesilas, according to Cicero (ibid.), taught his
pupils that we cannot know anything, not even that we are unable to
know. It is exceedingly probable, however, that he taught
esoterically the doctrines of Plato to those of his pupils he
thought able to receive them, keeping them back from the multitude
because of the prevalence of the new doctrine. This appears to have
been Augustin’s view when he had arrived at a fuller knowledge of
their doctrines than that he possessed at the time referred to in
his Confessions. In his treatises against the Academicians
(iii. 17) he maintains the wisdom of Arcesilas in this matter. He
says: “As the multitude are prone to rush into false opinions,
and, from being accustomed to bodies, readily, but to their hurt,
believe everything to be corporeal, this most acute and learned man
determined rather to unteach those who had suffered from bad
teaching, than to teach those whom he did not think teachable.”
Again, in the first of his Letters, alluding to these
treatises, he says: “It seems to me to be suitable enough to the
times in which they flourished, that whatever issued pure from the
fountain-head of Platonic philosophy should be rather conducted
into dark and thorny thickets for the refreshment of a very few
men, than left to flow in open meadow-land, where it would be
impossible to keep it clear and pure from the inroads of the vulgar
herd. I use the word ‘herd’ advisedly, for what is more brutish
than the opinion that the soul is material?” and more to the same
purpose. In his De Civ. Dei, xix 18, he contrasts the
uncertainty ascribed to the doctrines of these teachers with the
certainty of the Christian faith. See Burton’s Bampton
Lectures, note 33, and Archer Butler’s Ancient
Philosophy, ii. 313, 348, etc. See also vii. sec. 13, note,
below. | were more
sagacious than the rest, in that they held that we ought to doubt
everything, and ruled that man had not the power of comprehending
any truth; for so, not yet realizing their meaning, I also was
fully persuaded that they thought just as they are commonly held to
do. And I did not fail frankly to restrain in my host that
assurance which I observed him to have in those fictions of which
the works of Manichæus are full. Notwithstanding, I was on terms
of more intimate friendship with them than with others who were not
of this heresy. Nor did I defend it with my former ardour; still my
familiarity with that sect (many of them being concealed in Rome)
made me slower415
415 See iii. sec. 21, above. | to seek any
other way,—particularly since I was hopeless of finding the
truth, from which in Thy Church, O Lord of heaven and earth,
Creator of all things visible and invisible, they had turned me
aside,—and it seemed to me most unbecoming to believe Thee to
have the form of human flesh, and to be bounded by the bodily
lineaments of our members. And because, when I desired to meditate
on my God, I knew not what to think of but a mass of bodies416
416 See iv. secs. 3, 12, and 31, above. | (for what
was not such did not seem to me to be), this was the greatest and
almost sole cause of my inevitable error.
20. For hence I also believed evil to be a similar
sort of substance, and to be possessed of its own foul and
misshapen mass—whether dense, which they denominated earth, or
thin and subtle, as is the body of the air, which they fancy some
malignant spirit crawling through that earth. And because a
piety—such as it was—compelled me to believe that the good God
never created any evil nature, I conceived two masses, the one
opposed to the other, both infinite, but the evil the more
contracted, the good the more expansive. And from this mischievous
commencement the other profanities followed on me. For when my mind
tried to revert to the Catholic faith, I was cast back, since what
I had held to be the Catholic faith was not so. And it appeared to
me more devout to
look upon Thee, my God,—to whom I make confession of Thy
mercies,—as infinite, at least, on other sides, although on that
side where the mass of evil was in opposition to Thee417
417 See iv. 26, note 2, above. | I was
compelled to confess Thee finite, that if on every side I should
conceive Thee to be confined by the form of a human body. And
better did it seem to me to believe that no evil had been created
by Thee—which to me in my ignorance appeared not only some
substance, but a bodily one, because I had no conception of the
mind excepting as a subtle body, and that diffused in local
spaces—than to believe that anything could emanate from Thee of
such a kind as I considered the nature of evil to be. And our very
Saviour Himself, also, Thine only-begotten,418
418 See above, sec. 12, note. | I believed to have been reached
forth, as it were, for our salvation out of the lump of Thy most
effulgent mass, so as to believe nothing of Him but what I was able
to imagine in my vanity. Such a nature, then, I thought could not
be born of the Virgin Mary without being mingled with the flesh;
and how that which I had thus figured to myself could be mingled
without being contaminated, I saw not. I was afraid, therefore, to
believe Him to be born in the flesh, lest I should be compelled to
believe Him contaminated by the flesh.419
419 The dualistic belief of the Manichæan ever led him
to contend that Christ only appeared in a resemblance of flesh, and
did not touch its substance so as to be defiled. Hence Faustus
characteristically speaks of the Incarnation (Con. Faust.
xxxii. 7) as “the shameful birth of Jesus from a woman,” and
when pressed (ibid. xi. 1) with such passages as, Christ was
“born of the seed of David according to the flesh” (Rom. i.
3), he would fall back
upon what in these days we are familiar with as that “higher
criticism,” which rejects such parts of Scripture as it is
inconvenient to receive. Paul, he said, then only “spoke as a
child” (1 Cor. xiii. 11), but when he became a man in
doctrine, he put away childish things, and then declared, “Though
we have known Christ after the flesh, yet now henceforth know we
Him no more.” See above, sec. 16, note 3. | Now will Thy spiritual ones blandly
and lovingly smile at me if they shall read these my confessions;
yet such was I.
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