CHAPTER 1.

Matters about the queen of Scots. Resolution to bring her to her trial. Her removal. Sir Amyas Paulet, her keeper, faithful. The queen’s letter to him. A commission preparing for the said trial.

The judges consulted about it. Letters from Popham, attorneygeneral.

Consultation about putting her to death; which the queen was against. Objections and answers for the queen’s satisfaction.

Dr. Dale’s letter for that purpose. Considerations offered to the queen by parliament. Moved, to disable the Scots queen.

Answered. What precedents might be found. Joan of Naples.

Petition of both houses to the queen; and her answers. The queen of Scots executed. The queen highly provoked at it. The lord treasurer forbid her presence. His letters to her. Davison, the secretary, his character. Interrogatories put to him; with his answers.

THIS was the fatal year of the death and end of the unhappy Mary queen of Scots; of whom our histories are not wanting. Yet some things I am able to relate, from authentic papers fallen under my hands, that may further illustrate this critical part of queen Elizabeth’s reign.

Upon Babington’s desperate plot to murder queen Elizabeth, and to raise a rebellion, and to rescue the Scots queen, and set her upon the throne, the court came to a resolution to bring her to her trial. And in order to that, to put things into a method, there was a memorial drawn up by the council, dated September the 28th, of matters with the queen’s majesty: which was thus endorsed by the lord treasurer’s hand; About removal of the Scots queen, in order to her trial; and for the better securing of her person. To be resolved by her majesty. All that follows writ also by the said lord’s hand. “I. To what place the queen of Scots shall be removed: Fotheringay or Hertford castle. “II. About what time the council and noblemen shall assemble, to hear the Scots queen’s cause. “III. At what time the judgment of the noblemen shall be affirmed by parliament. “Hereupon order is to be given for the execution of the resolutions. “So upon the first, sir Amyce Paulet [her keeper] is to be warned to put things in order for her remove; without giving to her, or to any of hers, any warning longer than two or three days: not shewing to her to what place certain she shall go, by the space of two or three days journey. “Warning to be given to certain principal gentlemen to attend, with a number of servants for that purpose, from shire to shire. “IV. To get letters sent severally to all noblemen that are absent, to come to London about a day certain, or rather to the court. “V. According to the queen’s resolution, to have either a new summons presently, or else to expect the 14th of November for her remove out of Staffordshire the way to Hertfordshire.”

Then are set down what gentlemen of quality of the counties were to attend, by Warwickshire, by Northampton-shire, by part of Buckingham, by Bedfordshire into Hertfordshire.

Places of lodging from Chartley to Hertford: and from Chartley to Fotheringay.

To the latter of which strong places that queen was soon after safely brought, by the care and watchfulness of the abovesaid sir Amyas Paulet.

At which the queen was somewhat easy: and in gratitude to him for his faithfulness in the managery of that remove; and still to encourage him to he steady in that great charge intrusted with him, she wrote him a letter subscribed by her own hand: which (as I transcribed from a copy thereof taken by Mich. Hickes, the lord treasurer’s secretary) was as followeth: “To my faithful Amyas. “Amyas, my most careful and faithful servant, God reward thee treblefold in the double for thy most troublesome charge, so well discharged. If you knew, my Amyas, how kindly, besides dutifully, my grateful heart accepteth your double labours and faithful actions, your wise orders and safe conduct performed in so dangerous and crafty a charge, it would ease your travel, [troubles writ over head,] and rejoice your heart. And (which I charge you to carry this most just thought) that I cannot balance in any weight of my judgment the value I prize you at; and suppose no treasure to countervail such a faith: and condemn myself in that fault which I have committed, if I reward not such deserts. Yea, let me lack when I have most need, if I acknowledge not such a merit with a reward, non omnibus datum. “But let your wicked mistress know, how with hearty sorrow her vile deserts compel those orders; and bid her from me ask God forgiveness for her treacherous dealing toward the saver of her life many years, to the intolerable peril of her own. And yet not content with so many forgivenesses, must fall again so horribly, far passing a woman, much more a princess. Instead of excusing whereof, not one can serve, it being so plainly confessed by the actors of my guiltless death. Let repentance take place; and let not the fiend possess so, as her best part be lost. Which I pray with hands lifted up to Him that may both save and spill. With my loving adieu, and prayer for thy long life, Your assured and loving sovereign in heart, by good desert induced, ELIZABETH REGINA.” Thus the queen was purposed to keep that Scots queen in safe custody under her faithful Amyas, (as she called him,) for the preservation of her own life: but further than that close restraint she could not be brought to grant.:But when urged by continual solicitations of her counsellors, and generally of all her protestant subjects, she consented at last to grant a commission to many persons of chiefest rank and nobility, (besides her own council,) to go down and call her to her trial for high treason. Which trial, and how she was found guilty, is related at large by our historians; which I leave therefore to be read in them.

Great care and consultation was had about drawing up this commission, being to remain a record to after-times, of the just and legal proceedings in this weighty cause. Some particulars whereof I shall relate from certain letters between the lord treasurer and Popham, the queen’s attorneygeneral; who in a letter advertised the said lord, “That it was thought on by him and others learned in the law, whether it were convenient to make special mention of the Scottish queen, [dubious, as it seems, whether expressly to charge her with treason.] But that, as he added, sithence the matter had been so revealed already by the traitors themselves, he thought his lordship had conceived a very good course to have it so; if it might so seem good to her majesty. But that then there must be good consideration had by what name she was to be named in the commission.”

Upon another letter writ a day or two after, by the lord treasurer to the said attorney-general, signifying her majesty’s concern by what name the Scottish queen should be indicted, thus did the attorney answer: “That he gave order to the clerk of the crown, that the commission should be written in a set hand; in respect it was of great importance, and to continue in after-ages. That he had sent him therewith a copy of the commission, with a space when the name of the Scottish queen was to be put in. Wherein it might please her majesty to have a great care, and not upon any conceit to hazard the whole proceedings; for that beside her Christian name, she might also have either the surname of her last husband, or the name of her father, as was set down. For no name of dignity (as he proceeded) is taken notice of by our law, but that which is grown or created within her majesty’s dominions, or by her majesty or her progenitors’ warrant. But in the alias dictus any thing may be said that shall please her majesty, being once surely named. Wherefore he humbly beseeched his lordship, if any thing were so set down therein, as might endanger the whole proceedings, it might be so known to her majesty; and then to set off the blame that hereafter might grow to them [the lawyers] thereby. That it might be this without peril: Maria filia et haeres Jacobi Quinti, nuper regis Scoto rum, alias dict. Maria regina Scot. dotar. Franc. For it is not regarded what the alias dict. is. And then adding, that if this might be resolved on by her majesty, so that he [the attorney-general] might have knowledge thereof by the next day, then his lordship should have the commission itself presently after sent him, to shew the queen.”

What the answer was to this, and the queen’s resolution, the lord treasurer soon after acquainted the attorney; as we shall tell by and by: only let me mention another inquiry of the said attorney to be resolved about, specified in the letter above-mentioned. For nothing was done in this great affair without consulting with that great counsellor, and he with the queen. “I have (as he proceeded in his letter) likewise sent your lordship herewith the course that we have thought on for our proceedings; which it may please your lordship to reform, and for to direct us therein, as in your honour’s judgment shall seem best for the service.”

And by the words that follow, the treasurer endeavoured to be absent at the trial. For thus the attorney proceeded: “That by what his lordship wrote he was much in doubt his lordship might hardly be spared from thence, [viz. the court.] And for him not to be at the proceedings, might work great prejudice to the whole service. And that in respect whereof, if her majesty could so he persuaded, it were better the Scottish queen were brought nearer, than that himself should be absent.”.And so concluded his letter, dated from his house in Chancerylane, Oct. 1, 1586. Subscribing, Your lordship’s most humbly at commandment, J. POPHAM.” And in respect of this need apprehended of the presence of the lord treasurer at this trial, he, being one of the chief commissioners, was there present, and had large discourse with that queen, then bearing a double person and quality, (as he told her,) both as a commissioner and a counsellor.

But now concerning the great point before spoken of, viz. by what name the Scottish queen should be styled in the commission, (which her majesty had made hesitation about,) the attorney-general, and also Egerton, the queen’s solicitor, had consulted with the judges about, together with the course to be taken in the proceedings. And the consultation of the queen’s judges and others her learned lawyers, and that in such a weighty affair as this was, may deserve to be related: which I will do from the letter of Popham and Egerton, for the information of the aforesaid lord, and by him to be opened to the queen. The letter, dated October 7, ran to this tenor: “That that morning they had conference with such of the judges as were at present there; viz. the lord chief baron, sir Tho. Gaudy, justice Windham, justice Periam, and justice Rodes, and with Mr. Sergeant Gaudy, touching the course of proceeding in the commission. “That they thought good, among other things, to understand their opinion, by what name the Scotch queen was to be called in the commission and record. And that herein they found them all of opinion, that to give her directly and precisely the name of regina Scotorum, either in the beginning or by a copulative, as was set down in his lordship’s last letters, could not well be warranted by law. And therefore that they held it the surest way to name her Maria, filia et haeres Jacobi Quinti nuper regis Scotorum, communiter vocat, regina Scotor. et dotaria Franciae Whereof they presumed to advertise his lordship, to the end such course might be taken therein as might be. warranted by law, and the importance of the cause required.” Adding, “That the judges had required their humble suit to his lordship, that their lodging [at Fotheringhay] might be so sorted, that they might be somewhat near together; to the end they might be the more ready for such conferences as it was likely, in the course of proceeding, would often fall out to be requisite,” &c. This was dated the 3d of October; subscribed, John Popham, Tho. Egerton.

There was first great deliberation of putting that queen to death. For though the parliament and people, for divers years past, had apprehended imminent danger of the queen’s life and the safety of the whole kingdom, by means of her and her party at home and abroad, yet, for the satisfying her majesty, (who could not yield to the putting her to death,) it was seriously debated, whether it were lawful to cut off a queen, or to bring her into judgment. I have met with a writing of the opinion of the civilians touching this matter; consisting of objections against the trying of her as a queen, and answers to those objections by some learned in the civil law: which were drawn up for the satisfaction of queen Elizabeth, as well as others, in so weighty and unusual a cause. As, I. Objection. She [viz. the queen of Scots] is anointed, [as well as queen Elizabeth.] And so, Par in parem non habet iraperium. To that it was answered, That it might be doubted whether she then were a queen, because she stood deposed by the three estates of Scotland, And secondly, she had willingly left her right to her son, &c. Deletum non est consummatum. Ergo.

II. Object. Secondly, That she subjected herself juri gentium soli; that is, to the law of nations only. The answer was, That in respect of her allegiance to the crown of England, her actions were rather to be measured by the positive laws of the land. And by these what she had done was treason, &c. This paper runs out into a considerable length; and therefore I rather lay it to be perused in the Appendix.

I add the judgment of Dr. Dale, a very learned civilian, who was particularly required by the lord treasurer to set it down, in order to satisfy the queen; which he did in a letter to the said lord, dated in October: which I transcribe from his own paper. “Pleaseth it your lordship to confirm your opinion assuredly, Quod delinquens punitur loco delicti, nulla dig nitaris habita ratione. It may please your lordship to consider these words following of the pope’s own writing, in Clementina pastoralis de re indicata: which he made expressly to revoke the sentence of Henry VII. against king Robert of Sicily. “Quod si punitio criminis intra districtum imperialem commissi, ad imperatorem forsan pertinuisse asseratur; verum est quidem, si in eodem districtu fuisset inventus delinquens, &c. So that in the present case, the party being in the same territory where the crime was committed, the pope himself confesseth the conclusion and assertion of the emperor to be true: and yet the civilians do write, that in the very case of king Robert of Sicily, which was out of the territory of the emperor at that time of the sentence, Juristae debent et tenentur sequi factum imperatoris, et non papae. “It may please your lordship also to call to remembrance, that when all the civilians were consulted in the bishop of Ross’s case, it was resolved, quod legatus punitur in loco delicti, si delinquat tempore legationis, non obstante legati privilegio. And indeed the very text of the civil lawyers is plain in the case. L. non actio si legati, F. de judiciis, Legati ex delictis in legatum com missis coguntur judicium Romae pati; sive ipsi admisernt, sive servi eorum. And yet legatus sustinet perso nam sui principis: and of all men the most privileged, ipso jure gentium. “If it may be any satisfaction unto her majesty, or if her majesty be desirous to be fully resolved in this point, your lordship may assuredly inform her majesty of the premises, as it shall seem to your lordship most convenient. Nihil enim est in toto jure certius: what doubt soever any man do make of it. And thus I have not to trouble your lordship any further. At London, the 6th of October, 1586.

Your lordship’s most humble, VALEN. DALE.” Then followed considerations offered to the queen, to induce her majesty to proceed contra, &c. [viz. against the Scots queen.] 1. The interest that all her subjects have in her safety; without which they cannot be safe. 2. The burden of her majesty’s conscience, in being guilty of the universal harms that may follow, in not cutting off the Scotch queen. 3. The ruin of the realm; and 4. Of religion. 5. The cancelling of the glory of her ancestors. 6. The mutual love of her majesty to her most loving subjects in general: whom for that 1ove’s sake she will not leave to the spoil. 7. The dreadful forethinking what such an one may do; so of herself malicious, unnatural, and incensed by cruel papists; irritated by dishonours and dangers. 8. The blasphemy the Scots queen may bring upon England. 9. The honour of our queen, not to drown the glory of her government with the evil like to succeed by her indulgence. 10. Consider, that you take away the ground of all foreign attempts, and the hope of rebellion; and remove the cause for which her majesty may be in danger of desperate traitors. 11. You take away from corrupt persons the hope of reward and benefit of her peril. 12. So you give freedom and boldness to all subjects for service; consultation in disclosing and in resisting attempts.

All your perilous favour shewed to the Scotch queen shall not be imputed to their clemency, but to their cunning means and practices, or timorousness, or God’s permission: and that the queen is not able to touch such holy people: or to the pope’s blessings, prayers, vows, fastings of papists, and as a miracle. These seem to have been the short heads of what was offered to her majesty.

While the parliament was now sitting were read before them divers letters of Anthony Babington, (that had lately plotted the murder of queen Elizabeth, and the delivering and setting up the Scots queen,) written to that queen; and letters of hers to him and others: whereupon the sentence that had been before pronounced against her was read before them of the lower house on the 9th of November. And in pursuance of that sentence, a form of a petition agreed upon by the committee of both houses was read, to this purport: that the queen give order for that queen’s execution: which petition was presented to her by the lord chancellor, Nov. 15, which he declared to both houses he had done. And withal the answer she gave to him, to report to them: shewing her averseness to the execution of the sentence of death against that queen; (as she had before done;) saying, “That it was a cause of great moment, and required good deliberation; and that she could not presently give answer to them; but that she would shortly deliver it to her privy-council: who should deliver her mind unto them.” And further, the said chancellor declared unto the lords, that her majesty commanded him to require the lords to advise among them, if some other course might be taken, without proceeding to the extremity, which she could better like of, if any such might be found. And that she looked for their answer.

One of these courses of more favourably proceeding with that queen, (which was an act to disable that queen in princely dignity,) I find, by a paper, she had propounded to the parliament; which I will here set down, as worthy in this piece of history to be recorded, from the minutes of it; viz. The sum of a petition to her majesty, and reasons gathered, ex jure civili, by certain appointed by authority in parliament, to prove, that lawful it is, and honourable, to proceed, &c.

And here it was debated, in dealing with the Scotch queen, whether to proceed for the disabling of her, which queen Elizabeth was for; or for attainder, for which the parliament was. “We your majesty’s most humble and faithful subjects, assembled in parliament for the preservation of your most royal person, &c. thank God for such a sovereign person, as never subjects had better; we seek, with fear of body and care of mind, to redress whatsoever shall be thought hurtful to your majesty’s safety. “A queen of late time, and yet, through her own acts now justly no queen, nigh kinswoman of your majesty, and yet a very unnatural sister, lady Mary Steward, late Scottish queen, being driven, through violence of weather, to take harbour in your majesty’s realm for safeguard of her life, hath not only had your most gracious protection, but was in her own realm, by your majesty’s authority, preserved from execution of death for her most horrible doings there, known through Europe, to her perpetual infamy. “And albeit upon her first coming your majesty might by law have dealt with her judicially, for her attempts, made by writing and otherwise, against your crown, and the dishonour of your royal person; yet your majesty, in consideration of her long dangerous troubles in her own realm, and in hope that such advertisements would have been good lessons for her amendment hereafter, hath not used her in such manner as she deserved, but forgat and forgave after a sort her former doings. “All which notwithstanding, this unnatural lady, born out of kind, hath forgotten God and all goodness, and seeketh to deprive your majesty of your dignity and life: which the judges declare to be most horrible treason: for which her doings your majesty minding to touch her in honour therefore, (not seeking to deal with her according to her deserts,) is content to have her disabled, as a person uncapable of princely honour within your land. And you think this the best way to establish yourself, and take away the hope of such as depend upon the title. And, to assure your quietness, to make it high treason to attempt and maintain her pretended title. So shall your enemies be weakened by the law, and your true subjects heartened. “If the Scotch queen shall hereafter attempt treason, the law is determined that she shall suffer death without trouble of parliament. “If any enterprise to deliver her from prison, the same to be convicted immediately of high treason. If she consent, [to be] likewise adjudged. So shall none for her dare to attempt against you. And all nations will honour your merciful proceedings; seeing she is fallen into your hands from the violence of others; and seeketh succour at your majesty’s feet; being your sister, and a queen; not to proceed further, but disable only. “This is a declaration and proof of your gracious nature. This assurance for your person.

Resp. 1. “A special disabling her by name is in effect a special confirmation of the rights he should have had. Privatio praesupponit habitum. 2. “By the statutes of this land she is already disabled. Ergo, Rern actarn agimus. 3. “It strengtheneth them that be evil minded; and maketh them desperate, seeing no remedy. 4. “ Grievous penalties fear not the wicked, whose gain more boldeneth: naturally, given to this nation, and all other under the moon, to make stir without cause. Plato: Naturales sunt conversiones rerum publicarum. Desperation feareth no labours. “The law which was then in force as much as this, heretofore never restrained traitors. The instrument is still living by whom all attempts are wrought. Force overthrows judgment. 5. “No new law needs to encourage faithful subjects against her who breaks all laws. 6. “Touching a law against her, if she should hereafter attempt any evil, she saith, she will stir coals. By experience of her former life, law hath no force with her. She will take the advantage upon any occasion. She fears no threat of death. If she should seek liberty, yet dishonourably.

She adventured with a young fellow to get away in a boat in England.

She attempted to get away, and occupieth the heads of the chiefest states in Christendom for that purpose. And she may escape. For she wanteth no cunning to make the way. And there will want no traitors to assist her. The reward is great. 7. “For your regard of honour. An honourable meaning. But we would not see you by such regard lose your state, life, and all. If she escape, all good princes would think great want of judgment and foresight in you and in the council. “A grief to you and other your friends. A triumph to the adversaries. A miraculous escape: ill foresight. And advisedly looked unto, doth ever the less harm. Deal rather certain than by chance. Ergo, Not good to deal by the second bill for disablement; rather by the first by at tainder.”

Then it came to be considered, what precedents might be found of such a matter as now lay before them: and Joan queen of Naples was offered. And a comparison was made between her and Mary queen of Scots. And an argument was framed, entitled, An analogy or resemblance between Joan queen of Naples and Mary queen of Scotland. This was drawn up to represent her the worse to queen Elizabeth; shewing the parallel between both queens in many particulars from histories. As, 1. Joan queen of Naples, being in love with the duke of Tarent, hanged her husband Andreas, (or, as some write him, Andrasius,) king of Naples, in the year of our Lord God 1348. Mary queen of Scots, being, as appeareth by the Chronicles, and her own letters, [in love] with the earl Bothwel, strangled the lord Darly, her husband, king of Scotland, in the year of our Lord God 1567. 2. Joan queen of Naples did, presently after the foul slaughter, marry with the said duke of Tarent, notwithstanding they were joined and knit in kindred near together.

Mary queen of Scots, after the death of her said husband, was married by the bishop of Orkney to the said earl Bothwel, notwithstanding that he had two wives alive, and was divorced from them upon a likely adultery by himself committed. The whole of this analogy, or resemblance, being somewhat long, consisting in many other particulars, will be found in the Appendix. The conclusion whereof, which the parliament made to the queen, was, “That nothing remained to make the history perfect, but that Mary of Scotland might have God’s judgment in her accomplished and performed, that had not only killed her former husband, but had practised oftentimes the end of her majesty the queen of England; and consequently like to bring the whole nation into a general massacre.”

However her majesty could not be persuaded to give her consent to the Scotch queen’s death; notwithstanding by that special commission abovesaid her crimes were found to be great, and she guilty of high treason. And thereupon thought necessary by a special commission to call the states of the realm together in parliament, for their judgment and resolution in this weighty affair. When both houses, well weighing the imminent danger the whole nation was in, as well as the queen’s life and safety, made two earnest addresses to her, the one from the lord chancellor for the upper house, the other from the speaker of the house of commons, that execution might be done, according to the sentence given against the Scotch queen. Which cost her majesty two several long and most eloquent speeches, which she made verbally (as it is endorsed in the MSS. thereof) in answer. Which speeches may be read in our historians. But in the issue she desired them to find out some other expedient than that queen’s death.

In her first speech she desired some further time to deliberate about it in these words: (I transcribe out of the lord treasurer’s MS.) “That she thought they did not look for a present resolution; the rather, for that it was not her manner, in matters of far less moment, to give speedy answer without due consideration: so in this, of such importace, she thought it very requisite, with earnest prayer to beseech his divine Majesty so to illuminate her understanding, and inspire her with his grace, as she might do and determine that which should serve to the establishment of his church, the preservation of their estates, and properties of the commonwealth under her charge.”

And in the conclusion of her latter speech to the parliament twelve days after, when they again earnestly required her to sign the warrant for the execution, she thus put it off again: “Their judgments she condemned not: neither did she mistake their reasons. But prayed them to accept her thankfulness, excuse her doubtfulhess, and take in good part her answer answerless, &c.

That therefore, if she should say she would [not] do what they requested, it would be, peradventure, more than she thought. And to say she would not do it, might perhaps breed peril of that their labour to preserve; being more than their own wisdoms and discretion would seem convenient, circumstances of place and time being duly considered.”

Add, that in the beginning of December was issued forth her majesty’s proclamation and declaration of the sentence pronounced by the nobility in the commission against the Scots queen. In which proclamation the queen seriously protested, that this publication was extorted from her, to the exceeding grief of her mind, by a kind of necessity, as the historian relates.

But addeth, “That there were some that thought this to proceed from the art and guise of women; who, though they desire a thing never so much, yet will always seem to be constrained and forced to it.” And again, thus he writes, “That upon the Scots queen’s death, the first news thereof brought to her majesty, she conceived great grief thereupon, or pretended.” But this seems but an odious insinuation; and would have been too mean a piece of hypocrisy, beneath the queen. And those solemn and earnest protestations she used in her speeches to the states of her realm in parliament, the delays she made, the scruples she put to her judges and learned in the laws of England, shew how concerned and serious she was; and unwilling, and almost resolved in her own mind, to proceed no further with that queen than a close restraint; at least yet awhile; as what is said before, and what shall follow after, will declare.

Upon the continued solicitations of those about the queen, for signing a warrant for the Scotch queen’s execution, she unwillingly did so; ordering Davison, her secretary, to do it under the great seal; but thinking to keep the warrant so prepared, without sending it away, to lie by in readiness.

But the council being acquainted by the secretary with what was done, knowing no more of the queen’s meaning, in haste ordered it to be sent away; among whom was the lord treasurer Burghley. And accordingly the fatal execution was done. For the particulars thereof I refer the reader to our historian.

But as soon as the news of it was brought to the queen, she fell into an exceeding perturbation and passion, and particularly expressed a great anger and indignation against some of her council; and immediately commanded them out of her presence, and banished them the court. One of whom, which was the only one I meet with by name, was her great counsellor, the lord treasurer Burghley: who being under the queen’s displeasure, took it exceedingly to heart; as being under her frowns for a fault of ignorance: not knowing her private mind for delay of the sentence so signed by her; and when he knew it, confessing his sorrow for it to her: after which he hoped for her pardon. He felt the burden of the queen’s anger, who had so long been accustomed to her favour, and so near about her person; and now to remain so long estranged from her sight and presence. He thought the queen too severe for what he had ignorantly done. It brought to his remembrance God’s dealing with penitent offenders: merciful and ready to forgive. And that nothing became a prince more than clemency. These and many more were the melancholy thoughts and pious meditations of this lord, during his banishment from the court.

Which take at length from a paper of his own writing, in many short significant sentences, which I present here, transcribed thence by me.

Beginning; “Peccatum ignorantia commissum. “Anima si peccaverit per igorantiam, offeret arietem, et dimittetur ei; quia per ignorantiam. “Melius est, ut benefacientes (si voluntas Dei velit) pati, quam malefacientes. “Quem diligit Deus, corripit, &c. “The queen meant it not. Esto. This not known. “Mr. Davison. The bill signed. His affirmation,” &c.

These are a few of that lord’s written sentences: for the rest consult the Appendix.

Under this his forced retirement from court, he was very uneasy, and could not bear the queen’s indignation. And to avert it, and reconcile himself unto her favour, he endeavoured to have access to her, to declare more at large to her his innocency, or to pray a mitigation of her displeasure. But that would not be granted. Divers humble letters also and messages he sent to her in the mean time, by Mr. Vice-chamberlain, Mr. Hatton, the lord Buckhurst, and Mr. Wolley, one of her secretaries for the Latin tongue.

Some of these letters I meet with, being his own minutes.

The first whereof was dated Feb. 13, that is, five days after the Scotch queen’s death. Endorsed thus by his own hand; A writing from me to her majesty. Beginning; “Most mighty and gracious sovereign, I know not with what manner of words to direct my writing, to utter any thing like a counsellor, as I was wont to do. I find myself barred so to do by your majesty’s displeasure, declared to me many ways. To utter any thing in my defence, being in your displeasure, I doubt, whilst your displeasure lasteth, how to be heard, without increase of the same: to utter nothing, being secluded from your presence by my lameness, but so to rest also dumb, must needs increase or continue your majesty’s heavy displeasure; and therewithal my misfortune is far beyond others in like case; who coming to your presence, may, with humbleness, boldly say that for themselves, that I also may as truly allege for my own private defence.

Therefore, most gracious queen, in this perplexity I am sometime deeply thrown’ down, near to a pit of despair; and yet some other time I am drawn up to behold the beams of your accustomed graces; and there held up and supported with the pillar of my conscience afore God, and my loyalty towards your majesty. And so I am, I thank God, prepared patiently to suffer the discomfort of the one, or enjoy the comfort of the other: confessing both to be in your majesty’s power. “I hear with grief of mind and body also, that your majesty doth utter more heavy, hard, bitter, and minatory speeches against me than almost against any other. And so much the more do they wound me, in the very strings of my heart, as they are commonly and vulgarly reported: although by some with compassion of me, knowing my long, painful, faithful, and dangerous unspotted service. But by divers other, I think, with applause, as maliceing me for my true service against your sworn enemies. And if any reproach, yea, and if any punishment of me may pleasure your majesty, and not hinder your reputation, (which is hardly to be imagined,) I do yield thereto. And with a most willing mind do offer unto your majesty, as a sacrifice, either to pacify your displeasure, or for your majesty to pleasure any other, (friend or unfriend,) to acquit myself freely from all places of public government: whereof none can be used by me to your benefit, being in your displeasure. And I shall nevertheless continue, in a private estate, as earnest in continual prayer for your majesty’s safety, and my country, as I was wont to be in public actions. “And whatsoever worldly adversity your majesty shall lay upon me, I constantly and resolutely shall, by assistance of God’s grace, affirm, prove, and protest to the world, during the few days of my life, that I never did, or thought to do any thing with mind to offend your majesty; (or to commit any unhonest act;) but in the presence of God, who shall judge both quick and dead, I do avow, that I was never in my underage more fearful to displeasure my masters and tutors, than I have been always inwardly, both out of and in your presence, to miscontent your sacred majesty. Which proceeded, I thank God, of due reverence, and not of doubtfulness how to do my duty. “Thus, most gracious queen, being by my mishap deprived of your presence, I have confusedly uttered my deep griefs, and offered the sacrifice of a sorrowful wounded heart, ready to abide your majesty’s censure, and to wear out the short and weak thread of my old, painful, and irksome days, as your majesty shall limit them; being glad that the night of my age is so near by service and sickness, as I shall not long wake to see the miseries that I fear others shall see that are like to overwatch me. From the which I shall and do pray the Almighty God to deliver your majesty’s person, as he hath hitherto done, by miracle, rather than by ordinary means. “And having ended that concerneth myself, I cannot in duty forbear to put your majesty in mind, that if Mr. Davison [who sent away the warrant for the Scots queen’s execution] be committed to the Tower, who best knoweth his own cause, the example will be sorrowful to all your faithful servants, and joyful to your enemies.

And as I can remember many examples in your father’s, your brother’s, your sister’s, yea, your own time, of committing of counsellors, either to other men’s houses or to their own; so can I not remember any one example of a counsellor committed to the Tower; but where they are attainted afterwards of high treason; and so were served afterwards. And what your majesty intendeth towards this your servant, I know not; but sure I am, and I presume to have some judgment therein, I know not a man in the land so furnished universally for the place he had, neither know I any that can come near him.”

Thus it was in the first minutes of this lord’s letter concerning Davison; but in his review thereof sent to the queen, it ran in these words, with more reserve. “I beseech your majesty pardon me to remember to let you understand my opinion of Mr. Davison. I never perceived by him that he thought your majesty would have misliked to have had an end of the late capital enemy. And what your majesty minded to him in your displeasure, I hear to my grief. But for a servant in that place, I think it hard to find a like qualified person. Whom to ruin, in your heavy displeasure, shall be more your majesty’s loss than his. W.B.” But notwithstanding this intercession of the lord treasurer for secretary Davison, and the great character he gave the queen of him and of his abilities, so highly was she incensed against him, that he was brought into the starchamber by a special commission, and severely censured there, deeply fined, cast out of his place, and imprisoned, and that for a long time after. And where I cannot but observe the account given of him by our historian, very different from what that lord wrote of him to the queen, who was a good judge, and knew him well. For thus that historian: “That he was a man of good ingenuity, but not well skilled in courtarts; brought upon the court-stage, on purpose (as most men thought) to act for a time his part in the tragedy; and soon after, that part being acted on the stage, attire laid aside, he was thrust down from the stage,” &c.

There was a second letter written by the abovesaid lord to the queen four days after the former, viz. Febr. 17. endorsed thus by his own hand; My second letter to her majesty, sent by Mr. Wolley: but not received. The substance whereof was, that she would hear his plea: “That he could not understand her majesty’s offence against him was diminished, notwithstanding that humble submission of his, to endure that might pacify the same. And that he was continually oppressed with grief for her displeasure. That he could imagine no remedy, but continuance of his humble intercession, either to receive his submission, or rather first to hear him answer for thought and deed, as if God himself should call him to judgment. That her majesty, he understood, was more deeply offended with him than the rest; though he was no more to be charged than others: which he supposed increased, because her majesty had not heard him, as she had others that she had admitted to her presence; while he, by his lameness and infirmity, could not come,” &c. But the whole perfect letter I had rather leave to be read in the Appendix.

Little countenance yet shewn him from the queen, he addressed another letter to her, dated Febr. 23 which he thus endorsed; A copy of my writing to her majesty, delivered by my lord of Buckhurst; importing, “That he was not yet come to any understanding what special means to use, to pacify her majesty’s heavy displeasure, so often and grievously expressed both to his friends and many others.

Whereby he was so overthrown in his weakly spirit, as no part of his mind was sound to perform that he ought to do. A torment such as the like he never felt. That he knew surely by many experiences her majesty’s sincerity and Christian conscience such, as, except he had been faulty indeed, she would not thus extremely use him. And therefore he did not think any thing but honourably of her, as he was persuaded.” See this whole letter also reposited in the Appendix.

In this and his former letter he desired admission into her presence, that he might relate more at large what he could say for himself in his own vindication; whereupon the queen signified to those about her, that he might do that in writing: which he understanding by his son, (to whom the queen seems to have said it,) excused it in his next letter, “knowing what ill-willers he had about the court, [whereof the earl of Leicester seems to be one,] who would be apt to put sinister interpretations upon what he should write, and that a writing was but a composition of words, that might otherwise be taken for want of his being present to explain and reply.”

The treasurer’s first admission to the court, as I find, was some weeks after; when the queen wanted his advice concerning her matters with the Low Countries: but being in her presence, she fell foul upon him for the late grudge she bore him for the Scotch queen: whereupon again he fell into great discontent; and absented himself from the court: but composed a writing, shewing the cause thereof: which was to be delivered to the queen by Mr. Vice-chamberlain: but, whatever the reason, not delivered. This writing will likewise be found in the Appendix: which I transcribed from the original copy; thinking this paper, as well as the rest, highly deserving to be preserved, being written by so great a statesman, and tending further to illustrate that great piece of queen Elizabeth’s history.

As for the unhappy secretary, Davison, (whose good character given to the queen was read befores) and who underwent a severe sentence in the starchamber, for his too hasty sending away the queen’s warrant for the Scotch queen’s execution, we have the management of that cause told us at large by our historian. But there is something omitted, which will serve to illustrate that affair, and to set Davison’s case in a true light. Which finding in certain MS. collections, I think very proper here to be inserted: being CERTAIN ARTICLES MINISTERED TO DAVISON, UPON THE EXECUTION OF QUEEN MARY OF SCOTS, BY MR. VICECHAMBERLAIN AND MR. WOLLEY, THE 12 TH OF MARCH, 1586. “1. Whether, upon the signing of the warrant, her majesty gave it not in express charge and commandment unto you, to keep the same secret; and not to utter it to any body? “2. Whether her majesty commanded you to pass it to the great seal? “3. Whether, when it was passed the great seal, her majesty charged you, and that on your life, not to let it go out of your hand, until you knew her further pleasure? “4. Whether her majesty ever willed or commanded you to deliver it to any body, or to cause it to be executed? “5. Whether six or seven days after it was passed the great seal, and in your custody, her majesty told you not in the gallery, that she had a better way to proceed therein, than that which was before devised?”

DAVISON’ S ANSWERS.

To the first he answereth,” That he hopeth her majesty doth not forget, how she commanded my lord admiral to send for him to bring the warrant unto her; having, as his lordship told me, resolutely determined to go through with the execution. That upon my coming to her, it pleased her to call for the warrant, and voluntarily to sign it, without giving me any, such commandment as is objected. Which he affirmeth, as in the presence of God. “To the second he saith, he trusteth her majesty, in her princely and good nature, will not deny to have given him express order to carry it to the seal; and how she willed it should be forthwith despatched.

Whereupon he offering to have gone to my lord chancellor the same forenoon [of the day] it was signed, she commanded him to go in the afternoon, because of some other business he had: which he did accordingly. So as it was between five or six of the clock at night, ere he was with my lord chancellor. So as my lord admiral knowing itby the occasion above remembered, and my lord chancellor by her majesty’s express commandment: besides, that at the same time it pleased her majesty to give him order to impart it in the way to Mr. Secretary Walsingham, as her majesty may best remember; he hopeth there shall appear no cause of any such commandment to conceal it, and not to utter it to any, as is objected. “To the third, he protesteth before God, he neither remembereth nor received any such commandment given him.] For if he had, he would not have concealed it from my lords, that joined in sending down the said commission. “To the fourth he answereth, That as her majesty did not expressly will him to deliver it to any body, so did he never understand her majesty’s meaning to be other, than to have it proceeded in, considering the hourly danger she lived in, and how much therefore it imported her life and state: beside other reasons too long to be here rehearsed. “To the last, he remembereth, that upon some letters received from Mr. Paulet, [keeper of the Scotch queen,] her majesty falling into some complaint of him, upon such cause as she best knoweth, she uttered such a speech. That she could have matters otherwise done.

The particulars whereof I leave to her best remembrance.”

He was examined again upon the like interrogatories the 14th and 16th of March following.

CHAPTER 2.

Revenge medltated in Scotland for the Scots queen’s death. Not safe to call in the assistance of Spain. Advice of the event thereof from a statesman in England to one about that king’s person. His deliberation about it. Several writings and books on this occasion.

A MS. of the order and manner of the Scots queen’s execution. The dean of Peterburgh’s speech to her: and prayer. A book, De Maria Scotorum Regina, totaque ejus contra Regem Conjuratione. Maria Stuarta innocens a Caede Darliana. Sentences against the queen of Scots. Caedes Darliana: dedicated to cardinal Allen. WHEN this queen was thus brought to her end by a violent death, both the king her son, and the Scotch nation, at least many of them, were highly enraged, and studied revenge immediately. To withstand whom, as well as other princes abroad to assist him in,this quarrel, exercised now the thoughts and cares of the English court. Concerning the discourse of the Scots in Flanders, I gather something from a letter of intelligence writ to the lord treasurer by Anthony Coppley, an Enghsh fugitive there; that concerning the assistance to be given the said king by the Spaniard, who mortally hated queen Elizabeth, they alleged, “Their king was too politic to use the king of Spain’s assistance in revenge of his mother’s death; for fear lest that king’s. forces should so much prevail in the revenge, that at last; he might prove another Saxon to the poor Brutain; by defeating him of his crown, and conquering it [Britain] himself. And that in this respect policy, say they, did require, he should rather attend the troubles, very like to ensue upon her majesty’s decease, within England, than to make thereof his advantage for the revenge of her death, and the recovery of the crown, as he could.” This was writ some time after, at their more mature deliberation.

And another letter about the same time, writ to the same lord from an anonymous catholic in Flanders, (who seems to be sir Richard Shelly,) gives this intelligence concerning this Scotch affair. “The Scottish discourses in Flanders are to this effect; That notwithstanding that king’s pretended amity with England, that sure he bore a revenging mind of his mother’s death. Which one day, they say, they do not doubt will be fillfilled upon the realm by the wars, and the assistance of the Dane. Their prophecies, they say, run all to this effect; That in king James shall be united both nations, England and Scotland, both to his crown. Meantime it is policy and very meet his majesty dissemble his revenging mind, till advantage be presented for the action; namely, her majesty’s death, when all the realm is likely to be divided into factions and controversies; what for the crown, what for religions, or other cause. Colonel Stuard, who is presently in great favour with the king, much induceth the king to that revenge. None more. Likewise the earl of Huntley is altogether, say they, inclined that way.” These informations were sent four or five years after; so long did those thoughts of revenge stick in their minds. But to return back.

There is an excellent letter written upon the queen of Scots’ death to some Scotch nobleman near about the king’s person, (seems to be Lethington,) shewing his danger in proceeding to war with the queen; and how uncertain and unhappy it might prove to him, to require assistance from foreign princes against her. It seems to be writ by the lord treasurer. And though it be somewhat long, hath so many curious things contained in it concerning the state of affairs with respect to England and Scotland, and the neighbouring kingdoms, that it may deserve exemplifying. “Sir, I am sorry to find by your letter, that the execution of the king your sovereign’s mother should be likely to bring forth any such effects as you seem to affirm will undoubtedly ensue, upon the knowledge thereof in Scotland, and work an alienation in the king’s your sovereign’s mind, and of that people, from the amity of this realm; the continuance whereof hath ever been so carefully sought and desired. But it is hoped here, besides the king’s own single judgment, that you and others of wisdom and experience about him; that depend upon your said sovereign’s fortune; whose advice he will, as in a matter of so great importance, [listen to,] deeply weighing the same; shall easily judge, how unfit it will prove every way for the one estate to enter into that course, that cannot cure that already done, and in the end but turn to his dishonour and danger, and certain prejudice, instead of reputation and credit: which he may seem to affect thereby. “For if hereupon he will needs make war with this realm, three things would be considered. First, how just and honest this war will appear in the eye of the world. Then, what means he hath to go through withal. Lastly, what may be the consequent thereof any way; and especially in respect of that he pretendeth, the succession of this crown: which hereby shall come into question. “Now for the justness of the quarrel; without which it is not only unlawful to enter into war, but nothing ehe can be expected but unhappy success; he taking arms against this realm in revenge of an action so necessarily done by general consent, for the safety of her majesty’s person and this state, and accompafiied with that justice, as all the world may be judges of the honourable and upright proceedings used in that behalf. It can no way be avoided, but he must be said to oppose himself to the course of justice; and so consequently to the judgment of God himself, whose minister this state was in the execution thereof. And so we, standing in defence of justice, shall not lack the arm of assistance of Almighty God against all the potentates of the world, that shall in so unjust and desperate a quarrel attempt any thing against this realm. “And as for the means of going through with such an enterprise, if your sovereign shall trust but to his own strength and forces, no man can be so simple, as not to see that Scotland of itself is not in case to make head against England, augmented in power and wealth; as Scotland is decreased, by reason that France, which served themselves hereof in times past to annoy England withal, (which had then a footing in France,) having not now the like use of that realm, as heretofore they have had, hath not the like effect.

And as for foreign means, when you have considered how long you shall solicit for a little assistance, as the king’s expectation found by experience to his cost; and when you have it, how uncertain the success may be of all your attempts against England’s forces and resistance; which, by the conjunction of Holland and Zealand, hath gotten that strength by sea and by grace, that, though all the princes of Europe were banded against this realm, we should have no just cause to fear that they should prevail to do us harm, standing upon our defence. “If therefore due consideration be had of these things, and withal the consequence of this war, if the king (things that heretofore have fallen out in experience) should happen either to be taken, or, being overcome in field, or otherwise, be enforced to retire himself out of the realm, having justly incensed the state against him, so far as they shall think meet utterly to disable him for the succession, as by law they may; to what extremity he should be reduced, I doubt not but it will be seen of men of judgment, not transported with passion, to be every way best for his majesty to forbear such a desperate and violent course, as may render him subject to many hazards and inconveniences. Where, on the other side, carrying him with that moderation that becomes a prince of his perfection and education, and is necessary in this remediless accident, he shall both in the mean while happiliest provide for his own security, and for the time to come, through his kind of good usage of her majesty,. who hath deserved so greatly at his hands, win unto himself the hearts, good-will, and affection of the whole body of the realm. “For it cannot but fall out, if a course of revenge should be taken upon this late accident, whereby the people of this island shall be brought once to draw blood out of one another, the ancient enmity between the two nations, which now in a manner remaineth quite extinct and buried, should be revived, in such sort as the English would never endure or accept him for their prince, who had been author of so unfortunate a breach and disturbance of the common quiet of both realms; the same being grounded upon so unjust a quarrel; but especially the whole nobility, by whose sentence the late queen was condemned; the same being approved by parliament; seeing the king to take it so hainously, and carry such a bloody, vindicative mind, should have good cause to think it touched them nearly. And you may be sure they would rather hazard the marching over their bellies, than to yield to the government of such a prince, as they should, stand in doubt would one day call their honours and lives in question. “And what relief or remedy he might expect to obtain in such an extremity at foreign potentates’ hands, who are not very hasty at these days to embark themselves in dangerous enterprises for other men’s sakes, without some further discourse, don Antonio may serve for a lively example: wherein, as in a mirroir, he may behold his fortune, falling into the like distressed estate. “And yet to descend into a little more particular consideration of this point, which you can make account of for to deal with in any such enterprise. That is, the French king, and the king of Spain, either of which to depend on; as to whose assistance he may attain to the present possession of this crown, whosoever shall go about to persuade him to take such a course of counsel, shall, in the opinion of best understanding men, discover either great passion, or else plain want of fidelity or judgment. “For the first, in common reason it is not safe for any prince to repose his strength and trust in them to whose desires and designs his greatness and good success may prove an impediment and hinderance. In which respect neither of the two kings can simply wish your sovereign’s good: for, as you know, his religion is odious unto them both. And if heretofore it bred a difficulty in his mother’s proceedings with the catholic princes, when it was sometime hoped or suggested that his mother’s wisdom and authority (being at liberty would alter his humour and disposition that way, which notwithstanding moved her to proceed after that manner in the enterprise now lately, without any consideration of him; professing to make the king of Spain her heir, in case her son became not catholic: much more now shall the said princes think they have cause to be backward in the advancement of such an one to this crown, who shall be likely to be every way prejudicial to the Rome religion, being a man, and so much more mighty by the union of the crowns. “Besides, it is merely repugnant to the policy of France, where it can, in respect of the ancient claim England makes to that crown, in any case to suffer the uniting of this island under one prince. So as for a king of France to help a king of Scots to the crown of England, were but in truth to enable and strengthen him one day to prosecute his title to that crown. But as the state of France presently standeth, I think you shall not find the king very forward to cast himself into any foreign war, it being well known that full sore against his will he was forced by them of the house of Guise to allow of the civil wars, notwithstanding this glorious pretext, wherewith they of Guise have entangled and embarked that state.

For the which, as he hath good cause, (whatsoever show he now maketh,) no doubt he hateth them, and wisheth their confusion in heart. And yet perhaps the French politics should be content, (although it lieth not in us divers ways to stop and prevent any such malicious practice,) for their own ease and quiet, to serve themselves of their sovereign’s quarrel for the present, for to transport the war out of their, country into this island; yet you may thereby plainly discern, how your king shall be but used as an instrument for to serve a turn; as his predecessors heretofore have been, to the effusion of much Scottish blood, and the spoil of that realm. Besides, it were no good counsel to be given by those that depend upon the French king’s fortune, to advance a king of Scots, too near allied in blood to the house of Guise: by whose assistance this design to possess that crown, and to depose the king, (a matter by him greatly doubted,) may the better take effect. “Now for the assistance of Spain; it is thought his age, and unsettled estate every way, would move him rather to incline to peace, if it were offered, than to hearken to any new enterprises.

But otherwise, if he should give ear thereto, it cannot be but most dangerous to your king, considering his ambition, his practices, his power, his colour of right. For it is well known how he had figured himself an empire over all this part of the world: what plots he laid for the compassing thereof. A foundation was laid for the subduing of this land in queen Mary’s time, he being then our king in right of his wife. The conquest was fully concluded afterwards under colour of religion; as by the prince of Orange, then of the privy-council, since revealed. He now pretendeth himself to be the.first catholic prince of the blood royal of England; being reputed before, though falsely, heir of the house of Lancaster, as by the pedigrees and books published by the bishop of Rosse, and others in his favour, may appear. It was practised even during the late queen of Scots’ life by the Jesuits and divers gentlemen, to advance him to the crown by way of election, to the prejudice of her and her line, as meetest to restore the Romish authority, both here and elsewhere. “For although your sovereign’s disposition was not desperate, they assured themselves, that he would not part with the supremacy no more than king Henry VIII. we may easily and rightly judge how far he would prevail of the donation made of this crown by the late queen of Scots, in her letters promised to be confirmed by her last will and testament. Whereof his ambassador at Paris, don Bernardino de Mendoza, sticketh not already to make open vaunt; and what herself hath practised to that effect with her servants, since her condemnation, God knoweth. Lastly, being the strongest, what should let him to dispose of the prey as he listeth. Warrant he could want none, so long as the popes may be, as they are, of his own and only making. “All which laid together argues how dangerous a matter it might prove for your sovereign upon the said Spaniard, or any such kind of friend’s assistance, which might be converted to his own disherison, as well as to his adversaries’ annoyance. “And thus, by chance of this religion, he shall be able to mend the matter, or better his condition in any respect, is very unprobable, considering the said private respects of their own estates and pretensions will still remain. And for the king of Spain’s part, the usurpation of the kingdom of Portugal gives evident proof that his ambition cannot be restrained, when he hath the advantage by any bonds of religion, honour, or justice. And the simple assistance poor don Antonio hath received, notwithstanding he is a catholic, doth sufficiently shew what is to be hoped for, if ought happened to your sovereign in the like case. But contrariwise, the king’s revolt from religion, (which God defend,) likely to be judged a want of religion, rather than a change, will be his utter overthrow, and discredit to all Christendom. For as it shall lose him his natural subjects and well-willers, both at home and abroad, so will it win him but hollow-hearted friends; in respect that no assurance can be had of a constancy in a religion, if it should appear, that upon stomach he shall fall from his God, and that religion wherein he was extraordinarily instructed and brought up. Neither can he in reason look upon the sudden and at an instant to be inheritor of his mother’s party and credit in that respect here; which notwithstanding was not sufficient to hold all the catholics of England united. “And as for any other objections that may be made, whereby he should seem to be urged and constrained to seek after foreign supports; as in respect of the offence that may have been already taken by the nobility and people of this land, that he hath, contrary to their earnest desire and joint pursuit, being assembled in parliament, mediated for his mother’s life, it lies in his, own power to remove the same, if he leave, when it is time, as he persisted, while there were hopes. “As also touching that point of the honour and reputation, whereupon you all seem so much to stand, which surely he shall be judged sufficient to have cared for and preserved, in mediating for his said mother, so long as there was hope, she being alive, whereof all the world can bear him witness. But seeing she is now dead, and that the justness and necessity of her execution stoppeth the course of all slanderous reports that may be made thereof, the whole proceeding being imparted to all such as he can desire Or careth to have satisfied, it shall be the more for his honour assuredly, to shew how he can moderate his passion by reason. And so it was wished by all good men, both for the common good of this island, and for his own greatness every way, that he were advised; and to thank God, who hath delivered him by this means of a great burden of conscience, which otherwise must have lien upon him; as at whose hands God would have looked for a revenge of his father’s blood, so innocently and horribly spilt, by her consent and privity: not to speak of the goodness of God herein towards him, in establishing his throne, continually undermined by her practices. The end whereof, if he be well counselled, will be the beginning of all happiness in Scotland. Where, instead of being sent for an hostage, or ward, to pope or Spaniard, as the said queen would have made him, he may now absolutely and quietly reign. “Thus you see how the care and desire I have of the continuance of amity between the two crowns hath carried me into a longer discourse than I purposed. But having collected these, and a number more concerning the weal, as I hope, of both realms, to be imparted to you by for that I found him unwilling to meddle therewith, I thought good to write thus much unto yourself, whom I trust I shall not need to exhort and encourage to do all the good offices which on your part shall be possible; considering that our satisfaction on this behalf shall be joined with the service of God, your own sovereign and country; which thereby shall reap the blessed fruits of peace.”

This wise and well penned letter, with the good counsel given to the king accordingly by that grave counsellor to whom it was written, took effect.

For I meet with a paper of that king’s, being, as it seems, his own thoughts in that weighty affair, wrote by himself after serious deliberation of his present circumstances. It was thus endorsed; Reasons for the Scots king’s not revenging his mother’s death. “I am unable to revenge the hainous murther committed against my dearest mother, by the old enemies of my progenitors’ realm and nation, for divers respects: first, in respect of my tender youth, not trained up in dexterity of arms, either to withstand injuries, or to conquer mine own right, being at all times by gane [by-past] deteint in captivity. Next, my excessive cowpit from hand to hand, from neydie to neydie, to greedy and greedie; having sufficient patrimony and casualty; and yet has none at all in store. The divers factions of the spiritual and moral estate, every one regarding himself, and not me. Council persuading me security of my own estate now, which could never have been without faction, if she had been left alive.

Persuasions never to conjoin myself in matrimony, except with a prince having affinity to our own religion; or else to be long unmarried: which may cause other princes to hold me in reverence.

The puissance of England, which may work a contrary faction of my own subjects against all my intents; that [may] seize me, [and] for imprisoning and betraying in their hands, to be rewarded with my mother, or else thraldom of perpetual imprisomnent; if of course not all three.”

All this had the good conclusion at last of a firm league of friendship between that king and queen Elizabeth, as we shall hear by and by.

This emergence gave occasion of several books to be writ on both sides.

I shall first take notice of an authentic MS. entitled, The order and manner of the execution of Mary queen of Scots, Febr. 8. 1586. It was writ by order of the lord treasurer. Beal, clerk of the council, was, I suppose, the writer; who was one of those that went down with the warrant for the execution, and was present at it: He entered upon his said relation with this preface to that lord; “That it might please his good lordship to be advertised, that according as his good lordship gave him in commission, he had set down in writing the time, order, and manner of the execution of Mary, late queen of Scots, the 8th day of February, in the year of our Lord 1586; together with the relation of all such actions, done in the great hall in the castle of Fotheringay, with the speeches spoken, and things done by the said queen: with other circumstances and proceedings concerning the same, &c. after the delivery of the said Scots queen to Tho. Andrews, esq. high sheriff for her majesty’s county of Northampton, to the end of the execution.” I shall only extract a few particulars out of it. It began thus.

THE PREPARATION. “It being certified, the 6th of February late, to the said queen, by the right honourable the earl of Kent, the earl of Shrewsbury, and also by sir Amyas Paulet, and sir Drue Drury, her governors, that she was to prepare herself to die the 8th of February next coming, she seemed not to be in any terror, for ought that appeared by her outward gestures or behaviour, (other than marvelling she should die;) but rather with smiling cheer and pleasant countenance digested and received the said admonition of preparation. As to her, she said, (save the unexpected execution,) that her death should be welcome unto her, seeing her majesty was so resolved. And that that soul were far unworthy the fruition of the joy of heaven for ever, whose body in this world would not be content to endure the stroke of execution for a moment. And that spoken, she wept bitterly, and became silent. “The 8th of February being come, at the time and place appointed for the execution, the said queen of Scots, being of stature tall, of body corpulent, round-shouldered, her face fat and broad, doublechinned, with hazel eyes, her borrowed hair; her attire on her head was on this manner. She had a dressing of lawn, edged with bonelace; a pomander chain, with an Agnus Dei, about her neck; a crucifix in her hand; a pair of beads at her girdle; a golden cross at the end of it; a veil of lawn fastened to her caul, bowed out with wire, edged round about with bonelace. Her gown was of black satin, painted, with a train behind, and long sleeves, to the ground, set with acorn buttons of jet, trimmed with pearl; and short sleeves of satin black cut, with a pair of purple sleeves [gloves] of velvet, whole underneath. Then her kirtle whole of figured black satin. Her petticoat [i. e. waistcoat] unlaced in the back, of crimson satin. Her petticoat skirts of crimson velvet: her shoes of Spanish leather, the rough side outward. A pair of green silk garters: her nether stocks worsted, coloured watchet, clocked with silver, and edged on the top with silver; and next her legs a pair of Jersey hose, white. “The queen thus appareled, in a kind of joy, without a desire of deferring of matters, or time, departed her chamber, and yery willingly landed her steps towards the place of execution; being gently carried and supported out of her chamber into an entry next the said great hall by two of sir Am. Powlet’s gentlemen: Mr. Andrews, the high sheriff, going before her.” This I set down the more largely and particularly, to supply Mr. Camden’s brevity in the relation both of her attire and appearance. Which he thus flourisheth to the queen’s honour. “She dressed herself as gorgeously and curiously as she was wont to do upon festival days, &c. And forth she came with state, countenance, and presence majestically composed; a cheerful look, and a matron-like and modest habit. Her head covered with a linen veil, and that hanging down to the ground. Her prayer-beads hanging at her girdle, and carrying a crucifix of ivory in her hand.”

I shall mention another passage from this MS. (being abbreviated in our historian) concerning Melvil, her faithful servant: and his passionate words and tears, meeting her as she was going into the hall to die. “In the entry, the earl of Kent, the earl of Shrewsbury, commissioners appointed by her majesty for her said execution, together with her two governors of her person, sir Amyas Powlet and sir Drue Drury, and divers knights, and gentlemen of good account, met her. Where they found one of that queen’s servants, named Melvin. wringing his hands and shedding of tears, and using these words, Ah! madam, unhappy me; what man on earth was ever before the messenger of such importunate sorrows and heaviness as I shall be, when I shall report, that my good, gracious queen was beheaded in England? His said tears prevented him of further speech. When the said queen, pouring out her dying tears, then answered him; My good servant, cease thy lamentation: for thou hast cause rather to joy than to mourn: for now shalt thou see Mary Stuard’s troubles receive their long expected end and determination. For know, said she, good servant, all the world is but naught, and subject still to more sorrow, than a whole ocean of tears can bewail. But I pray thee, said she, report from me, that I die a true woman to my religion, and like a true woman of Scotland and France. But God forgive them, said she, that have long desired my end, and thirsted for my blood, as the hart doth for the waterbrooks.

O God, added she, thou art the author of truth; and truth itself knoweth the inward chamber of my thoughts; and how I was ever willing that England and Scotland should be united together.

Well, said she, commend me to my son; and tell him, that I have not done any thing prejudicial to his state and kingdom of Scotland.”] The historian adds here, (which is not in the MS.) And admonish him to hold in amity and friendship with the queen of England: as though it were added by some English or Scottish statesman.] “And do him faithful service. “And so dissolving herself again into tears, said, Good Melvin, farewell. And with her eyes and her cheeks all besprinkled with tears, as they were, she kissed him; saying again, Farewell, good Melvin, and pray for thy mistress and queen.”

Wherein the history is short and imperfect, the MS. will supply; as in several particulars also following. “When she was brought to the scaffold, the commission for her execution was read openly by Mr. Beal, clerk of the council, &c.

During the reading, the queen was very silent, listening unto it with so careless a regard, as if it had not concerned her at all; but rather with so merry a countenance, as if it had been a pardon from her majesty for her life. And withal used such a strangeness in her words and deeds, as though she never knew any of the assembly, nor been any thing seen in the English tongue.” Which Camden expresseth thus shortly; “Beal read the warrant; she heard it attentively; yet as if her thoughts were taken up with something else.”

The lords had prepared a learned divine, Fletcher, dean of Peterburgh, (afterwards bishop of London,) to attend upon her with his instructions and prayers. Which also are in our historian very defectively related. I go on therefore to transcribe from the MS. “Then Dr. Fletcher, dean of Peterburgh, standing before without the rails, bending his body with great reverence, used these exhortations to her following: Madam, the queen’s most excellent majesty, (whom God preserve long to reign over us,) having, notwithstanding this preparation of the execution of justice, justly to be done on you, for your manifold trespasses against her sacred person, state, and government, for a tender care over your soul, which presently departing out of your body must either be separated in the true faith of Christ, or perish for ever, doth by Jesus Christ offer the comfortable promises of Almighty God for all penitent and believing Christians. Wherein I beseech your grace, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, to consider these three things. First, Your estate past, and transitory glory. Secondly, Your condition present, of death and immortality. Thirdly, Your estate to come, either by eternal happiness, or else perpetual infelicity. “For the first, let me speak to your grace, with David the king; Forget, madam, yourself and your own people, your father’s house; forget your natural birth, your regal and princely dignity: so shall the King of kings take pleasure in your spiritual beauty; making all things as dust and clay; doing so, that you may be found of God; not having your own righteousness, which is defiled and unclean, but the righteousness of God by faith in Jesus Christ, upon all and in all that believe: that you may know him, whom to know is life everlasting; and the virtue of his resurrection, to raise you up at the last day to the life everlasting; and the fellowship of his passion, that if you suffer with him, you may be glorified with him; and the conformity of his death, that by the partaking and communion thereof, you may die to sin, and live again to righteousness; and that in your former course you be not judged of the Lord. “Repent you truly of your former sins and wickedness. Justify the justice now to be executed: and justify her majesty’s faithfulness towards you at all times. Have a lively faith in Christ, our Saviour and Lord; and so shall you be rightly prepared unto death. If your offences, madam, were as many as the sand upon the seashore, and as red and bloody as scarlet, in the eyes of the Lord, yet the grace and mercy of Jesus Christ shall purge and make them as white as snow, and shall cast them into the bottom of the sea, and remember them no more. The special means to attain to forgiveness of sins is neither in man nor by man, but by faith only in Jesus Christ crucified:, in whom we being justified have peace with God, and all spiritual security. “Secondly, Consider, I beseech your grace, your present condition of death and mortality; your going from hence, to be no more seen; your departure into a land where all things are forgotten; your entrance into a house of clay, where worms shall be your sisters, rottenness and corruption your father, as Job speaketh. Where the tree falls, there it must lie, whether, it be toward the south of life and blessedness, or toward the north of death and dolefulness. Now is the time of your rising to God, or your fall to utter darkness; where shall be weeping, wailing, and gnashing of teeth. Hereafter is no time of reconciliation, or place of satisfaction. Here life is gotten; here life is lost, “And therefore, madam, this day, yea, this hour, if you will hear God’s voice, harden not your heart. “The hand of death is over your head; the axe is put to the root of the tree; the throne of the great Judge of heaven is set; the book of all your life is laid open; and the particular sentence and judgment is at hand: but if you flee to the throne of God with boldness only in Christ’s meritorious obedience, and apply it to your soul with the hand of true faith, your Christ shall be your life, and your death shall be your vantage, and nothing else but an entrance into the everlasting glory. And this your mortality shall in a moment put on immortality. Madam, even now, madam, doth God Almighty open unto you a door into a heavenly kingdom; in comparison whereof all earthly principality is as darkness and the shadow of death. Shut not up therefore this passage by the hardening of your heart; and grieve not the Spirit of God, which may seal your soul to a day of redemption. “Thirdly, and lastly of all, I pray your grace to weigh with yourself the time and estate to come; either to rise in the day of the Lord to the resurrection of life, and to hear the joyful and blessed saying, Come, ye blessed of my Father; or the resurrection to condemnation, Depart with sorrow and grief; Item, Go, ye accursed, into everlasting fire. Either to stand on. God’s right hand, as a sheep of his pasture, or at his left hand, as a goat, prepared unto vengeance: either to be gathered as wheat into his barn, or to be cast out as chaff into a furnace of unquenchable fire. Blessed are the dead, which die in the Lord. In the Lord shall you die, if in true faith you desire to be dissolved, and to be with Christ. With Christ shall you be, if you make Christ your only sacrifice for your sins, and a ransom for your redemption. “O! madam, trust not the devices which God’s word doth not warrant, which is the true touchstone, and the clear lanthorn, to lead and to guide our feet into the way of peace. Jesus Christ yesterday, and today, and the same for ever. In him are all the promises of good; to him give all the scriptures testimony, that through faith in his blood we, and all God’s church, shall receive remission of sins. On him all the saints call in the day of trouble; and have been heard and delivered. In him have they all trusted, and were never confounded. All other cisterns are broken, and cannot hold the water of everlasting life. The name of the Lord is a strong tower: whereunto the righteous fly, and be saved. “Therefore, madam, that you may so glorify him in your last passage, that you may be glorified of him for ever, I most humbly beseech your grace, in the tender mercy of God, to join with us present in prayer to the throne of grace; that we may rejoice, and you be converted; and God may turn his loving countenance toward you, and grant you his peace.” None of all this in ar historian. I do not repeat the dean’s prayer, since it nay be found in the History of the Church of Peterburgh by Gunton. I go on in the words of the MS. “In uttering these words of exhortation, the said queen three or four times said unto him, master Dean, trouble not yourself, nor me; for know, that I am settled in the ancient, catholic, Romish religion; and in defence thereof, by God’s help, to spend my blood.

Then said the dean, Madam, change your opinion, and repent of your former sins and wickedness, and settle yourself upon this ground, that only in Christ Jesu you hope to be saved. Then she answered again and again with great earnestness, Good master Dean, trouble no more yourself about this matter; for I was born in this religion, I have lived in this religion, and I am resolved to die in this religion. Then said the earls, when they saw how uncomfortable she was in the hearing of master Dean’s good exhortation, Madam, we will pray for your grace with master Dean, if it stand with God’s good will, you may have your heart lightened with the true knowledge of God’s good will and his word, and so die therein. Then answered the queen, If you will pray for me, I will even from my heart thank you, and think myself greatly favoured by you; but to join in.prayer with you, my lords, after your manner, who are not of one and the selfsame religion with me, it were a sin.

I will not.” Camden relates it somewhat differently; That when the earls said, they would pray for her, she said she would give them thanks, if they would pray with her. “Then the lords called for master Dean again, and bade him say on, or speak what he thought good. Whereupon the said master Dean, kneeling on the scaffold-stairs, began his prayers.”

These are some extracts taken from the lord treasurer’s MS. (endorsed by his own pen) concerning the last conclusion of queen Mary’s life.

Concerning this queen there were several other books written, and dispersed about this time.

Two books came forth in print concerning the death of the lord Darly, the Scots queen’s husband, barbarously murdered. One of them laying the crime to that queen’s charge; and the particular concerns she had in it.

Which book was entitled, De Maria Scotorum regina, totaque ejus contra regem conjuratione; foedo cum Bothuelio adulterio; nefaria in marltum crudelitate et rabie; horrendo insuper et deterrimo ejusdem parricidio; plena et traglca historia. Another book was writ and published, to clear and vindicate the said queen; entitled, Maria Stuarta innocens a caede Darliana. Writ by Obert Barnestapolius; and dedicated to cardinal Allen, in the year 1588: containing almost the whole history of that queen. Both these books I have seen in the Lambeth library.

There is a volume in the same library, called Memoirs in archbishop Whitgift’s time. Which appeareth to consist of loose tracts and papers collected together by the late archbishop Sancroft: thus entitled by his own hand; Memoirs of affairs in church and state in archbishop Whitgift’s time. In the beginning of this volume is an index of the several treatises contained therein. Among the rest there was one bearing this title, Sentences against the queen of Scots. But when I went to look for it according to the page, I found it was torn out. Whereupon I concluded it was done after that archbishop was departed from Lambeth, under the late king James when some of his priests or party, meeting with such a MS. might think fit to take it away, in favour of the memory of that queen. Caedes Darliana was another book, written by Robert Turner, an Englishman, professor at Ingolstad in Germany, and scholar sometime to Campion the Jesuit. He dedicated his book to cardinal Allen at Rome, but concealed his name. In his epistle to the cardinal he mentioned this his book, with some account of it; viz. that he had lately reduced into the form of an epistle, or rather into a certain body of a short commentary, whatsoever he had read or heard of the cause of the lord Darly’s murder, private and public. The private cause was, a friend’s asking him, what there was of fact or pretence [facti vel ficti] in this infamous report of the Scots queen, that he should without any colour of art unfold to him clearly and distinctly. The other, namely, the public cause of his writing this book was, the fame of the queen. The vindication of whom seemed to him to be publicly useful; whether as a catholic, or as ours, or as one innocent, or as a martyr. He proceeded, “That he had wrote first not with a public eye, but for the private will and pleasure of a friend; and him he pleased in every part; and a friend indeed he was of a good palate; but whether he should please publicly, he was willing now to try under his [the cardinal’s] name, that if he displeased on one part, on this side at least he might please: such favour his virtue on all hands obtained by those who knew him; that all might truly say, that Alan, [the cardinal,] next after More and Fisher, was at that present time the third flower of the church in England; to flourish to the glory of heaven, by the perpetual fruit of his good actions and cogitations.”

I could not forbear the reciting this part of this author’s epistle, wherein that English bigoted cardinal is so applauded.

To all that hath been said of this unfortunate queen, I shall add one memoir more, and so pass on. There was a genealogy of this queen in a large map, printed at Paris, ann. 1580, to prove her direct succession to the crown of England; set forth by Leshley, bishop of Ross, her busy agent abroad: thus entitled; Genealogia regum Angliae a Gulielmo Conquestore, (quo duce Normanni, ex Dacis oriundi, Angliam primum occuparunt,) in nostram usque aetatem successionis seriem rectissime deducens. And at the end, by way of epilogue, LECTORI BENEVOLO. Habes hic, lector benevole, continuam florentissimi Anglicani regni abhinc quingentis annis successionem; quam non tam serenissimae Scotorum reginae Mariae, ejusque filio, optimae spei principi, gratificandi studio, proponere volui, quam ut sublato omni de legitima successione scrupulo, totius Britanniae dignitati, paci ac saluti, consulatur; et omnis seditionis materia, quae inde suboriri posset, penitus extinguatur. Vale, et huic nostro labori fare. J. Lesleus, epis, Ross. Parisiis, anno MDLXXX.

In this map, when the genealogy reacheth to queen Mary, is her picture in the print set at large: and under her, when the stem comes to queen Elizabeth, her picture stands in a much less compass.

CHAPTER 3.

A league made between the queen and king of Scots. The grudge of some of the Scotch nobility at it. Dangers on all hands from abroad. Drake sent forth with affect. Intelligence from the Isle of Wight. The queen charged to sow sedition among princes.

Answered. King of Navar’s danger. Consultation for him. The queen ready to assist him at Rochel. An English officer going, to serve in Holland taken by the Spaniard: examined. His answers.

Upon some overtures between the queen and Spain, the advice of Ramelius, the Danish ambassador. Difference between the lord deputy of Ireland and council. Bishop of Meath’s letter thereupon. UPON the maturest thoughts of the king and the state in Scotland, it was concluded, that a firm peace should be made with queen Elizabeth. And there were heads drawn up, and concluded, of a strict league between the queen and king James, for the defence of each other in religion: concluded at Barwick upon Tweed, July 5, 1586. The commissioners on the English side were the earl of Rutland, lord Evers, and Tho. Randolph.

Commissioners on the Scotch, the earl of Bothwel, and Boide. The peace the king made up chiefly by himself, consulting but with few; a great many of his great men not made privy to it, as they expected, and in expectance of gratification from the queen. So that when they were advertised of it by Randolph, the great agent on the queen’s part, they seemed much discontented, and had words sounding to their disallowance thereof.

Of this, Randolph soon acquainted the lord treasurer. But yet withal that they complied at length. His letter unfolds the matter more fully; which was as follows: “The matters of late had gone so far awry, partly, under a colour, that the noblemen are discontented that so great a matter the king hath yielded unto by himself without them, by granting unto the league. By it either they think themselves neglected, not to have the honour to be made privy unto it; or for that some of them look for thanks at her majesty’s hands, or some for gain. That I assure your lordship, that for a time I thought my travail had been quite in vain; though it fell out otherwise, (as by a former short letter he had signified unto Mr. Secretary,) not doubting but his honour was privy unto them. Yet not so clear, but that (as he proceeded) he found them remain both discontented towards their king, so little to regard them; and also, as far as they dared speak of her majesty, they were so meanly thought of, as in a case of so great weight, which bound both themselves and posterity, it should be ended without their advice. But howsoever they, or whatsoever they took it, it was then concluded; and all other her majesty’s commands agreed unto by the king that the first sum granted shall be yielded unto by her majesty; though not now, yet hereafter. As also some such instrument or testimony to proceed from her majesty; as by it should be assured, that she will suffer nothing to be done that should be prejudicial to his pretended right, during her life. “That though these were the causes, viz. the noblemen, the money, and the assurance; yet he [the king] seemed especially to be grieved with some words in her majesty’s letters: as not coming to that good expecting of his do. ings, as he looked for. In which he thought to have deserved most entire thanks. And also that she should think him ill advised, as her majesty writ, by his counsellors.

Which not a little offended a secretary, [i.e. of that king.] The ambassador added, that he had excused all, and had brought him rather content to bear it in silence, than further to deal in a matter past, and remediless. “Concluding, that for all matters touching his negociation, he referred himself to that which at more length he had written to Mr. Secretary; and so humbly took his leave.” By.way of postscript he subjoined these words: The Scots impatient to bear any words of disdain, where he [the king] may be revenged.”

The queen this year had enemies on all hands of her and continual apprehensions of invasion, especially from Spain, now that the queen had taken the people of the Low Countries under her protection. And to secure herself by sea, sir Francis Drake was sent out with forty galleys, for defence and offence: and did notable execution: which our histories mention. And of this, sir George Carew, governor of the Isle of Wight, gave intelligence from thence unto the earl of Sussex, lord lieutenant of the county of Southampton, upon occasion of the strong report that came to court, that they were all up in that Isle of Wight. Which, as things then stood abroad, inclined men to believe. Whence the said lord lieutenant despatched a letter to the said governor for information: who the very next day (viz. June the 8th) answered to this tenor: “That finding there, by the strange bruits and reports that should be published, of some stir and unlawful assembly there in the Wight, whereof it should arise he could not guess. For, thanks be to God, (as he proceeded,) we have corn sufficient to serve until harvest; in every market-day served so plentifully, that half brought thither was not bought. The price was 4s . and 13 groats. That in the shires of England he thought not much better cheap. For finding the small yield of corn this year, he made a general search of all the corn in the island: and so divided the proportion thereof, to serve the market and country weekly between that and harvest, that all buyers stand most contented; and the sellers held themselves but well dealt withal. “That therefore whereupon any speech should grow, that they which had not among them, to his knowledge,a discontented person, were up in arms, and yesterday a field to be pitched, he could not guess; unless they should turn to a seditious jest, or being in arms, because he [the governor] daily mustered and trained the people. And of pitching a field, in respect that yesterday (added he) divers gentlemen accompanied me to hunt young ducks at Nettleston pond; where in the battle 200 were killed: or else, that some papists would feed discontented humours with reports of such matters, to be in accord as the malice of their hearts did wish.”

There were at this time some treacherous designs carrying on in this Isle of Wight; a report arising there of the governor’s being to be sent thence into Flanders. For thus he went on in his said letter to the earl: “That for him that came over, and had reported he brought letters from the council to him, that he was to go into Flanders, he had made search, but could not as yet find him; but he intended the morrow night to make a privy search throughout the island, for all the suspected that should lately be come over; to try if he could find any practisers, lurking among them [in.the island,] to discover any of these sowers of untruth. Wherein if he could learn any matter of importance, he would not flail to advertise his lordship thereof. He added concerning the beacons, that the beacons of Ride should be well watched, to advertise his lordship upon any occasion whatsoever.”

He went on with further intelligence of the dangers on that side the kingdom. “That it might please his lordship further to understand, that yesterday there arrived there a bark of that island, that came from Newhaven. The company whereof made report, that the speeches there were, that the king of France had sent to St. Tovies in Portugal sixty sail of ships for salt; and w.as then preparing a fleet to go against Rochel, whereof ten sail came out of New-haven: who were appointed to haul out of Newhaven as the day before. And that there were two English ships of Alborough, of the burden of 140 ton apiece; the one had paid thirty crowns to be released, and the other stayed to serve. And that the common report was, that the king had sent to her majesty an ambassador, that if, she would by any means aid Rochel, he would have war with her. “That they further said, that the common report in Newhaven was, that the king of Spain had sent against sir Francis Drake forty galliasses and caracks; and that sir Francis Drake had burnt divers cities and towns in the India.” Which proved true enough. “And so, (as the letter ends,) with the humble remembrance of my duty to your lordship, I commit you to the tuition of the only Almighty. From the Park, this 8th of June, 1586. Your lordship’s to his power, GEORGE CAREY.” I repeat this letter thus at large, that by this news, and these reports, the present condition of this kingdom may hence be the better understood; and with what good reason the state now, at this juncture, had to look about them.

Clamours were now raised by the queen’s enemies, that she moved sedition among princes. I meet with a speech spoken, as it seems, in parliament, or in some other public audience upon this occasion, of the Jesuits laying to her charge, that she sowed sedition among princes, and assisted rebels, in respect (as it seems) of her taking upon her the protection of the Netherlanders. The speech was as ensueth. “The old saying was never more justified, Mala mens, malus animus. Mischievous hearts are ever fraught with slanders. Among the manifold practices which have been bent against her majesty’s most happy government of late years, there is none doth shew that malice of our common adversaries more apparently, than do their bitter and shameless calumniations, arrepta ex trivio, as Tully terms them. And I find it hath been a practice evermore of the old calumniator and slanderer of religion, where he cannot otherwise prevail, to assault the same by reproachful defamation. As I remember Christ himself was called a glutton, a seducer, a companion with sinners, and a practiser with devils. St. Stephen was charged, that he had spoken contumeliously adversus locum sanctum et legem. One Tertullus accused St. Paul, that he was an heretic, and sower of sedition, and profaner of the temple. I have heard it often preached, and I think it is true, that in the primitive church the Christians were accused by such malicious enemies, to offer their children for sacrifices, to commit uncleanness in their godly meetings, to oppose themselves, as factious rebels, against authority. And if my memory fail not, Justin Martyr is said to have made an Apology for his own and their defence. “But howsoever it was in time past, there is now a generation of Cadmus race, sprung up of serpents’ teeth; who being the most fraudulent Machiavels and Roman firebrands (to enslave all godly government) that ever lived, to charge her majesty to be of their disposition. Thereby to bring her highness into obloquy and hatred; though not at home, where her dealings are best known, but abroad, &c. For they have learned that heathenish rule, Sanetur vulnus, cicatricis vestigia manebunt. Where be no state or persons, that set themselves against their tyranny, can escape that poison of asps that lies under their lips. A device most dangerous to all kind of government, and the very seed of all rebellions. Multos dispersit de gente in gentem. Civitates mutatas destruxit; et domos magnatum effodit. To alienate [affection] from princes by impious accusations is in itself intolerable; and so much the more to be avoided, because the scriptures do give us this precise commandment, In cogitatione tua regi ne detrahas. Nay, if that were not, the very description of such miscreants might make their dealings odious. If I could go through with the old Psalm, it were to my purpose: Sepulchrum apertum gut tur eorum. Linguis suis ad dolum usi sunt. Venenum aspidum sub labiis eorum. Quorum os diris et amarulentia, &c. unto oculis eorum. “But as he saith, Rumpantur ilia. Let them whet their teeth like swords. Let their lips like arrows flow out their worst, to taint her majesty’s government, this is and may be her highness’ comfort, in that she may truly say with king David, Detrahebant mihi, quia sequebar bonitatem: and with Job again; Cum a stultis decessis sem, detrahebant mihi. True religion must ever content herself with such encounterings. For although she doth evermore bruise, through her spouse, Christ, the head of the serpent, yet notwithstanding he will always insidiari calcaneo ejus. “But of all the shameless men that ever lived., it is strange, that Roman rebels will talk of rebellion, of sowing sedition among princes, &c. considering their pope’s practices among the states of Italy, between the king of Spain, France,, England, Swedia, and the empire, &c. Whereof having present examples, I will not speak. “Quem semel horrendis maculis infamia nigrat, Ad bene tergendum multa laborat aqua. “The poets fain the crow was white; and that after, for slandering of her friends unjustly to Jupiter, she was condemned to be black.”

And so he ends with some verses out of Ovid’s Metamorphosis, lib. 2.

This author, whoever he were, made another speech for executing the queen of Scots. This tender point he thought fit to discourse under this case. “If any violence be attempted against princes, the treason may justly touch them who gape for the crown.” Another political subject there handled was, “That princes by mulcts may use compulsion against heretics.” And another, “That Jesuits may lawfully be banished. And that upon the contempt of such order they may be executed, and their receivers punished severely.”

The state was at this time very solicitous for the true religion abroad, as well as at home; lest it might lose ground there. Such a cause there now was for consideration to be had in the present case of the king of Navarr; as it seemed now to stand very dangerously, both for himself and the common cause of Christian religion: and consequently for her majesty and her state. The great apprehensions of that king’s making peace at this juncture with the duke of Guise, and so to forsake his religion, gave occasion to the wise lord treasurer Burghley to deliver his mind hereupon.

Which I transcribe from his own pen, wrote June 20, 1586. The title whereof was, Consultation for Navarr. “The said king (whose condition now was very low) being solicited by the house of Guise, and by likelihood by all his friends, servants, and followers; as principally by marshal Montmorency, who are catholics, to yield to a peace, and to a friendship with the house of Guise, it cannot be imagined but that therewith he must of consequence make profession to change his religion, and to become for himself a catholic. “Hereof must needs follow these inconveniencies. First, A manifest offence to Almighty God, to make a profession in religion contrary altogether to his own conscience and to the word of Almighty God.

The horror whereof cannot be by words expressed. For that the king shall never find quietness in his mind, but shall be continually afflicted in his heart, as with a worm perpetually biting the same. 2.

Hereby he shall endanger all his friends, both in France and elsewhere in Christendom, that have ventured their lives, lands, and all their worldly goods for his defence, 3. He shall never have like assurance of friendship of the catholics, as he now hath of the protestants. For that the protestants do love him with a bond of conscience. The catholics shall love him but so far forth as he may be profitable to them. And 4. They will always doubt him for changing religion, or for revenge. “For these respects the king is to be warned of these former mischiefs, which cannot be in short speeches expressed; nor cannot be seen how infinite the sequel thereof will be. And namely, how the judgment of God in this, which hath hitherto defended the king against all his sworn enemies these many years, may and ought to be feared to follow upon the king for his defection against his own conscience. “For the staying of him from these dangerous courses, he may be informed that the queen’s majesty hath yielded to as much in money to be had in Germany, as was at the first desired, which is one hundred thousand crowns. So as with such help as otherwise his servants shall procure, with help of Casimire and the other princes, and also with the help that is certainly accorded by the Swisse, there remaineth good hopes that the army may be ready to enter into France by November. “Likewise, it is to be remembered to him, how her majesty hath ready such a sum of money in France, even in Paris, as was required by the princesses Of Bourbon, to enterprise great actions in his favour, when the army should enter. And that the purpose of those princesses did still continue firm, and to very good purpose.

And if the king shall not persist in his action, but shall alter the same, those princesses, being of the blood, shall be in great hazard for their friendship towards him. “Lastly, if the king shall find his peril so great as, before the army can come; he shall be in danger to be besieged in Rochel, the queen’s majesty may offer, that for safety of his person she will spare no charge by the strength of her navy to bring him safe into England, maugre all the forces of France on the seas. And so his person being here free, all his friends, all his forces shall be as ready to restore him, as if he were still in France. And now the French king shall by the end of this year be so exhausted, as he shall not be able to bring any such wars in France as he hath done this year. “And when the king shall be here, the right of his title in succession shall not be impaired; considering it is not to take place but by the French king’s death. And during his life the king of Navarr’s right cannot be impeached by any present possessor.”

This seems to have been the effect of the advice and comfort sent now from the English court to that distressed king and his friends. What their case was, a French historian relates; That the prince of Conde’ and his army were worsted by the Guises, called the holy league; who vowed to root out the professors of the gospel in France. And now they had given an overthrow to all their forces, that they were glad to disperse, and shift for themselves where they could; till at length, by a great hand of good providence, they all arrived through long and dangerous journeys to Rochel. What their woful condition was we are told; viz. “That as soon as the Christians, the prince and the rest of his army, were dispersed, the common soldiers were quickly scattered. Some took their way to Orleans, some to Normandy, &c. every man which way he liked best; travelling in exceeding great fear; having, as they imagined, neither means to escape, nor force to resist; but were ready every minute to fall into the hands of those who did pursue them, and thirsted for nothing more than for their blood.

But all hope falling, God did miraculously deliver them; and so delivered them in their journeys, that having voided a million of more than apparent troubles, they all arrived at length at Rochel; and that much about one time, to the exceeding comfort of themselves, and the wonder of all France.” This then will shew the condition of the king of Navarr, when the former mentioned consultation was held at the English court.

The queen was now also deeply concerned in behalf of the Low Countries on the same account of religion, and in compassion towards them; who by the reason of their religion suffered great hardships and oppressions. The earl of Leicester was the chief over the queen’s forces there: under whom was one Anthony Braekenbury going over to serve; but taken by the Spaniards, and carried to Dunkirk; and there examined before the governor and council. It will let in some light into the present affairs between Spain and England, to relate the substance of what was demanded of him, and the sundry articles put to him; with his answers. Which I will set down, as I find them in a MS. of the Cotton library. “First, What country are you of? What age, and of what profession?

His answers, An Englishman born; of thirty years of age; and by profession a soldier. Item, Whither were you going; and to what end? Answer, Into Holland, to serve under the earl of Leicester. Item, What commission hath the earl of Leicester from the queen of England; and how large doth it extend? Answer, Your honours are deceived in me. I am but a poor servitor of Ireland, and none of her majesty’s privy-council. Wherefore I am ignorant, either what commission he hath, or how largely it extendeth. Item, Whether do you think the queen of England to be an usurper of the king of Spain’s right, as well in Flanders as in. Ireland: for that the pope’s holiness hath resigned his right, title, and interest thereof unto the king of Spain? Answ. I know her majesty to be so virtuous and godly, that she is no usurper of your master the king of Spain’s right in Flanders; and what her highness taketh in hand she groundeth her foundation upon some just cause. And for Ireland, if it please your honours to grant me that favour, this hand of mine shall prove her majesty’s right upon the body of any one man, both against the pope and the king of Spain. Item, Whether do you think the pope’s holiness to be supreme head over all Christendom in causes ecclesiastical? Answ. In foreign realms, as please the kings and subjects to allow of him. For England, both I and the rest of her majesty’s good subjects do deny and defy his supremacy. Item, What number of soldiers is in readiness in England for Flanders?

When shall they come? Where shall they arrive? And what exploits shall be taken in hand? Answ. There is in readiness 400,000. But for what place, when they shall come, where they shall arrive, or what exploits they shall take in hand, I cannot tell you. And if I could, I would not. Item, Whether have you served against the Spaniard heretofore, or no? And in what countries? Answ. Yes, that I have, both in Flanders and Ireland. Item, What charge of soldiers had you under your leading? Answ. An hundred footmen. Item, What is the governor’s name of Amsterdam; and of what account for service? And what bands of soldiers are in the town?

Answ. If your honours will give me leave to go thither, I could then advertise you a troth, which now I cannot.” Then said they, After we have wracked you to confess a troth in these and other matters, and then hanged you according to your deserts, you shall then have our passport to go to Amsterdam. And so they returned me again to prison.”

In these angry transactions between the queen and the king of Spain, another foreign prince was willing to interpose, and to do good offices between both. It was the king of Denmark; who made it his endeavour to find out expedients for peace. Henry Ramelius, a wise counsellor of that king, and lately ambassador here, took the opportunity of some proposals of peace, now in hand, to stir the queen’s great and prudent counsellor, the lord treasurer, to listen to such terms; and to avoid the great inconveniencies of war, and not to be too forward in listening after such as advised against concord. In his letter, dated Nov. 12, he shewed what that king had done for promoting peace, and what course was to be taken in order to it, as to a present treaty; the state of Navar, and in general of the protestant countries. “That it seemed then as if all were asleep in a fatal lethargy, and that they would never awake, till it were effected by suffering great mischiefs and cruel strokes; which he prayed God to avert. He wished the affairs of England might succeed according to their own desires. That so in them, if it were God’s will, and in them alone, aliquid adhuc praesidii, solidi Christianitati sperandum est; i.e. some solid safety and protection might yet be hoped for in the behalf of Christianity. That every thing else seemed to threaten a fatal ruin. Servabit tamen alicubi Deus halcioneam suam. Etiam rumpatur Satanas.” And then he addresseth himself to the said lord, concerning a treaty now in hand, according to the success of which would follow dreadful wars, unless a happy peace prevented; using these words to him: “You, according to your very great and singular prudence and experience of things, most honourable and noble lord, look about you again and again, whether you can promise and bring forth to yourselves a tried and certain peace, or victory by force, and continuation of war. And if so, good and honest men will indeed be solicitous concerning this treaty. But since no where almost less than in war, the events are wont to answer hopes: and that papists hold together, as in a chain, there is no reason you should follow the opinions or judgments of the vulgar, or of youth, greedy of arms and glory. Which for the most part deceive at last. For war is sweet to those that have not tried it. But consult with yourself alone, and weigh what is most safe; turning your eyes every way.

And although ye shall think the transaction or treaty of peace is by no means to be neglected or rejected by you, yet, as I have shewn before, I judge there is need now of some more vehement endeavour, and more violent impression to be used.”

And then he concludes with his most profound obedience and service to be presented to the queen, with acknowledgments of her very excellent virtues and accomplishments, accounting her as little beneath a deity; after this manner: Subjectissimam fidem ac humillima obsequentiaque servitia mea serenissimae regae majestati quam veluti numen quoddam, ob omnis generis virtutes excellentlores ferme, quam quae in unum hominem, ea praesertim dignitate, cadere soleant, dum vivam, veneror, debita reverentia deferri, summopere oro But now to come nearer home. Among the divers troubles created to the queen in her kingdom of Ireland, a misunderstanding between sir John Perrot, the lord lieutenant, and the council there, was none of the least.

Who, though he were a man of great merit, and had done good service in that kingdom, yet had the misfortune to have powerful enemies: and the next year I find him returned home into England; and another, sir Will.

Fitzwilliams, succeeding him in the government there. But what the difference between him and the council this year was, (particularly with Adam Loftus, archbishop of Dublin, lord chancellor, and the bishop of Meath,) will in part appear by a letter, which one of them, viz. the bishop of Meath, a prudent man, writ to the lord treasurer in February; propounding a means how a reconciliation might be made, having fallen out among themselves. The chief remedy was his revocation; the bishop thus unfolding his mind unto the said lord: “That although for some special causes, importing, as he conceived, service of her majesty, he had earnestly wished the revocation of my lord deputy; yet understanding her highness’ resolution for his longer abode and continuance among them, he confessed it was the duty of them all, both willingly to submit themselves to her majesty’s good pleasure herein, and with all reverence to obey the lord deputy, during the time of his government over them. For the better performance whereof, considering it was a thing both convenient and very necessary, that all former contentions were composed amongst them; and that they all might draw, as it were, in one line, for the advancement of her majesty’s service, and the good of that kingdom, especially, in these dangerous times at hand, he had thought good hereby to present to his lordship’s grave consideration a mean by him devised, in his opinion honourable for her majesty, meet for her deputy, and good for them all; whereby all former contentions might be composed. “That her highness had vouchsafed already once to command a reconciliation and good agreement between her two principal officers of that realm; which being not obeyed, on one or both parts, had not, he confessed, wrought as her majesty wished, and which was most meet. Whereby it might fall out perhaps, that her majesty would mislike of this second motion. Notwithstanding he left it to his lordship’s grave censure: protesting, that in this case he had chief respect to her majesty’s service; and next, to the quiet and good of every one of themselves.”

Then the bishop went on to declare the discontentment of the council against the lord deputy; “That it was not only in the lord chancellor, as had been signified, but it rested generally in the greatest part of that board. The particular causes he knew, and should be ready at his convenient leisure to discover them to his lordship. That for present redress hereof, he took it both requisite and very necessary, that her majesty be moved to sign a joint letter to her deputy and council there, containing these clauses, or other such like, as his lordship in his discretion should think most meet. “First, A general commandment upon our duties, presently to be reconciled, and to remit on each part all former offences whatsoever. Secondly, A mild exhortation to her deputy to consider of them [the council there] as necessary instruments to be used in her service. And therefore to use them in good sort, (especially them of the English council, which were then most discontented,) by his honourable usage of every one of them: rather to encourage them to go forward in the due execution of their duties, than any way to discourage them by his severe and hard dealings. Thirdly, A strait charge to them, her counsellors, to reverence her deputy, and to obey him in all things; burying all former grievances, supposed any way to be received from him: leaving unto them this only liberty, freely, boldly, and plainly, and yet with all modesty, to deliver their opinions in things concerning her majesty’s service.

Lastly, In case a breach be made of her highness’s directions on either side, that forthwith the cause be examined before the board; and, if it may, be composed. Otherwise, the matter from the council to be signified thence, either to her majesty or the lords; and the offender to be punished according to her highness’ or the lords’ good pleasure, for an example to others. This, added he, is in mine opinion a most ready mean, both to compose all things amongst us; and for the establishment and continuance of good amity, concord, and agreement: a thing most expedient for her majesty’s service, and for the good of us all.”

The bishop went on in his letter concerning his own suffering by the deputy; “That for his own part, albeit among his companions of that board he had tasted his part of my lord deputy’s displeasure, (being, as he conceived, punished for another man’s offence,) to his great charge and undoing, unless her majesty were good unto him; yet so long as her majesty was pleased to continue his lordship’s government, he would with all reverence both serve and obey him.” And then further used these words: “And I protest before God, I would be as glad of his lordship’s good favour as the meanest subject of that kingdom. And for my lord chancellor, I undertake, upon my credit with her majesty, that his lordship shall with all humility seek my lord deputy’s good favour, and a second reconciliation; and afterwards as a faithful servitor to her majesty, and a good friend to his lordship, shall firmly join with him in her majesty’s service, and never hereafter give his lordship just occasion of offence. And humbly beseeching his good lordship in his behalf, at his lordship’s convenient opportunity, to move her majesty, in consideration of his good services, to remit the offence, which her highness had conceived against him; and whereunto (adding this asseveration) in my conscience she is wrongfully incensed; knowing him both a most wise and grave counsellor of that state, best experienced in that service, and best able to stand her majesty in good stead. “And lastly, he addressed to the lord treasurer in behalf of them both, (whom the said lord deputy had somewhat wrongfully represented to the queen, being both of them chief bishops in that kingdom,) that for them both, he beseeched his lordship to pardon him to make this petition, that since in them and a few others the outward show of God’s church in that land did rest, where they were diligent and painful pastors, both in the execution of their functions, and in the furtherance of all her majesty’s good services, (their persons being hated even for their religion,) his lordship would vouchsafe to defend and protect them in their good causes, according to their deserts. And so eftsones craving his lordship’s pardon for this his wonted boldness, and beseeching him to consider hereof, he humbly took his leave, the 17th of February, 1586. Subscribing, his lordship’s most humbly at commandment, THO. MIDENSIS.” This sir John Perrot was the next year discharged of his office of lord deputy; and after some time sent for home, according to the advice of the bishop of Meath; and such articles laid to his charge, that he was found guilty of treason; and made a prisoner in the Tower. But the historian makes spite and envy the chief grounds of his troubles, giving him a great character for his services. But the letter above will give some further knowledge of the man, in falling out with those two right reverend fathers, as well as others of the council there.

CHAPTER 4.

Sir John Perrot contends with the bishop of St. David’s about the stewardship of that bishop’s courts. The case. The bishop of Meath forfeits double fruits. His case referred to Perrot, his enemy.

Comes into England about it. Oppressions of the clergy in Yorkshire, by pretence of concealments. Occasions the archbishop’s letter. Letters from the queen and council to the bishops, to obtain lances from the clergy for the Low Countries.

Accounts thereof from the bishops. Sums raised for that purpose in each diocese. The state of the church of Westminster. The state of Geneva. Their dangerous condition. Their letters to the lord treasurer, to solicit the queen for aid. Beza’s letters.

AND as these Irish bishops met with hard usage from sir John Perrot, so about this year a controversy happened between him and another bishop, viz. bishop of St. David’s in Wales, in his claiming to be steward of that bishop’s courts. The matter in variance was drawn up by the bishop himself, after this manner; and how he had proceeded in this matter of trouble and wrong. It was for the office of steward and authority to keep the bishop’s courts in the lordships of Dewsland and Lawhaden in Pembrokeshire. “Will. Barlow, bishop of St. David’s, in the 33d year of king Henry VIII. granted a patent to the right honourable the earl of Worcester that now is, of the office of stewardship of all his lands, to have and to hold unto the said earl for the term of his life; after the death, surrender, or forfeiture of the earl his father: who had a patent of the same office granted before by one Robert, bishop of St. David’s. In both these patents a fee of 12l . 6s. 8d. by the year was granted for exercising the said office. “The authority granted to the said earls (by which they were constituted stewards) was to keep sessions at Lawhaden aforesaid, de mense in mensem, and to keep courts baron, 100 shil. and such inferior courts. “The authority to keep the said courts baron and inferior courts was at that time of thesaid patents granted to the earls, and ever afore that, in an officer, called constable, and not steward, by patent of the bishop from time to time, granted to such constables. “But if it were so that the office of stewardship granted to the said earls did reach to give them authority to keep the said courts baron and inferior courts; yet because the said earls did never, either by themselves or by their deputies, attend upon the keeping of the said courts baron and the other inferior courts, the office by Non user is forfeited. “Sir John Perrot, notwithstanding, procured to himself a deputation of the said office of steward from the earl about twelve years past; and was the first that ever, in the name of the earl, did enter upon the office of constableship, and to keep an hundred, courts, courts baron and inferior courts. Item, Sithence sir John entered to the office by deputation, he hath by Abuser forfeited the office. I have already proved both the Non user and Abuser; and have the depositions forth coming, exemplified under the seal of her majesty’s council in the marches of Wales. “Sir John, by the force of his deputation from the earl, claimeth not only authority to keep the same courts, but, in the said earl’s name and behalf, vexeth and troubleth, by suit, the young earl of Essex and me, for his said fee, and arrearages of the same for this years. This cometh to pass concerning the earl of Essex, because the manor of Lanfey is distrainable for his fee: which manor heretofore appertained to the bishop of St. David’s; and is so in the possession of the said earl. To procure quietness to me and my friends, and especially to Alban Stepneth, my collector and receiver, I offered sir John to grant him a patent, and to give him authority to keep the said courts in Dewsland and Lawhad aforesaid; to have unto him during his life.. And then I and my successors to appoint a deputy, or to have him during pleasure; and then he to appoint his deputy himself.” This was the case as drawn up by the bishop, and his fair offer to his adversary.

Before we leave sir John Perrot, a troubler of the bishops, we shall mention more particularly one occasion that he took to shew his ill-will to the bishop of Meath before spoken of. This Irish bishop had by Some neglect or omission in timely payment of his first-fruits, as it seems, made a forfeiture of double fruits; for which in Ireland he could have no favour or redress, the deputy being his enemy; as he carried things there with a high hand also to others. But in other respects also was very hard to this bishop.

Insomuch that he was fain to come over into England. And being here, his chief address was to the lord treasurer, the great asylum of the clergy. This was Thomas Jones, late of Lancashire; the first chancellor, after dean of St. Patrick’s; then consecrated bishop of Meath, an. 1584; and afterwards translated to Dublin. His requests now were, to be pardoned his double fruits; and to have some ease in the payment of his fruits. His cause will be more fully understood, and his hard dealing by the lord deputy, if we listen to his letter wrote to the said lord treasurer, while he was attending the court. Which was as followeth. “It may please your lordship, since your weighty affairs of far greater moment do bar me from wished access unto your lordship, I am most humbly to pray and beseech you to vouchsafe the perusing of these few lines. I have hitherto forborne to move my petition unto the lords, wanting your lordship’s presence, (in whose honourable favour my chiefest hope doth rest;) both in conscience to consider of my cause, and in your good favour to help me with relief. “My first petition, for remittal of the forfeiture of double fruits, doubt not your lordship accounteth most reasonable. For the manner of my relief therein, I beseech your good lordship to weigh and consider, how just a cause of grief and utter discomfort it may be unto me, seeking relief at her majesty’s hands, (my last and only refuge,) to my great and intolerable charges, to be returned back again with open disgrace, being referred to his devotion; whosr hatred towards me shews itself implacable. And to whom six times privately with all submission, and thrice publicly with all humility, I have been a suitor in this behalf. I beseech your lordship favourably to consider this one thing; that for my profession and religion sake, I stand in great hatred among the idolatrous people; having none other supportance in that country, where I am a stranger, but her majesty’s good countenance. Which if either it be withdrawn from me, or any way hidden, I look for nothing but the loss of my life. I have vowed myself to her majesty’s service there. Wherein, as hitherto, I have used all faithfulness and diligence, so during my life I will endeavour by all means to deserve her highness’s good favour. “My second petition is, for the remittal of some part of my firstfruits.

Wilerein unless her majesty’s highness be inclined to deal graciously with me, I dare not return into my country. My bishopric is surveyed far above the value. My present state is very poor. I protest unto your lordship, the charges of this journey have been so heavy unto me, that it had been better for me to have paid the forfeiture in Ireland. The thing I crave, albeit it be an extraordinary favour, yet ordinarily it hath been granted unto others of my calling in like case. “Wherefore I do most humbly beseech your good lordship to be a means for her majesty’s extraordinary favour towards me. And assure your good lordship by all manner of services I will deserve it. Your lordship’s inward zeal to learning and religion, and your favour shewed to myself, hath emboldened me to use this wonted course of writing unto you. For the which most humbly craving your lordship’s pardon, I take my leave, &c.

Your lordship’s most humbly at commandment, THO. MIDENSIS.” The poor bishop’s case came at last but to this conclusion, that it should be referred back to the lord deputy; which much grieved him. That he should have no better success of his journey into England, when the deputy’s hard dealing forced his coming over; and to be referred to him who confessed he never meant to relieve him, till it was too late; as he wrote in another letter to the treasurer: he pleaded his good services and course of life. He enclosed a paper of all his livings in Ireland, and the yearly values of them.

Upon which he always kept twenty able men always in his house to serve her majesty; and one half of them well furnished on horseback. And himself always employed in her majesty’s service without any consideration. This letter was writ in the beginning of March, as the former was the month before. I leave it to be perused in the Appendix, to revive, as much as may be, the memory of this worthy bishop.

Now to gather up a few notices more concerning the bishops and clergy, happening within the compass of this year.

Sandys, the zealous and pious archbishop of York, was fain to send up one of his clergy to complain against a severe commission of concealments, (often before in this queen’s reign complained of;) being a great oppression to the poor clergy, chiefly by reason of the rigorous execution thereof. His application in his own behalf was to be made to the lord treasurer. And in order to his address to him, the archbishop sent him first to Mr. Mainard, one of the secretaries to the said treasurer, to procure him access. His case will the better appear by the letter itself. Which is as follows: “Mr. Mainard, The bringer hereof is a learned and godly preacher, much molested and greatly wronged by these finders of concealed lands. I well hoped, (for so I heard,) that my lord treasurer had taken orders for the stay of that dangerous commission. But in truth, it is more whotly followed in this country than before, and all extremity therein shewed. And the spoil of the church is chiefly sought. I forbear to write unto my lord treasurer herein. For I know that I have troubled him too often with my letters. “His request therefore (as he proceeded) to him [his secretary] was; that he would be the means, that the reverend person, the bringer of the letter, might have access unto the lord treasurer, and declare his own case. And thus he bade him heartily farewell. Dated from Southwel the VIII. of June, 1586. Subscribed, “Your loving friend, E. EBOR.” This year there was a convocation of the clergy: when, besides a subsidy, they granted the queen a benevolence, concerning which I refer to what is written of this convocation elsewhere. There was required of the clergy now their assistance for raising forces for the Low Countries. The manner and method whereof was, by virtue of letters from the queen and council, that orders be sent from the respective bishops to the archdeacons, to make collections, for the queen’s use in this her undertaking, of such of the clergy as were of the best abilities. Thus I find in the archdeaconry of Darby, the bishop of Litchfield and Coventry had sent to the archdeacon and divers others, eminent preachers of that county of Darby, to cess that archdeaconry: who sent their letter in answer to the bishop. Importing, “That they met, and called before them such as they thought the fittest to be cessed. But upon such exceptions as had been used by sundry before them, they desired to be better resolved from his honour, [i.e. the bishop,] that they might perform this service the better, and with more safety. First, That it was required of them that they should shew the queen’s majesty’s letters, and the letters of the lords of the council. Because there was a statute, the penalty whereof was great, if any adventured to make out men, and levy any money for the furniture of men, without special commission to be seen. And they had not so much as the copies of these letters. “Secondly, They desired to know the whole number of this diocese appointed to be made; and thought that the number of lances should be so named, as they should be known; and hoped that the number should not exceed the rate of other dioceses. “And thirdly, That the warrant they had from his lordship, though it were of sufficient credit: with them to believe it, yet they were given to understand, that because it was not under his seal of office, it was not of sufficient force; but that the obstinate might refuse to be cessed, as sundry had refused to yield to the cessment.”

And so concluding with these words: “We therefore desire your honour to satisfy us in these points; and then, with as much discretion and diligence as we may, we shall either return the money or the names of the men so cessed unto your honour, with as much speed as possibly we can. Thus, &c. Darby, the 7th of April, 1586.”

And these names subscribed: “Your honour’s most humbly to command, L. GILPIN, JOHN COKE, MICHAEL HARRISON, RICHARD SALE, JOHN WALTON, PET. MORWEN, THO. ROYLE, These seem to be the eminent divines in that archdeaconry, to whom the bishop sent by virtue of the order from court, for cessing the clergy there, upon the queen’s present urgent necessity. There was a postscript to this letter, which will give further light to this cessment. “My lord, We are humbly to pray you in behalf of the clergy, that, if it be possible, the sum set down may be abated. We have considered of the clergy’s state, and heard their sundry and grievous complaints. We could bring it well to one hundred marks, with every man’s contentment and hearty good will. And this we humbly desire to be advertised from your lordship in as short space as may be.”

And this request seems to have been granted; but the backwardness or poverty of the poor clergy is hinted by the words added in the margin by another, hand; viz. “And yet this promise is not performed; nor the preachers can bring it to pass.”

But to shew this matter further. There was an order sent from the queen to every bishop for a contribution from the clergy towards the wars in the Netherlands, to find so many soldiers or arms to be sent thither. They in the diocese of Litchfield made exceptions, and refused. In obedience to the queen and council, the bishop had also sent to the chapter, laying such a charge upon them, and to the archdeacons to charge the rest of the diocese. To whom the said dean and chapter (whose cessment was fifty pounds) made this answer, (namely, the residentiaries,) shewing their case. “Right reverend father, our duty most humbly considered. This may be to advertise your lordship, that where lately in our chapter your honour in person straitly charged us directly to answer your lordship the cause why and wherefore we do not provide payment of the 50l. of money towards her majesty’s service in the Low Countries: to the which sum the chapter was rated by a special schedule, enclosed in the letters of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council; and your honour charged to collect the same. “For answer whereunto, we request your lordship’s charitable consideration of the state of us, residentiaries of the chapter, whose names be hereunto subscribed. For your honour knoweth, that every one of us in particular were charged in the schedule sent to your lordship, as aforesaid, saving Dr. Mewrik, who is charged in the like schedule sent to the lord bishop of Bangor, for Dr. Beacon, who is not charged at all by any such original schedules;. but, as we hear, discharged by the ordinaries in Norwich and Chichester, in respect of his charge for the chapter here in Litchfield. For so the lord bishop of Chichester did us to understand of that party, concerning his prebend there: for the which (as we hear) he receiveth 40l . a year. And so of Norwich: for which he receiveth 30l . a year, as we are informed, your lordship knoweth he is discharged for the same in respect as is before said. “Wherefore the premises considered, with the contents of the letter sent unto your honour from the lords of the most honourable privycouncil, we surely trust that your lordship will not urge us to a double charge. For that the contents of their honours’ letters do grant us that liberty. And we hope that your honour will not urge us contrary to the same; but rather see her majesty served, by considering Dr. Beacon and others, the canons and prebendaries of this church, members of this chapter; who have livings abroad, and be not specially charged as we are; to the number of 25 besides us, and others that be charged by the said special schedules. “Also, we request your honour to consider, that we know no cause that Dr. Beacon should not pay so much as the most of us for his livings, and part in the chapter here is as good as any of ours: and since Candlemas he hath received 200l , we know, for an office that he had only by your lordship’s free gift. Then the surplusage, we trust, your honour may easily gather among the rest of the canons and others of the clergy uncharged, by your godly wisdom, to the supply of her majesty’s service, and the discharge of us, which be ready to pay according to our rates, as knoweth the Almighty. To whose blessed tuition we commit your honour. The Close of Litchfield, the 24th of May, an. D. 1586. Subscribed, Your lordship’s to command, GEORGE BOLEYN, CHRISTOPHER HODGESON, E. MEWRIK, WILLIAM SALE.” Thus we have the cause of this letter of Dr. Boleyn, the dean, and the canons residentiary. Which was not to lessen the sum of money imposed upon them; but that the same might be raised, and they somewhat eased of the respective payments laid on them, others of that church paying their proportion, who by favour or oversight escaped; and particularly one of the richest of them: not making any petition to the bishop for some abatement of the 50l. but only making some delay, that others might (as was fit) bear their due share.

From another part of this diocese, viz. the archdeaconry of Coventry, I find Mr. Henton, the archdeacon, giving this account to the bishop of what he and two other preachers, appointed his assistants, had done in their taxing the wealthier sort of the clergy, and requiring the respective payment; how unwilling he found them. The cause whereof, I suppose, was their poverty and mean circumstances. For nothing else was alleged. “He signified by his [the bishop’s] commission to them, that they had performed such service about the taxing of the abler sort of the clergy, within that archdeaconry, for providing 75l. for lances for the service of the Low Countries; and that to the uttermost of their discretion. That they had commanded the parties they had taxed in her majesty’s name, to make speedy payment of their several sums in Coventry, on such a day in the month of April. At which time and place the archdeacon, and the others in commission, attended, to have received the said sums. And that among them all there was but one man willing or ready to satisfy the taxation; the rest shewing themselves unwilling hereunto, alleging their disability. Whose names, and sums of money appointed to each, they sent unto the bishop in a schedule, that he might take such order with them as to his discretion should seem convenient. Adding, that they themselves had most willingly performed their service to his lordship, and done that which in their consciences they thought best. And that they had likewise dealt further with all the residue of the clergy of that archdeaconry, to see what others of the ministers would do; but that the whole that was offered by them amounted but to six or seven pounds.” This is a brief account of this letter; but I leave it at length to be perused and preserved in the Appendix, with a schedule annexed of what sums were to be raised in each deanery, and from whom.

I meet also with a letter to the lord treasurer from another bishop, namely, Howland, bishop of Peterborough: wherein, among other things, he informed him of the money raised in his diocese, viz. “That he had paid into the exchequer 300l . for lances, imposed upon the clergy of his diocese.

And so yielding therein humble thanks for his honourable favour towards him, he recommended his honour to the gracious tuition of Christ Jesus.” It was dated June the 27th.

But to see at once an account of all the monies received now of the clergy throughout all the dioceses for lances, and with all of the recusants for light horses, there was paper brought in to the lord treasurer by one Freke, receiver, dated June 24, 1586, to the sum of 6650l . 3s . This paper, wherein the particular sums collected in each diocese, (besides the Welch dioceses, which are not set down,) may be seen in the Appendix. Whereof 2000l . was paid by warrant to sir Tho. Cecil and sir Philip Sidney, that went now into the Low Countries with the earl of Leicester.

The state of the collegiate church of St. Peter’s, Westminster, stood thus this year, as it was given in by Goodman, the dean, with this title: April 4, 1586. The names and places of the prebendaries of Westminster. Written, as it seems, by order of the queen, to understand who they were, and how they were qualified, and how dignified, and how they performed their duty, and how conformable to the usages of the church; and lastly, whether married or unmarried. I commit this original paper also to the Appendix, to be read there. To which is added, the order by the statutes, devised by Dr. Bill, and so in use ever since the last erection, under that dean, for the prebendary months of residence, contribution to the commons, and for preaching.

The protestant city of Geneva was now in a very dangerous condition, being begirt about with enemies of the pope’s party, accompanied with the duke of Savoy’s ambition to receive that place into his territories. An account whereof, and of their present circumstances, and of their greedy enemies, is given in a letter to the lord treasurer, written in September, from the syndics and council, to this tenor: “Monsieur; L’experience que nous avons eu cidevant de vostre faveur et amitie’ envers nostre estat, nous a donne’ d’autant plus de hardiease de nous addresser priviment a` vous, pour vous faire entendre la disposition et estat de nos affaires a` present,” &c. Thus in English: “The experience which they before had, of his favour and friendship towards their estate, gave them so much the more boldness to address themselves privately to him, to let him understand the disposition and state of their affairs at present: not only for the degree he held about the queen’s majesty, but also for the affection which he had alway shewn to them that made profession of the true religion. That he knew the inveterate hatred which the house of Savoy had a long time borne to their town: not for any right he had there; the illustrious duke Charles, uncle to his highness that at present reigned, having been before convinced of the invalidity of his pretences by lawful cognisance of law: to which he submitted himself. Notwithstanding which, and that they had always implored the justice of the law, and had recourse to all friendly ways, his successor had not forborne thereupon to try by all means to disturb them; having begun by enterprises, secret means, and at last assaulting them openly; having commanded an army before their town four years past. Whereof they gave advertisement to her majesty; and by whom they were greatly comforted, by appointing a collection to be made at their requests in her realm: which they knew to have been greatly advanced by his [the lord treasurer’s] favour and good provision. They added, how that they knew this emotion was also determined at the exhortation of the magnificent lords of the leagues, and other their friends. “Then they proceeded to shew at large the unjust dealings of the duke of Savoy with them, (contrary to promise and agreement.)

That he suffered no grain to be carried through his country to them upon pain of death. That he entered into a league with Spain, and made extraordinary provision of war, and blocked them up as well by water as by land, to stop all victuals to come to them, to drive them to the greatest extremity. That they were fain to provide themselves with corn from the side of Germany. And that they were advertised for certain, that there were arrived in Piedmont Spaniards; who shewed themselves under colour to go to the Low Countries. In the mean time they were attended with other forces from Italy; which his majesty the king of Spain and the pope did furnish and defray, unto the number of 5000 foot and 400 lances.

And that all which appeared undoubtedly (as they wrote) to be designed against them, and to lay siege to their town, if God by his grace remedied not, and raised them up some good lords and friends. “Among whom (as they then subjoined) we have cast our eye upon the clemency of the most serene queen: the benevolence of whom, having had trial of before, makes us hope and promise ourselves that her majesty wily tender to us still for this time a succouring hand. And this so much the more willingly, in that we are not assaulted for any cause, but in hatred to the same religion, of which, by the grace of God, we make profession with her majesty! “To conclude, they believing not only that he [the lord treasurer] could much aid them in this their suit, but also that his good-will would never fail them in favouring so just a quarrel, and which they were resolved, by the grace of God, to maintain to the very last; prayed him to use his interest with the queen to assist them with money, or other good means, to enable them to resist the efforts of their enemies; hoping that the benefit which they should by this means receive should not only redound to their profit, but would bring some advantage to the affairs of her majesty, in respect of the passage, which should be entirely stopped to her majesty’s enemies, to go to the Low Countries: which he [the lord treasurer] knew much better to comprehend, according to his great prudence.” This was dated the 27th of September, 1586.

This letter was accompanied with another, in the same month, from their chief minister, Theodore Beza. Wherein he wrote, “How the pope, the king of Spain, and duke of Savoy had taken the opportunity of a dearth and plague at Geneva, to enter into arms against their city: and therefore earnestly desiring assistance from England. And then speaking of the queen and her miraculous deliverances, added, how it was apparent that God had blessed her; and had chosen and ordained her to be as his arm against the enemies of his truth, and a cover and refuge for his poor afflicted people, far and near: and that it would turn to her praise and glory perpetual. “Besides, that his lordship’s prudence would well consider and cause her majesty to understand, if it pleased her, how to end happily the affairs of the Low Countries, this should be a great advantage to have stopped the passages to all the succours which the king of Spain knew there to send from Spain and Italy; which by her liberality, and the forces of their neighbour allies, they could seize certain ]destroits] straits, and guard them, which being done, there would be no means whatsoever for the king of Spain to prepare an army, but should fall of all that which he would send to the Low Countries.”

And then concluding with these words: “Considering these things, my lord, if your holy and wise discretion find good to aid, with your good advice and favour, this city and church in: such extremity, towards her majesty, you shall do a work worthy pity, and very agreeable to God. And which shall oblige us more and more to pray God for you and yours.”

And such was this city’s dependence upon the queen, by the interest of the said lord treasurer, that the former letter was followed with another to him, dated December 20, in French, beginning, Encore que, &c. The tenor whereof was, “That although they knew enough the grand and important affairs which he had in hand for her majesty, above all, in that time, that the enemies made all their efforts to overthrow her virtue and heroic constancy, they reckoned, that among these great businesses he would do them this honour, as he had pleased in times past, to have remembrance of their state, and to recommend it to her majesty, according as they had most humbly prayed for it by their last, and which they did still at present; that she would tender them her succouring hand, in assisting them with some of her incomes, or other means, for strength, in ease they should be assaulted by the neighbour prince: to guard them against the hostilities which they were preparing for them, the spring approaching; being aided by the king of Spain, the pope, and other enemies of their liberties, and the true religion.”

And some months before, this afflicted city addressed another letter, dated in May, to the said lord treasurer, shewing the danger of their affairs, and begging his favour and interest.

In the same month of May, this year, did Beza, one of the chief ministers of Geneva, write another letter in Latin to the said lord, importing how the city of Geneva was beholden to him; how things stood with the protestants there and in Helvetia; the practices of their enemies; and shewing their great sense of gratitude to the queen and him. Cui enim hominum plura secundum serenissimam reginam, quam tibi tota haec civitas, &c. “To whom, next to the most serene queen, doth this whole city owe more than to you? more indeed than we are able to comprehend in our minds: much less (as he proceeded) could they perform that excellent precept of Hesiod, of returning a benefit. And that therefore the only thing that remained to them, that they might avoid the mark of an ingrateful mind, was diligent and daily prayer to God, (not otherwise than for their own safety,) first, that he would go on by his strong guards there to defend the queen’s majesty, who was the defender not only of so many good men, but also a whole people most unworthily oppressed; and setting herself and all hers, by a rare example of Christian zeal, towards the propagation of the gospel, to be her strong defence, and to adorn and amplify her with all the excellent gifts of his holy Spirit: and then that he always furnish her counsellors, given her of God, and him [that lord] especially, to whose counsels she, not without desert, attributed much, with that wisdom and prudence which the administration of such weighty business did require,” &c. But I leave the whole letter of this eminent and learned man to be read and preserved in the Appendix.

There were other letters from Beza and Sadeel to the lord treasurer, three years after, craving his favour to obtain of the queen speedy relief, as she had formerly been assistant to them, being so oppressed still by their popish enemy, that their state, school, and church were near entire ruin. Which we may more particularly relate hereafter.

CHAPTER 5.

A popish conspiracy, to raise a rebellion, and murder the queen, Parsons, the Jesuit, to cardinal Allen at Rome; now soon after his arrival here in a mission. Creicton, a Jesuit, his reasons for the catholics taking up arms. Ballard, Savage, and Babington, their confessions about the plot. The city rejoices. The queen’s letter to them. The justices of Suffolk to the council, concerning yearly payments by popish gentlemen there. Topcliff’s discovery of the practices and resorts of seminary priests in and about London.

Cotton, a Jesuit, and Perpoint, gent. recusant, taken up; their examinations.

WE shall now turn to the transactions of the papists here at home this year: where they were very busy in compassing three things, viz. raising a rebellion in England, killing the queen, and delivering the Scottish queen, and setting her up queen of these realms. But the wicked conspiracy was detected in the month of July: and Babington, the chief head thereof, was, in September following, indicted for his intended treason against the queen’s majesty’s person, and for stirring up of civil wars within the realm, and practising to bring in a foreign power; and, in fine, he and Ballard, a priest of Rheims, and others, (who all confessed the crime,) were condemned and executed. Which matters are related at large in our historians.

I shall here gather up several remarks of this dangerous plot, which had considerable correspondents abroad, as well as close counsellors and Jesuits at home.

I begin with a letter writ in the midst of their business, secretly carrying, on, to cardinal Allen, at Rome, of the success of a late mission from the said cardinal into England. The writer was Parsons the Jesuit, now come secretly into England to promote the catholic cause, confirm catholics, and make proselytes. A summary of which letter, wrote in Latin, take as follows: “That they had a very happy journey to England, where they found great fury in the enemies of the truth, but not less favour among the catholics. That there went then a report of their coming, and that from the mouth of some of the queen’s council. And tha his name [viz. Parsons] was known to some of them. That it proved a terror to the adversaries, and that they feared some great matter to fall out from them. That when he came to London, he had discourse with some catholics under guard, and some in prison: which present condition of theirs (if he might guess) portended somewhat not unacceptable. That after a day or two they had some short discourse with a certain person, to whom the said cardinal had recommended them; but referring further communication to another more convenient time: which soon after happening, after the confessions, as accustomed, they [these missionaries] renewed their vows, to the great consolation of all. And that whatsoever belonged to their several faculties, and each one’s business, they considered of together. That their, arrival in the island did in a wonderful manner refresh and cheer the catholics: who had before complained that they were forsaken by the society; and,that the shepherds, discouraged with difficulties, would forsake their flock, that had never more need of them. That not a few priests were lately taken up; but not so inhumanly dealt withal as before, nor so straitly kept; and some redeemed by money, or delivered out of prison, and dismissed without any condition. But that the catchpoles narrowly, with prying eyes, walked about the city, searched houses; and whom they took, spoiled of their money, horses, and every thing else they could meet with. That some catholics died in Newgate by the stench of that prison, and others miserably tormented with the stinking smells of the place. “It was reported, that at court something was then lying before them; which if it succeeded, very rigorous things were like to fall upon them; but if it happened otherwise, they might promise themselves tranquillity and peace. But that these dealings with catholics seemed now to them but bugbears to frighten children with, since they had brought their severities to that pass, that nothing now remained for any new cruelty. But that it was matter of great grief, that there were several counties wherein were many of the right faith, but not one priest among them, although much desired by very many of them.”

The letter runs on in other particular news of the affairs of the catholics. “And how diligent he himself was in confessions, sermons, and other offices of the society: and that he was cornpassed with daily dangers. That the earl of Arundel was offered by the great men of the court to be set free, if he would carry the sword, only for honour sake, according to custom, before the queen to the chapel, and be present to the end of the service and the vespers. But that he, fearing some fraud, determined wholly to decline it, or to consult with some of their doctors about the lawfulness of so doing.”

Another piece of this writer’s news hence was, “ That a priest was taken in the, habit of a seaman, the better to conceal himself; but discovered, and brought to court; and at length brought before the queen: who asked him, if he would convert her. And upon some answer, that he would do his utmost endeavour, she told him, he must begin with her maids of honour, and first convert them. And so after they had made sport with him, committed him to prison?

One passage more in this letter of intelligence, sent to Home, was, “That some strange miracles were done here, as he [Parsons] had heard from eyewitnesses, of dispossessing devils out of the bodies of divers, by the piety and sublime power of some of their priests.

Whereby many were converted to the faith, and others wavering confirmed, to the extolling of the priests: though the heretics called them conjurers and magicians.” But of this cheat we shall read under the next year. This is some short and imperfect account of this letter of the Jesuit Parsons. But the whole, taken from the original, and signed by his own hand, (being, as it seems, intercepted,) is preserved in the Appendix.

Next I shall discover the discourse about this year found with another Jesuit, viz. Creichton, a Scot, to forward this desperate plot; containing Reasons to shew the easiness of the enterprise. By which may be seen what imminent danger the queen and kingdom was now in. It was as follows: “As for the country of England, it is easy to be overcome with a few forces: few fortresses or strong places in the land: so as one army would suffice to end that war. The people given to change and alteration; chiefly when there is some beginning or assurance.

For our stories do declare, how a few and weak have overcome a great many: as it is evident in the victory of Henry VII. king of England. Who with a few strangers, and some intelligence with, &c. And to set forth and manifest this point more clearly, in the time of queen Mary, wife to the catholic king, yet living, a private man rising up against her, led his army even unto London. [That was sir Tho. Wyat. But what did he get? He was stopped at London, and vanquished.] Of other times we have likewise many examples of base men, viz. part artisans, and people discontented, have overcome the greater part of the realm.”

OF THE DISPOSITION OF THE REALM FOR THIS ENTERPRISE. “First, all the catholics, without any exception, do favour, or rather do greatly desire some such enterprise. First and chiefly, for the great desire they have of the restitution of the catholic faith.

Secondly, for the right and interest which the queen of Scots hath to the kingdom, and to deliver her out of prison, where these many years, against the law of nature, she remaineth, to the offence of the dignity of majesty royal. Thirdly, for the great troubles and misery which they endure more and more; which indeed are intolerable.

For first and foremost, all the catholics, and known for such in England, remain despoiled of all the offices, magistracies, favours, honours, and other commodities of the estate, which have been granted them in other princes’ days; and have been always, during this time and reign, so kept under and dishonoured in their countries and shires, that they have no kind of authority beside the law of the people, which they cannot take from them by all the injuries offered them. But moreover, by public justice, and in such matters as they have in the law, they are used with great dishonour, intolerable partiality, for the most grievous disgrace of the queen, which they sustain: which is to be subject to punishment, tormenting, and condemnation to the unjust death of so many men, and of their goods, the barbarous confiscation; separation of the wives from their husbands; the extreme poverty of very many serrants, and with great misery of their masters and lords. “All which things make the catholics desirous of this enterprise, for their delivery out of bondage. “Besides this, the queen of England, having made new laws, doth begin to execute those laws, forasmuch as toucheth the confiscation of their goods in such sort, as in a short time she.would reduce the catholics to extreme poverty. So finally, the said queen, as it were to accomplish her tyranny, did cause to be published, the 4th of April last past, and so hath declared to the people, that they should hold the catholics for capital enemies unto her person and state.

And so declareth and commandeth to all her subjects, by that proclamation, so to account and repute them; that is, all those which are of the catholic religion, or which within the realm of England shall receive Jesuits or priests, or which in any other sort shall shew themselves to be catholics. By the which proclamation, and others published before to that effect, the catholics are proclaimed to be the enemies and traitors to the queen without any cause, and by the same means are every day in danger of their lives. “Whence it comes to pass, that they are already resolved rather to take arms, or to attempt their deliverance by any other means that they may, than thus to become the prey of heretics, which stand over them every day to cut off their heads. The faction of the catholics in England is great, and able, if the kingdom were divided in three parts, to make two of them. But because there is no fortress in all the country, where they may remain in surety, while they gather forces together, and that there are officers of the queen, which have always eye over them, that they cannot move without being seen and taken, although they are that great part of the realm, notwithstanding they dare not rise without some beginning of forces,” &c. Then there follows a division of the realm in two parts. “The one consisteth of earls, barons, knights, esquires; the which are able all of them to conduct and bring men of their own charges.

The other is of yeomen; the which, he saith, for the most part, are catholics. Moreover, there are not a few banished men for religion, which will return to second this enterprise. “And concerning the heretics, they are divided into two or three factions, in respect of succession to the crown. And very many of them do favour the right of the Scottish queen. And a great number are discontented with the present government, part for the part for the unworthiness of the counsellors: men of base sort; which have already drawn unto themselves the whole government, excluding from the same all the nobility of England. Beside that, a most infinite number there is of those which have received and do receive particular offence and oppression from the favourites of the queen.”

THE CREDIT OF THE DUKE OF LENOX IS SET FORTH. The state of Scotland is at this present subject to sudden mutation; whereby the duke of Lenox and the lord Seaton, the principal foundation of this enterprise, may be made away. Which importeth them more than the. person of the king himself. “The catholics of England are brought to that strait, and will be reduced to that poverty, as they shall not be able to hold out. “Wherefore now is the time, if ever it be the pleasure of God, to reduce these two kingdoms under one empire; which would be a most happy thing. Wherefore his holiness and the catholic majesty should, &c. whereby should ensue the final peace of the church,” &c. These abrupt stops are made on purpose to conceal what was meant to follow; but any may easily guess the meaning.

And what effect the endeavours of these incendiaries had, the threatening plot carried on this year will make appear. Which I shall supply with a few matters of fact, wherein our histories are silent or short.

There is an account, as I find it in some state-papers of those times, of the confession of Ballard the priest, and chief fomenter, and Savage, (that undertook the murder of the queen,) as touching letters received from English fugitives in France, sent by the French packet to the ambassador.

Whence we may observe how France was privy to this wicked combination. “Aug. 27 and 29. Ballard saith, at his first coming over he went to the ambassador’s house to his secretary, to see what letters were there from France for him. Because Cha. Paget willed him to repair thither by the name of Dynne, for letters which he would send. And at that time the French ambassador came to him into the secretary’s chamber, and said unto him, he had need to take heed how he came thither, for being suspected. And therefore promised he would come himself to Ballard to any place, if he had cause to speak with him. “He procured Cordalion, the French ambassador’s secretary, to come to Edward Windsore’s lodging, in Fishstreet, on purpose to be acquainted with Tilney and Windsore, [two deeply concerned in the plot.] “He met and conferred with the French ambassador’s secretary in the fields near the windmills; and Ballard told him, that if the duke of Guise would ever do any thing for the reforming this state, and freeing the queen of Scots, now was the time, when the earl of Leicester was absent with his great forces. Whereunto the secretary replied, they would be loath to lose so necessary a member as the duke of Guise, because he might not be spared out of his country; but yet bade Ballard be of good cheer. “After this the same secretary, at another time, met Ballard, Savage, and Gilbert Giffourd, [another priest,] in the same place; and had secret speech there with Gilb. Gyffourd. “He received letters from Morgan, [a servant of the Scots queen, then in France,] by the French ambassador. “He delivered to Courdalion [the French ambassador’s secretary aforesaid.] two letters, one to Charles Paget, another to Grateley: declaring how far he had dealt with Babington, [the chief head of the plot,] and what plot was laid: requiring further assurance, under Mendoza’s hand, [the Spanish ambassador then in France transacting the business there,] for eftcoting of that which was promised, [viz. invading the kingdom.] Because many here liked not to trust words. “Aug. the 17th. Savage saith, that he received of the French ambassador a letter from Dr. Giffourd, a letter from Morgan, and a letter from Gilbert Giftourd. The substance of all which letters was, to encourage him to proceed in the act against her majesty’s person, [to shed her blood by an assassination, which he had vowed to do.] Commending it for honourable and meritorious. “Aug. the 29th. Savage was commended to Chasteleneuf by Mauvaseur, [the French ambassador.] “Aug. 22. Babington confessed, that Gilb. Giffourd was to pass into France, as a Frenchman, by means of the French ambassador. “Aug. 23. Babington, after his flying, did write to Ceurdaliot, [which the lord treasurer amended by his pen (as his true name was) Cordalion,] the French ambassador’s secretary, that he was enforced to fly, for causes concerning the queen of Scots, [between whom had passed many letters:] willing him to require his master to lend him 300 crowns; and to write to the governor of Calais, to provide a French bark to transport him and certain other gentlemen.” [Such traitors as himself.] Here were three wretched purposes designed to be brought to pass by this conspiracy; viz. to assassinate the queen, to raise a rebellion in the kingdom, and to set up Mary queen of Scots in queen Elizabeth’s room.

And a fourth may be added, to overthrow the established religion, and restore the abandoned religion of popery.

But upon the discovery of this dreadful plot, and the taking up of these rebels and bloody-minded traitors, the city of London made extraordinary rejoicings, by public bonfires, ringing of bells, feastings in the streets, singing of psalms, and such like: shewing their excess of gladness, and ample expressions of their love and loyalty to the queen and her government. Whereof the grateful queen thought fit to take public notice by a letter to the lord mayor and aldermen, with much satisfaction. And that it might be known to all her loving citizens in general, she gave order that her said letter should be openly read. Which accordingly, on the 22d of August, was done, before a great assembly of the commons, in Guildhall; being first prefaced by a speech of Dalton, one of the city council, in the absence of the recorder. The true copy of which letter was printed by Barker, the queen’s printer, and which I shall here subjoin. “TO OUR RIGHT TRUSTY, WELL BELOVED, THE LORD MAYOR OF OUR CITY OF LONDON, AND HIS BRETHREN, ALDERMAN OF THE SAME.

Right trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. Being given to understand how greatly our good and most loving subjects of that city did rejoice at the apprehension of certain devilish and wicked-minded subjects of ours, that, through the great and singular goodness of God, have been detected to have most wickedly and unnaturally conspired, not only the taking away of our own life, but also have stirred up (as much as in them lay) a general rebellion through’out our whole realm: “We could not but, by our own letters, witness unto you our great and singular contentment we received upon the knowledge thereof: assuring you, that we did not so much rejoice at the escape of the intended attempt against our own person, as to see the greatest joy our most loving subjects took at the apprehension of the contrivers thereof. Which to make their love more apparent, have (as we are to our great comfort informed) omitted no outward show that by any external act might witness to the world the inward love and dutiful affection they bear towards us. And as we have as great cause with all thankfulness to acknowledge God’s great goodness towards us, through the infinite blessings he layeth upon us, as many as ever prince had, yea rather as ever creature had; yet do we not, for any worldly blessing received from his divine Majesty, so greatly acknowledge the same, as in that it hath pleased him to incline the hearts of our subjects, even from the first beginning of our reign, to carry as great love towards us as ever subjects carried towards prince. Which ought to move us (as it doth in very deed) to seek with all care, and by all good means that appertain to a Christian prince, the conservation of so loving and dutifully affected subjects: assuring you, that we desire no longer to live, than while we may, in the whole course of our government, carry ourself in such sort, as may not only nourish and continue their love and goodwill towards us, but also increase the same. “We think meet that, these our letters should be communicated, in some general assembly, to our most loving subjects, the commoners of that city. Yeven under our signet, at our castle at Windsor, the 18th day of August, 1586, in the 28th year of our reign.”

The previous speech of Mr. Dalton, before the reading of the queen’s letter, will be found entered by me in the last edition of Stow’s Survey of London.

But further, concerning the popish recusants, many whereof were gentlemen of estates in the country; to whom forfeitures for not coming to church were appointed by law: which increasing according to their continued absence, proved heavy to them by the advance thereof. The queen with her council contrived to find out this way to give them some ease: which was, that they should pay into her receipt several sums yearly according to their abilities. A letter to that import I find written by the privy-council to the justices of Suffolk, with a schedule of the names of divers of the popish gentlemen in that county, enclosed; and an order to summon them before them, and to impart to them the contents thereof. It was for them to make offer, by writing under their hands, what reasonable portion they would be contented yearly, of their own disposition, to pay into her majesty’s receipt, to be eased of the common danger of law for their recusancy.

They whom the justices cited were Mannock, Rookwood, Yaxley, Norton, Drury, Everard, Sulliard, and others: advising them to consider her majesty’s gracious favour to them herein, and to measure the benefit they would hereby receive. The said recusants shewed themselves contented to subscribe accordingly each their payment yearly under their hands: which, with the said justices’ letters, (dated in April,) were sent up to the council in answer to theirs; which will be found at length in the Appendix.

There were now, after the discovery of that black treason of the papists against the queen and kingdom, many papists in prison, and great care taken concerning them. At length, in the month of November, the resolution of the lords of the council was to make a division of the fiftyseven then in hold. Whom they thus divided. First, her majesty’s pleasure was to be known concerning them. Some to be continued, and to appear at the next starchamber day, to be informed against by the queen’s attorney; others to be continued in prison; others to be banished the realm: and these to be proceeded against in course of law; viz. Ra. Ithel, Kath. Bellamy, [who I think harboured the traitors in the late plot,] Ka. Coppley, Dor.

White, William Wyborn, Cutbert Bennet. Others continued in prison, and to be farther examined. Others continued in prison until they have put in sureties for payment of their fines. Dr. Bagshaw to be committed to the archbishop of Canterbury. One to be conferred withal in point of religion, to be sent to Wisbich; where were many such recusants in hold; and learned men appointed to repair to them there, to confer with them.

But it must be told here, that as these had their private carriers on of intrigues against the queen, and for unsettling the present state of the kingdom by their plots and private correspondences; so the state had their spies to inform themselves of these busy folks, and to learn their doings, and to take them up. One of these was one Topcliff, in London, a very diligent man, and very successful in his discoveries. I find a declaration of his to the lords of the council concerning the danger of papists near about this time, somewhat before the queen of Scots’ death. This notable paper I will enter here, taken from the original. “It may please your lordships, and the residue, to consider of these things, needful to be regarded in this perilous time. “There hath assembled unto the city of London lately, from all the counties of England, a great number of the most principal seminaries and seditious priests, bred at Rome and Rheims, who have had their being and continual harbour among some noblemen, gentlemen, and other such, as have been restrained of liberty, and be still; and with such as be, and long have been, recusants. Most of them be guests and hosts, being yet about London. “Some of them live beyond sea, as Dr. Allen’s man, Stordevant; and some out of Scotland, as Holt, the Jesuit; some, captains or soldiers, that have served the earl of Westmerland; others, pensioners to the pope. “I learn these things by advertisement of such persons as have been of their society beyond seas; and hearing there their venomous and cankered intents towards her majesty; and here at home smelling their practices and plots to be answerable: being burdened in conscience, and charged in natural obedience, bewray the haunts of all such as they have learned to be in England, being about the number of threescore: and the dispositions and parts of the doings of such seminary priests, and their fautors and patrons, for that intent have given themselves to be conversant with those bad persons in many of their harbours; whereby they have come to further understanding. Above twenty seminary priests of reputation and best learning now in London.They walk audaciously, disguised, in the streets of London. Their wonted fears and timorousness is turned into mirth and solace among themselves; as though the day of their expectation were not past, or.at the furthest coming towards. “My instruments have learned out sundry places of countenance, where sometimes these men meet, and confer together in the daytime, and where they lodge a-nights, having changes of lodging.

The chief places of their access be solitary, strong, and stated for the purpose. Of all which, and of my last experience with a few, I think it my duty to lay before your grave consideration: “That there is small regard taken in London, or about the city, of these men. About 20 days past, one Tho. Worthington, a notorious seminary priest, did resort hither, a stirrer of sedition, as ever haunted Lancashire, Cheshire, Shropshire, Darbyshire, and Yorkshire. “One Revel, a seminary priest, his companion. One Humfrey Maxfield, a seminary scholar at Rome and Rheims, a great companion, conveyer and intelligencer to and fro from Worthington. And three boys to be conveyed beyond seas, to be made priests, stolen from their uncle Worthington, and from the bishop of Chester. “The three men and one of the boys he [Topcliff] apprehended at Islington. Worthington was committed to the Tower by. the lord treasurer’s direction; Revel and Max field to the Clink; and the boy to the Gatehouse. “Worthington, Maxfield, and Revel were twice examined by sir Owen Hopton, [lieutenant of the Tower,] Dr. Hammond, [a civilian,] Mr. Rokeby, [a justice of peace,] and myself, [viz.

Topcliff.] We all agreed, that there did never come before us so arrogant, wilful, and obstinate persons: impudently denying any familiarity or acquaintance between them, or that any one of them had seen another before they last met together at Islington, before their last apprehension, or that they were in Staffordshire, at Meare, old Maxfield’s house, lately before their coming up. Where it shall be proved, that T. Worthington was at old Maxfield’s house, with other like to himself; as Bell, Sherwood, Cotton, &c. And at Whitsontide last, and at St. Peter’s time, preached there. And at their coming up they were all at Meare, with one Nowel and Sturdevant, Dr. Allen’s man; and of their being there the young boy, confronted with Maxfield, justified in seemly sort the same by good tokens, to Maxfield’s disgrace. And yet like a man given over, he did deny the truth, which by others shall be justified, if occasion serve: and proof [made], where they divided themselves, and appointed to meet again. “Some of them commended Labourne’s death, [a gentleman executed in the north,] saying, he died for avowing the Scots queen was queen of England, and our sovereign [no more] but Elizabeth Bullen. And that a miracle was seen upon Labourn’s quarters at Preston. Some praised Arderus’ behaviour,” [who was executed in the year 1583, for being an accessary to an attempt of killing the queen,] “for saying at his arraignment, that Somerfield” [or Somervile, who strangled himself in prison, and was the person that care to the court with his sword to kill the queen] “‘was strangled, because he should not shame his adversaries. “Some among them said, that it would never be merry world until the Scots queen reigned in England, and he: son in Scotland. Some said, that the queen’s majesty should not reign; and that she will not reign:” [meaning as it seems, in respect of the attempts to be made upor her, or of the prophecies that went of her death, or both.] “Topcliff added, that he knew them that would lay their lives of it.

For God (said they) will not suffer her to live. For foreign princes will invade this realm by Scotland, which is the only way to hope of.”

This is an exact copy of this declaration to the lords by this gentleman; which I give at length, and will further discover the practices and malice of these popish recusants and priests, and in what danger the state was by reason of them.

By the means of this Topcliff, many of these priests, and other of that religion, were taken. Among the rest were one Cotton, a notable Jesuit, who went by the name of Martin, and Martin Ara; and Gervase Perpoint, a gentleman, who had been in the Tower before. Both these were, the 16th day of June, brought before Richard Young, an active justice of peace in London; and the examinations sent up to court.

Cotton confessed that he was a seminary priest, so made at Doway, by the bishop of Cambray, and brought up twelve years in the university of Lovain. That he went to: Rome, where he stayed 18 months in the hospital.

That he came into England about six years ago, and made his abode most about the city. That he lodged at Southwark, Lambeth, and other places.

That he went into Hampshire, to see if he could live quietly there. That he inquired how the bishop of Winchester [in whose diocese that county was] behaved himself towards the recusants; and hearing that he was very troublesome, he found there was no staying for him there; and so returned to Guilford; and so came back to London: and that he heard no bruits or reports in his journey, but that the poorer sort were ready to break down barns to get corn. That he knew Mr. Gervase Perpoint, and had been with him several times, but that he durst not suffer him to lay there, the law was so rigorous, [viz. against harbouring recusants.] And much more is read in his confession: but very wary in all. As particularly refusing to tell where the apparel, linen, and books were, used by him, as it seems, at the celebration of mass; and denying to take his oath to answer any matters concerning the state of the realm, now when Babington’s plot and the invasion of the realm was hatching. The refusing to take the like oath did Perpoint make, upon his examination, as appears by what follows: which no question was done by agreement of the party.

Perpoint was examined at the same day by Young. He denied to take his oath to make answer to any matter concerning the state of the realm. That he had lain at a house in the Old Change ever since he came out of the Tower; which was ever since Christmas was twelvemonth. Denied that he knew Martin Ara, alias Cotton, or one Heywood, alias Blythe, [another priest.] But it was proved to the contrary that he knew both. That he, and divers others with him, went on a Sunday, such a day in June, at eight o’clock in the morning, to sir Tho. Fitzherbert’s house; but heard no service [mass] there, &e. But I leave the whole examinations of these two notable papists to be read in the Appendix, from the original.

CHAPTER 6.

Anthony Tyrril, priest, his confession in letters to the queen and lord treasurer. His discoveries of the Jesuits, &c. His recantation.

His revolt: and his letter to the queen after it. A discourse proving the treason of priests executed. Divers tracts and speeches concerning the papists; and concerning the dealings with them.

Cardinal Allen’s concern with sir Edward Stanley in betraying Deventer to the Spaniard. He, with the pope, moves for an English seminary of soldiers. Writes a book for them, AMONG the rest of the priests taken up at this dangerous juncture, was one Anthony Tyrrel, of a good family, who came over with Ballard. He seemed very penitent, and very frank in his confession of himself, and what he knew of others and of their practices. He renounced popery, and pretended to turn to the protestant religion; but getting his liberty, revolted back.

After which, taken again, he turned again, and denied what he had before confessed. But the queen became exceedingly offended with him; and so was the lord treasurer. Whereat he addressed an humble letter to her, and some others to that lord. Which being so remarkable, and discovering such a character of a Romish priest, I shall set down somewhat at length, from the said Tyrril’s own letters.

One whereof, dated in July this year, was to the said lord treasurer Burghley: which he seems to have writ not long after his submission to the queen. It ran to this tenor: “Right honourable, &c. That being by God’s providence made captive, and brought thereby into the danger of her majesty’s penal and capital laws, he thought it his duty to humble himself unto her majesty’s mercy. For the better acquiring where of, he knew none who gave him greater comfort, or hope of favour, or help, than his honourable lordship: partly in respect of the great favour he had found at his lordship’s hands heretofore; and partly for the honourable favour and good-will which he knew his lordship bare unto his poor house and family. But that chiefly for that always his poor father had a special affection unto him. “That his religion and order set apart, (both which might make him seem odious unto her majesty, and contemptible unto his honour,) he protested that no man living could impeach him with the least fault that might be offensive unto her highness, or hurtful to the state. That he did bear as humble and dutiful mind unto his gracious queen and sovereign as any subject might or could. For that, besides his natural duty he owed unto her majesty, both before God and in conscience, her grace’s particular favours and bountiful rewards towards the maintenance of his poor father bound him always in heart to honour and love her. That he hated from his heart always the company of those, were they of his own religion or otherwise, that would pretend to practise any thing against her majesty’s person. And that if any such whatsoever were so convicted by law, he thought them worthy of their deserving. “That in places of his travel beyond the seas, where men were most prone to open their stomachs, if any dishonoured or mistermed her majesty’s royal person, he contemned them, controlled them, and kept them (unless by necessity he were constrained) no longer company. That since his coming into his country, where he had conversed, being priest, for the space of four or five years, he had at home so behaved himself, as he had neither spoken, written, nor practised any thing offensive to her majesty, or hurtful to the state, the zeal of his function only excepted: which he had done so seldom and so warily as possibly he could devise. “This being true, as he protested before his Lord God to be true; and perceiving how gracious her majesty was inclined even to those of his own profession, as were not capital offenders, otherwise than in matters of mere religion and conscience, he conceived some hope that the rigour of her majesty’s laws would not be extended towards him without other special cause of offence. That he had obtained licence from the right worshipful Mr. Young, [a justice of peace in London, who, it seems, had committed him,] to address his humble letters unto his honour. These were therefore most humbly, upon his knees, to crave such favour at his lordship’s hands, as it might please God, her majesty, and his honour’s good liking, to have extended to a man of his quality and condition; the like favour whatsoever he should, during his life, pray Almighty God that his lordship might find at the tribunal seat of the omnipotent Majesty, &c. “That matters of import he had none, because he never listed to be acquainted with any. That if hereafter he heard of any, I bind myself, (these are his words,) if they shall concern her majesty’s person, or the subversion of my country, that I shall, in most faithful and dutiful manner, reveal them unto you. Thus most humbly he took his leave, from the place of his imprisonment.

Subscribing, Your honour’s poor suppliant and orator during life, ANTH. TYRREL.” Tyrrel soon after repenteth, declaims against his false religion, that led him into such disloyal and wicked practices; makes great discoveries of fugitives and the fatal enemies of the queen and kingdom: unless hypocrisy were all this while at the bottom. For thus I leave him to declare himself, in another letter, writ in August, a month after the former, to the said lord, in these words: ‘“Right honourable, I am especially moved to have re. t course still unto your good lordship. The cause importeth not a little, for it concerneth her majesty, the state of her whole realm, and myself.

Her majesty, for that I am to discover a number of treasonable practices, that have been directly committed against her; whereby her majesty’s person may safely be preserved by the rooting out of the corrupt and wicked members. Her whole realm, to be made most safe and prosperous. For myself, to be delivered from the tyrannical bondage of her capital enemy, the pope; to whom for these twenty-five years I have been made a slave and subject; lost the favour of my gracious sovereign and prince; undutifully demeaned myself unto her majesty’s laws; unnaturally behaved myself towards my country, by corrupting many of her highness’s subjects with false and erroneous doctrines. All which guilt being laid upon my conscience, it hath pleased Almighty God, of his infinite mercy, most strangely, yea, I may say, miraculously, to call me home. “These may be therefore, most humbly on my knees, to beseech your honour to favour a true penitent. The residue of my life, it may please her majesty to accept it, shall make such a satisfaction as never any of my condition have done in her majesty’s time.

When I come before your honour, you shall tlnd that I do not feign; and shall be able to certify your honour of that, of the which you shall be full fain [i.e. glad.] I leave troubling your honour any further; hoping your honour will vouchsafe your honourable audience. And until then, for her majesty’s behalf, to let none of her corrupt subjects of my letters have any intelligence. I rest, Your honour’s most humble and dutiful servitor, ANTH. TYRELL.” By these solemn protestations, promises, and discoveries, what ever they were, whether in truth or pretence, Tyrrel soon after obtained his liberty: for I meet with another letter of his to the foresaid nobleman, dated in December, from his chamber in the Strand. The contents whereof was, to shew himself firm and steady to what he had avowed; his desire to come to the court (at least, if for nothing else) to return his thanks. And that his resolution was not to swerve, but to make it his business to observe his faith to God and his prince. But take the letter itself in the words of it, being but short. “That he had been desirous long ere that time to have shewn some signs of duty, since the enjoying of his liberty, in yielding of thanks at the least, &c. That his lordship had with a most favourable pity began to tender his poor distressed case. And that he should be sorry to shew himself slack to deserve, from whence he had received so great grace; by whom all good minds were governed, and all laudable actions directed. “That Mr. Justice Young will inform your honour, how carefully I proceed in well demeaning myself. If I should any ways swerve from the fight square of your directions, I covet to be certified. To please all parties is a thing impossible. I have chosen therefore rather to serve God than mammon. If for my faith to God and my prince I fortune to find [reproach], I shall repute it rather a grace than ignominy. The fear of God and the true love of my prince hath obtained this conquest of flesh and blood.”

But now to see more fully and evidently this false man, he revealed all in a letter to the queen, after his revocation of what he had confessed, and his return to his old religion, being now at liberty. Whereby he had justly fallen under her displeasure. In his said letter he disclaims his recantation; asserts all a falsehood what he had declared against Dr. Allen, and other priests and Jesuits: having been employed after his recantation as a spy against catholics. This confident letter began thus: “If ever your majesty’s pity inclined unto the complaint of a sorrowful and distressed subject, vouchsafe, O gracious queen, as to incline to mine: who craves no more at your highness’s hands, than that you peruse these letters,” &c. It is very long, but well worthy the reading, to let light into the popish practices, and particularly to shew more at large what a sort of man this priest was. And therefore I lay it in the Appendix, to be read there; only let me mention here the reason he assigns of his conversion to the protestant religion; which is somewhat surprising, as he hath the confidence to tell it to the queen in his own letter; viz. “That when he first came into the kingdom, if he had had a thousand lives, he would have lost. them all for the defence of the truth of his religion. And so long as the fear of God was before his eyes, he so continued, and had never changed, nor forsaken his faith: and so had done in spite of all the devils in hell or torments by men. But that he falling into corruption of life and dissolute manners, and suffering himself to be drowned in sensuality, the grace of the Holy Ghost could no longer abide with him; his conscience crying out against his own impiety, the devils seized him, and so expunged his faith: not for that he knew his religion to be evil, but because he knew himself to be passing naught; as that God nor any goodness could any longer abide in him.” Of this fickle man we shall hear again under the next year; when he was again taken up, and recanted a second time, and that openly at Paul’s Cross, from his popery. And it seems obtained again so much favour as to be admitted into St. Katharine’s. For from thence I find afterwards some letters of his dated.

Papists had been executed (when so much fear was justly apprehended from them) according to some laws made against them. But this gave occasion of great clamours of rigours and cruelties used to those of that religion by the present government. Therefore it was thought convenient, to manifest to all how just and necessary those proceedings were: and that by the laws of the land. I meet with divers tracts and discourses to this purport, made in these times, among certain MSS. in Lambeth, called Memoirs affairs in church and state: collected, as it seems, by Murgatrode, archbishop Whitgift’s secretary. Whereof one discourse went on this head, “That such papists as had been executed were by a statute of Edw. III. lawfully executed as traitors.” This seems to have been a speech made in the house of lords, or in some other venerable assembly; and that by archbishop Whitgift himself, or by some other learned divine, there being so much Latin and allegation of the ancient fathers and writers mentioned. This I have taken notice of under the year 1585; and so much the rather, since it will give us the history of Rome, and the methods of that church to overthrow this kingdom through. the course of queen Elizabeth’s reign to that time.

There was in the same volume another discourse of this subject, viz. that Jesuits may lawfully be banished; and upon contempt of such proceedings may be executed; and the receivers of them punished severely. This and one or two more are mentioned in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift. But besides these, there are many cases handled and discussed (as well for the queen’s satisfaction in her proceedings, as in vindication of the state) in the same volume: and were seasonable while the public, and especially the established church, was in such dangerous circumstances, by reason of the conspiracies ancl endeavours of the disaffected. As, 1. A case, whether her majesty be bound by the scripture.to assist the United Provinces against the king of Spain. 2. Another was entitled, Reasons of magistrates in general; how they were instituted, and ought to be obeyed. 3. Another carried this title, A perfect definition of a king; and what his office and government is over his people. 4 . The old order of the Romans, when either their chief governor was dead, or absent by reason of war. 5. That we ought first to seek the true worship of God, and the preservation of his church. 6. Our duty to her majesty, and care of her defence and safety. 7. Our duty to our country, and preservation of the same against bad subjects. 8 . The judgment of God against kings for disturbing the church. [Applicable to the king of Spain.] 9. That princes by mulct may use compulsion against heretics, [in justification of the pecuniary punishments laid upon papists for not coming to church.] 10. If any violence be attempted against princes, the treason may rightly touch them, who gape for the crown. [Intimating thereby the queen of Scots.] 11. Of ambition, of treason, and traitors. 12. Malum in authores plerumque recidit: 13. Sentences of scripture to be applied to the queen. 14. Not lawful for a subject to kill or resist his prince. 15. In Jesuitas, authores seditionum et sanguinis 16. Religio verbum Dei. Via salutis, Dei cultus. 17. The papists’ treachery may appear by three points; viz. their slanderous words in their writings against her majesty, their treacherous practices, and their fanatical and devilish doctrines. 18. Certain places of scripture that some precisians use, that godly kings may not only lawfully suppress the wicked, but destroy all their children and allies.

For this, in the discourse, are alleged Joshua, David, Zimri, Jehu; who usually cut off and destroyed all the posterity of those they fought against, and were greatly commended. And this argument used here (the divinity of it I leave to others to determine) is this. “The law saith, traitors shall lose their lives and goods; and that the blood of their posterity is ever after stained. And why may it not likewise as justly say further, (if the penalty will not serve for the preservation of princes,) that all their kin to the third and fourth degree in that case shall be executed.” And then. is added, (to soften what was said,) “It were indeed a hard law; but as they say, Gravissima vulnera acerbissimis curantur remediis.” This discourse endeth thus. “And therefore considering that the kindred of traitors are, as it were, one body with them, or one fellowship, if they shall shew themselves like-minded to their parents, then may they be punished as traitors. If otherwise, yet as adherents in nature, though not in fact.” This was spoke, as it seems, in parliament, or given as a counsel against the papists, who about these days were so full of malicious plots against the queen, as extorted these rigorous advices from some.

Dr. Allen, (of whom somewhat before,) now made a cardinal, one of these implacable enemies to the present state of England, was now concerned upon an affair of this nature, namely, the treachery of sir William Stanley, governor of Deventer in Holland; who basely betrayed it to the king of Spain. Which Allen confirmed the said Stanley, and his regiment there left in garrison, with the receipt of two months’ pay; as was written in a book printed in the year 1595, shewing the estate of the English fugitives. And moreover this cardinal wrote to Rome on this emergence, to send down certain priests to instruct this religious regiment. He informed the pope thereof. Who both wrote jointly unto the king of Spain, to be good and gracious unto this regiment. Which being well and liberally entreated, as they had already been at Rhemes and Rome, he would encourage a seminary of students and scholars to pray and write for the catholic cause of our country. For this being conducted by so worthy and catholic a gentleman as sir William Stanley, might be a continual nurse and seminary of soldiers to fight for the same.

And withal the cardinal wrote a book unto the captain and soldiers of this regiment: endearcuring therein to satisfy their consciences, as touching the justice of this action, [of betraying Deventer,] and likewise animating them constantly to persevere in this good cause, into the which they were now entered. Besides, down came priests thick and threefold from France and Italy, catechising these new soldiers with many masses and continual sermons. And generally, men that for their conscience lay dispersed in other parts, all drew down thither, in hope of this good payment and golden world that was there talked of. But by reason of a contention that happened between Stanley and Rowland York, that had about the same time betrayed Zutphen to the Spaniard, all this came to nought.

The growth of popery, and the falling away of the queen’s subjects from their loyalty and the religion established, by means of popish priests and Jesuits, privately dispersing themselves every where, gave occasion now of deep consultation for the redress thereof. And here, for the letting in some light in this matter, I shall insert a paper thus endorsed by the lord treasurer’s hand; The dangerous estate of the realm. To which were remedies subjoined in the same paper: the whole seems to be of the same or some other wise counsellor’s drawing up.. The year is not specified; but I conjecture it to be this year, or perhaps some year before. And though it be somewhat long, may well deserve a place in our history. It was as follows, transcribed by me from the original paper. “The dangerrous estate of the realm. “In every part of the realm are certain persons, covertly wandering from place to place, that labour to move the people, by colour of holiness, and commendation of the Roman religion, to mislike of the order of the religion of this realm. “These persons, that are persuaders, are some old priests of the realm, that were priests in queen Mary’s time, and have not, during the queen’s reign, professed to be persons ecclesiastical, but lived with old men and women that were of the same religion; and have in some parts taught men’s children in private, houses, as serving men by show of their apparel. “Some also are such as have been beyond seas, and have been nourished at Rome, at Rheims, at Doway, and have been by our rebels, as Westmerland, Norton, Markenfield, Mr. Englefield, and such like, enticed with the pope’s blessing, and some money, and with advices from the seminaries at Rheims and Rome, and partly by commandments from their superior, to come into England, and to resort into places, especially noted, where there are known professed papists. By whose direction they have scattered themselves abroad; and with their superstitious trumperies, as Agnus Dei, and other books, seduced people, that were not before instructed in our retigion, to yield their consciences subject to these papistical motions. So as the persons seduced are led in conscience to mislike of our religion, and of our bishops and clergy. “It is to be noted, that these seductors have haunted countries where least preaching hath been; as in Lancashire, and in other places, where most no\able papists do dwell: as in Berkshire, Hampshire, and Herefordshire. “And while these persons have used great diligence and secrecy to win our people, our bishops and clergy have nother secretly nor publicly used any diligence to teach the unlearned, or to reform such as they have committed to prison for recusants. So as the papists have gained from these few years more than in many years before. “THE PERIL. “Now follows, that the principal men of wealth, being papists, do give comfort and example to many inferior to follow them. And of consequence their tenants are forced for their livelihood to follow them. “The greatest is, that many are in conscience persuaded that the pope is Christ’s vicar, and hath absolute power to bind and loose.

That the greatest part of all other monarchies and countries do obey them. That until king Henry the Eighth’s time, the pope had always authority here. That it is an absurdity to the queen, and that a maid, to be head or governor in all ecclesiastical causes. And by that persuasion they are moved to contemn all manner of orders ecclesiastical in this realm; thinking the foundation thereof to be unleeful. And therefore in their consciences they are moved to allow only of the pope’s religion. “Lastly, the perilous sequel that follows hereof is, which daily will increase, if remedy be not speedily provided, that multitudes of such as are yet obedient subjects will, by these secret persuasions, and by example of others that are their superiors, as lords of the realm in honour, or as their landlords, or as persons of great esteem for their auntienty, or for great housekeeping, decline from their inward love toward her majesty, and yield their hearts and devotions to such persons as they shall be persuaded are fight heirs in this crown. And so shall they be in no small multitudes ready, upon any occasion offered, by the only show of any outward force, to rebel suddenly, and put in hazard the good estate of her majesty and the realm. “For remedy of all these perils. “It is necessary to devise and execute divers orders, whereby this defection may be stayed; and such as are infected with these wicked opinions may also be cured, as much as may be. Which though they be many, yet may be reduced to these two heads. That is, first, teaching the people to know these errors, and to confirm the good and obedient in the truth of Christian religion. And secondly, to use the help of laws against such as wilfully will offend. Whereby both the offenders may by awe, and fear of punishment, reform themselves: and also others stayed by like fear, to give ear to the persuasion of others that are the seductors. “For the first, her majesty is to be well informed of the condition and sufficiency of every bishop in the realm. And either by reformation or remotion of them, that are either by their manifest insufficiency, or their corrupt and covetous conversation, out of credit with the people under their charge, to cause the offices of the bishops to be better supplied. And therewith also to have their officers reformed, that use jurisdiction under them. For certain it is, that the covetous execution of those officers make not only the papistical sort, but the good Christian subjects to mislike of the order of the ministry. “There would be also an universal information had, without any open visitation, (as the bishops and archdeacons continually do use, only for gain,) how the parishes of the realm are served with curates: how many have sufficient maintenances, and how many have insufficient., and how many have none at all. And those wants to be supplied, or else the people must needs be without knowledge of God, or easily led into errors, or popery, by any that will secretly resort to teach them. “The two universities also would be seen into; and no heads of colleges suffered to remain, that are not manifestly sound in religion. None would be suffered to remain there that have benefices with cure, distant more than 30 or 40 miles from the university. “None would be suffered to be teachers or instructors of youth, either in the universities, or in the country in public places, or private houses, but such as are manifest good subjects, and sound in religion. “For reformation of these faults in the bishops, their officers, and the rest of the clergy, there may be many particular informations, and which were requisite to be delivered to the archbishop of Canterbury: that by her majesty’s commandment, he may with conference with the best choice bishops enter into the reformation thereof. “It is also necessary, that the inns of court and chancery be purged of all unsound persons: so as none be suffered, to live there, that doth not shew himself manifestly a good subject. Neither would any be suffered to practise the law, that have been expelled out of their houses. Nor they suffered to live in or about the city, where they may easily corrupt others. “The like also would be of all that profess the civil law, and exercise of physic. Considering, that professors thereof have a public office, whereby they may easily seduce their clients and patients. “Thus far may serve for the governance of the church; for the teaching of the people; for the instruction of youth. Whereby all sorts of persons may be contained in their duties, to be good subjects, and not to incline themselves to papistry. “The second kind of remedy followeth. Which is, to have the laws duly executed, with mercy towards such as be weak in understanding; who are rather to be instructed. And with justice to such as wilfully and obstinately do offend, and do refuse to be taught or instructed. “There are divers kinds of offenders; and so are they to be used or corrected. “The first are such as are come or shall come by stealth ill to the realm, from Rome, or from the places where English rebels, or English Jesuits, or seminary priests, do haunt. For the apprehension of those that are to come or shall depart by seas, some precise order would be taken, that no manner of person, any wise to be suspected, should come or depart in any ship, but they should be stayed. And for the execution hereof authority would be given to persons of choice to have a care hereof. “For such as be in the realm, search would be had. And the parties being taken, they would be committed to one or two persons only, meet for that kind of men, and for no other offenders. These would be first treated withal by instruction. For which purpose the clergy ought to be at the charge, to find X or XII principal learned, discreet, and charitable persons; who, by quartering the superfluity of the persons having pluralities by the year, might always attend hereupon in some competent number. Such as might be reclaimed, (and the commutation of penance would help hereto,) without hypocrisy, ought to be relieved also by the common charge of the clergy. Such as would not after reasonable time be reclaimed, would be certified of what condition they are. And according as it should appear that they have used their authority to reconcile any people to the pope, so would they be thereof straitly examined, and with some compulsory means made to utter their actions. And then they would be judiciously examined, whether they do think that the pope’s bulls published or to be published against her majesty, containing sentence of deprivation of her from her crown, and excommunication of her subjects from obeying of her, be lawful, and to be obeyed. In which cases, if the said persons shall refuse to answer, or shall answer, that such bulls are lawful, and ought to be obeyed; then such would be indicted of treason; and would be thereof arraigned. And if they shall persist in their treasonable opinion, they would be hanged; and the manner of drawing and quartering forborne. “And if many of these should happen thus to be condemned, there might be discretion used, to stay the execution of some of them: and by warrant of her majesty to be exiled, with pain to be immediately without further process hanged, if they should return into the realm. “For the rest of the offenders in not coming to the church, consideration is to be had of their diversity. Some are men of estimation and livelihood in their countries. Some are mean men of livelihood, and of small freehold, or living by their farms. Some others are but poor, or but servants. As to the first, it is but reason the statute be executed upon them; as men able to satisfy the penalties. And if any of them shall be proved to have seduced any other good subject to offend in the like case, such a person would be committed to close prison for that fact; and yet pay the fine of the law. And if such person shall be taken to be of good credit in his country, he would be removed thence into some other place; where his doings might be looked to. And there bound to remain in a limit; and not to persuade any person to be of his opinion, upon pain to be imprisoned, and to be further dealt withal by order of law, to try his allegiance. From these kind of persons also would be sequestered all offices, all armour and weapon: none also should be suffered to be officers over their tenants, stew ards, bailiffs, or such like, but persons that should manifestly be good subjects. “Their children also being young would be committed to good schoolmasters, to be faithfully and religiously instructed. Their presentments to any benefices would be duly examined by the ordinary, to be of good men, or else to reject, and to present good by lapse. “The second sort, viz. of meaner persons, and fully to satisfy the penalty, should be for lack of satisfaction committed to prison; and there treated withal to yield a reasonable portion of his fine: and so to be released upon bonds with sureties to return to prison: there to continue one month in every quarter; except in the mean time he shall reform himself. “The third sort that have nothing to pay would be committed to prison, into places where they might work in some sort for their living, if they be able. And such as be not able to work would also remain in prison: except they could find sureties to be of good abearing in all points; saving for the offence of not coming to the church. “All these kind of persons, either out of prison or in prison, would be forced and compelled to hear some preachers or instructors once in a month. “It would be notified, that as many as will come to their parish church shall not be compelled to answer to any questions offensive to their conscience: so as they do not by their teaching or speeches move any other to forbear from the church. “Generally none of these offenders would be suffered to have any books of divinity but the Bible, or any part thereof: or any ancient or others, doctors of the church, that are allowed in the church of England. “Orders would be taken for certain houses to be provided in such sort as Wisbich is, to keep only these kind of prisoners for religion; as Quinborough and Portsmouth are. And portions of money reserved out of the fines. “It would also avoid a great offence by the papists, if her majesty would notify her gracious disposition in conveying her portion of the fines to public good uses in the counties where the fines are levied: allowing part to the prisons, where the poor sort of recusants are kept, so as the slanderous papists may forbear to publish, as they do, that men are sought after for gain of money, rather than for just punishment. “Generally, where the oath of supremacy is to be taken, it would be taken according as it is expounded by the queen’s majesty’s Injunctions, mentioned in the act an. 5to. And the same to be in these kind of words, That her majesty, in the right of her crown, under God, hath and ought to have the sovereignty and rule over all manner of persons, born within her dominions, of what state soever they be, ecclesiastical or temporal; and that no other foreign power, prelate, state, or potentate, hath or ought to have any jurisdiction, power, superiority, preeminence, or authority, ecclesiastical or spiritual, within her majesty’s said realms, dominions, or countries. “There would be a calendar made of all recusants, being men of estimation and livelihood, in every shire, of their habitation; and in what state they do now stand. A register also of all parents that have their children beyond seas. “To be added to the former remedies. “For terror, and for punishment of such recusants as are of wealth and credit, considering, by refusing to come to church the pain is but pecuniary; so as thereby they may continue their credit in the country, and keep their armour and all other strength: it were meet, that her majesty would give authority to a number of her council; so as at the least six of them might tender the oath of the supremacy to such of them as her majesty shall not mislike. Which if they refuse, then are in danger, as of the premunire: which is, forfeiture of the profit of their lands, and all their goods, and imprisonment during life: and thereby neither bloodshed, nor their heirs disinherited. And if her majesty shall see cause to proceed more severely against them for their evil deserts, then may they have the same oath secondly offered; whereby both their lives and their lands may be lost. Or else they may be brought in danger of treason, by inquisition of their adherence to the pope, as an enemy to the queen by the wars in Ireland. “For the Jesuits and seminaries, they may be proceeded withal for maintaining the pope’s authority, enemy to the crown; remember the ancient law 25 Edw. III. and thereupon some most notable to be executed, by hanging only; and the rest to be burned, or otherwise marked in some part of the hand, whereby to be hereafter known; and to be banished the realm, with condition to be hanged without further process, whensoever they shall return without licence; [unless] upon amendment of their errors.

CHAPTER 7.

Travers acquaints the lords of the council with his lectures at the Temple, and conference with Hooker, upon some points. A religious company complained of to the archbishop, for certain opinions. What they were. One Darrel pretends to cast out devils.

White, an enthusiast anabaptist, calls himself John a Baptist: his examination. Discourses in parliament against the disciplinarian model. A dearth. Whitaker and others stand for to succeed Howland in the mastership of St. John’s collegs. Puritans in Christ’s college. That college visited. They refuse the Injunctions of the visitor. THE archbishop of Canterbury had lately silenced Travers, the lecturer of the Temple, a learned man, but somewhat disaffected to the church established. The cause of it was, to put a stop to a course used in his lectures, to confute in the afternoon the doctrine that Mr. Hooker, the master of the Temple, preached in the morning. Which tending to little good but to create differences and factions, the archbishop thought fit to forbid Travers to preach any more there. This business hath been shewn more at large in the Life of that archbishop.

But soon after, Travers applied to the council, to be restored to his lecture, in a Supplication to the lords, declaring at large the cause of the contention between them, in relation to the unsound doctrines by the master of the Temple preached: which he briefly thus represented to them. “That he had discovered sundry unsound matters in his [Hooker’s] doctrine. And that many of his sermons tasted of some sour leaven or other. That matters of smaller weight, and so covertly discoursed, that no great offence to the church was to be feared in them. And those he wholly passed by. But others of greater moment, and so openly delivered, as there was just cause of fear lest the truth and church of God should be prejudiced and periled by it, and such as the conscience of his duty and calling would not suffer him altogether to pass over; this was his course; to deliver, when he had just cause by the text, the truth of such doctrines as he had otherwise taught in general speeches, without touch of his person in any sort; and sometime, at convenient opportunity, conferred with him in such points. “Thus whereas Hooker had taught certain things concerning predestination, otherwise than the word of God did, as it was understood by all churches professing the gospel, and not unlike that wherewith Coranus sometime troubled the church; he said, he both delivered the truth in such points in a general doctrine, without any touch of him in particular; and conferred also with him privately upon such articles. In which conference he remembered, that when he urged the consent of all churches and good writers against him, Hooker answered him, that his best author was his own reason. Which then he [Travers] wished him to take heed of, as a matter standing with Christian modesty and wisdom, in a doctrine not received by the church; not to trust to his own judgment, so far to practise it, before he had conferred with others of his profession; labouring, by daily prayer and study, to know the will of God, (as he [Travers] did,) to see how they understood such doctrines. Notwithstanding, added Travers, with wavering he replied, that he would some other time deal more largely in that matter. “That another time he preached this doctrine, that the assurance that we believe by the word is not so certain as of that we perceive by sense. But that he [Travers] taught the doctrine otherwise; namely, the assurance of faith to be greater: which assured both of things above, and contrary to all human sense and understanding.

And that he dealt with him also upon that point.”

Again, (as he went on in his declaration to the lords,) That he answered Hooker in another point, which he delivered in his sermon: which was, that he taught that the church of Rome was a true church of Christ; and a sanctified church by profession of the truth which God revealed unto us by his Son, though not a pure and perfect church, &c. To which Travers thus answered; That it was a matter of that moment to deliver, that it might prejudice the faith of Christ; encourage the evil affected to continue still in their damnable ways, and other weak in faith to suffer themselves easily to be seduced, to the destruction of their souls, &c.” All the rest that follows in Travers Supplication, in relation to the controversy between him and the master of the Temple, I omit. But what sufficient answer he made for himself in each particular may be seen in his works; making the archbishop of Canterbury his judge; “Offering to his grace’s hands a plain declaration of his innocence, as he wrote, in all these things, whereof he was so hardly and so heavily charged; lest, if he still remained silent, that which he did for quietness sake be taken as an argument that he lacked what to speak truly and justly in his own defence.”

There was a religious assembly now taken notice of, (whereof one Glover was a chief, and, as it seems, a minister,) complained of, for their opinions, to the archbishop: which Glover with some others were imprisoned. But whatsoever this society was, they seemed so excusable to the lord treasurer Burghley, that he wrote a letter to the archbishop in their favour. For which the said Glover writ to him a letter of thanks. In which letter may be seen what their tenets and doctrines were, namely, about the sense of justijfication and predestination; followers perhaps of Dr. Peter Baro, late Margaret professor in Cambridge, and Corranus before him. I choose to repeat Glover’s letter, as I find it, dated in April this year. “Acknowledging myself most highly bound unto your honour, in that you would vouchsafe, for us poor and contemptible persons, to write so graciously unto the archbishop. These are to repay what poor recompence and thanks I am able: wishing unto your lordship the most good I can, though I am of power to do none; and praying to God most heartily for the same. “Also, to prevent sinister information, I think it most needful to explain truly and briefly unto your wisdom the capital points for the which we suffer: and wherein, if we can be proved to err, we require to be reformed by reason, and not by rigour. “The first and chiefest is, in that we teach, that all men, to be justified, must come to Christ, who is only and wholly our remission and justification by the way of true faith and repentance, or amendment of life: as John Baptist teacheth; and not by faith only, as Luther of late hath taught. “The second is, that God hath from the beginning chosen in Christ and predestinate none to be in the state of salvation for that time as they are not predestinate to be in the state of charity and true repentance: as Mr. Calvin newly hath written. “The third and last, that the vineyard of God and church of Christ is not given to such who profess in words only, but only to such who bring forth the fruits thereof in their seasons. “For the discussing whereof we refer ourselves to the due trial and examination of the word especially; as also to the authority of ancient fathers agreeable thereunto. By the which if we shall be convict before indifferent judges in an open assembly, we offer ourselves willingly to be reformed, or else refuse no punishment.

Humbly beseeching all in authority, that we may find this end, which thieves, murtherers, and all malefactors find; to wit, that our accusers and adversaries may not be our judges: that our causes may not be determined of in corners: that they may not handle us as they list themselves. And so shall we not have the cause we have justly to complain of their iniquity and tyranny. The Lord Jesus preserve you and yours from all evil for ever. Amen. Subscribing, “Your humble orator, “EDWARD GLOVER.” I have a few remarks to make here of two enthusiasts, or rather cheats and deceivers: the one was named Joh. Dayrel, or Darrel, bachelor of arts, soon after a minister, of the preciser sort, about three or four and twenty years of age; who pretended to have cast out a devil out of one Katharine Wright, a young wench about seventeen, living in Darbyshire. And after, upon a return of the evil spirit into her, he cast out eight devils more, with which she was pretended to be possessed. A history whereof Darrel writ at large, and communicated some copies thereof to several persons; and among the rest to the lady Bowes: hoping to get applause, and compass other ends hereby. We hear little more of him and of his feats, till nine or ten years after, about the year 1596. And out of a great many more pretendedly possessed persons Darrel cast out their devils: as, out of a boy in Burton, called Tho. Darling, about fourteen years old. Whereof another book was penned by a saddler in that town, confederate, as it seems, with him: which book was revised and contracted by one Denison, a minister; and then published in print; and called, The book of the dispossession of the boy of Burton. This spread Darrel’s fame throughout the country. So that afterwards he was sent for in Lancashire unto Mr. Starkie there; in whose house were seven persons possessed with as many devils; all which he cast out. Whereof one was called Anne Ashton: who after fell into the hands of certain seminary priests, (thinking how by her tricks she might be of service to them,) and was carried by them up and down the country to sundry recusants’ houses; and by her cunning counterfeiting of certain fits, and staying herself for the secret directions of the said priests, she had her gains, and the priests gained great credit to them and their doctrine among the ignorant people.

There was also one Sommers of Nottingham, a youth likewise, with whom this wonderworking man had much ado, by reason of his violent fits, to master the unclean spirit that acted him: but dispossessed he was at last.

Many friends this impostor had, pretending to do all by prayer and fasting.

In short, he was at last summoned up to Lambeth, with one Moor, another minister that held with him, before the archbishop and commissioners ecclesiastical; and found a gross impostor; and committed both to close prison. A particular relation of all this was set forth afterwards in a book by Dr. S. Harsnet, who was chaplain to bishop Bancroft; exposing the man and his cheats and impostures.

Another such an impostor was one John White, a shoemaker, of Raleigh in Essex, an anabaptist, or of the sect of the family of love; who held himself to be John Baptist; and gave out very odd and vile speeches under pretence of religion. The report of this man spread. And at last it was thought convenient to the magistrate to call him, and those he pretended to teach, into examination. Which take as I find it in one of the bundles of paper in the king’s Paper-house, Westminster. The examination of John White of Raleigh, shoemaker, aged 24: taken by Arthur Herrys, justice of the peace, living at Woodham Mortymer, Oct. 1586. “That he came to the shop of one John Warley of Ra leigh; and said to John Young in the said shop, I come, to do you good. The said J. Young, examinate, asked him, What good? He replied, You can never glorify God aright, until you have fulfilled all your lusts. He asked him, What they were? Ye must, saith he, if ye have a mind to a woman, marry her. If ye like her not, put her away, and take another. If you like not her, take a third; and so as many as ye can: and when ye can obtain no more, take maids, and take away their beauty; meaning, to deflour them, as this examinate understood him. The examinate asked him, What warrant he had for these things? He answered, David could never see his sins, until such time as he had fulfilled all his lust; nor Solomon, until such time as he had accomplished all his desire. To this the other answered, That this was contrary to the word and law of God, and that he falsified the scripture. The other answered, What have we to do with the law? the gospel is above the law. To this the examinate said again, that the Lord would judge us according to the rigour of his law, unless we endeavoured by all possible means to fulfil it. I think, saith this exarainate, ye are an anabaptist, or one of the family of love. To this the other said, If ye had said a John of Baptist, ye had said right: for there was but one before Christ, and another after. “These speeches ended, John Warely, the master of this examinate, called him away; and willed the other to depart from the shop, saying, that he was not the man he took him for. “At the same time another person present deposed, that he said, It is good for you to take time while it lasts. Go into the gardens, and see all the herbs: for time is the bravest herb that groweth. Our queen shall live but a little while: she will be gone ere summer come. “Another shoemaker of Raleigh deposed, that this John Young, alias Snelling, came as a stranger to offer service to him, who took him into service about a month last past. And that for that month he behaved himself orderly, until Wednesday last in the morning, he began to enter into a vain talk lunaticly; altogether touching divinity, and matter of religion: that he went from his shop down the street, to the shop of a neighbour of his; where he had some speeches; for which he was apprehended.” [Which speeches, as it seems, were concerning the sudden death of the queen, as he had heard from the abovesaid enthusiast.] “Then John White examined said, That being at Warly’s shop, he prayed that God would take away, for the sins of the people, our good prince: that the people for their sins might be punished with some tyrant: and being touched concerning other of his speeches makes no certain answer; but behaveth himself in word and gestures lunaticly?” Then follows:

Arthur Herrys sent this examination to the lord chancellor Bromeley, to know his order what to do with the man; but concludeth him lunatic, or of imperfect sense. Whether so indeed, or but feigned, he knew not certainly: but if he might utter his opinion, he thought him to be a man overstudied with anabaptistical conceits. And therewithal partly entered into lunacy or phrensy.

This year the disciplinarians struggled hard in parliament for a reformation of the present church, according to their model prepared and offered in the house. Some account whereof was given in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift. Many were the speeches and discourses pro and con then delivered. The heads of some of them in behalf of the established church, and against any innovations to be introduced, were these: That the present form of our ecclesiastical government in England is both godly and necessary. Another head of discourse was, that the ordinances of our church and the means appointed for the execution are good and commendable. Another, that if any thing be generally amiss in ecclesiastical affairs, it appertaineth, under her majesty, to the clergy in the convocation house, or synod, to be reformed. Another head of discourse was, that when orders are agreed upon by the clergy, and confirmed by her majesty, those men ought to be punished that wilfully oppose themselves, and will not obey them. Another went on this head, certain mischiefs ensuing the puritans’ demands and platform. And lastly, another, entitled, The errors and untruths in the bill exhibited for a reformation. These arguments, and other, such like, may be found and read in a volume in the Lambeth library, endorsed, Memoirs, in archbishop Whitgift’s time.

And as these controversies about religion made discontents and disturbances among the queen’s subjects; so there happened now a matter of another nature, that gave many of them trouble and distress, and that was, a great dearth. Provision for food grown scarce, and the prices of victuals enhanced; by reason of very unseasonable weather the last year, and now by withholding corn and provision, and not bringing it to the markets by means of engrossers. The queen moved with a compassion towards her poorer sort of subjects, issued forth her proclamation, Jan. the 2d, to remedy this as much as she could, by requiring corn-masters to sell their corn, and appointing victuals to be sold at reasonable prices, set down. “Declaring therein, how the dearth was in sundry parts of the realm, first grown by the visitation of Almighty God in the alteration of seasonable weather in the last year: which yet was not so extreme in this realm as in many other countries adjoining; whereof the dearth was by many occasions known manifestly to be far greater than it was in this realm hitherto, or by God’s goodness like to be. “That it was manifestly known, the said dearth to have been wilfully increased in very many places of the realm, not only by and through the covetousness of many engrossers of corn and corn-masters, but also by unlawful transportation of grain, and lack also of preservation of store in time requisite. “The queen acknowledged this manner of God’s mercy and favour, in a more favourable measure towards her country and her people, than in any other foreign parts adjoining; and that she thought good and necessary for a further remedy against the uncharitable covetousness of the corn-masters, as cause should require, to notify, that if such as were great corn-masters and owners of grain, or of other necessary victually for food of the poor, should not be willing, or did not perform certain orders that she intended to set forth, whereby the poorer sort might be relieved in the markets at reasonable prices; or that it should appear that other needful victuals should by covetousness of any person grow to excessive prices, to the pinching of the poorer sort; she did hereby signify that she would not only severely punish the offenders for their cruel covetousness and offences against her orders; but would also, for the excessive prices of other needful victuals, give order, that reasonable prices should be set both on corn and other victuals, to be sold for the relief of her majesty’s poor subjects, according to both her prerogative royal, and to the order of justice as by special law of parliament therefore made in the 25th year of the reign of her late noble and dear father king Henry VIII. was especially in such cases provided. Given at Greenwich, the 2d of January, 1586, in the 29th year of her reign.”

But this special order for setting particular prices for the selling of all sorts of corn and grain, and all other victuals, I do not find added in this declaration till the year 1588; and then joined to another at large.

The preamble to the queen’s proclamation abovesaid shewed her princely affection and tender compassion towards her poor subjects; which inclineth me to add it here, viz. “That she foreseeing the general dearth grown of corn, and other victuals, partly through the unseasonableness of the year past; whereby want had grown more in some countries than in others; and most of all generally through the covetousness and uncharitable greediness of such as were great corn-masters and engrossers of corn; using all subtile means they could to work their own present and unconscionable gain against the rules of charity; which her majesty, of her princely care and love towards her people, utterly condemned, and earnestly desired to remedy, for the relief of the poorer sort; and therefore, out of her said princely care toward all her people, having with the advice of her council had good consideration hereof, did by her proclamation give express commandment and charge unto all such unto whom it shall or might appertain, that such good orders as her majesty had commanded to be devised for that purpose, and now also sent into all parts of her realm, be diligently and effectually put in speedy execution, signifying to all her good and loving subjects, that if any should be found obstinate or negligent in the due execution, or otherwise, observation thereof; that then, upon clue information and proof thereof made unto her highness’ council, which she required not to be spared by any having just cause of complaint, for respect of any person, she had given special command and order, that they should be speedily called to answer; and thereupon; according to the quality of their offences, they should receive sharp punishment. Whereby others might take example to avoid the like contempt, negligences, and other defaults.”

But now to descend to matters less public happening this year in the university.

Dr. Howland had for some time held the mastership of St. John’s college in Cambridge, with his bishopric of Peterburgh. Nor wanted there such in the college as looked earnestly to succeed; and namely, Watson and Stanton, according as both parties had their friends in the college, and also Dr. Whitaker of Trinity college, the queen’s public professor of divinity: for whom the lord Burghley, sometime of St. John’s college, and styled a patron to it, was concerned; knowing him a learned and sober man. And the bishop of Peterburgh held the mastership the longer, till a favourable opportunity might present, for the election of him or some other worthy man. The bishop being now desirous to resign, as finding it too difficult to take that due care of the college, and his see also, as was requisite, signified his mind to the said lord: and the rather now, the college, that in former times was in great disorders, being pretty well quieted. The bishop was then at the college, when he wrote his letter declaring his intent; and wherein this present college affair appearing more plainly, I shall give the tenor of it from the original before me. “That he could not enter so far into the affection of the college for Mr. Whitaker as he puposed: but yet so far he went, that he was fully persuaded he might be chosen by voice; but not without a strong faction for Mr. Watson, as was pretended, but he thought, in truth, for Mr. Stanton: which, as he added, would greatly hinder the government, and alter the quiet state of the college; the good whereof he knew his lordship did greatly tender. And that therefore, if it should please his lordship, at his next return, which should be before Michaelmas, God willing, to vouchsafe his letters unto the fellows in favour of Mr. Whitaker, upon his relinquishing the place, he did not doubt to draw them, if not to a general consent, yet not to repugn the same at the least: that so it will appear what course was to be taken; whereupon he would not only give over the place, but do what further his lordship will him herein. “For that besides his honourable care for the man and college, he found it chargeable unto him to keep two places; either place besides requiring a whole man. Nor that was it his mind ever to keep it any longer than to make things fit for his lordship’s determination, and to leave the same with credit. Humbly praying, that God would still bless them, that it might continue in as good peace and quiet as, by God’s great mercies, he should now leave it, the state of Cambridge and studies this time considered.”

But to understand this matter better, we must go a year or two back. The seniors and other fellows of that college, upon the advancement of Dr. Howland unto the aforesaid bishopric, in a letter to the lord Burghley, earnestly expressed their desire for Whitaker to be their master in his room, upon account of his great merit. They thanked him for honouring their master, Dr. Howland, in raising him by his interest to so high a degree in the church as that of a bishop. They expressed a great sorrow to be deprived of him: Quocum annis multis jam tum magna collegii dignitate trarquille pieque viximus. And that now the queen being of course to send them a master, having taken the other from them, they were very solicitous whom she would send them, since many were now candidates. But that they, the fellows of the house, that wrote this letter to his lordship, judged, that Whitaker was beyond them all. Unus Whitakerus, qui vir, Deus bone! quanta virtute, quam excellenti doctrina praeditus! They acknowledged that they did sometimes in discourse among themselves look on it as a neglect in him, [the lord Burghley,] and other great men of the court, that they thought no more of preferring this man, They went on in these words: Si non esset Whitakerus, aut si noster non esset, aliumne athletam habemus illi parem, quem Rhemensibus praeclarisque Jesuitis, et omnibus papistarum emissariis objiceremus? So that he was now esteemed the great champion of the protestant cause. And that whereas about that time, (viz. an. 1584,) the popish scholars did fly up and down the kingdom, and make great boasts, and seemed to carry all before them, that they doubted not but by his [this learned man’s] pains and assistance they should be beaten, and forced to give place. They added, that he had by his book, most accurately written, and published, overthrown that whole stock, and all our fugitives and followers of the pope.

Whitaker lived at this time in a little house near the college: which gave these fellows occasion to add, Tantum tali ingenio praeditum, tam bene de ecclesia et evanglio meritum, inter oppidanos, &c. i. e. Should we suffer such a great man, furnished with such parts, that hath so well deserved of the church and the gospel, to live in a poor, strait, hired house of his own, among the townsmen? Shall there be no place among all these large colleges to receive him according to his worth? And so they ended, earnestly begging that Whitaker might be their master. There was but eleven subscribed this letter: but they seemed to be the seniors, whereof Andrew Downes was the first, who was Greek professor.

But notwithstanding this earnest letter, there was great opposition by others in the college against him. And he was chosen with much ados the lord Burghley resolving to put him in. But it seems upon second thoughts, and to avoid contention, it was resolved that bishop Howland should continue their master. And so he was till February 1586, when Whitaker, not without difficulty, was elected master. But the election being dubious, the matter was determined by the bishop of Ely and the other visitors of the college.

But bishop Howland was this summer retiring from the college to Peterburgh, soon after the commencement; and minded to take along with him some young gentlemen of that college, (to whom the lord Burghley had a more particular regard and oversight,) it being now a time of leisure to the students, and to prevent the danger of sickness in regard of the multitude and the heat of summer, and withal for their recreation. But the bishop thought it advisable first to obtain that lord’s leave for them. For thus his former letter concludes: “I am most humbly to request your lordship’s favour, (for without it we dare not,) that the earl of Southampton, Mr. Cecill, [lord Burghley’s grandson,] and Mr. Denny, [grandson, as it seems, to sir Anthony Denny, an eminent statesman in king Henry and king Edward’s reigns,] might come over unto Peterburgh for two or three weeks, now after the commencement, to the avoiding of our pestered house in this heat of summer, and for their recreation: which I trust shall be for their good. Dated from St. John’s college the 27th of June, 1586.”

Puritanism prevailed now in Christ’s college; Gold and Usher being proceeded with for that cause: Gold for a sermon preached at St. Mary’s; who was thought and also reported to have spoken against the cross, and the use of the same, now received in the church of England: for which he was cited before the vice-chancellor and heads, June the 10th. Where before Dr. Tyndal, vice-chancellor, and Fulk, Goad, Norgate, and Lorkin, he openly protested that he had no such intendment; and that he did not disallow or condemn the cross, or the sign of the same, but thinketh it to be tolerable. Et sic absolutus est ab ulte riori, &c.

The trouble brought upon Christopher Usher, A. B. of the same college, was occasioned from some table-talk between him and Thomas Bowes, A.M. who had taken some offence at certain words which passed, as he thought, from the said Christopher, as derogating from the queen’s majesty’s authority, preeminence, and title. And thereupon humbly requested Dr. Tyndal, vice-chancellor, that he would cause the said Christopher to set down, and plainly to express his meaning in the former talk. The said Christopher for this appeared before the said vice-chancellor and Mr. Dr. Still, justices of the peace, and of the quorum. He protested that he spake no such words as were laid to his charge.

Whereupon one William Prat, A.M. and two more scholars of the house, then present at such talk, were examined by the justices: who denied any such words, as the said Christopher was burdened withal, to have been spoken or uttered in their hearing. And further, the said Tho. Bowes, being demanded of Mr. Vice-chancellor, answered and said, that he did believe, that the said Christopher did speak these words, which he did lay to his charge, not of any cankered or malicious stomach, but only in way of talk, and rash contradicendi studio, rather than for any thing else. Whereupon the said justices, after a godly exhortation given unto the said Christopher, to be circumspect and wise in talking of princes’ matters, and to either of them to live in unity and peace, dismissed the said Christopher.

I have some further remark to make of this college. This house was this year found guilty of divers faults, and matters that required inspection and redress: insomuch, that in the month of December Dr. Copcotts, being now vice-chancellor, an honest, stirring man, and perceiving the affairs of that college complained of, as mightily out of order, (almost every statute of the foundress transgressed,) proceeded to visit the college: for the chancellor of that university, or his vice-chancellor, was yearly visitor of it.

At Dr. Hawford’s death, which was in the year 1579, (who was the former master,) there was in their college treasury 700l .: of which they laid out 440l . for a purchase: whereof they raised the fellows’ commons to three shillings a week, which by statute was but twelve pence. They took no care to restore in time the common treasury, or to increase what was left; but took all commodities of fines for leases, and of wood-sales to themselves.

They had a dividend at the baker’s hands, who allowed 15 to the dozen.

The commodity whereof went to the fellows. The scholars’ size in that respect was the less, &c. Dr. Copcots thought therefore to give injunctions to the college, and had drawn them up, to the number of 21: which he sent to the chancellor, entreating him to peruse, and to amend and ratify them: asserting that there was not one clause in the whole, but met with some disorder or abuse, or some breach of statute.

What injunctions the visitor gave to the college, the master was bound within a month to see them executed; else to be admonished the second time. If still neglected, it was loss of his place:. This is the sum of a letter to the chancellor by the vice-chancellor, acquainting him with this college affair; expecting his order, and confirmation of what he had done: which letter I have transcribed from the original, and reserved in the Appendix.

The injunctions are too long to be here set down: but by them it appears, that nonconformity was gotten in greatly into the college: that the fellows neglected public prayers as to the time and habit appointed by the statutes of the university and college: and so was the partaking of the holy communion neglected too: that in their common places their practice was, to reflect upon particular persons, [whose doctrines or persons they liked not.] And their common places were so tedious and long in the chapel, that the lectures in the hall were omitted. They neglected to speak Latin in the court and in the hall. Those that were to perform divine offilces, or scholastic exercises, did neglect their duties. They ordinarily dined and supped out of the college. They wore not caps. They would go into the town, not in their academical habits: which it seems the master himself, Dr. Barwel, neglected, with other charges laid against him. When they disputed publicly, or did their exercise ad clerum, the members of the college did not accompany them either to the schools or St. Mary’s. But see these injunctions at length in the Appendix.

This visitation the vice-chancellor continued and prorogued from time to time, in order to examine those of the house that were from home at the time of administering the interrogatories to them: which continuation lasted beyond the time of the vice-chancellor’s year or office. Of these injunctions and proceedings the master and fellows informed the lord Burghley, the high chancellor, in order to their own vindication; complaining of their visitor for misrepresenting them, in charging them with such misdemeanours, and endeavouting to clear themselves of them: and asserting, that he could not prorogue the visitation so long by their statute, delivering the injunctions but in February the 22d: and continuing it further to the 22d of March, which was the sixth time: and thereby that he had broke the statute, which limited the time of such visitation.

And whereas it was charged upon them by their visitor, that they had used unseemly words and behaviour towards him, they set down in their letter, dated February 26, to that lord, the very words, and the occasion of speaking them; viz. “That the master, having signified before his mind concerning this endless visitation, one of the fellows, being thereunto appointed by the company, used these words: I beseech your worship, Mr. Vice-chancellor, to hear me speak unto you in the name of the fellows, (they being present to justify the same:) Considering the injury that our college hath received by your often continuance of this visitation, we signify thus much, that reserving all reverence and duty to you, as Mr. Vice-chancellor, we are minded to appear no more at your commandment by the name of our visitor.” The lord Burghley had written them a letter, upon complaint of his vicechancellor concerning them; mentioning to him, how they had irreverendly behaved themselves towards him, his deputy, their visitor, and concerning their refusal in receiving his injunctions. To the former the college gave that lord their answer, as abovesaid. Touching receiving the injunctions, thus they answered; “That so far forth as they pertained to the reformation of the breach of such statutes as wherein there was any offence committed, they would dutifully yield unto his lawful authority; for so far and no farther their statutes limited him. That as for other statutes, which he termed by the name of injunctions, they could not yield unto them without the discredit of their house, the overthrow of their liberty, and the utter subversion of the state of their government.

The end of which his injunctions, if he could as well see what confusion it would breed in their house, as by their experience they throughly knew, they believed he would be more sparing in challenging more authority than he might. And yet they offered him, that if there were any disorder which he misliked, and would have reformed, upon proof thereof, they would take order, as by statute they had power within themselves to do, that not for the time present only, but for ever hereafter it should be reformed in as effectual a manner as any man could require. But that, for aught they saw, Mr. Vice-chancellor’s drift was, to alter the whole government of their house; and to bring it hereafter from the college to the vice-chancellor: that is, from a whole corporation to one private man. For otherwise, if the reformation of errors only were sought, he would never have stood so much in this matter, seeing that might be done with the hundredth part of this great ado.”

Adding in the conclusion of this their brisk letter, “That it could not stand with the credit of government in their college, for Mr. Vice-chancellor to come as their visitor, and go out their founder.” This was signed by the master and fellows: some of whom were, Andrew Williat, Cutbert Bainbrig, Will. Perkins, Francis Johnson, George Downham, who were puritans.

This controversy between the college and Dr. Copcot held to August the next year: when the lord Burghley was fain to appoint certain persons of that university to examine and judge of the matters between them. And so it ended. For which the college returned him (in another of their letters) quam maximas quamque mens hominis capere potest, amplissimas gratias ob maximum aeternumque benefieium: as we shall take notice under the next year.

CHAPTER 8.

The printing-press at Cambridge. The archbishop’s order to the university about books to be printed there. His letter about the university preachers. The university and town of Cambridge at difference. Their petition to the lord Burghley, their chancellor.

Duchess of Somerset, her last will: her jewels: her letter to secretary Cecil, concerning the lord Hertford, her son, in the Tower. Sir Philip Sidney’s last will. A letter of the young earl of Essex. Character of Davison, late secretary. Fleetwood, recorder of London, his diary. Books printed. P. Bizarus, a learned Italian, here. His writings.

IHAVE a remark or two more to make of the aforesaid university, before I leave it.

It was shewed before how the art of printing was set up, and began in Cambridge, by the advice and care of the heads and governors thereof. But there was a jealousy of the liberty of printing books there, the purposes whereof sometimes might tend to more harm than good; namely, such as might either disturb the government, or the peace of the church. And therefore, for the preventing any such inconveniencies, the lords of the council had lately ordered, that no book should be printed in London, or in either of the universities, but the copies to be first reviewed and allowed by the archbishop of Canterbury or the bishop of London. And of this the careful archbishop gave the university of Cambridge information; and that on occasion of a book now in printing there, called, The harmony of confessions, &c. translated out of Latin into English; which, for some reasons, was not allowed in London to be printed. This the archbishop understanding was going in hand with these in Cambridge, sent his letter to the vice-chancellor and heads, to cause the said book to be stayed from printing, and that presently upon the receipt thereof, until they should receive further direction from him. And that in regard of that late order of the council, he required them to take special care, that nothing should be printed there but what should be authorized accordingly. This letter, as taken from the records of that university, may be read in the Appendix.

And yet, however it came to pass, the said book was printed and published this year, in octavo, at Cambridge, by Tho. Thomas, who was the university printer, (as my learned friend hath observed,) with this title, An harmony of the cofessions of the reformed churches, &c. No doubt the printing of the book had the permission of the archbishop, after some review or correction of it.

The archbishop also took care about the university preachers, who had their licence from the university: a privilege which they had, to nominate an university preacher, and some others, to a certain number, as it seems. But by this means several of that university had gotten to be preachers, that were. disaffected to the doctrine, or rites, or constitution of the church, as established. To prevent or remedy this, the said watchful archbishop sent another letter this same year to the vice-chancellor and heads; requiring them, that whosoever should be by them admitted to preach in their university or elsewhere, should first subscribe the three articles agreed upon and confirmed by her majesty’s authority; and threatening them, in case of their neglect in this matter of subscription, to call in question their authority to admit so many preachers; which how slender it was he well knew. This letter also I join to the former, to preserve, as much as we can, the memory and deserts of this great prelate.

There was about this time a great difference and contest between the university and the town. What the first occasion or offence was, I inquire not. But so hot the people of the town were against the scholars, that about the time of Sturbridge fair, the mayor and others of the freemen made these orders, that no scholars or their servants should have any booths in the fair, nor have any commodity belonging to the town. And furthermore, in other respects, shewing great ingratitude towards them of the university; bending themselves with much contention against them, more than had been known heretofore.

The heads of the university, in their own right, and withal to be even with the town for their ingratitude, (who had such a dependence upon the scholars,) came to this resolution, to humble them, with the leave and concurrence of their high chancellor, viz. that no college, scholar, or scholar’s servant, should sell or let any lands or tenements to any townsman, without it were with the consent of the chancellor and whole body of the university. Nor that any scholar or scholar’s servant should buy any thing of them; as cloth, apparel, or victuals, or any thing else. And that none, either scholar, or servant of any scholar, or foreigner, taking to farm any house or land from the university, become after a freeman of the town, or let or set over any such house or land, or parcel thereof, to any townsman: or if so, the lease to cease and become void. And further, that no townsmen should partake of any benefit from a privilege granted to the university for the provision of corn and victuals for five miles compass from Cambridge. Other orders tho heads agreed upon to straiten the townsmen, and to recover their privilege at Sturbridge fair. For this purpose, and that this their consultation might take effect, they preferred a petition to their chancellor, the lord Burghley; which was delivered to him by the hands of Perne, one of the ancientest heads of the university, and of venerable esteem. Which I leave to be read in the Appendix.

Now I will proceed to make some observations of a few particular persons of note, as fall this year within our view.

This year the duchess of Somerset, a lofty lady, (relict of the great duke of Somerset, uncle to king Edward VI. and protector of his realms,) made her last will, dated July 14, though she died not till the year following. Several particulars, being the sum thereof, I will set down, as I have them from an authentic copy. Wherein wilt appear her vast wealth, her children and posterity, her relations and servants, by the legacies she left them. “First, she thanked God in Christ Jesus, that he had, long ago called her to the knowledge and love of the gospel; and ever since kept her therein, to an assured hope of life everlasting, through faith in the righteousness of Jesus Christ alone. She gave to her son Edward, earl of Hertford, and his heirs, all her mansion-house, situate in Chanonrow within Westminster, with the household stuff and furniture. Item, she gave him a glass of crystal, dressed with gold: a basin and ewer, all gilt plate: a pair of gilt pots; a pair of flagons: three gilt trenchers: a spoon of gold; three other spoons, gilt antique fashions: two of the fairest gilt boles, with covers: a salt of crystal: best chain of pearls, with long beads of gold between: a fair jewel diamond: a great pearl, by estimation worth 30l . To his wife, my daughter of Hertford, [lady Katharine Gray,] a fair tablet to wear, with antique work on one side, and a rose diamond on the other: a clock of gold, worth about 30l . “To my son, lord Henry Seymour, thirteen hundred pounds, over and above the seven hundred I have already given him, towards the payment of his debts. Item, I give him a fair jewel of an egret, with divers stones: three boles of silver and gilt, with covers, and a basin and ewer of silver.” [And that was all to this son, whom she did not love.] She had two daughters married, and alive; to whom also she gave legacies, viz. the lady Mary Rogers, and the lady Elizabeth Knightly. “To my son, Beauchamp, [i.e. eldest son to the earl of Hertford,] 200l . and a chain of pearls and gold, with friars knots; the gold by estimation worth 80l . To my son, Thomas Seymour, [i.e. the earl of Hertford’s second son,] 100l . and a chain, worth about 60l . To my son Beauchamp’s wife, [Honora, daughter of sir Richard Rogers,] a book of gold, kept in a green purse, and a pair of bracelets without stones. To my daughter Mary’s husband, [i.e. Andrew Rogers, esq.] one of my rings that hath the best diamond. To my goddaughter, Anne Knightley, [viz. her granddaughter,] 500l . and a rope of small pearl. To my lord treasurer [lord Burghley] a jug of crystal, with a cover dressed with silver and gilt, and a ring with an emerald?

Somewhat also she bequeathed to her two nephews, John and Michael Stanhope: to her servants: to her yeomen, grooms, and others. To the godly poor in the two universities, 20l . and to poor prisoners in London mark. And no more in charity, for aught I find. All the rest to the earl of Hertford; whom she made sole executor.

To this copy of the duchess’s last will, (found among the MSS. of the lord Burghley,) there was found also another paper, being an inventory of her money and jewels, (which was vast,) taken by order from her majesty, April 21,1587, by John Wolley, one of the privy-chamber, and John Fortescue, master of her great wardrobe; in presence of the earl of Hertford, Henry lord Seymour, sir Richard Knightly, and Andrew Rogers, esquires, her sons and sons-in-law. Such a huge treasure, that it would take up too much room here to inscribe the said inventory; and yet it is pity it should not have a place in this history. And therefore I have transferred it to the Appendix.

It was not many days before this duchess’s death that something of remark happened concerning her last will. For the queen coming to understand that she had made her eldest son, the earl of Hertford, her sole executor, and excluding the lord Henry, her second son, whose circumstances were somewhat strait, she sent sir Tho. Gorges to the duchess, lying now on her deathbed, at her seat in Hanworth, to move her, in her majesty’s name, to join her said second son in the executorship with the elder: and Gorges argued with her earnestly, as the queen appointed him so to do. At length she promised she would; but (as appeared by the will) did not. Whereupon, after her death, some trouble arose, and examinations were taken: which I shall refer to the next year, when it happened.

I have but one thing more to add of this great duchess, which will leave some further memory of her to posterity: and that is, a letter of her own hand, which she wrote many. years past, to Cecill, the queen’s secretary; as she had at the same time writ another to the earl of Leicester; to join their interests in an earnest address to the queen, for the lord Hertford, her eldest son, and the lady Katharine his wife, for their liberties, both then remaining in the Tower, under the queen’s displeasure, for marrying without her knowledge or consent; the lady his wife being of royal blood.

The letter follows, as I transcribed it from the original. “Good Mr. Secretary. After this long silence, and for that as yet my old occasion lets my attendance, I have presumed by letter to renew my suit for my son to the queen’s majesty; and have likewise written to my lord of Leicester; praying you to set in your helping hand to end this tedious suit. Wherein for me to reason how much her highness’ displeasure is too long lasting, or how unmeet it is this young couple should thus wax old in prison, or how far better it were for them to be abroad, and learn to serve, I will not [say,] but leave all such speeches to the friendly setting forth of my good lord and you. Only my seeking is, that as there is none other cause, since her majesty’s reign, but hath had some favourable order or end; so by your earnest conferring and joining with my good lord, this young couple may feel some like of her majesty’s, plentiful mercy. To the procurement whereof, the more earnest my lord and you shew yourselves, the more shall you set forth the queen’s majesty’s honour; and, as a mother, I must needs say, the better discharge your callings and credit. And so resting in prayer that God would bless your travail to some comfortable end, I take my leave. “Your assured loving friend, “ANNE SOMERSET.” This was writ by the duchess in January, 1565. But neither her nor their intercession prevailed with the queen for the liberty of her son and the lady Katharine till many years after, though she, by reason of her sickness, was permitted to retire for some time to Pyrgo, her brother, the lord John Gray’s seat, in Essex.

As this year put an end to the life of that famous and accomplished gentleman, sir Philip Sidney, who was slain at Zutphen, in Flanders, in the queen’s service, so I cannot but give a clause of his last will. Which will shew, among the rest of his admirable qualities, his justice and integrity: viz. “Item, I will and absolutely authorize the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham, and my brother Robert Sidney, or either of them, to sell so much of my lands lying within the counties of Lincoln, Sussex, or Southampton, as shall pay all my debts, as well those of my father deceased, as of mine own. Beseeching them to hasten the same, and to pay the creditors with all possible speed, according to that letter of attorney which sir Francis Walsingham already hath, sealed and subscribed by me to that end. Which letter of attorney I do hereby confirm and ratify, so far forth as concerneth that purpose to all effects of law.”

To add a word here of another young and brave nobleman, Robert, earl of Essex, his father, Walter Devereux, earl of Essex, dead ten years before.

This Robert made himself famous from his youth for his warlike disposition: as in the year 1589, being in an expedition against Spain, where he fought with a Spaniard hand to hand: afterwards sent with forces into France, as our histories relate. But something before these exploits of his, viz. this year, when he was little above 20 years of age, I have to relate, to shew his aspiring spirit, in the language he treated sergeant Puckring, a man of eminence in the law, and not long after the queen’s solicitor, and a judge. He had been a counsel against one Vaughan, a retainer of the earl’s, or an arbitrator in that cause; wherein the sergeant favoured him not. Which stirred up the young nobleman, when he heard of it, to much displeasure, that he gave his mind somewhat proudly in a threatening letter to the said sergeant, in the terms that follow; as I transcribe it from the original “That he was sorry to hear that he should prosecute that matter against his servant, Mr. Vaughan. Whom he perceived, since his absence, had hard measure offered. Which how he [the earl] should redress, because he was now far from him, he knew not. But, as he proceeded, I will do my best. And when I see England, if I and all the friends I have can help it, it shall take no wrong. He hath, like a gentleman and an honest man, followed me and my house.

Therefore as long as he may stand by my help, he shall not fall. I did not look that either Mr. Atkis or yourself should strive for this victory over any of mine. But you are judges, and therefore severe men; and therefore willing to revenge: in authority, and therefore able. To help that which is already past, I have already determined my course. For any thing that is to come, entreat you I will not, since my best friends are already rejected. Exasperate you I need not. For I think you have already done your worst. But I am sorry every thing falls out so ill, that my man should be condemned; yourselves, whom before I loved, should prosecute; and I absent, who might yield him some help. I hear D. Williams hath used his kinsman very well. But it is not the first time he hath played the knave. I shall one day make even with him for many old debts. “For yourselves I wish you no harm; but that you may not have your wills in this. In haste, this 18th of June, 1586. He that loved you, if you could have loved him, and is, “R. ESSEX.” By this we see a specimen of this young earl’s spirit; which brought him at last to an untimely end, as our histories relate.

I make a note here in this period of another memorable man, William Davison, late secretary of state; who was lately censured, and deeply fined, and cast into the Tower, for too hastily despatching the queen’s warrant for the execution of the Scotch queen: whereof relation hath been given before. But still the good character of the man remained. Of whom Tho.

Newton, a poet in those times, gave this character, in a copy of verses to him, as follows: Ad ornatissimum virum, Guilielmum Davisonum, regineum secretarium.

Tempora laeta diu vidisti, tempora dura Sensisti, et variis fata inimica modis.

Flante, reflante tamen fortuna, semper eundem Te praetas, fortem scilicet, atque pium.

Macte animo, Davisone, tuo: sic itur ad astra. Praemiolum virtus assolet esse sui.

Of the abilities and deserts of this gentleman, however now fallen under the queen’s displeasure, the lord treasurer thus observed to her; “That he knew not a man in England furnished so universally for the place he lately had under her majesty; neither knew he any that could come near him. And that for a servant of the queen in that place, he thought it hard to find a like qualified person.” More of him hath been told before.

I have a few passages to set down concerning some transactions in the city of London, as I find them in a diary of sergeant Fleetwood, recorder; in which he used to set down minutes of what passed at the sessions, or otherwise: sending them customarily to the lord treasurer. I transcribe from that diary, as follows. “Whitsunday, May the 23d. Upon Friday, at afternoon, I sat in the commission ecclesiastical at Lambeth, with my Lord’s grace: where three Oxford preachers were charged, for that they would have all temporal causes to be decided by the seniors of the church. And that her majesty had not to deal in causes ecclesiastical: with such like matters. My lord almoner did bear much with them. “Saturday was by me employed to abbreviate and explain a new commission, granted for the relief of the Fleet and King’s Bench.

And that I did by the command of my lord of Canterbury his grace. “Wednesday was spent at the gaol of Newgate, where we had little or nothing to do. The matters there were slender, and of no great importance. There were none executed. “Your good lordship peradventure may marvail, why we have had so few dealings in criminal causes at this our late sessions. The reason is this. We have in prison here in Newgate the most principal thieves of this realm. We lack none but Mannering; who doth daily gather into his society lewd persons, who commit, in all parts of the realm, most dangerous robberies. I hear that,the genn, or ingen, [engine,] is in your lordship’s custody. The want whereof is a great stay of many burglaries. “September 6, at evening, 1586. That at the sending away his man that Wednesday morning, all the bells of London did ring for joy.

That upon the 7th of this month, being as this day anno 28 Hen.

VIII. her grace was born. There was this day, but specially at supper, great feasting. That he had been bidden out to supper that night in six or seven places.” The citizens now shewing their loyalty to the queen, and their joy, upon the late discovery of a plot against her life, and the execution of the conspirators; and when such plots were carrying on, to set up the queen of Scots, and dethrone their beloved queen Elizabeth.

Francis Thinn set forth this year the Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury: beginning at Augustin the monk: being put upon the work by some of his friends. He confessed he had taken what he had written out of Matth. Parker, [the late archbishop,] who, he said, had learnedly in Latin writ the lives of the LXX archbishops of that see. The lives contained in this book are digested into Holinshed’s Chronicle under the year 1586.

I add to this another writer, named Petrus Bizarus, an Italian, dwelling here in England; a man of learning; entertained divers years with the earl of Bedford. And expecting preferment here, failing of it, in discontent he departed, and lived abroad. Where he applied himself to write in Latin relations of history of wars in several kingdoms, and then publishing them to the world. The lord Burghley seemed to have an esteem for him; and affecting learning himself, desired once of Bizarus to know what he had published. Which caused him to send a letter to the said lord, giving him therein an account of his books; and sending him withal his last book, viz. certain verses. It was writ from the Hague, and ran in this tenor. Illustrissime D. D. clementissime, et observantissime, &c. Post meas elucubrationes, &c. “That after his pains, published as well at Venice as Basil, viz. De bello Cyprio, et De bello Pannonico; together with an epitome of sundry things, and other matters; he had set forth a great and vast work; to wit, The history and annals of the republic of Genua.

Wherein, besides other things, most hohourable mention was made by him of the most serene queen [Elizabeth;] and that very many things were inserted de nefario ac detestabili scelere reginae Scotiae: namely, how by her consent her husband was slain; and then married the parricide. And that all these things he wrote, non adulatorie, sed vere; i.e. not to flatter, but to speak the truth; and according to the genuine history, ut veridicum historicum decebat; as became an historian that dared to speak the truth. “And that because in the same work mention was made of his illustrious lordship, he had sent him a copy, by the worthy gentleman, Mr. Rob. Beal, [the queen’s agent, it seems, now in those parts,] who heknew would faithfully deliver it to him. “But that although, as he proceeded, the state of Genua, by reason of different religion, was barbarous, and very ingrateful towards him, it should never work him off from his labours and watchings, since virtue itself was his true wages and reward. After that time he wrote the history of the Persian affairs: beginning from Cyrus, the founder of the Persian monarchy, by a deduced series to these present times: which work was in folio, printed likewise by Christopher Plantin at Antwerp; and was dedicated to the most illustrious prince D. Augustus, elector of Saxony. Whom, he added, next to the most serene queen, was his prince for fourteen years, and honoured him with a yearly stipend; and for that work was beneficent and liberal towards him. “Lastly, that he wrote a Latin work of the four chief empires or monarchies, very clear. Which he sent to Frankford to be printed.

Here, as he concludes, you have, honourable sir, an account of my studies, from the time I left the English court. Wherein, I saw, I spent in vain my time and hope, while for so many years I served the most illustrious earl of Bedford, of happy and pious memory.

But although now a great many years are past, since I wrote nothing to the same illustrious lord, that I might, easily have been forgotten by him; yet I have ever retained his memory with the chiefest observance. And I pray the great and good God to keep him safe and happy: as also I do for your lordship. For whom, as I said, I do yet pray, and will pray, as long as I shall live. I have now withal sent these my verses, lately printed, to your lordship. And finally, beseeching God, that his illustrious lordship, with his whole family, and chiefly the queen’s majesty, within all her majesty’s kingdoms, might perpetually flourish. In haste. From the Hague, the 23d of November, new stile, 1586. Vestrae illustrissimae dom. longe addictiss, et Observantiss, Petrus Bizarus,

CHAPTER 9.

The miserable condition of don Antonio: represented to the lord treasurer. Sir Fran. Drake takes a rich ship of Portugal: his success at Cales. intelligence from Scotland by a priest there.

Remembrance for Portland castle, sent to the lord treasurer from sir Walter Raleigh. Orders for the lieutenancy of Hampshire. Care taken about the justices of peace. Bishop of Peterburgh, his letter concerning them in his diocese. Letters also of the same concern from the bishops of Hereford, Norwich, Winchester, Bath and Wells, and York. A letter from Dr. Knibbius to Dan. Rogers, the queen’s ambassador, concerning, the earl of Leicester’s departure from Holland. Two military discourses; seasonable at this juncture: by Rafe Lane.

AS the queen had assisted don Antonio to recover his kingdom of Portugal, according to his claimed right to it against Philip king of Spain; so his condition now grew very mean; so as he became an object of compassion for his poverty, and inability even to pay his servants. Which occasioned one Edward Prince, a person near him, to acquaint the lord treasurer with his circumstances; especially now upon the success of a late voyage, undertaken by the queen’s permission. Wherein sir Francis Drake took a very rich ship of Portugal, [called, the great Carack.] “Whereupon many merchants and noblemen in France, as Prince writ to the said treasurer, were of opinion, that the queen would lend that king his master out of that rich prize 200,000 crowns, to enable him to levy an army for the voyage of Portugal: adding, that the king assured himself not less of her majesty, if the time gave opportunity. But that putting aside these great matters, that in loyal duty he was bound to shew his honour, that the miserable state of the poor king was such, that her majesty might do well to cause some of the king’s poor creditors to be paid. All which 12 or 13l . would discharge. And that by this means the poor king (as he went on in his letter) might come out of extremity and great discredit; which he did assure his honour would befall him, if at Michaelmas next there were not some good order taken with these poor men, which were in great danger of undoing.”

He solicits further in the behalf of this dethroned king, in this manner: “I could be large in shewing the most pitiful estate of this poor king. In honour, my good lord, her majesty should take pity of the distressed king, and cause the same sum above named to be paid unto the poor creditors in this poor king’s misery; weighing his poor estate with your true balances. And use herein your honourable favours. Under which the state of this poor house dependeth, having no other refuge but in your honour.”

What favour was shewn don Antonio and his creditors out of that rich carack, I know not; but before the taking of it, Drake had glorious success in the said expedition be. fore Cales, with four of the queen’s ships, and some few others. Where he chased six galleys under their forts, and sunk, took, and fired about an hundred vessels; and among them two great galleons; and so went onwards on that coast with continued success. But of this expedition, and some other particulars of it, sir Francis Drake himself shall tell us in a letter of his own writing to the lord treasurer, from aboard his own ship, the Elizabeth Bonaventure; which I transcribe from the very original. Wherein the said captain also gave intelligence, what mighty preparafioas were making there for the invading of England. “Right honourable and my very good lord, having occasion, by means of our late happy success at Cales in Spain, to write unto my honourable good lords at the court, I have thought good to certify your lordship of the particulars of our proceedings. “The 2d of this month we departed from the Sound of Plymouth.

The 5th we had sight of the cape Venester. We were encountered by a vehement storm the space of five days. By which means our fleet was severed; and a great leak sprang upon the Drednought.

We met all together at the rock the 16th; and the 19th we arrived into the road of Cales. Where we found sundry shipping of very great portage, laden with the king’s provisions for England. We remained there until the 21st. In which time, notwithstanding the often encounters of 12 galleys, of whom we sunk two, and repulsed the rest; and the continual thundering of the great ordnance from the shore, we burnt a ship of the marquis of S. Cruce of 1500 ton, a biskain of 1200 ton, and 31 ships more of 1000, 800, 600, 400, to 200 ton the piece. Carried away with us four ships, laden with provisions; and departed thence at our pleasure, with as much honour and. victory as any man in the world could wish for; being very courteously written unto by don Pedro, general of those galleys. “Assuredly there was never heard of or known so great preparations as the king of Spain hath, and dally maketh ready for the invasion of England, as well out of the Straits, from whence he hath great aid from sundry mighty princes, as also from divers other places in his own country. And his provisions of bread and wine are sufficient for 40,000 men a whole year. The uniting of all which forces will be very dangerous, unless their meet.. ing be prevented: which by all possible means we will seek to perform, as far as our lives will extend. No doubt but this which God hath permitted us to do will cause them to make great alteration of their intents. “Nevertheless it is very necessary that all possible preparation for defence be speedily made. I would set down unto your lordship the large discourse of this whole event, but want of convenient leisure causeth me to abridge the same: leaving it unto the report of this bearer. And thus in very great haste I humbly take my leave of your good lordship. From aboard her majesty’s good ship the Elizabeth Bonaventure, the 27th of April, 1587.

Your lordship’s most ready to be commanded, FRA. DRAKE.” It made up a part of intelligence sent this summer from a Scotch priest, called John Murdock, to father John Gibbon, rector of the society of Jesus at Trevir; “That there was a report, that the king of Scotland was fled to the north parts, to unite his subjects, whereby he might revenge his mother from Scotland, and for the injuries done them by the English.”

Which revenge indeed the king meditated with great earnestness at first, and continued so for some time. For this letter was writ in June, several months after that queen’s death; that king having been stirred up chiefly by the popish faction. But upon more mature deliberation put it up, and entered into a friendship and good accord with the queen; as was shewn before.

Other intelligence sent in the same letter was, “That M. Grey” [a false Scot, who was sent by the king to queen Elizabeth, to dissuade her not to put his mother to death, but secretly persuaded her to do it, using those words to her, Mortua non mordet, as our historian relates it] “was cast into the Tower of Edenburgh, that without the king’s knowledge he would restore religion. Recte sene, addeth the writer; for the Lord will not use, I conjecture, that the catholic faith should be published through Scotland tali authore. And that father Creitton” [a busy Scotch Jesuit in the late treasons in England] was safe come to Paris, from London, about the end of May.

What to do, God knoweth.” Written from Mussiponte, the 18th of June.

For the queen of Scots being taken off, their hopes began to flag.

Care was now taken for the seaports, when the kingdom was threatened so much with an invasion by the Popish princes. Particularly, provision was thought fit to be made for Portland castle in Dorsetshire, by a remembrance sent up from sir W. R. [Walter Raleigh,] governor, as it seems, of it. There is this note of it among the lord treasurer’s papers, endorsed, Remembrance for the right honourable the lord treasurer, touching the request of sir W. R. knt. “First, he requests your honour for five cast pieces,of brass, lying at Woolwich, for the said castle. He likewise requesteth your lordship to direct your letters to the lord marquis of Winchester, [lord lieutenant of the county,] that there may be appointed an hundred men for the defence of the castle and island of Portland, with armour accordingly. 3. He moveth for a supply of powder for the said castle: for that there is but one last in all; which he supposeth to be very little in time of service. 4. It may please your honour, as he proceeded, to take some order, that the ordnance which is unserviceable, and lying in the said castle, may be conveyed to London. 5. If it may please your lordship, that my lord marquis do give order for his said hundred men, by his commission directed to the lieutenant of Portland. And he will undertake to collect an hundred sufficient men; and not of the trained number. 6. And lastly, your lordship’s good remembrance for the towns of Weymouth and Melcomb Regis.” Which places sir Walter Raleigh seemed to have the care of.

Hampshire lying on the seacoast that way, orders also were sent thither, touching the lieutenancy of that county: committed to the lord marquis of Winchester and the earl of Sussex: for their manner of government: May 1587. Which follow, as I transcribe from the minutes of the lord Burghley’s own hand. “First, they shall jointly do their endeavour to execute all the parts and contents of their commission, without any private manner; by way of dividing the shire between them into parts; or that any one of them shall intermeddle in the execution of their commission alone, as a sole lieutenant: but with the privity of one another: except the one of them shall by sickness be occasioned to forbear the doing of such services as shall be requisite: or that by the absence of one out of the country, the service should be hindered, if the other, being present, should not proceed to execute the same alone. In which case the lieutenant resident shall do his best endeavour to perform that service that shall be needful. “Item, Whensoever any direction by letters from her majesty or from the council shall be sent to them, or to any of them, he to whose hand the same shall come shall immediately certify the other thereof; and shall appoint a time and place of meeting to consider thereof. And thereupon shall jointly expedite the matter and contents of the same letter.”

Another care was now taken concerning the justices of the peace throughout the kingdom. That none might be intrusted with that weighty charge, but such gentlemen as might be assured to be hearty men, zealous in the queen’s affairs, and true to the government established: some being justly suspected, and others weak, or unactive, or poor. Therefore the lord treasurer, who had indeed the great care: of all lying upon him under the queen, directed his private letters to all the bishops of the several dioceses, to inform him concerning the conditions of the justices in their respective dioceses. Though to take off the odium, other reasons were assigned of the queen’s ordering the lord chancellor, and others of her council, to inquire concerning them, as to their great numbers, and unnecessary charges, arising thence. But see the said lord treasurer’s letter to the bishops elsewhere at large.

Howland, bishop of Peterburgh, accordingly sent up a certificate of the justices within his diocese, accompanied with his letter to the lord treasurer: importing, “That his lordship’s letter of the 4th of September he received: and for his great care therein shewed for the due administration of justice, as he thanked God, desiring him to bless his good purpose, with all other his honourable studies for the peace of the church and this realm; so he was heartily sorry that he was not able to perform that duty therein, which that lord had so lovingly laid upon him, and he would willingly discharge; but by reason of the shortness of time, and want of the knowledge, as yet, of the country, with the great diversity in reports, (and that from even good men sometimes,) nourishing their own humours and partial conceits, by means whereof he knew not what to write. For as he would be loath to commend any man that should not be found fit for the place; so to disable any, whom he did not know, upon any man’s report, would be a great rashness in him, and a greater injury unto them. For Turpius ejicitur, quam non admittitur hospes.” But this bishop’s letter being somewhat long, and by which one may partly gather some character of him, shall have a place in the Appendix, together with his certificate of the justices.

This was one of the commendable counsels of that wise statesman; viz. to make a regulation of the justices of the peace in every county; and to take this course for his better and truer information of the gentlemen, and their abilities. That none might be put into those places of trust, and distribution of justice and right unto the inhabitants, but honest and able men. Whereof there had been no little want; and much partiality used; and not seldom such as favoured the queen’s enemies. And hence happened oftentimes the putting persons in and out of the commission: which gave occasion of speeches. This that good lord knew well enough; and therefore endeavoured by this means of secretly applying to the bishops of the several dioceses, to obtain true characters of the gentry in their parts. This the abovesaid bishop in his letter thought very convenient to take notice of to that lord. “That understanding he had taken this cause in hand, as in other things he had done, so in this also, upon sound information, he would lay a firm and honourable foundation. Praying his lordship to go forward: assuring him,. that as he had done many other things of great import to the benefit of the realm, so for the sound settling of the whole realm in firm obedience to their sovereign, and for the preservation of love in every member, he could never take a more honourable cause in hand, and more acceptable to the people.”

How the justices stood affected in other parts of the kingdom, and what their abilities were, the other bishops wrote their letters, as the aforesaid bishop had done, on the like message sent to them. Thus as the lord Burghley had sent his letter to Westphaling, bishop of Hereford, to certify him concerning the justices of the peace within his diocese, either such as had been lately left out of the commission, or meet to be left out hereafter, or to be put in again; the bishop’s answer, dated October 7, was to this tenor: “That he had made his inquiries with as much circumspection and diligence as his small acquaintance as yet in that country, his little knowledge of men’s discretions and secrecy, and some urgent and necessary occasions, and that shortness of time, would suffer him.

He mentioned some commissions that he was bound to sit upon, that would be some hinderance to this service; but that he would, by God’s leave, as he should come to more knowledge, supply the same with all convenient speed. But highly approving that lord’s purpose, added, that he certainly persuaded himself that this his lordship’s care and course (if it should be answered accordingly) would in a short space work a very sensible and great effect, beneficial both to the state and true religion. Which he must (he said) with the rest of his brethren acknowledge himself most bound to seek for, and to the uttermost of his power to promote.” This bishop’s whole letter I leave also to be read in the Appendix, with his notes of the justices at the conclusion.

Upon the like letter from the lord treasurer to Freake, bishop of Worcester, he also sent an account back of the justices in that diocese, according to the particulars specified: as, concerning their affection to religion; whether they lived in the county; whether any of their relations were Roman catholics. And then, concerning some lately put out of the commission, and some other matters inquired of. An account whereof the bishop reported to his lordship in his letter in answer; “That he had with all possible diligence and secrecy inquired concerning the justices in the county of Wigorn, and had given his opinion and knowledge of those that were continued in commission. That divers of them were but superficial, either for advice, or execution of any weighty affair of the country. And that for matter of religion, they were conformable enough outwardly, and forward in outward obedience and service. Yet he did not observe any such fervent zeal indeed in some of them as he could wish. That in the administration of justice, they carried themselves modestly: and that they were the principalest gentlemen, for living and countenance, as were in the shire.

That as for those that were left out, he could not accuse some of them for recusancy, though their wives were such. That that exception set apart, they were, for wisdom, livelihood, reputation, and discretion in government, some of the best and meetest men that were in that association.” But the whole letter I leave also in the Appendix, for some memorial of this bishop: together with his calendar enclosed, containing the names of the justices, their conditions, and affections toward religion, and the valuations of their estates in the subsidy books, set in three columns.

Which and his letter he desired the lord treasurer to conceal, by reason of the dependency of the displeasure that might arise to him by this service, and depending upon his promised secrecy.

To these I cannot forbear to subjoin the letters of the like concern (which I have among my collections) to the lord treasurer, written from three other bishops; containing their characters and accounts of the justices within their respective dioceses: specially, since hereby we may come to pass some judgment of the estates and qualifications of the gentlemen in those several counties where they lived, and how disposed to religion in those dangerous times: and likewise to observe the use made of the bishops, and their care and diligence to inform and advise. Whereby wet may attain to some further knowledge of those venerable fathers of the church in those days: whereof our histories are but scanty. The said letters are from Scambter, bishop of Norwich, Cooper, bishop of Winchester, Godwin, bishop of Bath and Wells. And one letter more from the other province, writ by Sandys, archbishop of York. Which are all transcribed and entered into the Appendix.

Some motions were now made towards a peace with Spain, even in the midst of these preparations and attempts. of war. And in this some of the cities of the Netherlands were concerned; chiefly moved by the earl of Leicester, when governor of the Low Countries: whom the people greatly disgusted, as too rigorous and haughty. What follows will open this cause more at large.

Daniel Rogers was now the queen’s ambassador there. And Dr. Knibbius, an eminent Person in Holland, communicated thus his thoughts to him from Flushing; shewing the sentiments of the Hollanders, concerning the consequences that would follow upon the making a Peace with Spain; and concerning the state of Holland, and their affection to the queen; and of Leicester’s government; he being now gone from thence into England, and had left many enemies there: but yet his return thought very advisable.

The letter thus began: S. P. Heri vespere demum accepi literas tuas, kalendis Martii datas, &c. In English thus: “That yesterday he received his [Roger’s] letter, dated the calends of March; which he suspected to have been intercepted: and with his letters a book, which he learned was made by the son of your Nestor, [as he styled the lord treasurer Burghley,] containing those deliberations that went before the death of that Scottish [queen:] which was very acceptable to him; although he had seen it all translated into their idiom two months before. That in those letters there was nothing that needed answer.”

Then the writer proceeded in these words: “Here hath been sprinkied privately, that you [in the English court] are attempting I know not what concerning a peace. And this is that very thing whereby, as by a prop and basis, they support themselves who seek new things. Nor is it yet commonly known; nor do I think it profitable it should be made known; because it would move the very best men to desperation, who, while the king of Spain is alive, expect by peace nothing but ]extrema quaeque] extremity in every thing: as well because whatsoever conditions at length should be proposed, they shew to be the hardest, or impossible. And indeed nothing but traps and snares were to hold us fast in a straiter yoke of Spaniards. “He understood that there was to be a convention indicted at Utrecht; where ambassadors were to meet from Arheim, Levardia, and the rest of the neighbour provinces, and also from some towns in Holland, to oppose themselves against those that follow the party of Hollach. But that neither did prudent men approve this way; because it paved a causey to a schism between the states of Belgium. And that the only remedy would be the sudden and unexpected return of the earl of Leicester; [who was lately gone back to England upon some disgust;] and would render void whatsoever things in his absence were innovated or attempted. Nor was there any province which he had, or should have, adverse to his government, besides Delph, Gouda, Leiden, Amsterdam. For the other cities of Holland, if any were of that number, now it repented them; as of those that were mentioned, there was hope, when the earl should come: and although Hollach, Busius, and their followers, had heaped up divers pretences, partly false, partly wrested on the sinister side; whereby they might render the earl of Leicester hated by the states of Holland; yet, as he would open it ingenuously, what it was that offended the most part, and those evil persons, (whereby, for the future, care might be taken,) the chief was, that, upon Ringout’s persuasion, he [the earl] suffered inquiry to be made by some vile men into things that were past, and would have the books of the merchants, as they said, laid open. Which kind of men, every one knew, did not want fraud. Which they very unwillingly suffered to be exposed to the common people. They did not bear it hardly, that caution should be taken for the future, because that being forewarned, they might take care..”

He added; “That this almost was the beginning of the exacerbation of very many of the city, while the earl of Leicester as yet was there. That impediment taken away, and such being taken into counsel, not altogether such as they should choose, but such as were without fault, or when they could not refuse by any just cause; there would be the greatest hope that the fear would cease, which of itself brought forth hatred. That of the rest there needed no trouble to be taken: for they would be quieted of their own accord.

But (as he went on) if the queen had taken the chief power over them, [which she would not do,] there had been no need of these cautions. For then she might have done all things by fight towards her own subjects, [as they all then should have been.] But now the States had occasion of contending, that the queen’s ambassador had not more ample power, than as much as was granted her by the States, And that therefore without their consent he could appoint nothing. And now he heard these things were pretended by the States, that in appearance they seemed not to have offended in those things which had been innovated. Which he thought to be plainly worthy of consideration. “Lastly, that he [the ambassador] should bid the earl. of Leicester to think very well of the Zealanders; who had not known nor approved any thing of those things which for some time had been acted under the name of the States, who were about to accuse them of an ill managed embassy who sent to the States; and (unless he mistook) were also about to send certain persons to the queen concerning that matter, after the example of the inhabitants of Leward. Neither should it be unadvised for the earl of Leicester, when he should come, to call together the states of Middleburgh; and there to discourse of the whole state of things, before he proceeded further, Because that province was more moderate than the rest, and less suspected by both parties; in the mean time most devoted for the queen and carl’s taking on them the rule. “That there remained one thing, which the writer believed he already understood; that he that sought to succeed Sydney [sir Philip Sydney, slain] in obtaining the office of colonel of Zealand, obtained it from the States by the means of Hollach, [chief of the faction against the earl.] But that the next day the states of Zealand would meet at Middleburgh, to hinder the way to get it, and to defer it to the coming of the earl of Leicester. “That it was given them to understand, that the counsel of Aldegond and Viller to be different from the conceipt of Hollach and Busius; nor did tend to distraction. He rather wished they would rightly counsel count Maurice, that he suffered not himself to be imposed upon by Hollach; nor to take any authority upon himself, without the will of the queen and the earl of Leicester.

Which he believed they would do. For that they sufficiently weighed with what mind these things might be received by the people, which Hollach was transacting with his party. That the princes of Aurenge were not ignorant, that the safety of posterity did depend upon the protection and good-will of the queen. From whom disjoining themselves, he would loose himself and country.”

And then concerning news, thus he went on: “I have nothing of news here, unless that there is an extreme dearth with the enemy; especially of breadcorn; and that we shall never have the occasion we now have of invading Flanders, if we shall once let it go out of our hands. Bruges is distressed above the rest; and may in a short time be overcome by reason of the famine. For that place being reduced under power, will be the place of a fort of war. Or whether it should please, that Graveling or Newport should be invaded. For it doth not seem advisable again to consume the whole summer about Zutphen; but it will be enough to place strong guards in the neighbourhood. “In Calais also and Monstrole, it is reported, the Guises attempt some new matter, I know not what, for what end. Whether the king being conscious of it, or unwilling, as yet we are ignorant. Farewell, honourable sir. At Flissing, the XXII. of March, 1587. Tibi ex animo deditiss.

Paulus Knibbius.” This was wrote upon expectation of the earl’s return back again to Holland, after his late departure into England, which was in December 1586. But I think he came no more to them; though when he departed he kept the government in his hands, but intrusting it under him to the council of state. But took from them their wonted jurisdiction; and left divers orders with his officers in his absence. He lost himself among the people by his exactions, and laying new payments from their traffic and merchandises; procuring hatred thereby to himself. But, in expectation of his return to them in the spring, this politician thought fit to write the instructions in the letter above specified; as sensible how important the queen’s forces were in carrying on their defensive war with the king of Spain. I have set down this letter at large, as serving to illustrate this part of our English history.

Care had now been taken to put the kingdom into a posture of defence.

And in order to that, to raise sufficient numbers of soldiers; and to have them in a readiness. Rafe Lane, a brave gentleman, and skilful in arms, and a man, of thought and invention in warlike affairs, discovers to the lord treasurer a way to raise horse more than before; in a discourse [of his composing] for the raising troops of horses in the several counties. And in token of his dutiful care of her majesty’s service, to make a present of it to her. The scope whereof was to shew (as he wrote in his letter to the said lord) a means how to raise far greater troops of horses and geldings for lancers in every shire for her majesty’s service, within the realm to be used, (but not to be drawn out of the same,) than hitherto had been presented in any musters: with a form also to reduce the same into bands. And that he meant (his lordship and the earl of Leicester not misliking) to persuade some practice of it to the deputies and gentlemen of that country wherein he was in commission. This discourse he first presented to the lord treasurer, and next to the earl of Leicester, lieutenant-general of all the queen’s forces. “To whose wisdom, as he said, and experimented judgment, the counsels of all her majesty’s martial actions seemed very specially to be referred.” And then he intended to offer it to her majesty.

The same Lane presented also another discourse, of encamping an army in the field, rather than quartering them in towns and villages. Which he writ in the year 1576; and now thought fit to revive it in this necessary time.

This he writ against such as were not for encamping. “Which treatise (as he suggested) he composed for the glory of her majesty; and that his country’s service did stir him in the present likelihood of some honourable action by the same to be taken in hand.” Now concerning the necessity of encamping, and avoiding villages and towns, and that even from the first levying of every single band, from their own doors, even unto the place of the general assembly for the whole army, he observed this order in his discourse: “First, To declare the sundry inconveniences by 1odging armies, regiments, or single bands, in villages or towns, while the same is in passing towards the place of service. Secondly, The sundry commodities of encamping in the field, growing thereby as well to the soldiers, as to the countries through the which bands are to march, either single or in regiment. Thirdly, To deliver some ready rules and brief principles to reduce a camp into a certain orderly division, which no unevenness of ground could easily take away, or make to fail, and that with great facility to the captain that should diligently observe the same; with great ease unto the soldiers, that should be taught orderly to execute the same: and for the whole army, being fronted at hand by an enemy, of great surety and defence: and on the other side, void of all annoyance unto any friendly country in the passing thereof.” And this and such like subjects of discourse were not unseasonable, that the kingdom might be ready with able, disciplined soldiers, and well encamped, while it was in expectation of an invasion this year; and actually happened the next, when the queen had an army ready in Tilbury camp.

Of this martial man we have set down some particular notices before. As, how the warlike earl of Leicester recommended him to secretary Wylson, whom he termed his very friend, Rafe Lane; and what an earnest ambition he had to have the queen’s leave to go into the Levant service against the Turk, anno 1574.

CHAPTER 10.

Southwel collegiate church endeavoured to be got from the archbishopric of York. The archbishop’s application to stop it.

Required to be present at the council in York. Barnes, bishop of Durham, dies: some account of him. Endearours at court for the dean, Dr. Matthew, to succeed him. The dean’s letter thereupon.

The decay of that bishopric by reason of long leases. Troubles of that collegiate church by reason of suits. The present ill state of the bishopric of St. Asaph. That bishop’s commendams. The queen requires a lease of Dunnington, belonging to the bishopric of Ely, now void. The dean and chapter’s letter to the lord treasurer hereupon. A commission of concealment granted to Edward Stafford. Lands of vacant bishoprics. BUT now let us pass to matters relating nearer to the church and churchmen, as I have collected them for this year.

I begin with the archbishop of York. There was a strong endeavour to get away the church of Southwel from that see: which was a collegiate church, and where the archbishop had a seata The earl of Leicester, who was in debt, laboured with the queen to alienate it, for himself, perilaps, or some of his friends, under pretence of concealment. The archbishop had before, by word of mouth, interceded with her majesty not to grant it away, to the great injury of the bishopric. But now being retired, he applied himself earnestly to his friend, and the common friend of the church, the lord treasurer, in a letter, dated from Bishopthorp: which ran to this tenor: “That the bringer crone from him, for the defence of the church of Southwel, which was sore assaulted. That he had spoke to her majesty of it, and gave her a note of it in writing [concerning the foundation of it, as it seems] when he took his leave. That the earl of Leicester had moved her in it. And that he prayed her majesty in the church’s behalf, that if they could not find the gracious favour which we looked for, that at the least they might have the benefit of her laws for their defence, which thing would serve their turn.” He added, “That he had at that time written an earnest letter to the earl of Leicester, and he would hope that he would deal no further in it.

He heartily prayed his lordship [the lord treasurer] to continue his good and honourable favour towards that church, and not suffer those greedy cormorants [the commissioners for concealments] to swallow it up: which in truth have none interest to it. But these men must live by other men’s losses. That he had been at great charges about that church; had travailed much for it; and that was all the gain he should ever get by it. And that he only set before him herein the glory of God, and the maintenance of learning and religion.

Which things to do, I am, said he, in conscience bound to do. And thus commending this cause unto his wonted favour and hohourable consideration, he commended his lordship to the good direction of God’s holy Spirit.” Dated April 21, 1587. Subscribing, Your lordship’s most bound, E. EBOR.” This archbishop did not much appear at York with the president and council there; not liking some that sat there; and by reason of oppositions he met with there. This was taken notice of at court, insomuch that the lord treasurer Burghley quickened him to be more frequently there, especially in this dangerous time. The letter was dated Febr. 20. “Certifying him of the queen’s displeasure, that he so seldom appeared in the commission with the president and council. And that he was commanded by her majesty to let him know, that she was not well contented with his grace; for that she did certainly understand, that he did not attend, or very seldom repair to the lord president and council at their sittings, for the hearing and ordering of the causes of her subjects according to the charge committed to him by her commission, and the trust she had reposed in his grace, as she said, for his sincerity, and good disposition to justice. And though he sought (as he went on) to defend him to the queen for his absence; as that he thought his grace given to quietness, and to refuse to intermeddle in deciding of civil causes; but rather to give himself wholly to the exercise of his episcopal office in preaching and governing the church, being his special charge: yet her majesty not disallowing of his [the lord treasurer’s] opinion, said, she thought that his grace might do God good service, in assisting the lord president and council, both in their sessions, and at other times, as well by his presence personally, for the honour of her commission, as with his advice and counsel in furtherance of justice to her poor people, as their causes should require. And that further, her majesty added, that his grace should have opportunity many times, even for causes of religion, to reform the obstinacy of some, and the rashness of others; both adversaries in their kinds to the public state of the church. By which two sorts she meant (as the treasurer explained it) for the first and worst, papists and recusants; and for the second, innovators or breakers of common orders in the church.

And so with many other speeches, tending to blame him for his negligence, or rather, as she said, for his worldly ease, she commanded him [the treasurer] to charge him [the archbishop] in her name straitly, that he should hereafter not forbear to repair to York at sessions, and there to give his attendance, except by sickness he should be let. “And so concluding, he prayed his grace to have regard to this her majesty’s command; and not for any respect of ease, or saving of charge, to forbear his resort thither; and to let him have some answer to be given to her majesty.”

Barnes, bishop of Durham, died this year in the month of August, St. Bartholomew’s eve. Dr. Toby Matthew, the dean of that church, preached his funeral sermon. In a book in the office of Heralds this account is given of him and his stock and family. Rev. in Christo pater, et venerabilis vir Ricardus Barnes, S. T. P. sive doctor, in comitat. Lancastr. ex honesta familia, quae a dnis. baronibus de Barnes originem traxit, oriundus.

Oxonii apud musas in coll. AEneonasensi educatus. Cui per aliquot annos pie et provide praefuit. Hinc Eboracum evocatus, almaeque illius ecclesiae metropolitanae cancellarius, ac scholarcha creatus, sacram theologiam inibi ad aliquos annos publice praelegit ac professus est.

Deinde episcopus factus. Novissime Dunelmium translatus jam ad Dei gloriam episcopus,.illius ecclesiae habenas ac gubernacula moderatur.

This bishop had a brother John, who was his chancellor, a bad man, addicted to covetousness and uncleanness. He was to be bribed by money to pass over crimes presented and complained of. Which reflected upon the bishop himself, and gave him an ill name every where. And when these things were brought to the bishop, he would say, Others were in the fault; but it never came to his knowledge. Gilpin, a reverend and pious preacher in those parts, in a sermon preached before him, told him plainly, that whatsoever he did himself, or suffered through his connivency to be done by others, was wholly his own. The bishop took this well, and, taking him by the hand, said, Father Gilpin, I acknowledge you are fitter to be bishop of Durham, than I to be parson of Houghton; which was Gilpin’s parsonage.

Toby Matthews, the dean of this cathedral church, was talked of at court to succeed in this bishopric. But the see was not filled till the year 1589.

But now at the decease of the former bishop, the revenues were somewhat more nicely looked into. And the said Dr. Matthews could find many alienations, or long leases made, most of them in bishop Barnes’s time: no less than ten long leases. So that when Francis Mills, a gentleman attendant of secretary Walsingham, had shewn him, from the said secretary, that he was designed to succeed to that see, (chiefly by the endeavours of the secretary,) the said dean Matthew wrote him a long letter of the condition of the bishopric, and of the great diminution of the revenues: which (with other inconveniencies) seemed to discourage him from the acceptation thereof: viz. “That the bishopric was greatly impaired; the best things of it demised at length; and no provision at all of corn by rent, or otherwise.

The rate very high in the queen’s books. Seventeen hundred pounds a year, communibus annis, going out. The diocese, namely, Northumberland, specially about the borders, most wretched and miserable, enough to burst the heart of an honest, well-meaning pastor: so small assistance for the public service of religion. And the state, both ecclesiastical and civil, no where less, he thought, in all this realm, or the next. The place exceeding chargeable in peace, and in war double dangerous. And so he went on in his account of the condition of this preferment. And yet however, as he concluded, if God should send it, it should be welcome; if otherwise, he was but where he was before; and in better place than haply he deserved,” as he humbly expressed himself. The whole letter, at length, deserves to be preserved, in memory of this pious and worthy man. I have reposited it in the Appendix, as I transcribed it from the Cotton library. To which I shall subjoin the particulars of the ten long leases, granted to the queen by the former bishop and his predecessor, with the date of the leases, number of years, and yearly rent.

About this time the said dean Matthew sent a letter of thanks to sir Francis Walsingham for his great favour in respect of the said bishopric; and therein thought fit to consult with him [the said secretary] concerning making his application to two other great favourites with the queen, the earls of Leicester and Essex.

He began his letter with his thankful acknowledgment, in the name of that church of Durham, of some great favour shewn to them, the dean and chapter, and the whole body of the queen’s foundation, upon some contest with the archbishop of York, attempting to infringe their liberties. And then for his own part in special manner, “That he was tied to honour and serve such a patron [as he, the secretary] while he had breath, carrying such a regard, care, and study of his preferment, being so long and so well acquainted with his exceeding great favour towards him. But that the less his desert was to his honour, the more was his debt.”

Then he advised with sir Francis concerning the earl of Essex, (who was his son-in-law,) concerning addressing a letter to him in this affair, who was his friend, and might yet be more, “Lest, by his slackness, he might have made a fault, in not taking knowledge of his good-will he had done him, or might do for his [the secretary’s] sake. That as to the lord steward, [i.e. the earl of Leicester,] his singular good lord and old master, he suggested to the secretary, in the same letter, that he would gladly take notice of his disposition; that is, whether his inclination was for some other to be preferred to that see. Which if so, that he would neither seem nor seek to impeach, for all the promotions (as he added) of the realm.” But the dean’s letter at large I leave to be read in the Appendix.

It was not long after, that dean Matthew understood by the earl of Leicester’s secretary, that he was making interest with the queen in behalf of Pierse, bishop of Sarum, to be translated to Durham; and that the earl would endeavour to procure the said dean’s remove to Sarum. But that did not accord with the dean. And that because it would put an end to his endeavours now for five years past, to accommodate himself and his service, for the benefit of those rude, remote, northern parts; and that not without some fruits, as he trusted: which had cost him some pains and charge. But take the dean’s own words in another letter to the secretary, more amply declaring his mind in this case. “Pleaseth it your honour to be certified, that by Mr. Lyndsey’s letter of the 3d of this present, [February,] receiving advice as from your honour, that I mought become a thanksgiver to my lord steward, and his honourable disposition and liking to have me succeed the late bishop of Duresm in this see, I did accordingly write unto his lordship the 18th of this instant. Howbeit for so much as Mr. Aty, his lordship’s secretary, by his of the 16th of this present, about another matter, which came to me the 21st, gave me therewith to understand, that his lordship’s promise for this bishopric was passed to my lord of Sarum, with a purpose, if the place should be offered to me; wherein he craved speedily to know my mind; I could not but in duty and reason acquaint your honour with so much as was imparted to me. But withal humbly desire your honour, so to interrupt the course of that proceeding, so that no such remove be tendered unto me; having now near these five years altogether accommodated myself and my things to the most commodity and service of these rude, remote parts; and not without some fruit, I trust, and not without some studious endeavour and charge, I am well assured. “So that if by any such plot I shall be discarded out of this country, to make another man’s game the fairer, and mine own the worse, though percase not in value of the promotion, yet for the order of teaching, and manner of living that I have now undertaken; I could not take it, but for a disadvantage with a disgrace. Which, I hope, I shall never either receive or deserve at her majesty’s hand, my most gracious sovereign. By whose bountiful gift, and your honour’s means, I possess this place to my good contentation. Which I shall be hardly persuaded to depart with, but for that bishopric only, which your honour hath dealt in for me. In respect whereof I confess myself more deeply to your honour indebted, than I can well express. So trusting your honour will have regard in time, that if this bishopric may not conveniently be obtained, yet I may rest upon my deanery without offence; I humbly betake your honour to God, my estate to your consideration, my service, during life, to your commandment. From Duresm, the 26th of February, 1587.

Your honour’s humble and bounden for ever, TOBY MATTHEW.” In short, neither the one nor the other succeeded to this bishopric; I mean, neither the bishop of Sarum, nor Matthew, dean of Durham; but, after a pretty long vacancy, it fell to another Matthew, namely, Matthew Hutton, dean of York. Nor yet when, some years after, the said bishopric of Durham fell void again, and this Dr. Matthew nominated for it, it fell to another, he not accepting it, not liking certain terms propounded to him by sir Waiter Raleigh; who held the castle and manor of Sherburn of that bishopric. But at last that episcopal see of Durham fell to his lot.

Our dean had at this time another concern, viz. the troubled state of his deanery, (for so he termed it in a letter to his friend and patron, Walsingham,) partly upon an incumbrance he was like to receive from Rob.

Cary, son to the lord chamberlain, [lord Hunsdon,] who was endeavouring to disseize the dean of the greatest part of his corps there, called Billingham and Holme, upon pretence, as it seems, of concealed lands, given for superstitious uses. And was not long before endeavoured to be sued from him by one Brakenbury: which also to lose, as the dean said to his said friend, would have been his undoing. Adding, that by suit to be driven to defend it were much to his loss. And to redeem his claim [that is Cary’s] (bad and weak thought to be) God wot, I am unable. “And thus (as he concluded) to your honour’s bosom I am bold to unfold my care and fear: offering the consideration thereof, as of the rest, unto your wisdom, together with the prosperous state of your honour to his protection and providence that worketh all in all, and ever for the best to them that love him, and whom he loveth.” Words suitable to the piety and contentment of this reverend man.

But beside this care, which more particularly concerned the dean, there was now also another care and trouble lay upon him, for the whole collegiate church; in order to the preserving and vindicating the pretended privileges thereof. Things in many respects being out of order in that church of Durham, the archbishop of York (under whose inspection it was) had instituted a visitation of it. But this was thought an intrusion upon their privileges. Which caused a suit between the see of York and them. This also dean Matthew informed the secretary of, and thanked him for some favours vouchsafed them in this regard by his letters. Thus bespeaking him; “That to their great grief and astonishment they perceived by Mr. Bunny, one of their brethren, [prebendaries of that church,] that all his care and favour towards them could not prevail in the suit between the see of York and that church; yet their good hope assuring them, that justice and equity should take place in the end.

Adding, that’they were all, and every of them, to yield his honour their humblest and greatest thanks the while; as the only patron upon whom they presumed in the whole cause to repose both the dignity of that college and the liberty of that country. Beseeching his honour the rather to continue forth the same his goodness and furtherance; for that they were otherwise the more overlaid and overborne by so potent an adversary and so partial judges; together with so vain and frivolous delays. Professing, that as they must most justly acknowledge themselves more bound to his honour than to any man, or all men besides, so should their hearts and services be more devoted to his honour than any church in all this realm, when opportunity should be offered to make demonstration thereof.”

Some of the Welsh bishoprics were fleeced by the respective bishops; retaining in their hands the best rectories and other dignities; as was shewed before, in the year 1582, in the bishopric of St. David’s. Hughes, bishop of St. Asaph, served himself after this manner in his bishopric.

Indeed, the former bishop, Thomas Davies, had some benefices in the diocese by commendams. For which archbishop Parker gave his judgment to secretary Cecil, for the queen to grant them to him, in order to the better keeping up the port of a bishop, and maintaining hospitality: see his letter, March 18, 1563, in that Archbishop’s Life. But it seems by this time the liberty of the bishop or bishops of this see was talked so much of, that the report of it came to court; insomuch that an account of the state of this bishopric was sent up this year. Thus endorsed by the lord treasurer’s own hand, A discovery of the present state of the bishopric of St. Asaph, Feb. 24, 1587. Dr. Hughes, some time of Oxford, bishop. I found it in a book that had some notes of that lord’s hand, of things laid before him, I suppose, in complaint and for redress. It contained mention of the great livings within the diocese, some with cure of souls, and some without cure, which were either holden by the lord bishop himself in commendam, or else in the possession of such as dwelt out of the country. Then follows a particular at large of these benefices. Whereof an archdeaconry, and nine cures, and seven sinecures were held by him: this paper I have laid in the Appendix. Therein also is specified the parcels of the bishopric leased out, and to whom; and on what terms: also that bishop’s misgovernment and neglects: and likewise of his courts: and the want of hospitality by the means of nonresidency.

The see of Ely, now void six years without a bishop, a gentleman had obtained a letter from the queen, to the dean and chapter there, to grant him a lease of certain manors belonging to that bishopric. The letter was brought to Dr. Perne, the dean; signifying, “That it was her majesty’s will and pleasure: arid we do hereby (as the letter ran) authorize you to make a lease unto our trusty and well-beloved servant, Will. Ashby, esq. and to his assigns, of the manor of Dunnington and Thriplow; being together of the yearly rent of XIXl . and of the parsonage of Hinkston, of XVIl . rent by year, or thereabouts; parcel of the temporalties of the bishopric of Ely, now vacant. The same lease in due and sufficient form made for XXI. years. To begin after the statute now in being. And to be confirmed under your chapter seal: reserving the accustomed yearly rents unto the see of Ely; and under such covenants and conditions as are in like demise usual. Given under our signet, at our manor of Greenwich, the 13th of April, 1587.” “This letter of her majesty wasdelivered by Mr. Ashby to me, Andrew Perne, dean of Ely, the 7th of June, and opened in the chapter-house in the presence of the prebendaries, the 10th of the same month, 1587.” As it was, underwritten by the dean, in due observance to the queen, and her pleasure.

This letter from the queen was attended with another to the said dean and chapter from secretary Walsingham, importing, “That the queen, having by her special letter written her pleasure unto them, for granting a lease of certain things unto that gentleman, her good servant, Mr. Ashby; and had also been pleased, of her special favour and grace to him, to will him [the secretary] to let them understand that her highness had that care of him, that she would have them know, that no favour should be omitted on their parts, which any way they might shew him, to the more benefit: but that they should grant unto him those things which were specified in her letter, with all the commodities belonging to the same, as largely and effectually as was in them to do, and according to her gracious meaning: namely, the royalties of the manor of Thriplow. Dated from the court at Greenwich, the 15th of April.”

But as these letters from court, or other great men, were seldom very acceptable to bishops or collegiate churches, to abridge them the liberty of bestowing their lands and preferments; so this dean and chapter of Ely found cause to mention an obstacle to the granting this lease to Ashby, required of them. The lord treasurer had granted Donnington before to Richard Cox [the deceased bishop’s son] during the time of the vacancy; and had bestowed several things beside, belonging to the said bishopric.

Whence they concluded that all the rest belonged to him during the vacancy. And therefore they had forborne to seal the lease, as they were authorized by the queen, until they understood the lord treasurer’s mind, being steward of their church. And whereas, among other grants made by former kings to the prior and convent of the church of Ely, they had the privilege of keeping and receiving all the temporalties during the vacancy; they took this occasion to move the treasurer to obtain of her majesty the like grant of keeping the temporalties sede vacante. And then they reckoned they might safely yield to her letters, without prejudice to that see or any other. And this was the sum of a letter from them to the said treasurer; enclosing therein divers grants of her majesty’s progenitors under their seals, granting their church this privilege: promising withal that they would not pass any thing belonging to the bishopric, but would first make him privy thereunto, and with his assent. This was signed by the dean, and several others, prebendaries, who were heads of colleges in Cambridge. This letter, transcribed from the original, will be found in the Appendix.

A mortification of the clergy, as well as others, that had church lands, was the granting commissions for concealed lands; which some obtained of the queen, greedy courtiers, and others; whereby many grievous oppressions were occasioned, and complained of. Of these Edward Statfford, esq. was one, who had obtained such a commission from the queen, of concealment of lands, given to superstitious uses under the times of popery. He procured also a lease from the queen (for his further profit and advantage) of parsonages impropriate. Which was to comprise all this following, (according to a relation of it by the lord treasurer, as I transcribe it from his own hand;) viz.

I. Parsonages impropriate; free chapels, guilds, chantries, lay-prebends, colleges; relinquished, dissolved, or escheated.

II. All parsonages, vicarages without cure; whereof the parishes are depopulated; the churches profaned, decayed, wasted, defaced; that remain concealed, and which of right ought to belong to the queen; and which may be found out, or challenged by Edward Stafford.

III. Advowsons, presentations, nominations, donations of all parsonages, vicarages without cure, as in the second branch.

IV. Advowsons, presentations, nominations, donations of all other parsonages and vicarages, with cure, prebends presentative, and donative, being concealed, detained by any means.

To give, dispose, and present, as often as any of them shall become void during the term.

Of all these, books are to be made, to pass the same from her majesty to Edw. St. [Stafford.] With a proviso to hear the controversies for displacing of any preacher, minister, parson, or vicar, in the exchequer.

To mention another assault made this year upon the church; namely, upon the revenues of the bishoprics; endeavoured by the earl of Leicester: who in a suit to her majesty, upon the decease of Barnes, bishop of Durham, moved her to take to herself divers bishops’ lands, the bishoprics being then void, to the value of a thousand two hundred pounds yearly rent; and to settle upon them impropriations in the room thereof. The suit being to this tenor: “That it would please her majesty to resume from the bishoprics of Durham, Ely, Oxford, and Bristol, now being void, manors, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, to the clear yearly value of Mccl . And that her majesty would recompense the same with parsonages impropriate, tithes, and tenths, to the like clear yearly value of Mccl . “Then it was desired, that after the said Mccl . shall be resumed, and recompense delivered as aforesaid, it would please her majesty, at the suit of the right honourable the earl of Leicester, and in consideration he shall assure unto her highness, her heirs and successors, for every of the manors, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, to the clear yearly value of m1. To grant unto the said earl and his heirs for ever, the fee-simple of so much of bishops’ lands and possessions as shall amount to the clear yearly value of ml . and of lands whereof her majesty is in reversion or remainder, to the clear yearly value of ccl .” Whether this suit was granted or no, I know not: but it is sure, the earl, whose death happened the next year, died deep in the queen’s debt.

CHAPTER 11.

A synod held by the disciplinarians: orders, consisting of sixteen articles, there concluded. One Durden, in Cambridge, calls himself Elias. His examination; and pretended visions. Letter of intelligence from an English priest in France. Anthony Tyrrel, a priest, renounces his religion: revokes what he had renounced: his protestations, in some letters. Weston, a Jesuit: he with some other priests pretend to cast out evil spirits. A new commission of the peace for Lancashire. The effect of it for discovery of priests.

Fleetwood, parson of Wigan, his letter. A commission ecclesiastical. A note taken of the catholic gentlemen, and their livings. HOW the church now stood; first, as to the disciplinarians, whose endeavour was to unsettle the constitution of it by episcopacy, and its liturgy: there was a notable synod held by them this year privately, the place uncertain, whether at Warwick, where Cartwright was placed, or Cambridge. And here divers orders were made for church discipline, and rules to be observed by ministers; and matters to be discoursed in their conferences. And there was a letter of credit or trust in Latin framed, and to be signed by two of the eminentest puritan ministers in the diverse counties, for the oversight and instruction of the rest in those places, as occasion required. The form whereof was: Salutem in Christo, Amen. Reverende frater, charissimus frater noster, D.N. In English thus: “Reverend brother, our very dear brother, Mr. N. hath been desired to come and speak with you. He was desired also to impart unto you some things relating to me and certain other brethren in these places: and if any other are there to whom the same may profitably be communicated. Whom therefore I have not comprised in this letter; because he shall have dicourse with you, whose faithfulness is sufficiently known. To whom I desire you to give credence in such things as he shall communicate to you in our name. And so, dear brother, farewell.” What was decreed and appointed at this synod was contained in sixteen articles; which, with the aforesaid letter, all in Latin, may be found in the Appendix.

Whereby it appears what course and method they took to settle their discipline through the kingdom; and nominated two or more of their brethren, the ministers of chiefest account in each county, to superintend there, and disperse orders.

As, in Suffolk, D. Knewstub and Allen. In Kent, Nichols, Estwel, and Elvyn, Westwel. In Essex, Gifford and Rogers. In Northampton, Barbon and Flood. In Surrey, Rychman and Udall. In London, Field and Egerton.

In Hertford, Dyke and Pig. In Warwick, Cartwright and Fen. And in Cambridge, Chadderton.

And here it is to be noted concerning this synod, that they laboured to vindicate themselves and their party from making a schism in the church established. Thus in one of their articles, concerning their conferences, they are directed “to wipe off the calumny of Schism; in that the brethren communicated with the church in the word and sacraments, and in all other things, except its corruptions; and that they assumed no authority to themselves of compelling others to their decrees.”

There was a synod, or classis, this year held in Cambridge. Whether these abovesaid were the acts of that synod, I leave to conjecture. What is found in the l3th article may make it probable that it was held at the uniersity; viz. De ministerio academico deliberandum a fratribus in proximum conventum, si intersint academici. That is, “that the brethren at the next meeting should consult concerning the university ministers, if any university men were present.” See further concerning these puritan societies, in a book written near those times, called Dangerous Positions: by Dr. Bancroft; afterwards archbishop of Canterbury.

This was one of their conventions, as they had their private stated times and places for others. Thus at this present convention or synod they referred some things to be transacted at their next: as, to discuss the question of the holy and synodical discipline, how it agreed with the word of God, and how far they might lawfully use it with the peace of the church: and then to consult concerning the ministers of the university. For further account of these classical assemblies, I refer the reader to the Life of Archbishop Whitgift.

What is above writ will serve particularly to shew what Camden in his Annals of Queen Elizabeth writes; viz. “That the puritans had now begun to exercise their discipline in corners, in despite of the authority of the laws; holding synods and classes in several places, and forming presbyteries. For which cause Cartwright, Snape, and some other ministers were called in question.”

One of these, an enthusiast, comes into trouble this year, whose name was Durden, a minister, calling himself Elias. What his principles were appears by a period in one of his papers that were taken; viz. “But what judges be nowadays? They command popish and needless ceremonies; and such as obey not, they call rebellious: as if it were lawful for kings to command what they will. There is one lawgiver, which saith, The fear is vain that is taught by the precepts of men.” This man was at length taken at Cambridge, where he had resorted among some of his acquaintance, and secretly dispersed his false doctrine; and was brought before Dr. Copcot, the vice-chancellor, and examined. The sum of his examination, with a letter, was sent from the vice-chancellor to their high chancellor, the lord Burghley: therein giving him information: “That one Raphe Durden, B. A. of Pembroke hall, and after minister in Essex, (from whence he came, and kept with his friends in Cambridge) was imprisoned by him in November last, because he named himself Elias; and being set at liberty would be preaching very disorderly in every place whither he could come. And that since that time he had written certain papers, and, as it seemed, dispersed them abroad: interpreting the Revelation of St. John after his own fancy. And that both in word and writing had uttered some dangerous matters touching the estate of this realm, as by the examination of one Rob. Williamson [one of Durden’s hearers] might appear: as well by other papers, which he sent to him sealed up; as he had them from the Tolebooth, where Durden remained in hold: whither he had also sent Williamson, till he heard further his lordship’s pleasure.” This was dated from Trinity college, Cambridge, June, 25, 1587.

Now to understand in some particulars what dangerous matters this enthusiast had uttered, both by his speeches and writings, here shall ensue the examination that the said vice-chancellor sent up, signed by the university register. The examination and confession of Rob. Williamson, of Cambridge, tailor, had and made before Mr. John Cop. cot, D. D. and vice-chancellor of Cambridge, and Mr. Isaac Baro, doctor of physic. “The said Rob. Williamson saith, that he came first acquainted with Raphe Durden in the Tolebooth, being both there prisoners: which Durden nameth himself Elias. And that D. said, that the 24th of February come twelvemonth, England shall have a new prince: and that prince shall reign but five months. And he shall be a papist. “Item, Dur. said, that all that tarry in England shall be damned, except they go with him, the said Durden, to build Jerusalem. Item, The said Dur. said, that he himself, viz. the said Dur. should be king of the whole earth. Item, This examinate saith, that D. said, he had a mark upon his left thigh; which divers then present would have seen. But D. refused so to do. But afterwards he, D. shewed it to this examinate; and it was a little round spot. And further, D. said, the round circle doth signify, that I shall be king of the whole earth. Item, This examinate saith, that he had a writing of the said D.’s opinion about a month past delivered unto him by the said D. which he, D. willed the said examinate to shew to a learned man. Item, This examinate saith, that one Henry Reeder, a collier, was in the Tolebooth with this examinate, and so came acquainted with him; who of late passing this examinate’s house, desired of him the foresaid writing, to shew it to their vicar; and promised to bring the said writing back again shortly. Concordat cure original. Ira testor, Mattheus Stokys, not. publicus.” This said writing from Reeder came into the hands of a justice of peace in Suffolk, about twelve miles from Cambridge, and from him to the vicechancellor; and was one of the papers sent up to the said lord Burghley: in which, by way of letter to Williamson, he concluded, from several places of the old prophecies and the Revelations, these four things: viz. 1. That the Jews were to be brought from among the Gentiles unto the land of Judea. 2. That he was appointed and ordained of God to be their deliverer. And 3dly, That they [of his party] should be sent unto the promised land; and that in the queen’s days that then reigned. And 4thly, That shortly after this, all the kings of the world should be gathered together to fight against them in Judea. But they [that should go with him, and were of his side] should have the victory, and all the kings of the world be obedient unto them; and that for a thousand years they should be obedient to the gospel.

This whole letter is too large to be inserted here; but being somewhat extraordinary, I shall give it a place in the Appendix.

In this writing he gave out himself to have an extraordinary calling; and that by that calling he knew he was the person ordained of God to deliver the Jews, who were the 144,000 spoken of in the Revelations: and that the time exactly agreed; and that he was to bring them to their own land; and that because he was the lion of the tribe of Judah, and the root of David.

And to prove that he was the person, he had extraordinary visions most like the vision of the seven seals: for that God inwardly informed him of the understanding of the Apocalypse, and Daniel’s prophecy. And that he was certified of all this by another property of that person, Apoc. xix. 16. He had on his thigh a name written, King of kings, and Lord of lords. Which place he applied to himself, because on his thigh there was a mark or print of a round circle: which he interpreted to signify his proportion of that possession he was promised, that is, the whole world. And that this deliverance of the Jews, which should be effected by him, should commence the 24th of February, an. Dom. 1589. For then the forty-two months, and a time, and two times and half a time, should expire.

We have some matters to relate also concerning some of the popish priests and Jesuits, falling out this year. And first, I transcribe here a letter of intelligence sent from an English priest in France in some convent or college there: entitled by the writer, True Intelligence. This seems to have been intercepted; and by that means came into the hands of the lord treasurer Burghley; among whose papers I found it. Where notices are given of the present affairs of France, as well as England. I shall set all down as I find it; viz. “Five priests executed in England in divers places; whereof four hanged, drawn and quartered; the fifth stoned, because he would answer to no interrogatories of ifs, and I cannot tell what: their names were Pilcher, Sandes, Haulley; reliquos nescio. The rest are, as I hear since, Dakins, Patinson, (but this is not certain.) Mr. Peeters at Roan long since is dead. Mr. Panel taken by prodition [i. e. betrayed] by a curate in Monmouthshire. Mr. Morgan, Mr. Eles, Mr. Morgan Clenocke, and others, do all well, and much good: ]emis saries, as it seems.] Here is one Canon [a messenger] from them. “Here arrived upon Saturday queenmother, [and regent of France,] with the princess of Lorrain, with Pinante, [Pinart,] the princess’s secretary, Bellieure and Lansack, secretaries of estate, and two or three chevaliers de S. Esprit, with count Cerny. A monstrous retinue of men, viz. the princes of Nemoures, de Montpensier, the duke Nemoures, counts, &c. An infinite company there is. So that here is such a court as I never saw. She lies at St. Peter’s, and hath commanded all the dukes and princes to lie here about her. So that our scholars are thrust out of their chambers. Too too bad. “The talk is, that Nemours shall marry the princess of Lorain here. Sed non facile videtur. “Persecution in England monstrous great. No passage at all, but by stealth in Scottish vessels. “Great talk that Drake is overthrown. Sed non credo. “The lord chancellor [Bromley] is dead: sir Christopher Hatton in his place. Sir Rafe Sadler is dead, [chancellor of the duchy:] and Walsingham in his place. Rawlie, [sir Walter] in Hatton’s place. Sir Amias Paulet in Walsingham’s place. The earl of Rutland is dead also. “They muster, and play the devil in England. Great bruits that Leicester comes over again. Sed non credo. He is gone to the Bath sick; they say, incurable. Sed nec hoc credo. “The lord Paget, sir Francis Englefield, Charles Paget, Francis Throgmorton, and the rest, executed in London. Their lands are sequestered by act of parliament, notwithstanding all conveyances to the contrary. “One subsidy and two fifteens granted by the clergy and temporalty. “We fear here a beggarly peace, [i.e. with the protestants.] The dukes have no mind at all. And they be pusillanies; which the king will never make his vantage of, to their dishonour. “At Rome is dead Mr. Wolley, priest: at the Spaw, of late, Mr. Allot, priest: at Paris, Mr. Rob. Fenne, a banished priest, brother to Mr. Fenn at Deventrie.”

The last year were given some remarks of Anthony Tyrril, a priest, that had been discovered and taken up: who at length renounced his popish religion, and was reconciled to that of this reformed church; and so was set at liberty, But soon after revoked his revocation, and returned back again to his first religion; and disavowed all that he had: confessed in his former informations against divers popish fugitives. Now (as it seems under some restraint) he is come about again, and become a protestant: and upon this, presumed to make this humble address to the queen in the month of August, 1587. “Since the performance of one good deed in the sight of God is more acceptable than many words, I had rather seek, most gracious sovereign, to amend my fault by some well-doing act, than to better myself only by saying. Once have I fallen most grievously from my faith unto Almighty God and your majesty. Your highness’ wisdom can easily discern, whether it were of pure malice or of infirmity.

Had I departed away with a mind obdurate in malice, I never had returned to make repentance. Wherefore, since it hath been voluntary, I trust it shall find the more favour in your sight: as I am come home to embrace a true religion, so am I come to yield all true obedience. For the one so dependeth on the other, that the one is hardly kept without the other. “When I fell into the hands of those that perverted me, they first shaked me in my faith, before I forgot my duty; and when by consent I had yielded up the one, I was the more easily drawn to forget the other: God forgive me my offence in both. And that your majesty do not eensure me according to my deserving. “As concerning that pernicious book which I penned for the papists before my departure; wherein I repealed for falsehood which bona fide I had uttered unto your majesty, and my lord treasurers. I am by your favour so far to assert, as in the publishing thereof they shall have small gain. Such things as shall concern the defence of God’s truth, the preservation of your majesty, and the safety, of your realms, I am ready (God willing) so to confirm, that neither fear nor flattery shall cause me to deny again. Such matters as shall but touch the consciences of your discovered subjects, I would so spare, as that they find in me no humour of malice for to remain.

For being come home for the safety of my own soul, I would be loath to have a mind to persecute my brother. As God by mercy hath recalled me, so also by mercy he is able to recall them. And charity would, that as for myself, so should I pray for them. I leave to trouble your highness any further; only on my knees I crave pardon for that is past, and I hope your majesty shall receive better fruit of me to come. Our Lord preserve you, and grant you long to reign. London, the of August, 1587.

Your majesty’s loyal and obedient subject, ANT. TYRELL.” And here, to despatch what I have further to say of this man, I find him the next year addressing another letter to the lord treasurer, dated from St. Katharine’s: where, I suppose, upon his humble submission and protestations, he might be admitted to abide in favour, and to keep him the faster from revolting again. Yet some further testimony of the sincerity of his change and reality of his repentance was required of him: which to shew his readiness to do, he thus opened and manifested himself to that lord: “That if he wist which way he might recover some part of his favour and goodwin, which worthily (he confessed) he had lost, by yielding of any satisfaction that he were able for his offence committed, he should not only mitigate some part of his sorrow conceived, but prepare himself unto any laudable action with a comfortable spirit. That he had in former times been too tedious unto his honour, and therefore he dared not at that present adventure to write much: that he was only in all humility to beseech his lordship to grant him his wonted favour, and he should most gladly and thankfully receive it upon any condition: that he did but expect his lordship’s good pleasure, and (God willing) he should be always ready to perform any action which his wisdom should think expedient for the manifestation unto the world of his true repentance, having scandalized so much for his oft revolting, “That what it should please his honour to have done with his confession, he would gladly be informed. That if neither the method nor manner were unto his liking, he would, God willing, take in hand some other thing. And until he might know his lordship’s pleasure, he would spare both his labour and his pen. “I thought it thus my duty,” as he went on, “to advertise your honour of my good-will and readiness; remaining in hope of your accustomed goodness, not only pardoning of my last offence, but in remembering the great misery, which, without your honourable assistance, had altogether overwhelmed me. The God of all glory and consolation preserve your honour: and as he hath quite and clean averted my mind from all impiety, so to convert your honourable compassion yet once again to pity me. Without the which, death shall be more welcome unto me than life. Thus my soul resolving into a fountain of tears for memory of my sins, I cease further to trouble your honour. St. Katharine’s, the 15th of October, 1588.

Your lordship’s most humble and daily orator, ANTH. TYRELL.” Upon which request of Tyrrel, I make no doubt, that lord required him to make a public recantation, to satisfy the world. And so I find he did openly, with one Tedder, another seminary priest, at St. Paul’s Cross, in the month of December following: as we find in Stow.

But whether he was in earnest after all these professions and protestations, it may be doubtful, since equivocation is an avowed doctrine of the Jesuits; as the secular priests, among their accusations of the Jesuits, laid to their charge in a book of the relation of the factions at Wisbich: “That they were so delighted with equivocations, as that to the scandal of others, they are not ashamed to defend it in their public writings.” And that hence it came to pass, that though they swore, men would not believe them.

Well, after Tyrrel had gone thus far, he then with more confidence addressed to the lord treasurer to be admitted into his presence, of which he had been so long deprived: “That as Absalom could enjoy no comfort of mind, though he were brought back to Jerusalem, till he had seen the king’s face; so, that as he was by the mercy of God, and the clemency of his prince, restored from death to life, and left to enjoy the sweet liberty of his country, nay, and the life and liberty of his soul; yet could he not be at full quiet of mind, until he might enjoy his lordship’s presence, and the recovery of his good favour: and he hoped God would so underprop him with his grace, as from thenceforth he should not hear of him so much as a light suspicion of treachery, hypocrisy, or dissimulation.” But I leave this testimony of himself under his own hand in his letter from St. Katharine’s, set in the Appendix. And so we take our leave of him.

Weston, alias Burges, one of this sort, had brought letters from Philip earl of Arundel, (who was committed to the Tower, and afterwards tried by his peers, and cast,) written to cardinal Allen, promising therein to give his help for promoting the catholic cause; and for that cause had an intent to withdraw himself out of the realm. This Weston, who was a Jesuit, pretended, With some other popish priests, to the power of casting out evil spirits out of some possessed with them; and by that means to bring over the people to their religion. Dr. Abbot (who was afterwards archbishop of Canterbury)hath a remarkable passage concerning this Weston, and some more of his party, of their managery of this their craft, in his book against Dr. Hill’s Reasons. “That he, and a whole dozen of priests, conspiring with him, did for some years together put themselves upon a practice to exorcise devils out of some possessed. And had persuaded some men, and three maidens, that they were possessed with the Devil; (for which Abbot named a certain book printed, called, A declaration of popish impostures;) and that they, by their priestly exorcising faculties, could fetch him in and out, up and down, at their pleasure. They had a holy chair to set their abused disciples in, and a holy poison to administer to them. Both matters pretended to be formidable to the foul spirits: but indeed tricks to cast their patients into strange fits; that so they might seem, as well to themselves, as others standing by, to be possessed in most hideous manner. And this was so artificially carried by the Jesuit, and his fellow-jugglers, that divers hundreds of unstable and unadvised peoples being cozened by their impostures, were contented to be reconciled to the church of Rome; being won thereunto by their stupendous miracles. “A book also, or two, was penned, to be spread abroad beyond the seas, of the admirable domineering of these priests over the possessing spirits, and of the wonders which they had done upon them. Notwithstanding now, by the confession of three of the females, and one man, (all which were then pretended possessed persons,) and of another, then a priest, and a personal actor in this exploit, (all these five being sworn, and speaking upon oath,) it was manifestly and undoubtedly discovered to be most egregious both varletry and villainy, that among men professing religion and devotion was ever heard.”

Upon which our divine makes this inference: “That if our seduced Romanists would not close their eyes, they might see upon what trash their worship is built; and that their leaders care not how they be abused and led by the nose, so that their own projects and intendments be effected.”

Lancashire was especially this critical year to be looked after, where papists, and gentlemen, favourers of papists, swarmed: therefore care was now taken for some honest faithful persons to be put into the commission of the peace there; that so every hundred might be furnished with one or two such at least; and such as might watch these disaffected at this time. (Besides a commission ecclesiastical likewise sent down, to be put in due execution.) An account of which, and the success thereof, take from the pen of one of them, viz. Edward Fleetwood, parson of Wigan, and in the commission of the peace of that county, in a letter writ to some person at court, under the title of right honorable; whom I conclude to be lord treasurer; making these observations of the new commission of good justiees sent down for that corrupt county.

For the whole body of them, [the justices,] they were so proportionably allotted to the several parts of the shire, as our sound men would any ways afford. Five, or four, or three justices at the least unto every hundred. By means whereof every hundred hath its sufficient magistracy within itself.

And every quarter sessions, containing most of them two hundreds, a competent number of justices. And the general assizes had a full furnished bench of worshipful gentlemen to countenance and attend that great and honourable service: which appeared most evidently in the eyes of all men that last assizes, by the most plentiful concourse of all the gentlemen justices well affected from all parts of the shire: providing thereby, that neither the common service, specially laid upon them, should be disfurnished of due attendance, nor the discontented sort should obtain any just occasion to argue their honours [of the counties] direction of insufficiency, or them of any want of duty. Where they employed themselves so thoroughly in the case of religion, that there ensued a most plentiful detection of 600 recusants by oath presented; as also the indictments of 87 of them, (as many as for the time could be preferred to the jury:) and further, a notification by oath of one and twenty vagrant priests usually received in Lancashire; and 25 notorious houses of receipt for them. Such are the manifold commodities which we feel already by your honour’s most sound direction. In respect whereof it is, of all that desire reformation among us, (as justice of her children,) most confidently justified.

The only want in general is the want of sound gentlemen in most parts of the country. And as for himself, he said, he dwelt in the most desolate part of the country, from all goodness and good men. He desired his lordship’s letter of encouragement and direction unto some few preachers and worthy men in those parts; by which they should not a little be strengthened in the busy charge they had in hand, for the suppressing of many ungodly enormities of the sabbath; which charge was imposed upon them by the lords, the justices of assize, the special instance of himself, and some other of his brethren.

This letter came soon after a new commission of justices was sent down for that county; wherein gentlemen of better principles of religion and loyalty were put in, and others, either papists, or favourers of such, and secret friends to the priests and Jesuits, were discharged: and this good was chiefly effected by the means of the lord treasurer in this county, assisted by the information of this rector of Wigan, given him privately of the gentlemen there; as that lord had received the like intelligences from the bishops concerning the inclinations of the justices and other gentlemen in the other counties; unto which, new commissions were also sent, as was told before.

But now to give that lord further knowledge of the success of this commission there, and the more fully to inform him, the rector of Wigan attended at the assizes: wherein he perceived in them that were displaced no small indignation towards such as they suspected to have furthered the same; and endeavoured to possess the earl of Darby with it, (who had the chief hand in nominating them in the former commission,) as no small dishonour unto him. To mitigate this, the said Fleetwood laid before their faces in his pulpit, (as occasion served,) and which he had more particularly acquainted his lordship with, concerning the corrupt state of the whole county, that their guilty consciences might apply to themselves what was due to them. And hereof the judges in their circuit took notice; and delivered the chief points thereof to the juries; and likewise more especially recommended to the justices of peace to be in their continual services regarded. He likewise soon after applied himself to the earl of Darby, by way of accustomed duty, being his patron, to give him opportunity of speech about the premised matter of some of his friends displaced, and to justify him, viz. the lord treasurer, and the other lords of the council, of this their most considerate act. This, and a great deal more, was the substance of a second letter of that reverend man: which, as worthy the perusal and recording, remains in the Appendix, transcribed from the original; giving further accounts of the earl, and, his want of care of the public concerns of that county; concerning the honest gentlemen there, and who they were: and what need there was of activity in this commission, for the comfort and encouragement of those that were for reformation, and the faithful professors of the truth.

This active and worthy divine was now going to accompany the archbishop of York, and the solicitor and others, at an ecclesiastical commission for those parts, which abounded much with popish priests and Jesuits, and such as harboured them. And for their better proceeding in this commission, the lord treasurer had sent instructions to the said rector to communicate unto the rest.

I have one thing more to add of the Romanists, that as they were busy now to overthrow the state and religion of this kingdom, so there wanted not a watchful eye at home over the queen’s subjects of that religion, of the best rank, their own lives and estates being in danger. And for the better knowledge of them, and what each of them were worth, inquiries were made, and informations were sent up this year, of all the principal recusants in each county, and their yearly rents, incomes, and goods. Such a schedule, dated this year, I have seen drawn up in three columns; viz. the names of the recusants in the several counties; then their yearly rents and livings; and then the value of their goods. Beginning, according to the alphabet, with the county of Bucks; Edward East of Bedlow, gent. mark; Tho. Throgmorton, esq. 1000 mark; Henry Mansfield, esq. 100l . &c.

CHAPTER 12.

A book entitled, Theatrum Crudelitatis Haereticorum. Another book, Execution of Justice in England. Cardinal Allen’s book in answer, called, A true, sincere, and modest Defence of Catholics, &c. Vindication of the Execution of Justice, in answer to A11en.

Stubbe, the writer, his letter to the lord treasurer. Some university matters. Abuses in the colleges; which causeth a letter from their chancellor. Contests between the town and university. Edmunds the mayor. Matters of St. John’s college: some letters of Whitaker, the master.

IPROCEED next to take notice of some tracts that came forth in print this year, respecting papists that suffered death according to the laws in force.

And the first I shall name was a book called, Theatrum crudelitatis haereticorum in Anglia. I make mention of it here, though it was printed at Antwerp, because it concerns this nation; setting down such papists, both of the English priests and laity, as were pretended to be put to death for their religion; namely, from the year 1570 to the year 1587; viz. of priests to the number of thirty-one, and of laics fourteen. In this Theatre are also numbered such as were executed for religion in king Henry VIII. his reign, some for denying the king’s supremacy, and others that were concerned in the business of the holy maid of Kent. What their names were the reader will find ill the Appendix. And thence he may have recourse to our historians, to inquire whether they were put to death for their religion, or for their treasons and conspiracies against the queen and government.

Care was now taken to reply to a scandalous book of this strain set forth by cardinal Allen, in answer to a book entitled, Execution of Justice in England: wrote by the lord treasurer Burghley; though his name be concealed: the MS. whereof, being his own handwriting, I have seen. It was translated out of Engiish, for the vindication of the queen and state, into divers languages, that the truth of the proceedings in England might reach to foreign countries. The cardinal’s book bore this title; A true, sincere, and modest defence of English catholics, that suffer for their faith at home and abroad. Against a false, seditious, and slan. derous libel, entitled, The Execution of Justice in England. Wherein is declared, how unjustly the protestants do charge catholics with treason; how untruly they deny their persecution for religion, and how deceitfully they seek to abuse strangers about the cause, greatness, and manner of their sufferings; with divers other matters pertaining to this purpose.”

This book will be the better understood by the heads of the chapters it contained: which were these. Chapter I. The many priests and other catholics in England that have been persecuted, condemned, and executed for mere matters of religion, and for transgressions only of new statutes; which do make cases of conscience to be treason, without all pretence or surmise of any old treasons, or statutes for the same. Chap. II. That father Campion, and the rest of the priests and catholics, indicted, condemned, and executed upon the pretence of treasoh, and upon statutes made of old against treason, were never yet guilty of any such crimes; but unjustly made away. Chap. III. That they had now great cause to complain of unjust persecution, intolerable severity and cruelty towards catholics in England. And that protestants had no reason to do the like for justice done to them in queen Mary’s and other princes’ days: and the cause of the difference. Chap. IV. That their priests and catholic brethren had behaved themselves discreetly, and nothing seditiously in their answers to the questions of the bull of Pius Quintus. And that they could not lawfully be pressed, nor put to death, as traitors, by the true meaning of the old laws of the realm for the same: with examination of the six articles proposed about the said bull. Chap. V. Of excommunication and deprivation of princes for heresy, and falling from the faith; specially, of wars for religion; and of the office and zeal of priests of the old and new law in such cases. Chap. VI.

That it was much to the benefit and stability of commonwealths, and especially of kings’ sceptres, that the differences between them and their people for religion, or any other cause, for which they might seem to deserve deprivation, might rather be decided by the supreme pastor of the church, as catholics would have it, than by popular mutiny and phantasy of private men; as heretics desire and practise. Chap. VII. Of the late wars in Ireland for religion. How the pope might use the sword. And those differences between temporal princes and him, or their resisting him in some cases of their worldly interest, could be no warrant to the protestants to contemn his censures or authority in matters of faith and religion. Chap.

VIII. That the separation of the prince and realm from the unity of the church and see apostolic, and fall from catholic religion, was the only cause of all the present fears and dangers that the state seemed to stand in. And that they unjustly attributed the same to the pope’s holiness or catholics, and untruly called them enemies of the realm. Chap. IX. The conclusion contained a charitable monition, and a joinder with the libeller, [as he called the writer of the book he answered,] touching some mean of toleration in religion, and ceasing or mitigating this cruel persecution.

These were the heads of this severe and bold book. Many printed copies whereof were privately brought into the realm, and dispersed. So that it was necessary to be substantially replied to. And John Stubbe, a learned man, sometime of Lincoln’s-inn, [though unhappy in the loss of his right hand,] was employed, in the doing of it, by the lord treasurer. And having finished his work, (which was perused also by some of the learned civilians at that time,) the author addressed his letter to the said statesman concerning what he had done, and joined his desire to have it amended, improved, and additions made to it, as he should think convenient, in a tract of such importance. His letter follows: “My most honourable good lord, having long since, by your honour’s direction, delivered certain my written labours to the consideration of Dr. Bing and Dr. Hammond, and their answer now returned by sir Drue Drury, I understand it your lordship’s pleasure to see them also. Now herewithal I am bold to signify thus much: that as next after God and her majesty, I undertook it to do you service, so do I leave the same wholly to your honourable censure for words, sentence, or matter: and not only to yourself, my good lord, but to the two doctors, I so far resign me, as, giving over all blind self-love to mine own handywork, I besought them to judge frankly, and (which in this cause is most friendly) to read it severely. It pleased them nevertheless to encourage and provoke my proceeding: which if such as they had not done, whose learned judgments I reverence, it should never have troubled your lordship for me. “If therefore it may be serviceable, either as it is, or by suffering some alteration, your honourable allowance shall make me cheerfully to abide the adversaries’ malice: and if it be unprofitable, I desire not to win public reproach by publishing my folly; being so far from desire of vainglory by doing it myself, and from envy at others doing it, as I shall most willingly sit down in the shadow, and let any have all the fruit of my painful travails; if at least they may never so little help to furnish out some better defence. Mine only care is to see the thing done, and well done: which as I am indifferent to see well done by any, so would I be most loath to see it ill done by myself. It remains, that whether this of mine pass in silence or print, I humbly pray your honour’s most favourable and best interpretation of my endeavours: unto whose great wisdom I desire to approve myself in all. So humbly taking my leave, I beseech the Lord God to preserve your life, increase your honour, and finally keep you ever his. The 27th of July, 1587.

Your most honourable good lordship’s Very humbly to command, JOHN STUBBE SCAEVA.” Some particular matters of one of our universities must claim a place here.

Some abuses brake into that of Cambridge; whereof complaint was made to their high chancellor, the lord Burghley: as, in running into debt for wine and clothes, and too costly habits worn by fellows of colleges; and of the liberty that pupils took, to the neglect of their studies, and of the excess of their apparel; and the too greedy desire of the tutors for gain: which made them wink at the neglect of those under their tuition. These faults will more particularly appear from a letter which their careful chancellor wrote to his vice-chancellor on this occasion; which for the restraint of these abuses ran in this tenor: “After my hearty commendations, Mr. Vice-chancellor, liking very well of divers things which, I am given to understand, you have well reformed in the university in your time; so am I credibly informed by the great complaint of divers, both worshipful and wise parents, the which have brought their children to the university, that through the great stipends of tutors, and the little pains they do take in the instructing and well governing of their pupils, not only the poorer sort are not able to maintain their children at the university; and the richer be so corrupt with liberty and remissness, that the tutor is more afraid to displease the pupil through the desire of great gain, the which he hath by his tutorage, than the pupil is of his tutor: that the parents do greatly complain, both of the loss of their children’s time, and of the greatness of their charges, as well in tutors’ stipends, as in their sumptuous apparel. “The which things if you with the rest of the heads can devise to have ordered with speed, you shall have my assistance thereto most willingly. “To the great stipends of tutors cometh the great excess of apparel in fellows of colleges of late more than hath been; in wearing of satin doublets, silk and velvet overstocks, and facing of gowns with velvet and satin to the ground; and in great fine ruffs, contrary to law and order. All which I will have you see reformed with speed.

There is so much wasted this way, and in the town on Fridays and Saturdays, that they do leave their sizings and detriments unpaid monthly in the colleges; and also are, as I hear, greatly indebted to the drapers and vintners in the town. To the which I would have you take orders for: that these debts, as well that of colleges as of private men, may be discharged presently. And that there be no more such debts hereafter. And to certify me the names of those colleges and particular persons, that shall make default, in any of the premises, faithfully and without delay. And thus I wish you well to fare. From my house in the Strand, this last of June.

Your loving friend, W. BURGHLEY.” A contest between the town and university of Cambridge about the right of commons was very sharp this year, as well as it had been some years before. And the affronts offered by the townsmen to the scholars, or such as depended on them, such, that the heads, by a decree among them, discommoned Edmunds the mayor. The beginning of it was the impounding some hogs that ran in the common fields; which hogs belonged to one Hammond, who was a brewer and bailiff of Jesus college, and so a scholars’ servant of the university. But the vice-chancellor ordered them to be let out. At which, after some contest, the said mayor complained to the high chancellor. Dr. Perne, in the absence of the vice-chancellor, answered his complaint: which complaint Perne had received in writing; and was required to make answer unto in writing again. Whereunto the complainants were to be further referred. The sum of which answer was, that the mayor was the cause of the present controversy between the town and them; the mayor exacting of Hammond certain money, contrary to a composition made between the town and university, anno 27. regin, for the space of twenty years: wherein it was provided, that the pinner or driver of such hogs or cattle should be appointed 2, 4, or more, by the consent and appointment of the vice-chancellor and mayor for the time being: and that there be taken four pence for every hog; whereof one penny to the pinner, and three pence to the vice-chancellor, if the offender be a scholar or scholars’ servant; and if he be a freeman or a foreigner, the said three pence to the mayor. Contrary to which order, the mayor at this time exacted of Hammond, a scholars’ servant, three pence for every hog that was driven by one appointed by himself, and not by an indifferent person appointed by the vice-chancellor and the mayor, &c.

In fine, this argument ran so far, and the mayor so perverse, that the heads solemnly discommon the mayor. And this was done orderly at a court, Dr. Copcot vice-chancellor. In the order mention is made of his great ingratitude to the university scholars and their servants: which shall be particularly related by and by. This decree was, “That no scholar, or any under the privilege of a scholar, should, for the time to come, have any manner of dealing, contract, buying or selling with the said mayor, upon pain of an 100 shillings.” And this was set up upon the public school door.

See this remarkable decree specified in the Appendix, taken out of the university register, and sent me by a reverend member of that university.

Where it is observable, that the said mayor is charged with great, nay the greatest ingratitude against the university: for he was bred up from his beginning by the favour of the university. His father was once a member of it, and afterwards one of the heads in the times of king Henry VIII. And for his father’s sake, they had taken care of his education. Which came to light some years before; viz. in the year 1582, when another controversy happened between him and the university: which proceeded so far, that the matter came before the high chancellor, when the particulars of his ingratitude were made manifest. For when the chancellor had urged him with his unseemly behaviour towards the university, (in answer to which he said, that he never received any benefit from them, or any scholar, but only that they once made him one of their praisers,) Dr. Pern, (that had been one of his benefactors, and knew him from the beginning,) being provoked, acquainted the said chancellor by letter with his history; viz. “That he was brought up by the good-will and liberality of the university and divers scholars of the same. And how his father was a doctor in divinity of that university; and master of Peter-house, and oftentimes vice-chancellor. And though, living in king Henry’s and queen Mary’s reigns, yet was married, but kept it. very private: and had a son, named John, (who was the present mayor,) but went under the name of John Mere, as a son of a beadle of the university; whose wife and Dr. Edmunds’ wife were sisters; and was brought up from his childhood with him as his son; and not until of late, in queen Elizabeth’s reign, was called by his true name, John Edmunds.”

This paper of Perne’s went on, giving account of his breeding up from the first, “That he did receive from Mr. Mere, his reputed father, so many shreds of copes and vestments as were worth 31. 6s . 8d .” [that is, in king Edward’s reign, when all the popish apparel was called in.] That upon Mere’s death he was received into the service of Parker, archbishop of Canterbury: afterwards, into the service of Dr. Perne, dean of Ely, (who gave this relation of him,) for the good-will he bare to his father, Dr. Edmunds, and made him his butler at Ely: after, he was made butler of Peter-house, whereof Perne was master: then he gave him a lease of the dean and chapter of Ely, called Quane; which he sold for 50l. That he got him the lease of an house wherein he at present dwelt, when mayor, worth 20l . per ann. That he was likewise preferred by him to be one of the praisers of the university; and did also procure him to be one of the vintners of the university; which office he sold for 80l . and was a means to get him to be mayor the present year, 1587.”

Other particulars of his behaviour were not spared now to be told. As, that when he was to take the oath to the university for the due observing the peace of the university, he provided, that at the taking of it, none almost should be present, but only the mayor and the town-clerk. Whereas there always used before to be present the best of the university, town, and country. So that the hall was commonly so full, that the vice-chancellor could not well enter into the hall. And for this he was challenged by Dr. Pern, for breaking the ancient order: which required him to take it, in loco et more solito. To which Edmunds answered, he did not know the custom; though he had been present at the giving of the said oath by the vicechancellor and the proctors to the mayor and bailiffs, when he did attend upon the said Dr. Pern.

It was told further of him, how he bragged, that he would, if the chancellor himself were at Cambridge, go before him: for that he was the queen’s lieutenant of the townsmen, as his honour was the queen’s lieutenant of the university. Though the chancellor is always, and hath been accounted by charter and otherwise, the head officer of Cambridge, before whom the mayor and bailiffs be yearly sworn. Add to the rest, this instance of his respect to the university, that being mayor, he did not invite the vicechancellor and heads, as was always customary to be done on Michaelmas day, at the mayor and bailiffs’ feast; though Dr. Pern sent him a barren doe towards his feast; telling the vice-chancellor, that he would not invite him to dinner on that day, because Dr. Pern was not then come to Cambridge, And when Dr. Pern came that Michaelmas eve, the mayor sent him word, that he would not invite him, because he had not invited the vicechancellor.

These unhappy controversies between the town and university, as they had been before and this year, so from time to time long after remained. So that in a complaint against the town ten years after, they were charged to be more bold than ever, breaking most confidently upon all their privileges.

Now to look into the state of learning in this university, I shall descend to some remarks of things and persons in two or three of the colleges.

Whitaker, the learned public professor of divinity, was chosen master of St. John’s college the last year, viz. in February 1586, by the lord treasurer’s interest, though with difficulty. The state of which college (whereof that great statesman was once a member, and always after a patron) the said master gave him some account this year, in one or two letters, wrote thence, after great stirs and commotions by reason of parties there.

The former was wrote in April. The import of which was, “That he would write to him the state of their college, and of the affairs thereof, as well because he doubted not but it would be grateful to him; as also, that he might satisfy his duty. That it was he who brought him into his college by his authority and good-will. In which therefore, if any thing should happen against his mind and expectation, he beseeched him not to wonder at it, or bear it more heavily, or ascribe any fault to their fellows: for that he was persuaded the divine providence did wonderfully shine out in this matter.

And although the beginning was a little more turbulent, yet the conclusion would be more happy and easy. And that after that one little cloud of one half hour, a clear light had shone upon them.” [He seems to mean the heats and disturbance at the election.] “Which hitherto no new tempest had obscured. “That for the time to come, he promised himself such events as should bring more of hope than fear or suspicion. I am not solicitous of myself (as he went on) and my state; nor do I promote any thing else for myself, but to serve the college, and consult for its good. In which I shall hope I shall at last effect something that may redound to its advantage. I will certainly endeavour, that I seem not to be unprofitable to the college.”

Then he proceeded to open to that lord to whom he writ, a present necessity of the college, viz.” That they laboured in nothing beside a need of money: which could not be paid to the college in the strait circumstances of many, [by reason of a great dearth this year.] And here an intestine disease stuck in the college; and wanted altogether some medicine. For unless provision were had, they could not contain that society, which then was held a long time with difficulty, that it dissolved not. And so concluded, most humbly beseeching and begging his honour, that as always he had done, so he would proceed to favour their college; and to esteem himself to be chiefly and entirely esteemed and observed by them. And so praying God to preserve him in safety for the commonwealth and to their university.” It was dated from St. John’s, the 3d of the cal. of April, 1587.

Another letter of the said matter to the said lord, wrote in September, was occasioned by reason of a statute of the same college of St. John’s, that the fellows should take holy orders, after they had been six years masters of arts; shewing the inconvenience of dispensing with it. Since, about that time, some had endeavoured to obtain, contrary to that statute, a liberty to remain in the college, asone or two had done before. This new master now shewed his care in discharging his trust to the college, by endeavouring to stop this abuse, in his address to that lord, that such dispensations might not be granted by the queen or himself. For thus the master expressed his mind. In illis rebus, &c. “That in such things as belonged to the state of their college, he could not but betake himself to his authority and prudence.

That their statutes were as yet in his power, and seemed to want in certain places some correction. And he hoped his lordship would give him leave to speak with him at some convenient time concerning them. That it was an old law, that the fellows, in. the sixth year after they were masters, either to be priests, or to leave the college; only two physicians excepted.

Notwithstanding it had been granted to some a few years past, that against the mind of the statute they might remain in the college; and that it was very credible, that there would be others who would seek for the like indulgence and licence, either from the queen or from him.” And then added, (applying to his lordship,)” that it should be his counsel and wisdom to consider, whether it were agreeable to grant that which they should ask.

That there was this inconvenience in this matter, which would happen at last, that the primary and senior fellows, who must always be divines, be other than divines, and yet be necessarily compelled in the college to perform the office of divines. He would not mention any more; since he, out of that incredible pious regard he had towards their college, would always provide that their affairs might be ever cared for, as well as might possibly be.” This was likewise dated from St. John’s college, pridie id.

Septemb. 1587.

The queen this year, upon some interest made to her in the behalf of one Tenison, of Peter-house, wrote her letter to the master and fellows of that house, to admit him, though unqualified by the statutes, to a fellowship there: whose letter was as follows. ELIZABETH.

By the queen. “Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. Forasmuch as we are credibly informed, that one John Tenison, master of arts of your college, commonly called Peter-house, in Cambridge, whereof you be master and fellows, is greatly desirous and minded to continue at that university, and namely in the foresaid college, for his further increase in virtue and learning; and that by reason of his degree he is not capable of a fellowship in the said college without our special grace and warrant; we let you to wit, that for his better proceedings in that good and virtuous course, which for want of sufficient maintenance is likely otherwise to be greatly hindered, and seeing no cause, why that degree, which is bestowed upon worthy persons, (as an encouragement and furtherance unto preferment,) should be a let or hinderance thereof: “It hath pleased us, upon humble suit made unto us in his behalf, and for the considerations aforesaid, to will and command you presently, upon the receipt of these our letters, to choose and admit him fellow of our said college, into the place now void, or hereafter next to be void in any manner of means whatsoever, any statute, decree, act, or order to the contrary notwithstanding. For the which we do dispense with you by these presents. And therefore have no doubt but that you will accomplish this our pleasure accordingly.

Given under our signet at our manor of Richmond, the 9th day of October, 1587. In the 29th year of our reign.”

At this command of the queen the college was very uneasy; requiring them to do some things contrary to the laws and statutes of their college; which they were strictly bound by oath to observe; as, to admit one to a fellowship, unqualified in several respects. And that they had already elected several deserving young men to succeed, as probationers, in the four next places, as they fell vacant. In this difficulty they applied themselves to the great patron of that university, the lord Burghley, to acquaint the queen with their condition. As, that for the person recommended, he wanted the qualifications required, and among the rest, to be poor, and of an humble and quiet spirit: both which he wanted. So they prayed his lordship to acquaint her majesty herewith; and to obtain her lawful favour to use their statutes; and that the said young men might not be disappointed, to their great prejudice and discouragement, to which Tenison’s suit directly tended; and also to the disturbance of their quietness, and that lawful and orderly election. The letter of the college at length is worthy preserving. See the Appendix.

CHAPTER 13.

Sheffield of Christ’s college accused for a sermon preached at St. Mary’s. An end of the vice-chancellor’s visitation of that college.

Some account of Downham, one of the fellows. Chadwic, of Emanuel college, called before the heads, for a sermon of his preached in St. Mary’s. An epistle to the lord Burghley from the university of Oxford. Remarks upon some persons of eminency.

Will. Lambard. Lord treasurer Burghley. Earl of Oxford, his sonin- law, discontented. Letters between them. Angry words from the earl of Leicester at court to the lord treasurer. Their letters to each other. The death of the lord treasurer’s mother. The queen’s message to him, thereupon. Earl of Leicester’s debts.

Now to look into some of the other houses. In Christ’s college puritanism prevailed much; as was seen in the year before, in two or three of the members. There was one Sampson Sheffield, of the same college, M. A. against whom Dr. Copcot, one of the heads, alleged, that in a sermon preached at St. Mary’s this year he had delivered three assertions, erroneous and scandalous, in these words, or the like in effect. I. That it is not lawful for a minister of the word to be a magistrate. II. That he denounced woe against him that put out some lights that were wont to shine in this town [of Cambridge.] III. The brethren conspired against their brethren; and are pricks in their sight. And the said Dr. Copcote desired of the vice-chancellor, that Sheffield might answer those articles; and that under the bond of his corporal oath. Which he did.

The answer which the said Sheffield made was, first, That he spake no such words, tending to that effect. To the second, That he denounced a woe against such magistrates, by whose negligence towards their brethren it was come to pass that we have had fewer lights than we had before. To the third he answered, That he did not speak those words of the heads of colleges in Cambridge, but spoke as near as he could the words of the scripture out of one of the prophets. Upon this divers witnesses were produced that were his auditors. The register goes no further, to shew the determination of this scholar’s business.

But an end this year was put to an earnest controversy between this college and Dr. Copcot, the last year’s vice-chancellor: who as by the statutes of the college was appointed their visitor, and began a visitation of the fellows that year, so he continued it by divers prorogations to a great part of the present year, when he was no longer in that office, and they refused to admit him; and appealed from him to the lord Burghley, their high chancellor. Who by his prudence put an end to this contest. And hereupon the whole college addressed an elegant Latin epistle to the said chancellor, containing thanks to him for so seasonable a conclusion of this trouble: being subscribed by the master, Edmund Barwel, and the rest of the fellows, viz. William Perkins, Francis Johnson, John Powel, Robert Baines, Thomas Morton, George Downham, Thomas Bradock, Andrew Williat, William Knight, Cutbert Bainbridge. The names of several of these, as they were well known for men of learning, so for zealous espousers of puritan principles. Their letter, from the original, may be read in the Appendix.

One whereof I shall make a note of here, viz. George Downham, the son of Will. Downham, bishop of Chester, and he himself afterwards preferred to the bishopric of Londonderry in Ireland. He was some time a favourer of the discipline; but after mature study of those points, heartily embraced episcopacy. Take his own words, expressive of his thoughts, in an epistle of his before his sermon, preached April 17, 1608, at the consecration of Mountague, bishop of Bath and Wells: entitled, A sermon defending the honour able function of bishops. “The time hath been, when mine affection, inclined by the reverend opinion which I had conceived worthily, not only of Mr. Calvin and Mr. Beza, but of many other learned and godly men, patrons and fautors of the pretended discipline, made me suspend my judgment in this cause; until I had seriously entered into the study thereof.

The which for a long time I did for bear; partly because I did rightly suppose, that my pains might be more profitably bestowed in other parts of divinity; partly, because in my slender judgment I could not then see what good would come either to myself or the church of God, by my pains taken in that controversy, &c. Thus was I content to remain in suspense, while I took it to be the best course to be no meddler on either side. “But that afterwards (as he proceeded) he considered with himself, that this church of England (wherein he was called to be a minister) did hold and profess all substantial points of divinity as soundly as any church in the world, (none excepted,) neither in this age, nor in the primitive times of the church: and secondly, that it hath the testimony of all other true churches: and thirdly, that in it the means of salvation are ordinarily and plentifully to be had: therefore to make separation from it he took to be schismatical, and damnable presumption.”

I add one sentence more in the same epistle; that he heard a zealous preachera reprove young divines, in a sermon at Cambridge, who, before they had studied the grounds of theology, would over-busy themselves in matters of discipline; and, as he said, before they had laid the foundation of their study, would be setting up, as it were, the roof.

And in the said consecration sermon preached by the same Dr. Downham, he had these words of Calvin’s and Beza’s judgment of the bishops of this church: “Reverend Beza, though an earnest patron of the presbyterian discipline, and came far short of Calvin’s moderation in that behalf, spake thus; Quod si nunc Anglicanae ecclesiae &c. But if now the reformed English churches do persist, being upheld by the authority of their bishops and archbishops, as this hath happened unto them in our memory, that they have had men of that order, not only famous, and God’s martyrs, but also most worthy pastors and doctors, let England surely enjoy that singular blessing of God. Which “I pray God may be perpetual unto it.” The sight of Downham’s name among the fellows of Christ’s college hath produced these passages, as some memorial of him.

We pass from Christ’s to Emanuel college, whereof one Charles Chadwic, M. A. was fellow; who had given great offence for a sermon, preached by him at St. Mary’s, reflecting upon the non-residence of some of the university; particularly such as were governors of the colleges: calling them murderers of many thousands. For which, and such like words, he was summoned to appear before the heads; to whom he gave bond of 50l . for his appearance. But thus it stands at length in the university register. Nov. 2, 1587. Car. Chadwic, M.A. coll. Eman, socius, yenit coram D.

Johe. Copcot, S. T. P. et vicecan, et dominis DD. Perne, Fulk, Styll, Tyndal, et Legg, justiciariis dnae. regin, et recognovit se debere reginae 50l. solvend, sub conditione; viz.” That the said Charles Chadwick shall personally appear before the vice-chancellor of the university of Cambridge for the time being, whensoever he shall be lawfully called or warned at Emanuel college or elsewhere, to answer to such speeches as he uttered in a sermon made at St. Mary’s church upon St. Bartholomew’s day last past.

And also to any other persons who were injured by the said speeches; intending to prosecute their actions for words then and there uttered. And also shall personally, or by his lawful attorney, appear at all days and times when his matter shall be handled, until final end be made in this suit. That then this recognisance shall be void.”

The prosecutors were doctors Perne, Styll, and Tyndal. Roger Morell, B.

D. deposed, that the said Cha. Chadwick said in effect, That by the nonresidents of the university there were murdered thousands of souls. But how many, he doth not remember. But he is sure he named above twenty.

And he saith that, in his judgment, he noted in this speech the governors of the colleges particularly. For whereas it might be objected, in the defence of some nonresidents, that of necessity there must be some to govern the university; his answer to that objection was this, Let them go to their livings, and see whether we cannot govern the universities. Or if they will not do so, let them give over unto us their livings, and then let them stay here. This he spake, or words like in effect.

Lionel Ducket, M. A. and fellow of Jesus college, deposeth to the like effect. W. Wady, M. A. deposeth to the like effect, and says, that Cha.

Chadwick named between thirty or forty thousand, to be murdered by computation. Item, He deposeth, that Mr. Chadwick did reprehend the usual and laudable prayers in the church for all states in Christ’s church militant, calling it a monk prayer. Richard Warfield, M. A. fellow of Jesus college, deposeth, as far as he can call to remembrance, that Mr. Chadwick, finding fault with non-residence of some remaining in Cambridge, named about nine thousand souls to be in danger. That he did speak against non-residence and non-residents; but quo animo he cannot depose. But believes he did it to reprove that fault.

The register, being imperfect, doth not set down what censure passed upon Chadwick upon these informations. But there was a cause of one Cha.

Chad. of Emanuel college depending two years after; which seems to be the same man.

There came an epistle of thanks this year from the other university of Oxford to the lord treasurer; to whom they had addressed for his assistance in a cause, wherein one of their university privileges was invaded; which was, that none within five miles of that city should be compelled to send provision of breadcorn to the court, that the colleges might the better be provided for; the price whereof might otherwise be enhanced. A stop being put to this attempt by the means of that lord, in their said letter they acknowledged the favour, viz. That they had understood, by their vicechancellor, that he had not only vouchsafed them this present favour, but in many other respects he had been a great benefactor to them and their university, and was ready to do still more. This they could not pass by in silence; and thought it an act of high improbity to do otherwise; especially, since it had not only been his care, but his pains and solicitude, to consult for their affairs: and that much more than they had before understood, but were now informed of. And for all this they expressed an high sense of their obligations to him. This epistle I leave in the Appendix, as a remembrance of that university’s gratitude to that lord, and of that lord’s many good offices towards them.

Now for a few remarks upon some particular men of quality and eminence, falling under this year.

William Lambard, a learned lawyer, excellently skilled in the history and antiquities of this land, received this year, as he had done before, some favour from the lord Burghley, who valued him for his great parts and deserts. He was sometime of Lincoln’s-inn; afterwards his station was at Halling in Kent. And was by the special order of the lord chancellor Bromley put into the commission of the peace for that county for his great abilities. He was not without troubles; to which, it is like, he exposed himself the more by his care of the public service, and search after such as were disaffected persons, priests and others. But the lord treasurer, well knowing the cause, and the merits of the gentleman, had cleared him and set him free: which he styled halcyon days restored to him at Halling. And the lord Cobham of that county was also his seasonable helper; whom he called his fatherllke good lord; who had favoured some request and petition of his to that lord. For which restoration of those his halcyon days, he excused himself that he returned him his thanks only by writing, and did not personally pay them. But the cause was, that he was busy at Rochester about the queen’s subsidy; and likewise the grief he was then under for the loss of a godly and dear companion; [probably his wife.] But his own letter, so well penned, and so deeply expressive of his obligation to that lord, and his own particular circumstances, must follow in his own words: for letters to and from such persons of eminency in these days deserve to be preserved. “Albeit my most honourable and singular good lord, (raised unto me by, God for rescue of all my distresses,) duty willeth that I should thankfully present myself upon my knees before you, and not cover me after this sort in paper; yet may it please your good lordship, in regard that I am presently closed in the midst of her majesty’s service for the subsidy, both in the city of Rochester and in the county at large, to vouchsafe this manner of yielding my most bounden thanks, till God in further time will give me the means to perform it better. “I have evermore, my singular good lord, perceived a most honourable disposition of favour in your good lordship towards me, that never did or could demerit any thing at your hands. I felt it also to my joyful peace, which for these few halcyon days I have enjoyed at my ferme in Hallyng. But most sensibly do I now apprehend it in this my just sorrow for the loss of a most godly and dear companion of my life; when your good lordship granted the desire presented on my behalf by that my favourable and fatherlike good lord Cobham, not only in respect of my petition, but also pity of mine estate; and for that affection which your lordship doth bear unto myself. “For all these I most humbly thank your good lordship upon the knees of my heart, beseeching that Lord of all to repay unto you in the great day that comfortable kindness which I have received from you: and assuring you, that not only myself will daily call unto God for you, but will also teach my poor sucklings to send up and sound your praises in his ears. The same bless your good lordship with long life and honourable prosperity here, and take you at the last unto himself in heaven. From Hallyng, this 5th of Sept. 1587.

Your for ever most bound, WILLIAM LAMBARD?” I add, (that I may here collect together what I have to say of this worthy gentleman, Mr. Lambarde,) that after a year or two he was nominated by the said lord treasurer, his friend, knowing well his abilities, for a judge, or some such eminent place in the law. And so the said lord let him understand. Which caused another grateful letter to him; shewing his thankfulness, and his modesty too, in a desire he made; viz. That before he should be invested in that service, to be tried first for the next term. For so his ingenious and well weighed letter ran. “That he held himself doubly bound to serve her highness with all his power; and the rather, for that it had pleased his lordship to give his name to her majesty with his good report of him. Only he beseeched his good lordship to add this unto the rest of his favours, that he might not be invested in the service, but to be tried first for the next term, and upon his probation to be admitted.” For in this tenor his ingenuous and modest letter ran. Which will be found in the Appendix, from the original.

I cannot let this man pass without the mention of a character that Kilburne gives of him in his Topography and survey of Kent; who termed him,” That learned, judicious, and laborious gentleman, William Lambard, esq. whose monuments of piety and charity in that county, his directory of the peaceable government of the same, [i.e. his book of the Office of a justice of peace,] and his painful and able performance of his Perambulation, [i.e. in his book of that county so named,] have rendereed and will perpetuate his memory famous.” And that monument of his piety and charity above spoken of, was a college or almshouse for 20 poor people, founded by him anno 1560, in East Greenwich; termed the college of queen Elizabeth’s poor people.

About this year it was, that an abusive, lying, popish libel came forth, with unworthy and false reflection upon the lord treasurer Burghley. Which occasioned a vindication of him by some particular order from himself; wiping off those scandalous reports that were given out of him. Whether then printed or no, I cannot tell. But I shall transcribe it from the original paper, as I found it in the Cotton library; referring the reader to the Appendix. Which is worthy the public; for the better knowledge of so great a man, and so useful a statesman in that age.

I have also a remark or two more to make of that wise and worthy statesman the lord Burghley, lord treasurer, of whom so much already. He had matched his beloved daughter Anne to the earl of Oxford. Who had not shewed that conjugal kindness and love to her as was expected: being discontented that he was not preferred (which he looked for) especially, depending upon the great interest of his father-in-law; and it having been suggested to him that he had spoken something in council to his disparagement. And so in an angry mood went beyond sea. This made the lord treasurer very uneasy, as well as the lady his wife, a very worthy and accomplished lady. I find a letter of the said treasurer, written to him, to soften him, and vindicate himself; that he had not been wanting in his endeavours to prefer him at court. And the day after he had received the earl’s letter, he answered to this tenor. “That he perceived by it an opinion of his lordship, that he thought it had been and might be in his power, considering, as he writ, that the managing of all causes passed through his hand, to strengthen his estate. And therefore that he seemed to infer, that the lack of his preferment came by him, [the lord treasurer.] For that he could never hear of a way proposed for his preferment.” To which the lord treasurer used these words: “My lord, for a direct answer, I affirm for a truth, and that to be well proved, that your lordship mistakes my power; howsoever you say, that I manage the affairs.

The trouble whereof is laid upon me: but no power to do myself, or any kin or friend, any good; but rather impeached and crossed.

Which I am taught these many years patiently to endure; yea, to conceal. “Secondly, That there have been no ways prepared for your preferment I do utterly deny; and can particularly make it manifest, by testimony of counsellors, how often I have propounded ways to prefer you to services. But why these could not take place, I must not particularly set them down in writing; lest either I discover the hinderer, or offend yourself in shewing the allegations to impeach your lordship from such preferment. And therefore, if your lordship please not to admit my defence, by avowing to your lordship on my faith afore God, that I have at all times, when occasion served, had your lordship in remembrance to be used in honourable service, then I must content myself with the wrong you do me, in noting me, as you do very roundly, that you find yourself by me little strengthened in estate, and nothing in friendship. And so I conclude, my lord, that finding you thus affected, I mind not to dispute of this matter with you by any writing; but wish you such other friends as you may be better persuaded of, than you are of me. “As for the matter of John Wotton’s report of any my speeches of your lordship, wherewithal the court was full, that you were offended with me, I have charged John Wotton with; who doth in a sort deny it. But if he said to your lordship, that I said any word to your disgrace in council, I affirm to your lordship that he lieth. And so with me do all the counsellors that heard my speech affirm herein, to have belied me. But I leave him to his own defence. And sorry I am, that your lordship would put him in a balance of credit against me, after you had heard of me. “Your lordship must take in good part my hasty writing; for neither my health nor my leisure doth permit me to write so advisedly as otherwise the cause requireth. And yet, my lord, I hope I write nothing but I may avow, howsoever you may, in your doubtful mind of me, otherwise interpret it. From my house in Westminster, the 15th of December, 1587.

Your lordship’s ready to deserve well, W. B.” This Edward earl of Oxford was the more earnest to obtain some place of profit as well as honour from the court; for he was a great spender, and, as the historian writ of him, set his patrimony flying, And as this gave cause of his expectation from that lord, whose daughter he had married, so likewise to that letter above, written in vindication of himself, and his endeavours to serve him.

This good lord treasurer had another trouble created him by another great lord at court, and favouritc, namely, Robert earl of Leicester. Who had used some angry speeches to the said treasurer; having thwarted him in somewhat discoursed before the queen in council. As, “That he found himself grieved with such cross handling, as both at that and other times he had done. And that he saw his lordship very ready to cross him before her majesty. And that he liked it so ill, that he would and could find way to anger him as well.” The treasurer had also reckoned by some of the earl’s words, as though he had charged him with something against her majesty.

This caused him to write that morning to the earl; and the earl as soon answered him that night, justifying himself And by this private arguing with one another, taking a better course than some gentlemen are wont to do, by making challenges, and deciding their differences by the sword; intending nothing less than the murdering one another. But it will not be unacceptable to read the carl’s letter, which is endorsed by the said treasurer’s own hand, The earl 0f Leicester in answer to mine, writ the same morning. “My lord, I know not from whence my hap hath it, but it hath fallen out sundry times, both contrary to my expectation, and much less by any desert of mine, that I have found your lordship more ready to thwart and cross my dealing than any other man’s, especially in the presence of her majesty; and for such causes as I have been the more earnest in; and which by his lordship’s own allowance and opinion it had been so resolved on by their conferences before.”

But this whole letter, being somewhat long, I leave to be read in the Appendix.

Another affliction fell to the lot of the lord treasurer this year, viz. in the month of March: which was the decease of his mother, an aged and pious gentlewoman. The great respect due to this eminent statesman required the condole of the court. In which the queen joined, and gave special order to sir John Woolley to do it to him. For the lord treasurer had intimated his loss to the person near about the queen, being her secretary for the Latin tongue; excusing his coming to the court, and waiting on the queen for that cause. I have the said Wolley’s letter before me, wrote back to that lord on the said sad occasion: and of his purpose speedily to acquaint the queen with it, who was retired that day. The import of his letter was, “That he was heartily sorry for the evil news he [the lord treasurer] had received of the death of his dear mother: whom, though God had blessed with long life here, and now with immortal life in heaven, (whereof no man could doubt, that had heard of the most charitable and godly course of her days;) yet must he not blame his lordship for the natural sorrow he felt with this loss of his, but rather honour and love him the more for this sense of kindness appearing in him: shewing himself therein a natural man, subject to human passions; and not stoical, as too many ifi these evil days of ours were found to be.” He went on in these words: “My good lord, it should be but folly in me to think I could speak more in this cause than is known to yourself in your own wisdom: whereunto I remit myself; taking part, as your poor and faithful friend, even from my heart, of this grief of yours, wherewith I have not yet acquainted her majesty: [because she had that morning taken physic:] meaning to do it as soon as he might in the afternoon. That he had imparted it to my lord steward [earl of Leicester] even then: who otherwise would have looked for his honour that day.”

He added, “That when he had spoken with her majesty, he would write again to his lordship. In the mean time I beseech God to increase your health both of body and mind, to the benefit of our estate, and the comfort of all your friends. At the court, the 13th of March, 1587.

Your lordship’s for ever most bounden, “J. WOLLEY.” Thus Wolley affectionately to the lord treasurer. And then soon after, having acquainted the queen with the said matter, she sent him away forthwith on purpose in her name to comfort him, in token of her high esteem of him, as well as to require him to set upon her necessary business of the kingdom. Wolley accordingly repairs to the treasurer’s house, but found him gone at his coming, being retired in his sorrow. Whereupon Wolley supplied his message with another letter to him, wrote from his own house near the Savoy, to this purport: “That because her majesty had sent him to his house in London, and he found him gone at his coming thither, he thought it necessary to supply the message by writing, which he should have done by mouth, if he had come in time, before his going thence. That her highness willed him to say to his lordship, that she was exceeding sorrowful for his grief; knowing how sensible his lordship was wont to take the like, though none the like, to her knowledge, had happened unto him. She was old, as her majesty said, and you wise. And therefore her death, happening according to natural course, was to be taken moderately by you. To withdraw therefore your troubled mind from private grief to public cogitations, she prayed your lordship to think upon the speedy despatch of the commissioners for Munster with all the haste you can.” [These commissioners were they (the earl of Derby, lord Cobham, and other) that were to be sent to treat with the Spaniard about a peace.] “For they must, she said, in alwise be there before the first of May.

That it might please his lordship to let him hear from him the morrow after, for the full satisfying of her majesty, as touching the matter, and likewise when his lordship thought he might be at the court again.”

And concluded, “That he had acquainted the lords and others of the council of this accident that had happened unto him. Who were right sorry for it, if it might be remedied. And so committed his lordship to the grace of Almighty God. Dated from his own house near the Savoy, the l3th of March, 1587.”

Such was the need the queen apprehended she had of this great counsellor in her important affairs at this juncture especially, and the high regard both she and her nobility had for him.

I meet with another letter to this lord upon the same occasion of condole from one Mr. Rither, an eminent person in the northern parts; with whom and this lord was a friendly correspondence. Which letter, so wisely, learnedly, and piously composed, I cannot but give the reader in the Appendix; especially, because we shall hear more of this gentleman hereafter.

I have this to add of the earl of Leicester, (of whom some matters before,) that went out into the Low Countries, to assist them with forces from the queen; he took up large sums of money of some of the wealthier citizens of London upon his barony of Denbigh, when the strangers merchants refused to lend. But that nothing might be wanting in such an expedition, reckoned to tend so much to the safety of the kingdom, they made up the sum to be lent among themselves. But now upon the carl’s return the money was not ready to be repaid. Which put the aldermen, who took up the money for him, to be in some concern. And they applied themselves to the lord treasurer, with a petition to this purpose, laying open their case, being, as they were styled in the writings, copartners with him of that barony.

These lenders were, sir George Barnes, mayor elect, sir Wolstan Dixie, knt.

Richard Martin, and John Hare, aldermen, and others, copartners and mortgagees of that manor of Denbigh. Their petition, which;viii shew the matter more at large, ran in this tenor: it was their humble petition to Hatton, lord chancellor, and lord Burghley, lord treasurer; setting forth, “That whereas their honours had lately directed their letters to them, signifying thereby, that they were by her majesty appointed to deal with them for a longer respite to be given to the right honourable the earl of Leicester, for the payment of their monies due in January next; they advertised his lordship, that when his honour was purposed his voyage into the Low Countries, and before the same was then perfectly known abroad, order was given out by his lordship for the taking up of a great sum of money at the hands of strangers in London; upon some of ours, bond and assurance to be given for the same. Which money was promised to be lent; and supplied accordingly. But when it appeared for whose use and for what service it was to be furnished, the strangers went from their promise; and there was no money to be had or taken up among them at any rate.

Whereupon we, considering the honourable purpose, and the necessity of the action in hand, did upon our own credit (the most of us taking up money at interest at hard rates) supply the several sums of 500l. upon the mortgage of the said manor, expecting our money at divers days of payment in December last: which was not performed. Then divers of us, being driven to a narrow strait of time, either made present payment of the money by us taken up at interest, or continued the use thereof for a longer time. “The day of payment being past, we were all earnestly solicited to reassure the said manor again to his lordship and his heirs, upon condition that our money should be paid unto us in January next.

Upon which consideration we were content; and did make a new assurance unto his lordship, with a respite of redemption until that time. At which time, according to the same assurance it importeth as much, to receive our money accordingly: considering that many of our credit lies upon it. And also considering the hard state of merchants, and men of trade in this city at this day. “In respect of all which, the premises, we are humble suitors unto your honours, to be a means in our behalf unto her majesty, that some order may be taken for the payment of the said money at the day of our said assurance and agreement; and we shall, according to our duties, daily pray for the preservations of your right honourable estates.”

Besides these gentlemen, of whom I have made some remarks, and of matters wherein they were concerned, I must allot here a place for one Mr. Rither of the north, (of whom somewhat before,) both in respect of the quality of his person, as also for some advertisements that he communicated this year to a great man at court concerning the northern parts of Yorkshire, and those that inhabited there. And first something concerning the man himself.

James Rither was a wise and learned gentleman of that county, lord of the manor of Harwood. And (upon a particular occasion of trouble befalling him) gave the lord Burghley this account of himself: “I am a gentleman, not meanly descended; a poor servant of her majesty, [in some commissions in those parts:] one that hath not so vainly spent my time, but have done her majesty good service in my country.” But two or three years after, he was detained in prison, by no deserts of his own, but drawn in by sinister extortionous devices, under colour of her majesty’s process, for debts to her, which he had paid: the effect of the malice of many in those parts against men of justice and honesty.

But now for his intelligence sent this year to that lord, take it from his own letter. He gave a particular character of Mr. Bellasis, a Yorkshire gentleman, (eldest son of sir William Bellasis,)employed in the borders; of whom inquiry seems to have been made from court; viz. “That he was a man of a weakly constitution of body, and subject to many infirmities. But for parts of the mind, he [Rither] dared to gage his credit, his like, for all towardness of disposition in government, or otherwise in any soundness of judgment, never was bred in that country, since Rither’s time of abode there; which was then four above twenty years. That he was only one year in commission of the peace; and since that time, the eldest, and in effect all the justices of that part, are glad to fetch light at his torch. And indeed since the death of old Dalton, no man more sufficient of skill in the north of this shire.” Rither went on, shewing a particular unhappy accident happening to this gentleman. “That he, taking by appointment an hundred foot from the borders, was put to live with only twenty-five of them, in a place, as it is now said, most shot at by the bloody and inhuman cruelty of that savage nation, [i.e. the Scots.] What mistake was made of his man, and how narrow his own way of escape was, I need not inform your honour: the hazard, I see, (as he proceeded) of a great loss to a ground that so much needeth; and so seldom breedeth such.” He added his conjecture of treachery; “I fear me, the uprightness of the gentleman was more than stood with some of their good liking that put him forward.

Haply your honour shall not hear this commendation confirmed at all hands that know him. Because here we use rather to envy than imitate so good dispositions; though it fall out between near kinsmen.”

And then, as to the condition of the people, thus he wrote to that lord: “Our disorders here grow common, and greater than we can well bear, or easily remedy. The associates of the peace in these parts are become so few, by the late displacing of many, by the sickness and death of some, as also by absence of others; so that such are fain to serve in three parts of the shire, as were wont to serve only in one hundred; from the liberties of York to the edge of Lancashire. Near to the common passage between, there is but one justice left. By which, and other unforeseen accidents, it falleth out, that our services are generally, and by particular cases sometimes, not unworthily blamed by her majesty, and your honours of the high senate: when such as endeavour in deeds to deserve better, bear yet nevertheless more than the due shares of the burden of others oversights.”

CHAPTER 14.

John Fox, the martyrologist, dies. His Acts and Monuments. Some account of that book, and the editions, and enlargements. The great esteem of the book and author. His judgement of the government of the church by archbishops and bishops. Archbishop Whitgift’s value of him. His monument. His Life in Latin: written by his son. His books. His posterity. A Latin epistle to the puritans.

Vindication of the English Justice: written by J. Stubbes. Latin poems by Newton.

THIS year concluded the life of the reverend John Fox; a man of remark for his learning, and for his firm adherence to the true religion in the times of persecution, (for the which he was an exile,) and for his usefulness to the church, in respect of the several learned books he wrote; and especially his martyrology, called, The acts and monuments of the church. Infinite was the pains he took in compiling thereof, and in searching of registers, and the enlargements in the several editions in his lifetime. The first was published by him in Latin, and printed, I think, at Basil, (where he lived,) one of the cantons in Switzerland. The next edition, which was set forth in English, the history commencing about 500 years before, was printed in London, in the year 1562, being continued to the beginning of queen Elizabeth’s reign; and bare this title, shewing the purpose of the book: Acts and Monuments touching things done and practised by the prelates of the Roman church, especially in this realm of England and Scotland, from the year of our Lord one thousand, unto the time now present. Wherein is lively declared the whole state of the Christian church; with such persecutions and horrible troubles as have hatched in these last and perilous days. Faithfully gathered and collected according to the true copies and writings certifacatory, as well of them that suffered, as also of the others that were doers and workers thereof. By J. F.

In the beginning of his history he observed, how few and scarce the writers were of so many notable things, worthy of knowledge, happening in the time of the five hundred years since Satan broke loose, and so passed and escaped without memory in the church of Christ. And that hitherto the barbarousness of those days, and partly negligence in the learned sort, were no small causes why we lack now so many things, much needful in these times to be known. However, such as remained, specially of the more sincere and less suspected sort of writers, he [the author] purposed in this history to digest and compile: to the intent to profit the church of Christ.

That in these reformed days, we, seeing the prodigious deformities and calamities of those former times, might pour out more abundant thanks to the Lord for this his most sweet and merciful reformation.

The preliminaries to this book were these. I. An epistle dedicatory to queen Elizabeth. II. Ad doctum lectorem, J. Foxus: in Latin. III. To the persecutors of God’s truth; commonly called papists. IV. A declaration concerning the utility and profit of this history.

Of this book the author made a present to Magdalen college, Oxon, (whereof he once had been a member,) in an elegant Latin epistle to Dr. Lawrence Humphrey, theft president, and the rest of the scholars. Which epistle in MS. still remains in the library of that college. A transcript whereof was some time ago kindly sent me by Dr. Charlott, late master of University college, deceased. Of which epistle take this short account..

Which began with his wish, Salutem et pacem in Christo sine fine. “That he did it in thankful acknowledgment; having had his education there: that college being his nurse: imitating the poor widow in the goslpel, by the mite that he sent thither; those minutes of his pains and studies that he sent thither, to be thrown into their public treasury: though mean and unworthy, he confessed, to be received into their chartophylacium. But that indeed Garbrand, their bookseller, persuaded him; as also a silent, and as it were innate propension towards that college; and withal the remembrance of their humanity towards him, and of his duty in like wise to them. “Add also, that a great part of his history touched their university: whence, as from a fountain, the happy propagation of the reformed religion took its first and only beginning, but increase also, through the Christian world: [by the means of Wicklift of that university.] It only grieved him that the work was not writ in Latin, whereby the fruits of it might spread further, or be more pleasant to them to read. Which he had done, but that the regard he had to the common edification of his country required otherwise. That among the confessors and martyrs for religion, that university chiefly sent out many. And particularly Magdalen college yielded Joscelin Palmer, not many years before snatched away: whom after a manner he now restored to them again;” [i.e. by the history he had given of that man’s sufferings.] But I leave the whole epistle, in Fox’s own wellpenned Latin style, to be read in the Appendix.

The author set forth another edition of his Martyrology in his lifetime, about the year 1582, with great additions, in two large volumes. The former beginning at the ten first persecutions in the primitive times; and so the history continued through the ages of the several reigns of the kings of England successively, to the beginning of king Henry VIII. At which the second and much larger volume commenceth. Where, in the first page, is a cut of that king, sitting, and treading upon the pope’s neck; vindicating the supremacy of his kingdom against the usurpation of the see of Rome. This volume was revised, corrected, and enlarged by the author. Who thus concluded it; (as in the end of the book he declares;) “That not very much had escaped in his writings, necessary to be known, touching the several affairs, doings, and proceedings of the church and churchmen. And wherein might be seen the whole order, state, descent, course, and continuance of the same; the increase and decrease of true religion, the creeping in of superstition, the horrible troubles of persecution, the wonderful assistance of the Almighty in maintaining his truth, the glorious constancy of Christ’s martyrs, the rage of his enemies, the alteration of times, the travails and troubles of the church, from the first primitive age of Christ’s gospel, to the end of queen Mary, and the beginning of gracious queen Elizabeth, during the time of her happy reign, which had hitherto continued, through the glorious protection of the Lord, the space of 24 years.”

This book was at other times reprinted. As in the year 1610, by the company of Stationers, and of later times with new copper cuts. I add, that this history of the church was of such value and esteem for the use of it to Christian readers, and the service of our religion reformed, that it was in the days of queen Elizabeth enjoined to be set up in some convenient place in all the parish-churches, together with the Bible, and Bishop Jewel’s Defence of the Apology of the Church of England; to be read at all suitable times by the people before or after service.

I shall insert here one passage out of this book, cited by Dr. Whitgift, occasioned by a controversy between T. Cartwright and him, about the government of this church by archbishops and bishops; alleging Fox’s judgment in that point. “I conclude,” saith Whitgift, “with the very words of that worthy man, (who hath so well deserved of this church of England,) master Fox: In the ecclesiastical state we take not away the distinction of ordinary degrees, such as by the scripture be appointed, or by the primitive church allowed; as patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, ministers, and deacons. For of these four we especially read as chief. In which four degrees, as we grant diversity of office, so we admit in the same also diversity of dignity; neither denying that which is due to each deglee, neither yet maintaining the ambition of any singular person. For as we give to the minister place above the deacon, to the bishop above the minister, to the arch bishop above the bishop; so we see no cause of inequality, why one minister should be above another minister, one bishop in his degree above another bishop, to deal in his diocese, or an archbishop above another archbishop. And this is to keep an order duly and truly in the church, according to the true nature and definition of order by the authority of Augustine; Ordo est parium dispariumque rerum, sua cuique loca tribuens, dispositio. Hitherto Mr. fox?”

And then Whitgift applies the above period (which is found in the 20th page of his first tome) unto his adversary in these words: “Now let the indifferent reader judge, whether these offices be strange and unheard of in the church of Christ,” as T. C. and his accomplices had affirmed in their Admonition to the parliament.

I cannot but observe the esteem and character that Dr. Whitgift expressed of that reverend man by his words subjoined, with respect to the matter before argued; viz. “ That the words above-mentioned were Fox’s own, and expressed his own judgment of these degrees and offices in the church of England. And that he had shewn himself (in the place before cited) to be no enemy either to archbishops, primates, or bishops: for I am sure, as he proceeded, he spake as he thought; and that he was not a man that would be corrupted with praise. And that he thought of Mr. Fox as of one that he loved and reverenced.” For some further notice of this reverend man, and the respect Whitgift (when archbishop) had for him, see the Life of that Archbishop.

Under the year 1587, Camden, in the Latin MS. of his Annals of Queen Elizabeth, took notice of Fox’s death, in these words: (which shew the great respect they had for him in those days:) Anno 1587. Ex eruditorum numero obiit Johannes Foxus, Oxoniensis, qui ecclesiasticam Angliaae historiam, sive Martyrologiam, indefesso veritatis studio, conscripsit: quem Latine primum, postea Anglice auctius, summa cum laude, contexuit. Which words the late reverend and learned Dr. Charlet, some time master of University college, Oxon, deceased, was pleased to transcribe, and send me in a letter: which he rather did (as he wrote) upon a scandalous character of the said Fox in a preface before the said Camden’s Elizabeth, of late printed at Oxford; using these words in his said letter: “We of the university, and I in particular, are much offended at Mr. T. H. his injurious character of J. F. his Martyrology, which he calls, Magna ex parte mendaciorum farrago. Whereas Camden speaks of him with very great honour in the MS.” I forbear to add what some others of our modern writers tell the world of him, different from the esteem had of him and his works in the age wherein he lived and was better known.

Fox (of whom we have been speaking) was buried in the parish-church of St. Giles, Cripplegate, in which parish he lived; where in the chancel, against the south wall, remains his monument, with an inscription in marble, set up by his eldest son, Samuel: and near unto it is a flat stone over his body: under which are two other eminent persons; viz. Rich.

Bullen, and William Bullen, M.D. brothers, interred; with some Latin verses engraven, giving characters of all three. These verses, accompanying the writing upon the monument, the reader may find in the Appendix.

The Life of this memorable and laborious writer and pious confessor was composed at good length, in an elegant Latin style, by his said son, Samuel Fox, a learned man. The original MS. whereof I have: which a relation of his having read, earnestly requested him to publish, as highly useful, as also for preserving the memory of so well deserving a man. Thus addressing unto him: Dignissime vir, legi et perlegi, cum delectatione et approbatione, literatum et elaboratum tractatum tuum de vita et morte spectatisslmi patris tui, viri certe divinissimi: qui in doctrinae sanitate evangelicus, et vitae sanctitate angeli. cus, extitit. In cujus ore fuit verbum vitae, et in cujus moribus fuit vita verbi. Verba enim in opera convertebat; et ut dixit, vixit.

Deliciae nostri temporis ille fuit.

Talis erat, de quo mentiri fama veretur.

Phaenix Arabicus, fe1ix Aristotelicus. Quae cum its sint, (lectissime et ditectissime cognate,) quid jam restat, quid ut libellus iste aureus, et laureus, quam citissime, tua bona cum venia, prelo commlttatur; ut publici juris fiat.

This Life of Fox was afterwards printed both in Latin and English, and placed before his book of the Acts and Monuments in the edition anno 1641. In the said Life are specified the divers other writings of this laborious author, besides his Book of Martyrs, viz. Comoediarum libri 2.

Syllogisticon.

Admonitio ad Parliamentum.

De Lapsis per Errorem in Ecclesiam restituendis.

Oliva Evangelica.

De Christo gratis justificante.

De Christo crucifixo.

Papa confutatus.

Contra Osorium, de Justitia.

Meditationes super Apocalypsim.

Actorurn et Monumentorum Ecclesiae; Latine.

As to the posterity of this reverend man, he left two sons, Samuel and Simeon; both bred up to learning, and well deserving men, and of note in their times. Samuel, the eldest, was bred up in the same college in Oxford, where his father formerly was a student. He married Anne Leveson, of a knightly family, at Estwel in Kent; and had issue by her four sons, Thomas, John, John, and Robert; and as many daughters, viz. Anne, Ursula, Jane, and Sarah. Whereof Anne married to Christopher Botteler, esq. at Aston Berry, in Hertfordshire; and Ursula to Henry Wollaston, esq. Of his sons, Thomas and Robert survived.

As to Samuel, he lived to a great age, and lived to see his children’s children. He enjoyed the prebend of Shipton Underwich Wood, Oxon, with the manor annexed, granted by special favour to his father; which was granted to Samuel his son, by the means of Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, and the readiness of Pierse, bishop of Sarum, (in whose diocese it was,) to confirm it. And here he sometimes lived. As also afterwards at Havering at the Bower in Essex, (an ancient seat of the kings of England,) and at Copthal, near Waltham, in the same county; being dear to sir Thomas Heneage, treasurer of the queen’s chamber; and so appointed by the said Heneage to be steward and receiver of the queen’s revenues in those manors.

His eldest son Thomas studied physic, and after divers years spent at Magdalen college, he removed and practised physic in London, and was of the college of physcians, and lived in Amen Corner, near Paternosterrow, where the college of physicians was long after, till the fire of London. He married Anne Honywood, of a worshipful family in Kent; and by her had an only daughter named Allice: which Allice matched with sir Richard Willis of Cambridgeshire, bart. by whom she had a daughter, Anne, and a son named by his grandfather, Thomas-Fox Willis. And upon his father’s death the honour descended upon him, and his name and title was, sir Thomas-Fox Willis. He died young, a lunatic. Robert, the younger son of Samuel, was a sea-captain, and died without issue.

Now as for Simeon, the younger son of John Fox; he was bred up at Eaton college, and preferred either there or at King’s college, Cambridge. He was afterwards received by archbishop Whitgift unto some honourable place in his family. Afterwards he travelled abroad, and at length came to Italy; and settled to his studies at Padua, where he was made a doctor, and a syndic too. And after divers years spent there, returned home; and was a noted learned physician in London, and lived in Amen Corner, where his nephew Dr. Tho. Fox lived with him; and was president divers years of the college of physicians there. He lived to a great age, even to fourscore; dying the 19th of April, in the year 1642. And was buried decently by his said nephew in St. Paul’s church, at the north door, by Dr. Linacer’s tomb; his funeral being upon St. Mark’s day. He also composed and set up a handsome monumental inscription in memory of him: which will give a more particular account of this Dr. Simeon Fox. For which the reader may apply himself to the Appendix: as I have transcribed it from the composer’s own hand.

And meeting with some short minutes of Samuel, the eldest son, writ in his own diary concerning himself, I could not but add them in the Appendix, to the rest of the memorials of that reverend man his father: whereby may be observed, not only his education and bringing up in learning, his travels abroad, his reputation at home, his successes, and prosperous state, and plentiful issue, and length of age to see his children’s children; but also in all this, the signal blessing of God upon him, for that pious confessor his father’s sake.

I must subjoin here the mention of an excellent letter in Latin, directed to such ministers as scrupled conformity to the rules of the church, for preventing the breach of unity: written, as near as I can conjecture, about this or the former year; the author not mentioned; but by the style, and some other circumstances, I should be apt to name the above-mentioned to be the man; or perhaps Dr. Laurence Humfrey. It is a very good discourse, earnestly pressing unity and agreement upon such as made divisions in this reformed church, by way of a compassionate address to them. It is An expostulatory letter to the puritans, for their contentions in the church, and exhortatory to peace, and an earnest application of themselves to preach the gospel, and to lay aside reflections in their sermons. And bore this title, Ad omnes fideles ministros Jesu, cooperarios suos in evangelio, et qui verum habent domus Dei reformandae zelum. This epistle is somewhat long, and therefore I place it in the Appendix, as well worthy a place there, being writ in such a Christian spirit of concord and Peace.

I shall only add a book or two set forth this year. The one was, An Answer to Cardinal Allen, writ by J. Stubbes, in Vindication of the English Justice, in the execution of several papists and Jesuits for treason. The book was reviewed by certain learned civilians; viz. Bynge and Hammond, and the author employed in this work by the lord treasurer; as hath been shewn before more at large.

Tho. Newton of Cheshire, a poet in these times, among the rest of his poems published in Latin verse, describes all the writers of our history of England and Wales to this year, with this title, De Annalibus seu Chronicis Anglicis, in this manner: Loydus ut hac pridem gnavus prolusit arena, Lelandus, Pricius, Stous, Holingshedius.

Lambardus, Morus, Camdenus, Thinnius, Hallus, Vocalis, Grafton, Foxius, Harrisonus.

Lanquettus, Patinus, Cooperus, Roussa Pouelus, Caxtonus, Sporottus, Saxto, Trevisa, Balus.

Hardingus, Gyldas, Stanithurstus, Beda, Nevillus, Doctaque Flaminii lima polivit opus.

And then, after the names of all these historians, he ends with the mention of the great ecclesiastic antiquarian, archbishop Parker, in this manner: Nec te, cane senex, magne O Parkere, silebo, Cui decus attulerat pontificalis apex.

Omnibus his merito laus debita et optima merces Quod pastriae accendant lumina clara suae.