CHAPTER 1.

Negotiation about queen Elizabeth’s marriage with the duke of Anjou: succeedeth not: notwithstanding confident report of it in France. Occurrences in Scotland; sent from Randolph, the queen’s ambassador there. The ill condition of Ireland; lamented. The queen sends forces in defence of Roan. Don Antonio, expulsed his kingdom of Portugal, solicits the queen for aid against Philip king or Spain. Mature consultations thereupon. The prince of Conde’ comes into England, to solicit the queen in behalf of the protestants in France. He and the French ambassador with her in conference. Instructions to the queen’ s ambassadors in France; assisting monsieur, going into the Netherlands. And a secret league between that Icing. and the queen. STILL the queen’s chief statesmen consulted for her majesty’s marriage, as concluding it the best way to establish and strengthen the kingdom, and to secure England against the uncertainty of a successor, as well as for other causes. Walsingham was now in France her ambassador, transacting that design. He sent two letters in the month of August, 1581, to the earl of Sussex, lord chamberlain, concerning the present state of this grand affair: referring him to the account he had given at large of his negociation with monsieur, in his other letters both to the queen and the lord treasurer, and the success thereof. And let the earl further in general understand, “That monsieur finding by his [Walsingham’s] answer, delivered unto him in her majesty’s name, that her highness waxed cold in the matter of marriage, in respect of the mislike that she saw her subjects would conceive, to have her realm thrown into foreign wars, by reason of that match; yet notwithstanding did very constantly resolve that he would follow his pursuit; and would not be dissuaded from it by any reasons that he [Walsingham] could allege in that behalf. “And that touching the league [offensive and defensive] between the queen and his brother the king, he told him, [the ambassador,] that he thought his brother would very hardly consent unto it, unless it were accompanied with the marriage: but that he promised to employ his friends to prepare his mind to hearken to it. And indeed, added Walsingham in this letter, whether the marriage be or be not, considering the present action his highness hath embraced, [viz. his defence of the Low Countries against Philip king of Spain,] his lordship [viz. the earl] could easily perceive how much it stood him upon to be countenanced in it by such a league, both for the encouraging of his friends, and discouraging of his enemies.”

He proceeded to hint to the earl another affair, concerning the queen’s supplying monsieur with money, absolutely necessary to the carrying on his war, “That he understood by a gentleman, which was very inward with monsieur, and also greatly devoted to her majesty, (as his lordship might perceive by the letters,) that monsieur’s affairs were reduced to such extremity for want of money, that unless her majesty did relieve him, he was like to remain at a stay. He beseeched his lordship, therefore, (who could consider of what importance it was to her majesty not to suffer the gentleman to quail in his enterprise,) to put to his helping hand, to procure that he might be relieved.

Concluding, “That he took upon him to assure himself, that if any defect or error fell out in this his service, he should find the earl’s honourable favour to excuse the same to her majesty, according to the comfortable promise it pleased him to make him at his departure. Dated at Fere en Tartenoys, the 5th of August, 1581.”

Monsieur, the amorous duke, was now come again into England, to prosecute his love-business with the queen; and succeeded so far in it, that she gave him a ring off from her finger, (saith our historian.) Whence a common report presently arose, that the match was undoubted: and Mauvisier, late ambassador from the French king, told that king as much.

Whereat Walsingham, now at Paris, and the other English ambassador there, were under a great surprise, having had no account thereof sent them. And this caused another letter from Walsingham to the earl, importing, “That his lordship, by the general letters sent unto the lord treasurer, should perceive how that they [the queen’s ambassadors] were now at a stay for their treaty, upon some new comfort monsieur Mauvisier had put the king in; that her majesty is fully resolved to proceed to the conclusion of her marriage. Which if it were true, then they, her majesty’s ambassadors there, were hardly dealt withal: for that they were not privy thereto. And that if it were not true, then had the advertisement done a great deal of harm many ways.”

And then giving his judgment, he adds these words: Surely, my lord, if her majesty be not already resolved touching her marriage, it will behove her to grow to some speedy resolution therein. For the entertaining of it doth breed her greater dishonour than I dare commit to paper: besides the danger she daily increaseth for not settling her estate; which dependeth altogether upon the marriage.

And so forbearing further to trouble his lordship, he most humbly took his leave at Paris, the 26th day of August, 1581.”

But this confident report soon vanished. For to give some further account of this courtship this year, take a short extract out of a letter of Brook, the queen’s ambassador in France, writ unto her, viz. “I perceive, and it like your majesty, how monsieur Mauvisier, in his last letters written from thence, sheweth he hath no further hope of the marriage; understanding your intent to be for to entertain him graciously, and no more: and so to pass the time. And therefore he [the said Mauvisier] required to be revoked. I suppose,” added the ambassador, “he did write this, being in some passion: for not many weeks since, he sent assured hope of the marriage?” Thus this matter wavered about this time.

As for Scotland, among the occurrences there this year, sent to the lord treasurer Burghley by Tho. Randolph, the queen’s resident there, these are some, as I take them from the original letter: “That the lord Flemming, sir Thomas Carte of Furnehorst, sir James Baford, John Matland, sometime secretary to the king’s mother, with many other, forfeited in the civil dissensions, and for the murder of the king’s father, and his two regents, were, with their children, restored to their blood and possessions; conditionally, that they should abide the laws for the said murder, when the king should please to call and charge them therewith. But the lord Flemming was not restored to his whole possessions: and Baford had his pacification but for three years. This favour was obtained to them by the special suit and means of the duke [of Lenox.]” If we look over into Ireland, it would give a very sad prospect, in respect of the wars, and also the great difference and quarrels that were there among the queen’s officers, and the exceeding expenses she was put to. Of which that wise statesman, the lord treasurer, thus wrote his mind to one of them: “That he did heartily lament the lamentable state of that country: and that he was therewith more grieved, in that he saw the calamity either to continue, or not to diminish: and yet he saw no way how to remedy it. Neither in so doubtful opinions as there were, both there and here [at home] for the remedy, dared he to lay hold on any of them. And yet he did not think the remedies desperate, if good and wise men, addicted to public state, were therein employed. And concluding, thus I uncomfortably end, referring the success to God’s mercy to be extended both to you and us; whose sins, I am assured, do provoke him to chasten the nation so sharply.

Adding, that he thought well of a late direction from her majesty, to reduce her army to a convenient number there, that otherwise were not provided to live in their lusts, but by wars and spoils.” This letter was dated at Westminster, December 15, 1581.

The queen was now engaged with the French king, and assisted him with supplies against the Spaniard; who was now coming to Diep, the earl of Essex being her general, and sir Roger Williams, a brave soldier, one of her great officers there. By the forces of the duke of Parma, Roan was taken; and the said duke himself was hastening thither with his army: and the French king himself was then before Roan, besieging it, and in apprehension of a battle with the said duke; which made him request of her majesty to send him more forces, and speedily.

Sir Henry Unton was now the queen’s ambassador in France; and upon a letter of his to the lord treasurer, acquainting him with the affairs there, the said lord wrote him an answer at some length: the contents of which the said sir Henry wrote on the back-side of it, being a short summary of the letter; which shews as well this ambassador’s great exactness and diligence, as the particulars of this expedition: which our histories, for ought I find, are silent of. What was thus written by way of contents, was as followeth. “My letter expressing the king’s request for further aid, unpleasant to her majesty, though she laid no fault on me. “Her majesty made answer thereunto by her own letter, whereof he [the lord treasurer] sendeth copy, to infer to the king the unseasonableness of the time. “Her majesty suspecteth that the king’s state is made worse than the same truly is, in respect of the contrariety thereof to sir Roger Williams’s report. “The news of the duke of Parma’s entrance not likely to be true: neither that he can come so soon to Roan, but that the king may before gain mount S. Katharine; and afterwards go and make head to him. “Sir Thomas Leyghton ambassador sent over. “Marvaileth that I have not received his former letters. Wisheth me to learn exactly the state of the king’s forces. Hopeth shortly to receive news of the taking of the mount S. Katharine.”

The whole letter, being a discovery of a considerable piece of our history, I have transcribed from the original, and laid it in the Appendix of Originals.

Philip, king of Spain, was the queen’s fatal enemy, which she well knew; and therefore was not wanting to defend herself and her kingdoms against him: though as yet no open breach between them. This year she was inclined to take part with don Antonio, late king of Portugal; but beat out of his kingdom by the said king of Spain: who took possession of that crown unjustly. But both France and England intended to assist him: for into England, encouraged by France, he now was come. If we turn back to the last year, when this expulsed king first shewed his complaint to the English court, it was thought a fit opportunity offered the queen to enable her to check the malicious purposes of king Philip: and by preparing a fleet to assist don Antonio, to be able to defend herself thereby, in case of an open hostile invasion of her kingdom, even then feared. There was then an expert soldier, and accomplished gentleman in matters of war, named Rafe Lane, who in a private letter shewed his thoughts to the lord treasurer on this occasion; “That being moved of zeal to her majesty’s safety and service, he humbly offered to his lordship the consideration of the plot touching the report of king Antonio to her majesty for aid; and many singular advantages and guard of her kingdom, which she might gain hereby, which he proceeded to shew.” The whole letter, being somewhat large, I leave to be read in the Appendix. Concerning don Antonio’s business, some particulars of it may be collected from a discourse thereof between Edward Brook, the queen’s ambassador in France, and count Vimioso, the Portugal king’s agent there. The account of which is best taken from the said English ambassador’s own letter thereof, written to sir Francis Walsingham, the secretary, in May this year, lately come from France. “That the count Vimioso arrived there [in France] the second instant, being very well lodged, and furnished of the king’s stuff; entertained of the king’s officers; and his diet provided and defrayed. That he [the English ambassador] the same night went privily unto him: declaring the affection the queen’s majesty had to maintain the liberties of them and their country; as also that she affected don Antonio, and the justice of his cause. But for that their case required rather help than open demonstration of a complement, he thought it more convenient to visit him in that manner. The rather likewise, that if the queen, his sovereign, should otherwise make show to friend don Antonio, it would minister occasion of greater jealousy to king Philip: whereby he might be provoked to deal more rigorously with such of their confederates as were in Portugal. The which being respected, he should do his kingdom the greater service, and find the apter means to deliver his country from the oppression of the Spaniard.”

He added, “That the said Vimioso seemed to accept of his [the English ambassador’s] coming, and of the choice of the time and manner: discoursing to him of his hard adventures, first passed in Barbary, when he was taken prisoner in the service of don Sebastian, their late young king: acknowledging to have received his liberty by the means of king Philip. For the which he was to adventure his life in his service, the liberty of his country and honour reserved. And that for those causes he had put himself in those hazards; repairing to those princes, [in France, &c.] of whom he hoped to find that honour, as they might receive help in the redress: not meaning, as he proceeded, to enter into discourse, how necessary this action was to be embraced by the French king and the queen of England. For that he ensured himself their own judgments, and the advices of their counsellots, were sufficient to penetrate: which would be considered for the benefit of their own estates. But that he was disposed to declare the right of his king, and to shew the justice done to the right of Portugal, with desiring their aid of men and means for the many and just considerations. “That as for the particularities touching the queen, he would leave to communicate with him therein, until he had conferred with the Christian king and the queen his mother.” That to all these speeches, he [the English ambassador] only answered him thus: “That as for the good-will and disposition of her majesty, his king and nation should find to be such, as the benefit of her meaning should be rather shewed towards them by her gracious deeds, than by many promises and outward shows: such was the manner of her sincere proceeding. “He said, how Rodrigo de Souza [don Antonio’s ambassador] had informed him of her most royal dealing: purposing, after he had done his affairs in that court, [of France,] to repair into England.”

It must be remembered here, that the queen had sent Prim, her agent, to the emperor of Fez and Morocco, in behalf of don Antonio, in compassion of his condition. And what success that affair had, the lord treasurer had communicated to this English ambassador by Waad, one of the clerks of the council. Concerning which thus the ambassador proceeded in his letter: “For that Mr. Waad had shewed him his honour’s letter, with the instructions for to deal in the matter which Prim brought, he desired the count,. it would please him for to confer with Mr. Waad, as with a confident gentleman, and one trusted by his honour, [the lord treasurer,] that he [the ambassador] had understood by the said Mr. Waad, that he had passed speeches with the count about those affairs.”

Further, “That on the twenty-second in the morning, the count Vymyos did senqd him word, that he would in the afternoon visit him. And he accordingly sent his coach and horses for to serve him and his company. But that it seemed he changed his purpose, and sent Prim unto him with a message, as that he would be glad to have him [the ambassador] resort to him. But he willed Prim to say unto the count, that he could willingly do any thing that might give him honour: but that there were in this case these respects to be had in consideration. First, his coming thither unto the court for to address himself and his negociations unto their majesties: so as by open coming in visitation, he [the ambassador] should give cause of mistrust to their majesties, that he did it to intrude himself into some dealing with the count; and to seek by conference to undermine their affairs. Moreover that it was the manner of proceeding of all such as were distressed, for to seek unto princes, and to all their ministers. And that therefore he was to enter into consideration hereof what he thought good. “That upon this, in the evening, don,Juan de Souza repaired unto him, [the ambassador,] and required him to think, that the count would willingly visit, but that he was loath to give any cause of misliking unto their majesties, [the French king and the queen his mother.] Otherwise that he was willing of himself to repair unto him. For that upon the speeches he passed with their majesties there was cause, importing the queen’s majesty’s service, for to declare unto him.”

And then, as to that message from Vimioso, the ambassador told the said messenger, “That for his part, he had done the office of his sovereign, as servant, to visit him, being a personage of that merit: and that he was willing rather to consent he should do all things to the advancement of his affairs, than to the impeachment. That therefore, if he found it convenient for the affairs which he had dealt with their majesties, to confer with him, [the ambassador,] in respect it touched the queen, his sovereign, he hoped he would deal accordingly. Then don Juan de Souza required him, that he might in the night meet with the same count beside his [the ambassador’s] lodgings; and he would confer with him. He assented to it; because he pretended it would somewhat import her majesty. But about nine o’clock he [Vimioso] sent an excuse in writing.”

I shall add somewhat more, to make up this vacancy and silence of our historians in this part of queen Elizabeth’s history. It seems it was a tender point to meddle in don Antonio’s affair: and not to attempt the provoking the formidable king of Spain. Insomuch that the French king was in some hesitation of giving assistance to this expulsed king: and that crown had more mind this work and charge might be undertaken by the queen. And Vimioso, by shifting conference with the English ambassador, seemed to have some doubt of her. All this, with other matters, may be gathered from another letter of intelligence from Brook, the foresaid ambassador, to secretary Walsingham, writ May 6. “That there were which secretly persuaded the king for to find it unnecessary to break into wars with the Spanish king, for his brother’s sake only, [duke of Anjou, now in the Low Countries, contriving to get honour and government there,] except there should be offered some other just quarrel. And yet notwithstanding the king had not only given open entertainment unto the count Vimioso, being required to the contrary by king Philip’s agent; but did appoint monsieur Villequer to confer with the said count, for the means to be taken and used for the restitution of don Antonio.”

And concerning the conference between the said count and the English ambassador, thus he repeated the matter to the secretary: “That the count did, after his first coming [to France], pretend to have meant to come to confer with him, [the ambassador,] but that when either he attended on his coming, or that he [the ambassador] offered to meet him in some convenient place, or otherwise in the evening to visit him privately, it was deferred and shifted, until the day of parting; whenas he sent one of his gentlemen to let the ambassador know he purposed to repair unto Tours. Whereon, remembering how once he had said, it was requisite he might speak with me upon causes [as the English ambassador’s letters proceeded] which were necessary for the queen’s majesty to know, I resolve (seeing I thought it not convenient to repair myself to him publicly) for to entreat my lord Sandys to vouchsafe, under colour of visiting don Juan Rodrigo de Souza, to address himself unto the count; and to let him understand, how I had been most willing for to have taken my leave of him; as also to be informed so much of his affairs as were necessary for her majesty to be certified of. “The which the lord Sandys performed. Whereon the count answered to my lord, first, with my giving of thanks for my first visitation; as likewise for those further demonstrations and offers to repair unto him. But he said, they found not her majesty so affected to the state of Portugal as there was cause. Howbeit, whether it proceeded of fear or love towards king Philip, he did not know.

Alleging moreover, that it appeared in some sort how there should be in her majesty’s council persons of quality, which affected the Castilian king: lamenting how it had not pleased her majesty to give in her letters the title which belonged to their king, [in not styling him king Antonio:] nor yet admitted his [the said king’s] ambassador to have public audience. “That he rehearsed these points with some earnestness, seeming to think they were indignities. Wherewith consequently he took occasion to praise the acceptance and favour this king [viz. the French king] had in his court apparently used toward him: resting much satisfied in all those commands he had required of their majesties [the French king and queenmother.] “My lord Sandys answered to these former speeches thus: First, how her majesty did favour the justice of their cause, and had dealt to their contentation, as it seemed, by the report of Rodrigo de Souza. But whereas there had not been that open show made by her majesty, as was now here used by this king, that there was greater cause for this king to perform the same, in consideration of the queen, and the king’s mother’s pretence. The count lastly praised her majesty’s virtues, shewing how he purposed to write shortly by the king’s ambassador, Juan Rodrigo de Souza; or else to repair into England himself.”

He concluded his letter, “That the count and Rodrigo de Suza parted thence yesterday by water to Tours. And from thence it was signified to him, that he meant to go to monseignieur. That Rodrigo de Suza said to him at his last visitation, how this king offered the count Vimioso, that if don Antonio should decease, he would furnish him for forces to recover the realm of Portugal; notwithstanding the judgment of them of quality in that country was, without money there would be little help had for Portugal as yet from those parts: except some ships might shift by sea, and about the out-islands, and watch for to fetch the Indian fleet.”

This affair of restoring don Antonio was transacted some time before, while Walsingham was ambassador in France, and then moved at the English court. To which a passage or two in the treasurer’s correspondence with him will give some light: suggesting, why the queen dealt so warily in this matter; namely, that she might not draw all the fury of king Philip upon herself: and that she might first be assured of the French king to bear his proportion of charge and forces, and to be true to her: the subtile queenmother endeavouring to plunge the queen into this business with as little danger and expense, as might be, to themselves. The words of the lord treasurer, in his letter to Walsingham, were, “That the French ambassador, with the French Portuguese consul, were with her majesty, with letters from the queenmother: of great earnestness to her majesty, to aid don Antonio: by that name, but not by that of king Antonio. Whereof,” added the writer, “the French king made reason for the queenmother’s pretence.” Ford she pretended title to the kingdom herself. In another of the said treasurer’s letters: “How don Antonio may be relieved, there had been no delay on the queen’s part, otherwise than that she would be well assured, that for yielding relief unto him (which both the French king and the queenmother had often solicited) she might not receive offence of the king of Spain. But that the French king would join therein with her majesty as well for the charges, as to withstand the offence. And for this that a private league might be entered into by them both. Which the French king cunningly declined.”

At length, after some months, don Antonio’s earnest application for aid was listened to, especially a considerable advantage being like to be obtained by a fleet to be set out from England to the Azores isles, belonging to the Portuguese; upon the prospect of the treasure and wealth that might be brought thence, after a successful fight with the enemy there.

The two great seamen, Drake and Hawkins, with divers merchants and others, willing and desirous to be at the charge of the expedition themselves, the queen also to bear some charge, since don Antonio had delivered her a very costly jewel for that purpose. Ten thousand pounds was computed might accomplish the charge. This looking so plausibly, and our brave sea-commanders, and other English, so forward, it was not slightly recommended to the queen, and espoused by her. And so it laid before her council; whether, without breaking terms with the king of Spain, and that according to the law of nations, she might not assist another king, oppressed by a third. The latter requiring so much caution and deliberation, the great statesman, the lord treasurer, absent now, as it seems, from court, was required to give his judgment in this weighty question, which he did at large under his own hand.

But, in short, the result of his advice was, that however this action was judged, not to violate the peace of the king of Spain; yet he would so take it. And though a commission to sir Francis Drake, and king Antonio’s war was just, in order to recover or to preserve his kingdom, he yet held: yet the king of Spain would take the action, as maintained by the queen: and so as he found himself able, would revenge himself upon her, and arrest and take her people, ships, and mariners, coming within his power; and on this occasion might give new supports to Ireland, and relief to the king of Scots to be an ill neighbour. And then he advised, if the voyage proceeded not, then the said king to have his jewel again of the queen: the preparation that was made, to be viewed, and sold, and distributed; and the four ships which the king had desired, and the munition, to be sold to him by a bond, and the pawn of another jewel. This curious paper, being of this wise counsellor’s writing, I have transcribed, as containing many remarks, and preserved in the Appendix. But though this expedition, as it seemed, failed at present, yet divers years after, when open wars brake out between the queen and Spain, this action was effectually entered into, and prosecuted successfully, to the infinite damage of Spain, as is related at large in our history, made in the year 1589; when the queen, by Drake, invaded Spain and Portugal, king Antonio with some forces assisting.

Civil wars for divers years had vexed the kingdom of France; occasioned by the implacable malice of the duke of Guise’s faction, and the Roman catholics siding with them against the protestants, called Hugonots. The chief heads on this side were, the king of Navarre, and the prince of Conde’, his brother, a firm protestant, as well as a brave soldier, and very active. Applications were sometimes made to the queen on this account, being a favourer of the oppressed, especially for religion. The foresaid prince was now come into England; both to vindicate their cause, and (more privately) to endeavour to engage the queen on their side with men and money. But she prudently forbore to do that, any further than to be a mediator for peace between them, and for the liberty of religion to be granted to the protestants. Yet she seemed to favour the prince of Conde’ and his cause: to whom she now gave a private audience, together with the French ambassador, at her court of Nonsuch, and only one or two of her privy council present. An account of the conference she imparted to her treasurer the same night. And what the particulars of it were we are enabled to discover from the secret letter of the lord treasurer to the earl of Sussex; who thus related the matter: “That coming from his house at Theobald’s to the court at Nonsuch, and repairing to the privy chamber to have seen her majesty, he found the door at the upper end of the presencechamber shut: and then understood, that the French ambassador had been a long time with her and the prince of Conde’; and none other of the council, but the earl of Leicester and Mr. Vicechamberlain; secretary Walsingham being sick then in his chamber.

But that, about seven of the clock, that said ambassador being about to depart towards London, came to him, [the lord treasurer], and told him a great part of their proceedings; being well pleased with her majesty for her temperate dealings, and no wise contented with the prince of Conde’; in whom he found more disposition to move troubles in France, than to enjoy peace. And that the ambassador added, how he verily thought, that those troubles in France, and the prince’s coming hither, were provoked from hence.

To which the lord treasurer subjoins, that herein he himself knew nothing of certainty, but should be sorry it should be so in truth.

Nevertheless that it augmented the ambassador’s suspicions upon the sight he had of the great favours shewed to that prince by certain counsellors here, [probably those two present at the conference, as well as others.] Which he understood had been many times, both on Friday and Saturday, [that is, the days next before the conference,] with him at the banqueting-house, where he was lodged.”

And then the treasurer proceeded to shew the earl, how the queen, late that evening, told him of the dealing with the ambassador and the prince. “Wherein she commended the prince’s modesty in declaring the cause of his coming, to shew to her majesty the just causes that had moved the king of Navarre to take arms for his defence against the marshals Montmorency and Biron; of whose violences, as he supposed, without warrant from the king, he shewed many particular cases. To which the ambassador made defence, by retorting to the king of Navarre the occasion of those marshals’ actions to have grown from the king of Navarre first. The prince also declared the causes of his coming from S. John d’Angeli to have been to serve the king in his government of Picardy; where he sought to obtain the good-will and liking of the towns in Picardy.

Because the king and his mother also had assented, for their parts, that he should have the government; saying, that they found the states of the country unwilling: which was, as he understood, but a suggestion by means of the house of Guise, to the end that D’Aumale might have the government from him. And so he coming into Picardy found: as namely, the people of Soyssons, the people glad of his access. And yet notwithstanding, his adversaties, on the part of duke d’Aumale, procured contrary suggestions to be made to the king. And in the end, he found certain numbers of men of war amassed by the lige of Picardy to have trapped the prince. And thereof complaining, and finding no remedy, forced to flee towards Almain, leaving the house of La Fere guarded. And perceiving that the French king was induced by his adversaties to credit their false complaints, he came hither to entreat her majesty, that the French king would suspend his judgment both against the king of Navarre and him; and accept them as his most dutiful subjects, as they meant and intended sincerely and plainly, without attempting any force, otherwise than for their defence against their oppressors. “And to this, as the lord treasurer added, as he understood, the ambassador used small defence; but excused the king as one that was very loath to come to terms of war. But he argued, that his master was so provoked, as he thought it a very hard matter to stay him from proceeding with such force as God had given him, to the expending of his life and crown. “ The ambassador went to London, and the prince to his lodging, conducted by my lord of Leicester; when Wilks, the clerk of tile council, attended upon him. That by her majesty he perceived the just cause of his coming was for money in this sort, that is, after this rate the charges to be borne; viz. a part by the king of Navarre and his part; another by Cassimere, [brother to prince palatine,] and certain princes protestant; and a third was required from her majesty. What that may prove, I know not, as this wise and wary statesman concluded. I wish her majesty might spend some portion to solicit for them some peace, for the good of the cause of religion. But to enter into a war [with France], and therewith to break the marriage, [now in hand, and endeavoured with the duke of Anjou, the French king’s brother,] and so to be left alone, as subject to the burden of such a war, I think no good courtsellor can allow.”

The prince, within a day or two, went thence to Flushing: from whence he went by sea to Colen; and so to Almain.

But I have here somewhat of importance further to add concerning France and England, transacted this year by divers honourable commissioners on both sides, about a firm league between both princes. And how matters were concerted between them, in order to the strengthening themselves against the Spaniard, who threatened them both, having now seized the kingdom of Portugal, and busy in mastering the Netherlands, a curious paper of the lord treasurer Burghley’s will give notable information; and particularly concerning entering into a secret league between them: of which affair I find not a word in our historian of queen Elizabeth’s reign.

An exact transcript whereof follows. A note off such things as were agreed on at the conference: and other things propounded, and not agreed on, Aug. 23, 1581, between the commissioners off the queen off England and the French king.

I. The treaty made in Charles IX. his time shall be confirmed, with an addition to be joined to the same, for the redress of piracies.

II. That the treaty offensive shall be only for conservation of state, without naming any person.

III. That if the invaders of any of the confederates shall not, after admonition given, stay his proceeding, and make restitutions, then the prince confederate shall denounce war unto him.

THINGS PROPOUNDED, BUT NOT ACCORDED.

I. Whether after the denomination of the war, the princes confederate are to assail the prince invading with their forces joined, or apart.

If the forces joined, what number it is thought meet the said forces should consist of; of what quality; horsemen or footmen; for how long time to be continued; and how and by whom the charge thereof shall be borne. If with separate forces, then what numbers shall be thought meet to be employed.

Whereof how many by sea, how many by land; or whether all by sea, or all by land: and for how long they shall be continued.

Whether those forces agreed on for the defence may not be thought sufficient for the assistance of the prince confederate at the charges of the giver. And whether it may not be at the choice of the confederate that is assailed, to have the said number of men, or so much money as may wage them. A note off such things as are to be resolved by the queen’s majesty, touching the secret league between the French king and the queen: at the same time as the above league in 1581. [This league was for assisting the king’s brother going to the Netherlands.] I. What of money her majesty will be content to contribute: in what sort, openly or secretly.

II. To what sum we shall press the king to yield unto, in proportion of that which her majesty shall be pleased to supply: whether double or treble more than the said sum which her highness shall be content to contribute.

III. How long her majesty will be pleased to contribute the said sum; and upon what considerations; whether by way of loan, or otherwise.

And if by way of loan, what caution she will require. And whether it were not meet to covenant with him to procure the bonds of the states, ad majorera cautelam, within some convenient time, for the repayment of the same IV. Whether her majesty could not best like, that this secret treaty between the king and her pass only by mutual promise, to be contained in private letters under their own hand.

On the margin of this paper the lord treasurer, being required, I suppose, by the queen, set answers in his own hand. And in another paper likewise, under his own hand, they are thus answered, as instructions to her commissioners’ inquiries, as above. Answer to the three first articles.

Her majesty for answer hereunto saith, That she cannot resolve upon any particularities concerning the said first three articles following, until it may be understood upon what points this secret league is to be made. Nor until she shall be informed, according to my [the lord treasurer’s] late writing to you, [the English commissioners then in France,] what may be thought will be the monthly charges of monsieur’s actions [in the Low Countries.] And how the same may be borne by contribution of the states of the Low Countries, according to their compacts with monsieur. And thereupon also what shall be further thought necessary for a supply of the said charges: and how the same may be answered by monsieur his own expenses. And how much his brother, the French king, will yield unto. To whom, for the honour of the crown of France, this cause doth principally belong. And when her majesty shall understand from the same probable estimation hereof, she may then, having your advice also, resolve of such portion as shall be meet for her to yield.

ANSWER TO THE FOURTH.

Her majesty liketh best to have this treaty secretly handled for sundry respects, which will hardly be kept secret, if all the French commissioners that now treat with you shall treat also of this secret league.

CHAPTER 2.

Episcopal visitations of London and St. Edmond’s Bury. Disorders there by the preaching of Handson and Brown. The bishop of Norwich’s complaint of them to the lord treasurer. Some justices of the peace favour these preachers. Philips, and Day, the bishop’s commissary, used hardly by them. Day’s letter to the bishop.

Gaiton, a puritan preacher. Articles drawn up against these justices. Their answers. Some accounts of Handson and Browne.

Crompton, a justice, commits a minister going to read service. The bishop of Coventry and Litchfield takes his part. BUT now we come to matters at home. Aylmer, bishop of London, held a visitation this year of the clergy of London, at the convocation house: where he administered articles to them; and made certain inquiries. His articles were, (as I take them from the diary of one of the clergy then present,) I. Straitly to keep the Book of Common Prayer and Sacraments.

II. Not to use invectives in their sermons. Forbid by the statute established.

III. None to be so hardy as to refuse wearing the surplice in their ministration.

IV. None to add, alter, or diminish any thing in divine service.

Then for the inquiries.

I. If any that had cure of souls did not also administer the sacraments.

II. If any did not observe the ceremonies to be used at baptism and marriage.

III. If the youth were catechised.

IV. What ministers who utterly refused to read the Homilies.

V. What uncharitable preachers, that called others that preached not, by ill names, as dumb dog, &c. Some further account is given of this visitation in the Life of Bishop Aylmer.

This year also, Freke, bishop of Norwich, visited the town of St. Edmond’s Bury; occasioned by the disorders there, (of which the queen’s commissioners for causes ecclesiastical at London had informed him,) against the due worship and service of God prescribed and used in the Common Prayer. Many of the people at and about Bury were carried away into a dislike thereof by two ministers there, viz. Handson and Browne.

And of this, and of the effect of this visitation, the bishop gave this account to the lord treasurer in his letter written from his house at Ludham, April 19. “That being informed of many great disorders in that town and country thereabouts, as well in the clergy as the laity: whereof, beside the general complaint, the high commissioners at London, understanding of the same disorders, had advertised him thereof in letters: requiring him to take order therein. And that thereupon he did in person, with other of his associates in commission ecclesiastical for those parts, visit the said town. In the which were found great defect among the people. Some whereof were desirous in dutiful affection to have her majesty’s proceedings observed: others, on the contrary, being given to fantastical innovations.

There were, moreover, divers matters of importance exhibited and proved against Mr. Handson; who was, as he added, in very deed, the only man that blew the coals, whereof this fire was kindled.

That it was therefore thought meet, for the better quiet of that place, that he should be suspended from preaching, unless he could be contented to enter into bond to her majesty, as hereafter to teach and preach the word sincerely and purely, without impugning or inveighing against the Communion Book, the order of government, and the laws of this realm now established. Which after he refusing, he was thereupon, and remained, inhibited to preach.”

Adding,”That hereof he thought fit to inform his lordship, and also the rest of the lords of the council, if so it should like their lordships. And that herein the bearer was to attend, and follow their lordships’ directions. And that he had, for his and their lordships’ better instructions, sent therewith a copy of the articles, and proofs thereof, preferred against Mr. Handson; reserving his [the bishop’s] proceeding therein taken, to their lordships’ judgment and consideration.”

Herewith he also sent unto his lordship other articles ministered against one Robert Browne, a minister, (from whom the sect of the Brownists,) and his personal answers thereunto. That the said party had been lately apprehended in that country, upon complaint made by many godly preachers, for delivering unto the people corrupt and contentious doctrine; which the bishop sent up under divers articles to the said lord treasurer. Of whom he gave this further character; “That his arrogant spirit of reproving was such as it was to be marvelled at: the man being also to be feared, lest if he were at liberty, he should seduce the vulgar sort of the people, who greatly depended on him: assembling themselves together, to the number of an hundred at a time, in private houses and conventicles, to hear him, not without danger of some evil event. At last he was dismissed, and sent out of the diocese; but returned again.”

And such was the busy zeal of this Browne, and being also backed with some gentlemen in those parts, that the bishop’s visitation had done but little good; and the disorders continued there: notwithstanding at the assizes the judges, viz. the lord chief justice and justice Anderson, shewed the statutes for the breach of these orders of the church, and threatened the punishment due to the breach of them. The bishop could make but his complaint to the court: which he did by another letter, writ in August following, to the same statesman; especially informing him, how these disorders were bolstered by certain gentlemen from about Bury; shewing, “That Mr. Browne’s late coming into his diocese, and teaching strange and dangerous doctrine in all disordered manner, had greatly troubled the whole country, and brought many to great disobedience of all law and magistrates. That yet by the good aid and help of the lord chief justice, and master justice Anderson, his associate, the chiefest of such factions were so bridled, and the rest of their followers so greatly dismayed, as he verily hoped of much good and quietness to have thereof ensued, had not the said Browne returned again, contrary to his expectation, and greatly prejudiced those their good proceedings: and having private meetings in such close and secret manner, that he knew not possibly how to suppress the same.”

He went on, adding,” How sorry he was to foresee, that touching this his diocese, what must needs in short time, by him [Browne] and other disorderly persons, which only sought the disturbance of the church, be brought to pass. And that therefore the careful duty which he ought to have to the country, being his charge, enforced him most earnestly to crave his lordship’s help in suppressing him especially: that further inconvenience might follow by this his return: and in procuring for the lord chief justice and Mr. Anderson such thanks from her majesty, for their painful travail in that behalf, that thereby they might be encouraged to go still forward in the same course.”

And then the bishop came to the mention of the gentlemen in those parts that favoured these disturbers of the peace of the church: and prayed the lord treasurer’s advice and assistance concerning them, in these lines following: “And herewithal, if it would please your lordship to give me your good advice, how to prevent such dangers, as through the strange dealings of some of the gentlemen in Suffolk about Bury is like to ensue, I should be much bound to your honour for the same. Which gentlemen, winking at (if not of policy procuring) the disordered sort to go forward in their evil attempts, and discouraging the staid and wiser sort of preachers, (as by sundry letters which I send your lordship by this bringer may appear more plainly unto your honour,) will in time, I fear me, hazard the overthrow of all religion, if it be not in due time wisely prevented. And so leaving the rest to the further declaration of the bringer, he humbly betook his good lordship to the protection of Almighty God.” Dated from Ludham, August 2, 1581.

And to explain this latter part of the bishop’s letters, I proceed to shew what usage two persons received, partly for preaching quietness and submission to government with respect to these seditious practices, and partly for informing against the instruments and promoters thereof.

For there was then a minister at Bury, that had preached the doctrine of submission and obedience; and reflected upon those preachers that made these disturbances among the people: and other ecclesiastical officers did their duty in ordering presentments to be made of disordered persons. But divers gentlemen, and they justices of the peace, had checked them for thus doing, and threatened them. Two letters were sent to the bishop from such as were thus used.

The one was from Oliver Philips, shewing him how he was reviled by the justices of Bury, for preaching obedience to the queen’s laws; whose letter ran in this tenor: “That he had been requested by his brother and others to preach the Sunday before at Bury: and that only for preaching obedience to the queen’s laws, and speaking somewhat sharply of those that were contemptuous and disobedient to the same, he had been called before the justices of the peace; and used with very evil manner of speeches and threatenings, being termed a seditious person; one that moved the people to sedition; a Jesuit, and roguing minister; such an one as preached out of his own cure. And that he was threatened to be bound to his good behaviour. But that in the end they had bound him over to answer it at the next assizes to be holden among them.” And then the minister subjoins to this complaint of his to his diocesan: “These, methinks, be hard dealings towards the ministers in your lordship’s diocese. And except your lordship do speedily provide some remedy against these evils, there will be no quiet dwelling in your lordship’s diocese, for any minister which means to conform himself.” Adding, “that in these things which he had written unto his lordship, in every point, he would justify and approve them before his lordship; or else let him have the greatest punishment his lordship could devise for him.” Concluding,” Thus taking my leave of your lordship, I beseech God long to preserve you in health and prosperity among us.

Your lordship’s most humbly to command, Oly. Philips.” This for Philips. The other was Day, who was an ecclesiastical officer of the said bishop of Norwich, residing at Bury. He writ another letter of complaint to him, of the justices’ usage of him, for swearing questmen to bring in their presentments against such as came not to church. And his case he also thus laid open at large. “That sir Robert Jermin, sir John Higham, and Mr. Badbie, had dealt very unjustly and revengingly with him; and did mind very imperiously to proceed. The cause was, that he did the Friday before call certain honest men of both the parishes of Bury, purposing to make them questmen. For that one there, named Mr. Gaiton, [who seems to be a minister of the parish,] had so continually cried out against him, for punishing such as came not to church. And as for questmen who should present them unto him, he could hear of none. That the foresaid justices did presently then send for him. And for that he had so done, and had also sworn six of them, not making the justices first privy unto it; they called him Jack and Knave, he knew not how often. And for that so like a Jack and Knave he had done knavishly and lewdly, as they said, he should to the gaol. There was no remedy, unless he did put in sureties for his forthcoming at the next sessions holden at Bury; and in the mean time to be of good behaviour. And so Mr.Dr.Wood, Mr.Rob.Golding were bound for him. And so they remained.”

And then he proceeded thus, shewing further the ill state of these affairs. “Of truth I confess, I dare scarcely do any thing touching my office for fear of violence; I do see the lewd sort so animated against me. And then he prayed his lordship would confer with one Mr. Davie, or some other, what he were best to do. I thank my God, (as he went on,) I care not, what man can do unto me. My only desire is, to continue my good name and credit with the honest in the best manner that I may.”

Then he shewed the bishop what his purpose was in these his circumstances. “That in the beginning of next term, or sooner, if it should be thought best, to kneel before her majesty; and to lay open, how they had dealt with him from time to time; and for what cause.

Humbly to crave, that by her means he might have the countenance of an honest man, so long as it should appear that he was not dishonest. And then he requested that it might please his good lordship to let him have his letters, directed unto her majesty in that behalf for him: testifying therein, what he [the bishop] found to be in him, and of all their troubles, and the justices their continual abusing of him; [that is, in the discharge of his office in the ecclesiastical court.] And that he doubted not, but that as it would make for his credit, so it would work for his [the bishop’s] great quiet also.”

And how earnest he is in this request, his following words declare; “My good lord, I do most humbly desire that it may so be; and that you will so tender my credit, and stand with me, as my honest life and faithful dealing shall or may seem to urge. Otherwise I do not crave.”

Nay, and this was not all the trouble he met, namely, from the justices; but he was baited from the pulpit, when he was present, by Gaiton, a puritan preacher: which he thus relates in the same letter. “Mr. Gaiton forgetteth himself daily more and more in the pulpit, both in abusing me, and also divers others; and that with untruths.

He was not ashamed to say in pulpit in my presence, that I, who would punish such as were absent from church, did dine with one whom I had licensed to be away in the afternoon. He said also, that we urged orders so long as orders maintained superstition: but all other orders were no orders. He concluded by the first of the Acts of the Apostles, that no one man might appoint ministers but the disciples in every parish, and none other. He would needs urge also, that none might be suffered in the church, but preachers only; neither ought any in government of the church to be urged other than God in his word commandeth.”

And then the writer concluded, “That to be brief, no minister as yet they had in St. Mary’s church, [one of the parish churches, by reason, as it seems, of the differences in the town,] neither did he know what to do, that they might have one. That, for himself, he must seek his quiet, as he might: and he did not doubt, but by his [the bishop’s] help to obtain it. That Mr. Badbie [one of these favourers of the party] had called him Tosspot, and otherwise greatly reviled him. Oh! that your lordship would but send for him, and bind him over to his good behaviour. And that he should greatly hereby encourage him to go forward. At the least, he added, he would make friends to be in commission of the peace. Otherwise he feared there would be no dwelling there for him. He left all to his lordship’s good care of him. And then piously ends with his prayer, God work for me his will. Subscribing, Your lordship’s most faithful in God, JOHN DEYE.”

Postscript. The justices do threaten to do many things.”

This Dr. Deye was commissary to the bishop of Norwich, or to the archdeacon of Sodbury.

This Gaiton, of whom all this complaint was made, was a preacher in Norwich some years before. And suspended by the bishop about the year 1576, after an examination of him before the bishop and dean; for that in his pulpit he had taken upon him to confute his chaplain’s sermon, and admonished the parishioners to beware of such false doctrine. This gave the occasion of his being cited, and charged in several articles; as, for his not wearing the surplice, nor observing the order of the queen’s book, neither in the prayers nor administration of the sacraments, which was the cause of his suspension: but how he came afterwards to get off his suspension, and to preach at Bury, I know not. But I am apt to think he did it by the slackness of discipline, and out of the countenance he met with there, notwithstanding his former suspension; since it appears that his opinions and practice were the same. This matter between him and the bishop’s court, and proceeding, may be read more at large in the second volume of my Annals· But to see a little farther what issue this matter had. The good bishop found himself not strong enough to encounter these gentlemen and justices, who carried all before them in their countenancing of these disaffected persons to the orders and discipline of the church. And therefore he applied himself again to the lord treasurer; sending the very letters aforesaid of Philips and Day to him to peruse, with his own letter. Wherein he shewed how far he had proceeded with these justices, in articles drawn up against them, to the number of twelve, which he sent to the said treasurer. The chief whereof were concerning their rigorous dealing with the commissary Dr. Day, and Philips the preacher: and binding some others to their good behaviour, that stood for the due observation of orders, as appointed in the church. The justices’ answers to those articles sent to the lord treasurer in their own vindication, being somewhat long, may be found in the Appendix; being entitled, The answer of sir Robert Jermin, sir John Higham, knights, Robert Ashfield, and Thomas Badby, esqrs, gentlemen of Suffolk and Norfolk, to certain articles objected against them by the bishop of Norwich.

In these articles they were charged to countenance disobedient and disorderly men. Particularly, that they favoured Coppin and Tyler, who some years ago were imprisoned for spreading of Browne’s books, which condemned the Book of Common Prayer, and the whole constitution of the church: and that for obtaining the freedom of these spreaders of those books, the said justices had used their endeavours with the judges. That they refused divers ministers, ordained by the bishop, because they were ignorant, and could only read. That they were for nothing but Geneva psalms and sermons. That they endeavoured to remove one Wood, a minister, from his living, because he only read; and gave him warning to be gone: and put the parish upon choosing another, though the collation was in the bishop. That at an inn, called the Angel, they meddled in ecclesiastical causes, that belonged to the bishop. That they joined their authority together against the commissary, and threatened to send him to the gaol. That violence and violent speeches were used towards him; and their part sir Robert Jermin took; and denied him justice; and denied him to have any authority, as a magistrate: and further, that they bound him, a bishop’s commissary, to his good behaviour. That Mr. Philips, for a sermon preached at Bury, exciting to obedience to the queen and her laws, was required and bound to an appearance before them.

Upon these articles preferred against them, and an appeal the bishop had made to the queen against them, they were cited up to answer before her: where, after their said answers given in, (smartly and rudely in some places retorting upon the bishop,) they required the lord treasurer that they might be dismissed by the queen.to their own country; and that he would be their petitioner to her for that purpose in these words: “That now they had been called out of their own country, and every street sounded their disgrace, wrought by the bishop, that either they might deserve the just deserts of their doings by due punishment; or being cleared, both in her majesty’s royal judgment, or his lordship’s opinion, the bishop, for his bold and untrue suggestions, might be so censured, as they might, with the restitution of their poor reputations, be attended with some good comfort upon their places. In which they desired no longer to live, than they should be found very loyal and dutiful to their so gracious sovereign.”

I have this to add concerning the aforesaid preachers, Handson and Browne; the former yet remaining under suspension. The lord treasurer had examined his case himself, and had wrote a letter to the bishop, that upon due reformation of what was done amiss by him, he might be restored to his preaching. And sir Robert Jermin on this opportunity, with the lord North and some others, wrote to the bishop on his behalf, to this purpose: “That since his lordship had examined Handson’s case at length, even as it was set down at the hardest against him, and in his [sir Robert’s] opinion, very indiscreetly, as he said, in many the most principal parts thereof; and that they knew his ministry to have been very profitable to a great number; that they who sought to remove him, were rather adversaries than friends to the truth: that for matter of faith and manners he was ever held a sound teacher; and that in these indifferent things he had never laboured much: that therefore, in consideration of these things, he [the bishop] would give him liberty to exercise his ministry.” To which the bishop’s resolute answer was, “That unless he would publicly confess his fault, and to be bound to follow another course, he would not set him free.”

And upon this denial of the bishop, sir Robert and others apply earnestly to the lord treasurer again, that notwithstanding the bishop’s refusal, he would grant him the freedom to teach the people, and take off his suspension. But this I conclude that lord would not do, nor would arbitrarily intrude so far into the bishop’s right. Nor did he ever go farther than persuasive letters to the bishop sometime in behalf of such ministers, who, notwithstanding some scruples, brake not off communion with the church.

And then as for Browne, this favourable account the said sir Robert gave to the treasurer of him; and how he dealt with him now upon his second coming. That Mr. Browne came by chance to Bury: that he [sir Robert] sent for him, and moved him to be careful of his proceedings. He told him, how dangerous his course seemed in the opinion of many honest and godly men; and how apt the adversaries of the truth would be, to slander and discredit the profession and professors of the truth, if these his singular conceits might not be warranted by the word and Christian policy. “To which Browne’s answer,” as sir Robert added, “had many things that were godly and reasonable, and, as he thought, to be wished and prayed for. But with the same, there were other things (in this his answer) strange and unheard; and the means to put the same in execution, as they reached beyond both their callings, being private; so he [sir Robert] thought them over dangerous to be retained in opinion.” [He meant, in reference to the opinion about setting up a new discipline, and overthrowing the present established church government by episcopacy.] “And then moving the said lord treasurer to advise Browne to a more careful regard of himself in so deep and dangerous a matter; the man being young both in years and experience; and to threaten him, that he should be very sharply censured to the example of others.” And he presumed his lordship should do a good and honourable deed in staying him from going too far; and making him of a man very able, so very fit to yield the church his profitable service.

But these courses went on at Bury for some years, the ministers varying from, or altering the Common Prayer at their discretion, disliking the order of it, and depraving the book; asserting the queen’s supremacy to be only in civil matters, not religious; and some also holding certain heresies, as that Christ was not God, &c. and many young ministers of this sort increasing in those parts; and all this in great measure by the favour of some of the justices. Till in the year 1583, they received a check by some severe proceedings at the assizes at Bury, sir Christopher Wray, lord chief justice, being upon the bench; when many were convicted, and some, obstinately persisting, put to death; and. the justices reprimanded, and warned to keep the peace: as shall be shewn at large when we come so far.

The bishop, quite weary of living there, got a remove, a year or two after, to another bishopric.

I meet this year with an instance of the pastoral care of another bishop, in taking cognizance of some heterodox opinions in one of his diocese; and his proceedings against him. John, bishop of Exon, had received information against one Anthony Randal, parson of Lydford, of the family of love, a sect that spread about these times in that diocese, as well as in other parts; whom, for his damnable doctrines and heresies, the bishop had deprived. This man taught and asserted, that the creation of the world, and the three first chapters of Genesis, were to be understood allegorically, and were not so true literally. That as many as received Jesus Christ did perform all the moral law, and lived without sin. That the Lord’s supper and baptism were not sacraments. That the church of England is a false church, and so is the Roman. And that there is a third church, which shall stand, when the other shall fall. And either church, being authorized by the prince, must be obeyed. These opinions, under divers articles subscribed by his own hand, are set down at large in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift; to which I refer the reader.

But Randal, however by the bishop for these gross tenets deprived, rested not so; but had the hardiness to complain above against him, as suffering wrong at his hand: having of first appealed to the Arches, and thence to the queen’s delegates; whence, notwithstanding, the bishop had his proceedings approved and ratified. But this sectary desisted not, but clamoured about the bishop unto the council; and stood still in his opinions, and obstinately maintained them at that present, owning them under his hand, and that in the presence of divers public notaries. The original whereof remained in the bishop’s registry, as a perpetual testimony against him. A copy whereof the bishop thought fit to send to the lord treasurer Burghley; accompanied with a letter from the said bishop to him.

And that because, as he wrote, Randal had many complices; and that hurtful sect of the family of love began to creep into that country. Of which, therefore, he had brought twenty to open recantation in his cathedral church. “And in consideration of the premises, he beseeched his lordship, that his sentence given against the said Randal, and ratified as aforesaid, might have good countenance and liking at his hands. And that he requested it, not so much for his own credit, as for the peace and quiet of God’s church: which, by means of Randal and his adherents, was very much disturbed.” This letter was dated from Excestre; and I have exemplified it from the original.

Something happened this year in the diocese of Coy. entry and Litchfield, wherein another bishop also was concerned, named Overton, bishop there; wherein he shewed both his courage and his paternal care of his clergy: wherein also may be observed how, in these times, some parts of that diocese stood affected towards religion, and how forward to receive the old abandoned religion of Rome; which seemed now to many to be upon the point of being restored, upon the French king’s brother’s courtship of the queen. The case was this: a justice of peace there, (whose name was Crompton,) on pretence of his office to inspect the behaviour of the clergy, and to punish them, if they any way varied from the orders of the church, or neglected their conformity to the forms prescribed, caused a minister in his own church, going to perform his office, to be carried away by a constable to gaol; and left the congregation without any service. This disorderly proceeding with a minister in his own church coming to the bishop’s ears, he thought fit to call the justice before him, by his ordinary jurisdiction, and to examine what he had done, and to vindicate his clergyman, who was indeed a man of good desert. And of this he thought good, in a letter to the lord Burghley, lord treasurer, to make complaint; and to acquaint him with the whole state of the matter: and withal hinting, how unfit some in commission were of that place and trust. The letter shall follow, which will give light into some public affairs in those times: namely, “How ready the people there were to take great boldness upon small occasions, (as he had wrote to him in a former letter,) and how apt they were to stir at first, if they were not suppressed betimes. That he signified to his lordship by the same letters, that there were not wanting among them some of the better sort, and of the justices themselves, that fed the people’s humours, and gave spirit and courage unto them in their folly. And because as then he writ but darkly unto him, (for that he had but an inkling of matters,) he promised, that as he should afterwards further sift out the truth, so he would let him understand more of it in time. It was so now, that upon better examination he had learned both certainly: both the matter how it stood, and the occasion whereof it grew. That there was a great muttering among the people of late, and in one of the most dangerous parts of all that shire, [Staffordshire,] namely, in the Morelands, that the mass in all haste should be set up again.”

And upon this report the bishop adds, “That when he heard of it, he supposed it had been but the murmuring humour of the papists; because it was commonly surmised by them, that, upon the coming in of the duke [d’Anjou], religion would straight have a change.

But as this peradventure might be some cause of that sudden muttering and surmise, though it was not all, nor the chief, so it was rather occasioned merely by the rash and preposterous (I cannot say, added the bishop, whether I may say ill meaning) behaviour of one of their justices. The matter was this. One Richard Crompton, a lawyer, and a justice of the peace of that shire, about the very time that the assurance between the queen’s majesty and monsieur began to be talked of among the people, came into his parish church, at the time of divine service, with an araunge [some weapon, it seems] on his side, and a great bastingdow in his hand; and going up to the church, without stay or reverence used in the place, called the minister unto him, as he was beginning to say service, and said unto him, Sir Hu, come hither, I must first talk with you, ere you begin. And so being come unto him, he carried the minister down the body of the church towards the church porch. And when he was there, he asked, whether there were any constable there or no. And when the clerk answered, there was none, he bid him go fetch one, for he must send the minister to gaol. Whereupon it flew abroad straightway, and grew to this speech, that the mass should be set up, and established again; for one of the queen’s own justices had been himself in the church, and drove out the minister, that he should say no more this new service, and had sent him already to the gaol for saying it. “Speeches thus passing, the minister made complaint unto him [the bishop] both of the justice’s ill behaviour, and of the people’s readiness to look for a change. That upon the complaint made, he sent for the justice by his ordinary jurisdiction, and ministered articles unto him, to be examined of, according to the evidence that was given in against him. That the justice, as he denied not some disturbance to be made by him, so he would confess no fault; but coloured his doings with pretence of law and show of justice; namely, that the minister refused to wear the surplice; and that he would not keep the accustomed place of prayer, where service was wont to be said, but stood lower to the people, and turned not his face upward toward the east, but downward to the west; and that he left out some piece of the service, and used not the order of common prayer according to the book, as it is set out, and established by act of parliament. And therefore he thought good to forbid him the service altogether, and sent him to the gaol.”

Concerning which accusation of the justice against the minister, thus the bishop subjoined: “That they and such other like were his excuses for the fact: but that all, upon due proof, were found to be either fond or trifling, and very false and untrue. And therefore he (the bishop) told him, that he would signify unto his lordship [the lord treasurer] his rash and undiscreet dealings herein: as now he had done.”

And then applied himself unto his lordship after this manner: “And surely, my honourable good lord, if such light-headed justices, or otherwise hollow-hearted, shall be suffered stir in their office, and have authority, as they have had, it will not only be long ere the people be reclaimed, but also it will give occasion hereafter of more heartening.”

And concerning this minister that was so used by the justice, he seemed to fare the worse, because of his worth. For this was the character that the bishop gave of him: “That if the poor minister that was so misused by him had been some ignorant dolt, and but a sayer of his service only, the matter had been somewhat less, though not tolerable: but he was a man endued with good gifts, a diligent and zealous preacher of the word, counted rather too painful in his charge than otherwise; sober in his life and behaviour, and not to be touched for his conversation any way. And therefore the other’s outrage and rashness no way to be tolerated and borne withal.”

Nor did the bishop like that a justice should take upon him to correct a clergyman for a neglect in his ministry, as taking the office out of the diocesan’s hand. For thus he proceeded: “And what if the poor man had in something offended by ignorance or oversight, your lordship knoweth, there had been other ordinary means to be used for his correction in church causes; and not every justice of peace to intermeddle in such matters, before there be need. I thank God, I can and will reform such faults, when I hear of them. If I cannot, I will pray aid of others. And if I will not, they may complain of me, and reform it themselves.”

But then, as to this justice, he gave this information of him: “That the truth was, Mr.Crompton was supposed to be a papist in heart, and was a friend unto papists, and a great receiver of papists to his house. And that therefore that which he did he might seem not to have done in way of reformation, but for malice to the religion. And that indeed he had so bewrayed himself by this fact, that that very sort did note him a very papist for it; although he were so noted for other things before.”

And then, upon this occasion, the said bishop gave the treasurer his advice: “Your lordship, and the rest of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council, may think of him, and such others here, as it shall please you: but methinketh, under your lordship’s corrections, if he and such others as he were clean discharged out of the commission, ye should do God good service, and a great good turn to the country. For in my opinion they love but to wait for a day ; and in the mean time bolster ill subjects in their obstinacy and contempt.

He hath some fellows: I would to God more zealous men were put in their places. And so leaving the further consideration thereof under their honourable wisdoms, he humbly took his leave. Written from Eccleshal, the 15th of Jan. 1581. Subscribing, His lordship’s most bounden, “W.COVEN. AND LITCH.”

CHAPTER 3.

Cox, bishop of Ely, dies: his will. And Barklest, bishop of Bath and Wells, dies: his character. Grant of the queen to Edward Stafford, esq. of concealed lands. The lord treasurer’s judgment of a lease of them. Disorders about relgion in the inns of court. A letter from the starchamber to the ecclesiastical commissioners thereupon.

Romanists busy. Campion writes to the privy-council concerning the Jesuits, and his mission. A private letter of a Jesuit concerning, Campion and his disputations; and the resolution of the Jesuits. A copy of verses made by a papist, beginning, The cross appears.

The cruel burning of one Atkins at Rome for religion. THIS year concluded the life of Cox, bishop of Ely. He left in good debts 2322l . By his last will and testament he gave these legacies. To the lord treasurer Burghley, a zing, two ounces, value 61 . To the archbishop of Canterbury, to the bishop of Lincoln, and to Dr. Lewis, to each rings, one ounce and an half, value 4l . 10s . To Roger Cox 100l . To Richard Cox 100l . His books of the old doctors he gave to the library at Ely. These following to be paid within one year from the 22d of July, 1581, [the day of his death, or the day his will bore date.] To the poor in Somerham, in Doddington, in Downton, in Wisbich; to these each 53l . To the poor in Holborn, and Feny Stanton, 10l . To the poor in Buckingham town, 5l . To the poor of Harrow of the Hill, in Buckinghamshire, of Wickendove, three miles by Stony Stratford, of Whaddon, of Nash, in the parish of Whaddon; to each 10l . To the poor scholars of Peter-house, and of another college in the university, 5l . each. To Mrs. Parker, to Mrs. Collet, and to Mrs.

Bullingham, 20l . apiece. To John Parker, archdeacon of Ely, 40l . To Richard Arkenstal, Richard Upsher, John Chapman, Henry Mannox, William Rente, his servants, 5l. 6l . 13s 8d . 4l . 40s . These legacies amounted to 155l 13s. 4d . In plate to Mr. Richard Cox, and Mrs. Rachel Cox, 20l . The whole sum of his legacies came to 945l . 3s . 4d. These particulars I take from a copy of his will.

He was made archdeacon of Ely, anno 1540, in the room of Tho. Thirleby, the king’s chaplain, made bishop of Westminster: the presentation being in the king, by reason of the removal of the said Thirleby to that bishopric, Henry VIII. For so that king’s writ ran, Dilectum capellanum nostrum, Richardum Cox clericum, vobis praesentamus: directed to the reverend father in Christ, Thomas [Goodrich] bishop of Ely. Witness the king at Westminster, November 24.

One remark I add concerning this good bishop: that Thomas Sutton, the founder of the Charter-house, school and hospital, by his last will and testament, among the rest of his legacies, gave certain legacies to the children of that bishop: and that out of gratitude to his old schoolmaster.

For when Cox was master of Eaton school, he had this Sutton his scholar for three years. And then he went to Magdalen and Jesus colleges in Cambridge. The words of his will are these. Item, I give to every one of the children of Richard Cox, late bishop of Ely, who shall be living at the time of my death, 10l . apiece of lawful money of England.

This bishop’s learning, his piety, his zeal for true religion, his exile, how instrumental he was in promoting the reformation at court, (whither he was preferred by king Henry VIII. to be the instructor of the young prince, and his almoner,) and what reputation he had then for a sin. gular scholar, just and good man, may be gathered from a copy of verses of Leland, written to Thomas Legh, of Adlington, esq. who had required Leland to tell him, if he knew any person in the world (that so generally abounded with wicked, false men) that might be in all respects said to be endued with faithfulness and integrity: Leland gives him answer, that he knew one such, and that was Cox. Which he elegantly shewed in a copy of verses, viz.

AD THOMAM LEGHUM, ARMIGERUM, ADLINGTONSEM, DE RIC. Coxii fide et integritate.

Cum fucis adeo laboret orbis Totus, me rogitaz, amice, narrem Ore ut veridico tibi petenti, Si dum reppererim, omnibus fidelem Quem possem numeris virum probare.

Talem me volo repperisse, credas, Albo rarior est ac ille corvo. Novisti bene Coxium pium illum, Sacri evangelii tubam sonoram:

Quem clarus patriae pater Britannus Dilectum refovet, suoque nato lnservire jubet, probum tenello.

Is vir judicio omnium piorum Omni ex parte fidelis integerque, &c.

This year also, November 2, died Gilbert Barkley, bishop of Bath and Wells, in his episcopal house in Wells: whose register began April the 20th, 1560, and ended October 28, 1581. Wherein I observe, at a royal visitation, anno 1560, a sentence of deprivation given by John Cottrel, LL.B. archdeacon of Wells, and the bishop’s vicargeneral, against Bournefords prebendary, and rector of Clotworthy; Cratford, rector of Lediard Laurence; Giles Hillinge, prebendary, and rector of Shillgate; and Bartholomew Blithman, prebendary, and rector of Cosington; by reason of their absence, and contempt regiae visitationis.

December 15, 1561, Tho. Maister was presented to the church of Sutton Bingham, united, annexed, and incorporated to the church of Chilton, during the time of his incumbency in the same, authoritate Matthaei Cantuar. archiepiscoopi, et reegiae majestatis confirmatione. This Tho.

Maister had been presented the year before, May 17, by the queen to the said church of Chilton. This Maister was son, or some relation, to Dr. Maister, the queen’s physician.

I meet with a pretty strange dispensation in this bishop’s register, under the year 1564, July the 12th. When Tho. Harrington was presented to the church of Kilston, by the death of Henry Simmons, at the presentation of John Harrington, esq. he was a scholar of Oxon, of eighteen years old, hullo clericali oradine insignitus; and obtained licence of the archbishop of Canterbury to retain the same church to lawful age: and then, if he were promoted to holy orders, to the title of the perpetual benefice. But these letters of the archbishop’s were to be of no avail, unless confirmed by letters patents from the queen; dated July 28, 1564: which was done the same day. This Simmons was presented to this church of Kilston, anno 1560, by the resignation of Mr.Geo.Carew, at the presentation of John Harrington, of London, esq.

We dismiss this bishop Barkley with this character: that he was a man of great gravity, and singular integrity of life; and being an exile under queen Mary, resided with many other worthy confessors at Frankfort, in Germany: and advised Dr. Traheron, who read lectures there to the English upon Revelations, chap. iv. to print his readings: which he did. This bishop had a charter for the settling of his bishopric; but not so full as the charter granted by queen Mary to his predecessor, Gilbert Bourne, many things being left out in the last charter to this bishop. In the year 1572, he had a long fit of sickness for nine or ten weeks. After that, not able to ride, nor well to go, keeping his chamber, as a lame man, of the sciatica in his left leg; doubting in himself then, whether he should ever have the use of it again, as he wrote in December, 1572, to his friend bishop Parkhurst: though he made shift to hold out to this year, being eighty years of age; as Godwin writes.

I shall leave one remark of him: which shewed him to be an honest as well as a stout man for the good of the church, by seasonably stopping a part of the church’s patrimony from running into a layman’s purse; when the lord Tho. Pawlet, dwelling within the county of Somerset, patron of a good parsonage, viz. West Monkton, endeavoured to inpropriate it to himself and his heirs for ever, as was related at large, vol. ii. under the year 1578.

Now was coming forth another commission from the queen for recovering such lands and revenues as formerly belonged to churches, religious houses, colleges and hospitals, granted by parliament to the crown. Many of which being concealed in this queen’s reign, she, to gratify some of her courtiers, had granted them, or some good portions of them; namely, what they could by search discover and tlnd out: which commissions made great havock sometimes of the small livelihoods of the livings and salaries of ministers and chaplains, the poor inhabitants of hospitals, &c. in case it was found they were given for superstitious uses. Therefore, as such a commission had been granted to Edward Stafford, esq. and some other gentlemen pensioners, was called in, as it seems, another was made this year for his use and benefit, with more tenderness and caution towards many that might suffer by it; but still with certain rents payable by him to the queen. It was called, A warrant to Edward Stafford, esq. for parsonages, chapels, guilds, &c. dissolved: the copy whereof shall be exemplified from the minutes, with the lord treasurer’s hand interlined in some places, (which I have enclosed in crotchets;) intended by him for the moderating of this grant, and stopping the violences that these concealers, as they were called, would have been apt to use towards the churches and the clergy thereof, the hospitals and chapels.

It specified, “A lease, granted by the queen to this Edward Stafford, one of her gentlemen pensioners, of all parsonages impropriate, free chapels, guilds, chantries, hospitals, &c. that had been dissolved, and were wrongfully detained from her, and which of right belonged to the crown, since such a year of king Henry VIII. Or which might afterward be found out and discovered by the said Edward Stafford, his deputies, &c. Yielding and paying therefore unto her, or her successors, during such lease or leases, certain yearly rents: and after such rate as the same were valued at in the book of first-fruits and tenths. And likewise granted unto him advowsons, presentations, donations, &c. of all parsonages and vicarages, being without cure, profaned, wasted, &c. Also all advowsons, presentations of parsonages, vicarages without cure, prebends presentative, &c. which were concealed, wrongfully detained, &c. And that did of right belong to her majesty, presentations, donations, &c. to give, dispose, and present unto the same, being become void, during such a certain term. “And then, by the same commission, to the lord tressurer, the chancellor of the exchequer, &c. she commanded them from time to time, upon information given by the said Stafford to them, to cause to be made books and writings as should be requisite to be passed from her of the premises, or any other part thereof: and for certain new rents according to her letters patent. And that if any variance, suit, debate, controversy, &c. might happen by any claim or complaint in or about any of the premises, or concerning any manner of presentation, removing, or displacing any parsons or vicars, then the grants to be suspended till it should be heard and determined in her court of exchequer, by them the lord treasurer, chancellor of the exchequer, &c. for the time being, for any matter belonging to the revenue of the crown.” These are the brief contents: but the whole grant and commission will be found exemplified in the Appendix.

As to that particular above, of a lease to Stafford of parsonages, colleges, hospitals, &c. concealed, it became a question concerning the queen’s making leases of some such. I find the lord treasurer Burghley setting down his judgment in writing; no question upon the queen’s and council’s requiring his opinion in this affair. This I have from minutes of his own pen.

The year when he wrote this his judgment is uncertain: but hereabouts it must be. This I look upon as a curious piece: and therefore shall set it down from the original, “My opinion on a sudden, under correction of such of her majesty’s learned counsel, as can better inform how her majesty may make such a lease of the contents.

I. “The first seven several things may, I think, be granted by her majesty. But in good reason her majesty’s title ought first to be found by inquisition. And so her majesty’s title being of record, the grant may more orderly pass. Otherwise many things under this title may pass without warrant. But so not honourable to pass her majesty; where they shall pass upon wrong to preoccupiers. “As for parsonages impropriate, free chapels, guilds, chantries, layprebends, there is not so much regard to be had as upon colleges, and especially hospitals. In which last I saw by a grant made by her majesty to certain of her guard of the hospital of Ledbury, what inconvenience had followed, if great care had not been.

II. Secondly, “For parsonages and vicarages without cure containeth great uncertainties. And wheresoever the patronages thereof did belong to any subject, the queen’s majesty hath no interest therein; but by lapse to have one presentment only. The depopulation or profanation maketh no title to the queen’s majesty.

And therefore her majesty cannot make any grant thereof.

III. “The third, for parsonages and vicarages without cure, cannot be granted by her majesty, but where she is patron; or where she is entitled by lapse.

IV. “The fourth, for the like with cure, and for prebends that are concealed, and belong to her majesty’s patronage, may be for the first time granted by her majesty’s patents. But after that they cannot be accounted concealed. And thereby the curate cannot have continuance, otherwise than that her majesty shall make a gift of the patronage, [or] of the inheritance of her patronage. “How these kind of parsonages or vicarages shall be given, I know not. But if the patentee shall have any profit thereby, they must be sold, and not given. And openly to assent thereto will be held for a man that hath thereof a conscience. “But these articles would be considered by some that understand more than I do, that her majesty’s grants may be grounded upon justice, or at the least some colour of justice. And for any profit to pass from her majesty, I weigh it not. But I wish that profit were double, in respect of the gentleman, who indeed hath deserved as much, and can deserve more.”

This is a second time the inns of court and chancery were taken notice of, to harbour persons popishiy affected. The government thought it very necessary to check and restrain considerable numbers there; and many of them of quality; and so more apt to influence others in the kingdom with principles contrary to the laws established for good order in the church. As in the 11th of the queen, anno 1569, the council had wrote to those inns, with orders granted for the government of those that inhabited there. And then some were reconciled, and others expelled. But disorders happening again in those houses, and information thereof made in the starchamber, a letter was sent thence to the queen’s commissioners ecclesiastical, to take cognizance thereof; and to send for the benchers and ancients, and inquire after these disorders. Which was this year, or near it; and ran in this tenor: “After our very hearty commendations. Where in the 11th year of the queen’s majesty’s reign, in the term of Easter, we did, by our letters to the ancients and benchers of the inns of court, signify what order was then taken in the starchamber for reformation of a sort of persons about that time detected to be in the same houses, of disordered demeanour and perverse disposition, especially against the laws and orders ecclesiastical of the church. Which orders being of good length by our said letters. then declared and explained, we understand were for that time reasonably executed, to the reformation of some; which were thereby profitably reconciled; and to the expulsion and secluding of some others that were so perverse, or rather seditiously bent to continue in disorder, as by no convenient persuasion they were then reformed. “But after some time expired, as we are now credibly informed, the former disorders are received, or rather increased, for lack partly of the continuance of some of those disorders within the houses, by the ancients and benchers; and partly, for that such regard hath not lately been had by the commissioners ecclesiastical to understand of the said contempts, as was necessary. “Wherefore, considering how necessary a matter it is to proceed, if in those houses, consisting of so great companies, where properly obedience to laws and observation of good orders should be professed, and the contrary thereof not nourished, and that by sufferance the mischief may, by the authors of such contempts, be dispersed abroad in the realm: and that with the more facility and danger also to increase, where the offenders shall gather credit among the vulgar sort, by profession of the knowledge and execution of the common laws of the realm: we have, upon good deliberation, thought it very necessary, that your lordship, and others having sufficient authority from her majesty to see to the due execution of all the laws ecclesiastical, should hereof be informed.

And so we require you, that you will speedily, before the end of this term, send for some of the ancients and benchers, of the discreetest and dutifullest of every house or inn of court, and likewise for some of the inns of chancery; and inquire of the disorders in these kind of causes, concerning the observation of the laws ecclesiastical, and the rights of the church. And as ye shall find the same disorders likely to be increased, so to consider how the same may be reasonably and speedily redressed: using therein, as cause shall require, conference either with the lord keeper of the great seal of England, and the two chief justices, or any of them: to whose party doth belong, as we understand, some regard for the good ordering of the said houses or inns. And thereupon, as far forth as appertaineth to the authority of your commission, to reform, or otherwise to correct the parties offending, and to limit some good orders for the due service of God in those houses; and to stay and reform the rest from the entry into like offences. Wherein surely the whole realm shall take no small profit, both for the honour and service of God, and for the better administration of laws: and finally, by the giving of a general good example of obedience to the rest of the subjects.”

The state found it necessary now to secure the government against the Romanists: who were very busy in corners, both seminaries and Jesuits, to withdraw the queen’s subjects from their allegiance, and to plot treasons.

Whereof Campion had given sufficient cause of jealousy;. who was executed with some other priests and Jesuits this or the last year. I meet with a bold letter of his to the privy-council, upon his first coming into England: wherein he confidently and frankly declared himself of the society of Jesus; and that thereby he had devoted himself, honour, life, and all, to the pope’s service. His letter, shewing his resolution, and confidence, and his zeal to the Pope and his cause, was chiefly to make a public challenge of dispute with all the most learned divines and lawyers in the land, and to require them of the privy-council, nay, and the queen herself, to be present: desiring them to grant him a quiet audience of what he should say before their honours “And that his discourse should be, first, of religion, so far forth as it touched the commonwealth and the nobility. And secondly, that before the chief doctors and masters of both universities, he would avow the faith of the catholic church by proof invincible, scriptures, councils, fathers, histories, and reason. And before the lawyers, spiritual and temporal, he would justify the same faith, by the common. wisdom law.”

Further, he frankly declares to them, “That he had vowed himself to the society of Jesus, and had taken upon him a warfare in the banners of obedience, and resigued all his interest of worldly wealth, honour, and pleasure. And that at the voice of their general provost, which was to him a warrant from heaven, and an oracle from Christ, he took his voyage from Prague to Rome, where the said father-general was always resident; and from Rome into England; as he would joyfully have done into any part of Christendom, or heatheniss, had he been thereto assigned. And that his charge was, without cost to preach the gospel, to administer the sacraments, to instruct the simple, &c. to confute errors, &c.”

And as to their society, he informed thus much of them, (with the preface of Be it known unto them,) “That they had made a league, (all the Jesuits in the world,) whose succession and multitude must overreach all the practices of England, cheerfully to carry the cross that they should lay upon them, and never to despair of the recovery of them [viz. the realm of England] while they had a man left, to enjoy their Tyburn, or to be racked with their torments, or to be consumed with their poison.”

And so concluded, as it were threatening, and in an assurance of success, “That the enterprise was begun: that it was of God, and could not be withstood: and is the faith that was at first planted: and so it must be restored.” This was the brag, resolution, and protestation of Campion, in the name of that society. And therefore the state, with good reason, thought it necessary to secure itself against them by its laws and watchfulness over such a generation of devoto’s.

But let the reader peruse the whole letter in the Appendix.

And consequent to this, Campion afterwards, being now a prisoner, made a bold challenge to dispute with the protestants certain points of religion.

And accordingly divers disputes and conferences were held with him in the Tower, in the month of August, which were set down afterwards in writing by the learned men themselves that dealt therein; and were printed, in 1583, by Alexander Noel, dean of St. Paul’s, and published upon occasion of writings dispersal by some papists, extolling Campion’s disputations, to the overthrow of his adversaries. Wherein it is said, “That the catholics, by the judgments of those that were not wedded wholly to will, did get the goal.” And again, one of them had these words: “In my soul I protest, that in any indifferent judgment, the adverse protestants were quite confounded.

And if I were not a catholic already, the only hearing the conference would have made me one. This I took out of the preface to the reader, by Alexander Noel and William Day, both deans, and disputants with that Jesuit. There were three other conferences with him, viz. the 18th, 23d, and 27th of September, 1581, which were after set down in writing by John Field; and perused by the learned men themselves that disputed with him, in order to the publishing the same. These things I pass over, having mentioned them more at large elsewhere.

Soon after Campion’s condemnation, and before his execution, one of the same order shewed his great satisfaction that his brother, (as he called him,) as well as his companion, was like to make soglorious an end; mentioned in a letter to another of his friends, written from London; whither, after some absence, he was newly returned: confirming him and them in his absence, and assuring them of his own constancy and resolution to die in the cause, as others had bravely done, and as Campion was now ready to do. This letter seems to have been intercepted, and so brought into the hands of the queen’s council: for I met with it among the papers of state in the Paper-house. And therefore, though it be somewhat long, it will deserve to be here exemplified. Which will shew their firm purpose to promote their religion to the peril of their lives, and how fully persuaded they were in the goodness of their cause, and the success of it, and their steadiness in carrying on of their affairs in this realm. “My dear good friend, Pax Christi, &c. That he understood of the late advancement and exaltation of his dear brother, Mr.C. and his followers, [Brian, Sherwin, &c.] Our Lord be blessed for it. It was the joyfullest news, in one respect, that ever came to his heart since he was born. I call him brother,” as he added, “for that once God made me worthy of so great preferment, [viz. to be admitted into the society of Jesus.] But that now he took him rather for his patron [to pray for him and protect him] than for his brother; whose steps he beseeched Christ he might be worthy to follow.

That there was nothing happened to him which he looked not for, some time before, and whereof he made not oblation to God, before ever he set forth to go towards England:” [that is, vowed his life to promote that cause.] And then, as for the disputation which he held with our learned divines, thus he also triumphed: “That he looked for this end [meaning triumphant end] of the disputation also. And surely, added he, where I heard how prosperously God turned them to the glory of his cause, that he would have his life also. For that it was like his adversaries would never put up so great a blow without revengement upon his blood. His impertinent and malicious witnesses God will judge. But yet he beseeched the divine Majesty, if it were his will, to pardon them, and give them grace to repent, and prevent his great wrath, due to their most grievous iniquity.

There were men in the world which drank blood as easily as beasts did water. And because the earth did not open, and presently swallow them down, they thought all was well. Sed heu! (said the prophet,) juxta est dies perditionis, et adesse festinant tempora. “That it might be as truly spoken of Mr.C. as ever Ezekiel spake it of the like, Effus. est sanguis ejus in limpidissimam petram, et non in terram, ut operiatur pulvere. His blood is shed upon a most clear stone, to be seen of all men; and not upon the earth, that it may be covered with dust; the pretended dust of reigned treason, wherewith they go about to cover his blood; his blood! Away with every little air of consideration that comes near it. Your conscience and mine, and the knowledge of God Almighty, with all the saints of heaven, are privy, and shall bear witness at the day of judgment, of his pure innocency in all such matters and meaning, either by fact, word, or cogitation. This hath he protested, and will protest, I know, upon the perdition of his soul at his death. For yet I am not certified that he is dead. And we [Jesuits] protest the same before God, and men, and angels in heaven. And all that ever we have dealt withal in England, shall testify the same both living and dying, upon their salvation and damnation in the life to come. All which, seeing it serveth not in Westminster-hall, we are content quietly to leave it in God’s hand, and to refer it only to the tribunal of Christ; qui cum temp. acceperit, decernet causam nostram.” The writer goes on: “That I am so far touched in the same matter, as master Criss telleth me, I cannot but take it most thankfully at my good Lord’s hands, who vouchsafeth to lend me a portion in sorte sanctorum. Free I am of any thought of such matters as were objected, God and my conscience, and my friends with whom I converse, do know and rejoice. But I know it was not easy for the lamb which drank beneath at the end of the river, to justify to the wolf drinking at the head spring, that her drinking beneath did not trouble the water. And the reason was, for that the wolf was minded to eat her. My blood, therefore, must satisfy this matter, which, by God’s holy assistance, I remain as resolute, and willing to yield, when his divine Majesty shall appoint the day, as ever I did to pay my debt that I did owe, or to receive any benefit from his most merciful hands. I remember often, to my great comfort, the saying of St. Paul, Deo rnanifesti sumus, et spero in consclentiis vestris manifestos nos esse. If we be mistaken of men, yet God is not deceived. And therefore for my part, I do seek daily and hourly, according to the measure of his holy grace given me, to walk in his sight, and to imagine him present in all my actions, even as though he were presently to enter into judgment with me. Which attention, I trust, though I be otherwise a greater miserable sinner, shall so direct my life for all such matters as our enemies do object, as I shall little fear the judgment of man, nor the accusations of Eliot Iscariot, [so styling him who, it seems, was some secret informer against the Jesuits,] and his compartner for the matter itself: that is, the advancement of God’s glory, by persuading my countrymen to virtuous lives and true religion. For which cause only I was sent hither.”

In which resolution he would persist, using these words: I will, by God’s help, never cease, either dying or living, as long as my soul is able to move any part within me, from the prosecution of so good and godly a purpose. For I know it is written, Usque ad mortem certo projustitia. In which respect I confess that I fear little any mortal power, which killeth the body, and after hath nothing to do more: for that I have my Master’s command for the same. And not only that, but his warrant: Capillus de capite vestro non peribit.

And thus much of myself, and of those holy men that are dead. Qui vlsi sunt oculis insipientium mori: illi autem sunt in pace. “Now though you, my dearly beloved, and the rest of my good friends with you, I see no cause for me either to comfort or encourage you, the very letter itself is most sufficent for both. For what greater matter of comfort can there be to us that are catholics, than to see God work these strange wonders in our days, for the advancement of his and our cause: that is, to give such rare grace of zeal, austerity of life, and constancy of martyrdom unto young men, learned men, brought up in the adversaries’ own schools; and to whom, if they would have followed he pleasures of the world, or yielded in any one little point against the truth, it had been lawful to have lived both in favour and credit. This cannot come of flesh and blood, but must needs be an argument of God’s merciful meaning towards us, if we be humble and patient under this his fatherly rod and chastisement. “Again; what can be more forcible to encourage us to all virtue, and imitation of these men’s fortitude, than to see children to go into heaven before us. You know who used this argument, when he said, Regnum Christi vim patitur, et v. ]i.e. violenti illud, &c.

Which if ever it were fulfilled, now it is, where the tenderest and frailest flesh passeth violently to heaven, through wrackings, hangings, drawings, and quarterings; and through a thousand miseries more, which are laid upon them. “Wherefore let other men follow the pleasures of the world and lewd life as much as they will, now is the time for us to make ourselves everlasting princes, by gaining of heaven. Qui nocet, noceat adhuc, et qui in sordibus eat, sordescat adhuc, saith our Saviour. And on the other side, Qui justus est, juatificetur adhuc, et qui sanctus est, sanctificetur adhuc. Ecce! venio cito, et merces mea mecum est, reddere unicuique secundum opera sua.

Now for this time, my dear good friend. From R. in L. this present 26th of November, 1581.

Your own bounden in most hearty good-will for Christ and his cause.

By way of postscript, this followed: The cross appears, Christ doth approach, A comfort for us all:

For whom to suffer or to die, Is grace celestial.

Be therefore of good courage now, In this your sharp probation, Which shall you bring to glory great, And mighty consolation.

If you persevere to the end Of this sharp storm indeed, You shall confound both foe and friend, And heaven have for meed. “God make us mindful of all his sweet promises, and our own duty: which is sufficient armour for all assaults of our enemies. Commend me heartily to my daughter Cr. and your little family, and the rest of your good company: willing them all to be of good comfort, and to pray for us, as we shall for them. Weakness now is come to such a head, that the festered sores thereof must needs break out, whereby, I hope, all infirmities will be healed. In the mean time they intend to do us a good turn against their wills. I hope we shall so disclose the fond forgery of our enemies, God willing, this week, as it was never since the queen came to her crown. God, for whose cause we suffer, defend the truth. I have saluted your friends, who resalute you. Our Lord be with you and yours; and all the faithful (Christian) afflicted flock.”

Concerning this Campion, I have one thing more to add, which a learned man that lived in that very time related of him: that there were despatched into the realm, under the conduction of one more presumptuous than learned, [meaning this Jesuit,] a whole swarm of boy-priests, disguised, and provided at all assays with secret instructions how to deal with all sorts of men and matters here; [in England;] and, with commission from Rome, to confess and absolve such as they should win, with a pretence or policy, to mislike the state, and affect novelty; and to take assurance of them by vow, oath, or other means, that they should be ever after adherent and obedient to the church of Rome, and to the faith thereof, &c. Religion sounded often in their mouths, and the faith of their fathers. And yet that poison they carried covertly in their hearts, and cunningly in their books; that her majesty’s beguiled and deceived subjects, by the very sentence of their Romish faith and absolution, were tied to obey the pope, depriving her majesty of the sword and sceptre, and bound to assist him, or whom he should send, to take the same by force of arms out of her hands.

But when some of these were taken up, and brought to their trials, they denied this, and earnestly protested, in open audience, that they had no such meaning; but for their parts did acknowledge her majesty for their lawful and true princess, and taught all others so to do: having first obtained, like wily friars, a dispensation at Rome, that, to avoid the present dangers, they, and all others their obsequents, might serve and honour her highness for a times until the bull of Pius V. might safely be executed. [This was the dispensation of Campion and Parsons.] And that this was the resolution of them all, appeared by their examinations. And that conclusion stood in their written books as a ruled case, that they must rather lose their lives than shrink from this groundwork, that the pope may deprive her highness of her sceptre and throne; because, they say, it is a point of faith, and requires confession of the mouth, though death ensue.

This dangerous, if not devilish doctrine, (saith the foresaid learned writer,) was not printed or published in the sight of the queen’s subjects, until the time of some of the chief procurers and kindlers of this flame, for these and other enterprises of like condition and quality, were by the just course of the laws adjudged to death.

But there happened this year an example of papal persecution at Rome, upon an Englishman, which exceeded much any persecution complained of in England; which was executed upon one Richard Atkins, an Hertfordshire man: who seemed indeed to be somewhat disturbed in his head: but however that hindered not the Romanists’ rigorous dealings with him. I relate it from one that was in the English college at Rome; and there either saw or heard it from some that were present.

This Richard Arkins, out of his zeal, travelled to Rome, and coming to the English college there, knocked at the door; and being let in, told the students there, that he came lovingly to rebuke the great misorders of their lives; which he grieved to hear, and pitied to behold. And that he came also to let their proud antichrist understand, that he did offend the heavenly Majesty, rob God of his honour, poisoned the whole world with his abominable blasphemies; making them homage stocks and stones, and the.filthy sacrament, [as he called it;] which was nothing else but a foolish idol. Upon this, one Hugh Griffin, a Welshman, and one of the students, caused him to be put into the inquisition. But, however it came to pass, he was, after certain days, dismissed. Afterwards, one day going in the streets, he met a priest carrying the sacrament, and being offended to see the people so crouch and kneel to it, he caught at it, to have thrown it down, that all people might see what they worshipped. But missing his purpose, and it being (luckily) judged by the people, that he did but catch at the holiness that they say comes from the sacrament, upon mere devotion, he was let pass, and nothing said to him.

Few days after he came to St. Peter’s church, where divers were hearing mass; and the priest being at the elevation, he, using no reverence, stepped among the people to the altar, and threw down the chalice, with the wine; striving likewise to have pulled the cake out of the priest’s hands. Presently divers rose up, and beat him with their fists: and one drew his rapier, and would have slain him. In brief, he was carried to prison, where he was examined wherefore he committed such a heinous offence. He answered, that he came purposely for that intent, to rebuke the pope’s wickedness and their idolatry. Upon this he was condemned to be burnt; which sentence, he said, he was right willing to suffer. And the rather, because the sum of his offence pertained to the glory of God.

During the time he remained in prison, sundry of the English came to him, willing him to be sorry for that he had done, and to recant his damnable opinions. But all the means they used was in vain; and he confuted their ways by divers places of scripture: and willed them to be sorry for their wickedness, while God did permit them time. For the manner and cruelty of his execution, a while after, I refer the reader to the Appendix.

CHAPTER 4.

The seminaries busy. Sir Francis Knolles’s letter concerning them.

Searcher papists. Proclamation against harbouring Jesuits, and such as went hence to Paris, Rheims, Doway, or Rome, for education: and for their revocation. Conferences with Jesuits. One of them reclaimed. Recusants in the diocese of the bishop of Coventry and Litchfield. Schismatics. A libertine; his doctrines.

Endeavours of some puritans. Their prayers. THESE seminaries were now very busy in London, as well as in other places, creeping into houses, to pervert the people, and keep mass-saying: insomuch, that sir Francis Knolles, a courtier, and treasurer of the queen’s chamber, thought fit to put the two great statesmen about the queen in mind of it; and to stir them up to look to them; and to let the law take its course against such of them as were taken, the safety of the queen and the whole nation depending so much upon it. And now going into the country, to the quarter-sessions at Oxford, in the month of September, he left this remembrance in a letter to them both, viz. the lord treasurer and the earl of Leicester. “The papists’ secret practices by these Jesuits, in going from house to house, to withdraw men from the obedience of her majesty, unto the obedience of the false catholic church of Rome, hath and will endanger her majesty’s person and state more than all the sects of the wood, if no execution shall follow upon the traitorous practisers that are for the same apprehended: or at the least, if execution shall not follow upon such of them as will not openly and plainly recant.

Thus desiring their lordships, that are the two heads of the two universities of England, to pardon my boldness herein; because that I, that am an unworthy person, and half an abject, do expect great good things at their lordships’ hands; which hath emboldened me hereunto. And so I take my leave of your lordships. At London, going into my counttry, &c. September 29.”

Some of these, according to this gentleman’s counsel, were afterwards executed about the beginning of December; viz. Campion, before spoken of, Sherwin, Brian, and another.

Diligence was now used in finding out papists in London; and that by searching for such persons as came not to church. And accordingly a list was sent in the month of June, of such throughout each ward of the city, with their names; whereof some were strangers of other countries, many English. Of these strangers were Horacio Pallavicino, Andreas de Low, living in St. Dunstan’s, Acerbo Vilutelli, Paulus Justinian, Augustin Graffigner, Nicolaus Gocha, Jerome Benalio, Morice Van Coleyn, Alpher Delymer, Lewis de Pace, John Calvetto. Some of these were agents to foreign princes. These generally lived in Tower-street ward. Several of the English, whose names were brought in, lived in St. Helen’s. The whole number in all was about one hundred and ten.

And not long after, a proclamation came forth to attach seminaries, and their aiders, abettors, counsellors, and hostages, [i.e. harbourers.] Inquiry now also was made after such as sent their sons abroad for education: which gave a just suspicion that they might be tinctured with popish principles at their coming home, and more disaffected to the laws of the land. And in pursuit of these, the clergy of London had a summons in the month of January, to make inquiry whose sons were sent abroad beyond the sea, to study, and acquire learning, either at Paris, Rheims, Doway, Rome, &c. And also what servants were sent abroad.

This visitation was authorized by a proclamation, set forth in the said month of January, for revocation of sundry her majesty’s subjects remaining beyond sea under colour of study, and as lived contrary to the laws of God and the realm: and also against retaining of Jesuits, and massing-priests, sowers of sedition, and other treasonable attempt; the tenor whereof was, “That the queen was given to understand, that certain colleges and societies under the name of seminaries had been of late years erected by the bishop of Rome, as well in that city of Rome as in the dominions of other princes; especially for the subjects of her kingdoms and dominions; with intent and purpose to train and nourish them up in false and erroneous doctrine: by which means divers of her good and faithful subjects had been thereby perverted, not only in matters of religion, but also drawn from the acknowledgment of their natural duties unto her highness as their prince and sovereign, and had been made instruments in some wicked practices, tending to the disquiet of the realm and other her majesty’s dominions; yea, to the moving of rebellion within their natural countries: “That she thought it very expedient, as a thing appertaining chiefly to a Christian prince, to have a special care to see her subjects trained up in truth and Christian religion, grounded merely upon the word of God, and not upon men’s fancies and vain traditions; to use all means of prevention that might tend to the remedy thereof.

Wherefore she did straitly charge and command all such her subjects, as had their children, wards, kinsfolk, or any other, over whom they had special charge, or to whom they did contribute to their maintenance and relief, remaining in the parts beyond the seas, to give notice, within ten days after the publishing of this present proclamation, not only unto the ordinary, the names of such, their children, wards, or kinsfolks, or such other to whom they had given any aid for their charges, as should be beyond the seas, at the time of the publication hereof, without her majesty’s special licence remaining in force, and not expired; but should also procure a return of them within the space of four months after notice given by the said proclamation. And then the persons, and other persons aforesaid, immediately upon the return of their children and other persons, to give knowledge thereof unto the bishop or ordinary.

And in case they returned not upon the knowledge of this her highness’s pleasure, given by the said parents and other persons aforesaid, not to yield them any contribution or relief, directly or indirectly; nor should be privy to, or conceal the contribution of any other, without disclosing the same to the bishop or ordinary, upon pain of her highness’s displeasure, and further punishment, as for their contempt therein might justly be laid upon them. “That it should not be lawful, after six days expired, for any merchant, or other whatsoever, by way of exchange or otherwise, to exchange, convey, or deliver, or procure any money or other relief, to or for the maintenance of any person beyond the seas, which by the intent of this proclamation were prohibited to have or receive any out of her majesty’s dominions, upon pain of her highness’s displeasure, and such further punishment as might be imposed on the offenders in that behalf for such their contempt and offence. “That it should not be lawful for any, of any degree or quality whatsoever, to depart out of the realm, without the queen’s special licence. “That her majesty was given to understand, that divers of her subjects trained up in the said colleges and seminaries beyond the seas, whereof some carried the name of Jesuits, under the colour of a holy name, to deceive and abuse the simpler sort; and were lately repaired into this realm by special direction from the Pope and his delegates; with intent not only to corrupt and pervert her good and loving subjects in matter of conscience and religion, but also to draw them from their loyalty and duty of obedience, and to provoke them so much as shall lie in them, to attempt somewhat to the disturbance of the present quiet; and through the goodness of Almighty God, and her majesty’s provident government, this realm hath for many years enjoyed. “She therefore, foreseeing the great mischief that might ensue by such like instruments, whereof experience hath been of late seen in the realm of Ireland, did therefore notify unto her subjects, that if any of them, or any other within her highness’s dominions, after the publishing of this present proclamation, did receive, maintain, succour, or relieve any Jesuit, seminary man, massing priests, or other persons aforesaid, come, or which should come, or be sent into this realm, or any other her dominions; or should not discover the receiving and harbouring of them, or any such vagrant persons as might be justly suspected to be of such quality and ill condition; as also in case they should remain with them at the time of the said publication, or afterwards, should not bring them before the next justice, to be by him committed to the common gaol, or before other public officer; to the end they might in like sort be committed, and forthcoming to be examined, and to receive such punishment, as by her majesty shall be thought meet according to their deserts: then they should be reputed as maintainers and abettors of such rebellious and seditious persons; and receive for the same their contempt such severe punishment, as by the laws of the realm, and her highness’s princely authority, might be inflicted upon them. “And that if any other her subjects at any time certainly know any such persons repaired into this realm for the purpose aforenamed, and therefore give knowledge to any of her majesty’s officers or ministers, whereby either they may be or shall be taken and apprehended by the said officers; then the informer or utterer shall have her highness’s reward for every such person by him or them disclosed and apprehended, such sum of money, as shall be an honourable due reward for so good service; besides her majesty’s most hearty thanks for the discharge of their duty in that behalf. “Provided nevertheless, that it shall be lawful to and for factors and agents for any lawful merchants, in their trades and merchandise in any parts beyond seas, and for mariners in their necessary voyages, to pass.and remain beyond the seas without incurring any manner of contempt, so long as they should be employed about such their voyages and merchandising, &c. Given at her majesty’s palace of Westminster, the 10th of January, in the twenty-third of her majesty’s most noble reign.”

As many seminaries and mass-priests, and such like, were, by means of the former proclamation and search, taken up this year, and committed to prison; so care was taken that conferences might be held with them, to convince and reclaim them. And such as were, had not only their liberty, but other favours shewed them. One of these thus conferred with and reclaimed was John Nicolls, a Jesuit, late a prisoner in the Tower, now become a preacher. And his condition being but needy, having left his former practice, whence his subsistence came, such was the kindness of the court, that the lord chancellor Bromley, and the lord treasurer Burghley, and others of the council, sent to the archbishop in his behalf, that some collection might be made for him. And a contribution was accordingly made for him by the bishops of the province. For further knowledge whereof, I refer the reader to the Life of Archbishop Grindal.

But the emissaries of the pope were so exceeding busy at this time, and especially in the parts about Shropshire, and the counties thereabouts, that conferences were not enough to bring these men to a better mind towards religion and their country; and more rigorous methods were required; and particularly an ecclesiastical commission: which therefore the bishop of Coventry and Litchfield now called for. It was not unknown to the queen and her council, how dangerous a condition those parts there were in, by reason of recusants. And therefore had directed their letters to him in October the last year, for searching out and certifying the recusants within his diocese. And for better execution of that service, to join with him some other in commission, within the counties of Warwick, Darby, and Salop.

But the bishop being now in London, it being parliament time, and for other lets, could not go down into the country, He therefore sent copies of those lettens to the other commissioners that were in the country and withal sent his own letters unto them for their careful performance of their duties.

Afterwards he received a certificate of their proceedings from them that were appointed for one of these countries, viz. Salop, which now in April he sent to the lord treasurer to be perused at his pleasure. And by him to be imparted to the rest of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council, when he should see cause. And in this one country, which was one of the best and most conformable parts of his diocese, there was near one hundred detected and presented for recusancy. And some of the gentlemen in commission wrote in their private letters to him, that they could get but four only to be bound, [to their good abearing or appearance,] the rest refusing most obstinately to come before them. Whereupon the bishop put it to him, the said lord treasurer, what great need they should have of the high commission in that country, and other shires of his diocese, worse than that: which he left to his honourable consideration.

He added; “That he knew his lordship should hardly have leisure to look over these matters at that busy time. Nevertheless, he thought it his part, as soon as it came to his hand, to send the same unto him. That he had yet heard nothing from the other commissioners for the other countries. But he did heartily recommend two of the commissioners for Shropshire to his lordship, being bound, as he wrote, to interpose his censure and judgment of them that had done this work: which was, that as he had heretofore heard great commendations of them for their wisdom and zeal in all godly and Christian affairs, so at this time they deserved no less, but a great deal more, for their great pains and good order that they had taken in this matter, and wished that they might hear of it from their lordships, to the better encouraging them in such their serviceable and dutiful travail; being, as it should seem, not only forward in affection of mind, but also able for their skill and learning, to perform any greater service that they might be called unto. “And being desirous to go down into the country, to join with them in this so needful cause, he earnestly beseeched his lordship to use a means to her majesty to give him leave to depart, without any further leave taking, the case standing with him as it did: for that indeed his house had been somewhat hardly visited with that loathsome disease, [the p!ague, it seems.] Commending, in the mean time, his causes to his friends to follow, and the means to him and the earl of Leicester, and the success to God.” This was writ from Chelsea. These causes seem to be concerning his claim to the ancient episcopal jurisdiction over the city of Litchfield; which the citizens were endeavouring to resume to themselves against the bishop: which we shall hear more of under the year ensuing. And likewise a contest about the chancellorship of the diocese between the bishop and one Beacon, who pretended a right to that preferment; and who brought the cause before the privy-council: which matter is related elsewhere.

Several schismatics and men of heterodox opinions shewed themselves this year. The chief of these was Robert Browne, the separatist, at St. Edmond’s Bury; and Handson, a preacher that blowed up coals of innovation; inveighing against the Communion Book, the order of church government, and the laws of the realm established. These were taken notice of by the bishop of Norwich, and others in the ecclesiastical commission, as hath been shewed before: and of Browne more may be seen in the Life of Archbishop Parker, if this Browne be the same with him.

There was also Randal, a minister of the diocese of Exeter, of the family of love; of whom before.

There was also now one J.B. in London, a libertine, whose principles were shewn in a little book that came forth this year, in answer to diverse assertions and strange doctrines of the libertines; viz. that the first table of the law taught us our duty towards Christ’s godhead; and the second table, our duty towards Christ’s manhood. That Christ was the Samaritan that helped the wounded man mentioned in St. Luke. That faith was the light of the soul. That the tree of knowledge of good and evil in paradise was a figure of God’s law. That the tree of life was a figure of God’s gospel. [As though men’s fancy was to allegorize every matter of fact related in scripture.] That the flaming sword was a figure of the threatenings and justice of God. That the water in baptism was not a holy water in respect that it was applied to a holy use. That the ordinary and common washing among the Turks and Jews was the same to them that baptism was to us.

That nothing can be counted holy, unless it be perfect. That Christ in his human soul descended into the place of torment, appointed for the wicked, called hell. That the place of hell is in the centre; that is, the middle of the earth. That it is utterly evil for the elect, to think, speak, or hear of the fear of God.

Further, that papists, puritans, protestants, and the family of love be utterly deceived, and in the state of condemnation, save he alone, [that asserted these tenets,] and those that took part with him. That no outward thing, as the works of sanctification, unfeigned forgiveness of others, or such like, can be pledges, either to ourselves or others, of our election. That we may as well say, Christ is flesh of our flesh, and bone of our bone, as to say, We are flesh of his flesh, and bone of his bone. That the word kingdom in the Lord’s Prayer is to be understood only of the kingdom of love and mercy, and not the kingdom of justice and power. That Christ did not fully finish our redemption upon the cross: but that he suffered somewhat afterwards.

That the last words which Christ spake upon the. cross were these, My God, rny God, why hast thou forsaken me? That all the Jews generally should be called to the knowledge of God. That the word sacrament is not to be found in the scripture: and therefore not to be used; but the word record: which he went about to prove from 1 John v.7,8. That there will come a time wherein there shall be no need of sacraments in this life. The reason, because there will be such multitudes converted, that there shall be no leisure to minister the sacraments unto them. That it is hypocrisy for one Christian to reprove another for swearing, or any such other offence: which he called but trifles.

The answerer, T.W. digested these tenets into twenty articles, and gave distinct confutation to each: and tells us, “That he was acquainted with this libertine, J.B. nine or ten years. From whom he heard these and many such cursed conclusions: as, that there was not need to pray; especially for forgiveness of sins: and that if we keep ourselves within our castle, Christ, nothing that we can commit in this flesh can be sin unto us. And if now sith we are married to Christ, there are no more men, because all are become women.” Books he penned, which this answerer calleth beastly. One he entitled his Music ; another his Ax, and adds, “That might they be brought to light, and other such like books, the world should then see a whole sea of such like absurdities and falsehoods broached and shed abroad.”

But when these wild tenets and assertions were charged upon him, he shifted them off, by denying that he had said them, though T.W. the answerer, and others, had 1 heard many of them from his mouth. But, saith the answerer, it was a practice among those sectaries to say and 4 unsay.

And so did this libertine broach many wild doctrines which he disavowed and denied when charged with them, though they were spoken in the hearing of a great many. “And so experience had taught,” added he, “that it had been the very use of sundry heretics, as in old time the Presilianists, and in these days the family of love, to say and unsay.” And therefore he advised the godly Christian not to credit this or that erroneous person, upon a bare denial of their untruths; but, for the better sifting of them, to require a plain and open confession of the contrary truths. This answerer speaks in his epistle of swarms of atheists, epicures, anabaptists, Pelagians, and the family of love, which that present corrupt age unhappily hatched, and overmuch cherished.

See divers more of these speculations of the libertines, in the second volume of the Annals, under the year 1579. And by comparing those with these, it may appear they did not agree in one set of uniform principles, but varied according to their conceits and enthusiastical flights.

Very earnest and diligent now also were the other sort of the disaffected to the church established; namely, against the episcopal government of the church, and the usages and ceremonies required and practised in it, as antichristian. How averse their minds were to these matters, may appear by a prayer they set forth the twenty-third of the queen, set at the end of one of their books. Which ran in these words: “O Lord God! grant for thy mercy’s sake, that as Jehoshaphat, in the third year of his reign, destroyed the high places and groves out of Judah, and sent his princes and priests, and gave them the book of the Lord [law] with them to reform religion by; and so fear came upon every city, that they made not war against Jehoshaphat: so, Lord, we humbly beseech thee to strengthen the queen’s highness with thy holy Spirit, that in the twenty-third year of her reign she may cast down all the high places of idolatry within her land, with the popish canon law, and all superstition and commandments of men: and to pluck up all filthy ceremonies pertaining to the same. And that her highness may send forth her princes and ministers, and give them the book of the Lord. That thereby they may bring home the people of God to the purity and truth of the apostolic church. And then shall the fear of the Lord come upon every city and country; that they shall not make war against our Jehoshaphat. The very enemies that be without, shall be compelled to bring presents to her grace. “Thus, O Lord, grant, that her highness may not only have a happy, long, and prosperous reign, with peace of conscience, in this life; but also in the life to come, her highness may enjoy, by the merits and death of Christ our Saviour, life everlasting. To which, with the Father “and the Holy Ghost, be all honour and glory, for ever and ever, Amen . “And let all her majesty’s true subjects say, Amen.” By which prayer it appeareth what opinion these new reformers had of this church at this time, notwithstanding the reformation of it: holding it as corrupt by idolatry and superstition as the Jewish church was when Jehoshaphat first entered upon the reformation of it. This prayer is set at the end of a book then set forth, entitled, A view of An. tichrist, &c. in our English church unreformed.

To which I will add another composition of Thomas Wilcock and John Field, set at the end of a book of theirs, called, A confession of faith, entitled, a prayer for the faithful. Viz. “0 Lord God, and most merciful Father! We beseech thee, for the honour of thy holy name, to defend us from the antichrist of Rome, and from all his detestable enormities, manners, laws, garments, and ceremonies. Destroy the counsels of all papists and atheists, enemies of the gospel, and of this realm of England.

Disclose their mischief, and subtile practices. Confound their devices. Let them be taken in their own wilinesses. And strengthen all those that maintain the cause and quarrel of thy gospel, with invincible force and power of thy holy Spirit. So that though they be destitute at any time of worldly aid and comfort, that yet they fail not to proceed and go forward toward that true godliness commanded by thy holy word, with all simplicity and sincerity, to thy honour and glory, the comfort of thine elect, and the confusion of thine enemies. Through Christ, our Lord and Saviour. Amen . Amen . And say from the heart, Amen .”

CHAPTER 5.

University matters. Tenets of Baro, Margaret professor at Cambridge. Contest between him and Chaderton about them. A bachelor of arts makes an invective against the duke d’Anjou.

Called before the vice-chancellor. His letter to their chancellor.

One in Trinity college in trouble. Caius college. Number of students in Cambridge. Sheriffs of Oxon, their oath. Sheriffs’ favour to schoolmasters. Mulcaster, a schoolmaster. Winchester college, their address to the queen. Lincoln’s Inn chooses Chark for their preacher. NOW to look over into our universities, and among the learned there.

Peter Baro, a Frenchman by birth, was now lady Margaret professor at Cambridge; whose doctrine about universal redemption somewhat varied from, or thwarted some of the articles received in the church of England, as some of the learned there thought: among the rest, Lawrence Chaderton, B.D. fellow of a college there; who preached publicly against those tenets of that professor, in a sermon; of which William Dillingham (in a book writ of the said Chaderton’s life, printed anno 1700) gives this account: “That his nova dogmata, brought with him into England, dissonant from the truth and doctrine of the church of England, he refuted in a sermon, being then bachelor of divinity. For which Baro cited him into the consistory, before the vice-chancellor and other heads, by arguments written by him in his own defence. Which Chaderton learnedly and acutely answered.”

Baro’s theses were these: Primus Dei amor est de natura fidei justificantis.

Fides justificans praecipitur in Decalogo.

Chaderton defended the contrary. But afterwards they seemed each of them to come nearer to one another by softer words; and yet both abounding in their own sense. These writings of Chaderton, Dillingham, the writer of his life, tells us, he found in searching certain old scrinia of the university; which he delivered afterwards to the university, to be preserved among their (keimh>lia ). In the conclusion he thus declared himself to the heads; “That God was witness, that in these cases he neither publicly nor privately spake any thing, either out of a study of contradiction, or with any mind of speaking evil of any man, but only publicly to teach and defend the true doctrine of the church of England, (of which he professed himself a member, though the least of all,) that had been impugned by a man, however dear to him: especially the sense of the place of scripture, which he took for his text, requiring it.”

How the matter of that controversy stood, and how the case came before the chancellor of the university and the archbishop of Canterbury, divers years after, and Baro’s troubles, may be read at large in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift, under the year 1595.

As monsieur, the French king’s brother, was here, courting the queen, which was not acceptable to very many in the kingdom, so neither to some in the universities. We have heard of the Gaping Gulph, wherein England was like to be devoured; a book writ by Stubbs; for which he was punished with the loss of his right hand. So here a bachelor of arts, sir Morden of Peterhouse, ventured to declaim in the schools against the said monsieur.

In whose speech were such bold expressions, that it soon came to the ears of Dr. Perne, the vice-chancellor. Who calling the heads together, sent for the scholar, and his oration, and committed him to prison. And withal, that no displeasure might be taken by the queen against the university, he addressed a letter to the lord Burghley, their chancellor, acquainting him with the whole matter. And then desired to know his pleasure in this affair.

But, like a tender patron of the scholar, he mitigated, as much as he could, the crime, in respect of the person; who was of a melancholic disposition, and loved a solitary life. And withal giving the chancellor the cause the scholar gave of his speech, to be, only to exercise his oratory in imitation of Tully.

But the vice-chancellor’s letter unfolds at large, and more particularly, this cause. Which ran to this tenor: “That whereas there was a young man in Cambridge, a bachelor of arts, of Peter-house, called sir Morden, who in his problem kept in the logic schools, the 28th of April, had very lewdly in his oration inveighed against monsieur. As soon as he [the vice-chancellor] had understanding of it, he immediately sent a beadle for him, and for his oration, and for such bachelors as were present, to come before him in the consistory, in the presence of certain of the heads of the colleges and doctors, that were then with him in the regent house at a congregation. Before whom, after that he had read part of the said oration, seeing it was made as an invective against monsieur, he demanded of the said Morden, What he did mean so wickedly, and like a madman, to abuse any manner of person, much more so noble a prince, and in that place, contrary to the order of the schools, and contrary to all godliness, honesty, and wisdom? That he answered, He did it for exercise of the imitation of Tully. The which answer (as the vice-chancellor writ,) did appear in some part to be true, by the sentences and phrases taken out of Tully’s orations contra Verrem et Catilinam; but wickedly, and without all discretion applied against monsieur. For the which he took it his duty to commit him to prison, till he knew further of his [the said chancellor’s] pleasure, after that his lordship had seen the said lewd and slanderous oration against such a noble prince at this time; and also till his honour should understand of the state of the said bachelor, who had no living in Cambridge, and was of no credit or estimation any way: for that he was well known, both in the college and otherwise, to be so greatly troubled with melancholy, that he had lived almost solitary, without any discretion; or troubled in his wits greatly: and having a great weaning of his own wit and learning, appeared puffed up with vainglory and madness, had played this mad part, worthy of such correction, as should be thought convenient to his honour’s wisdom, for his wicked and slanderous oration; though he were of no wisdom, as appeared evidently by the same; nor yet of any credit or estimation. “Thus being right heartily sorry (as he went on) to trouble your honour at this time any kind of way, I pray Almighty God to direct you with his holy Spirit in all your honourable and weighty affairs.

And then he concluded with some account of the present state of that university, in respect of the scholars’ habits, and the decency and sobriety of their behaviour; which had been disorderly before, and complained of: and concerning some controversies with the townsmen: all was now, by his, their chancellor’s care and advice, in peace, quiet, and good order. As the vice-chancellor proceeded in his letter: “That all other things were very well and in good order in the university, both for the exercise of learning, and also for comeliness in apparel, and manners of scholars, as it was this prox. [last] year. And the town and they had agreed well of all those things wherein they craved his honour’s help. And that for the which they were daily bound to pray to Almighty God, for his honour’s long preservation in all godly prosperity. From Cambridge, the 29th of April, 1581.

Subscribing, Your honour’s daily orator, Andrew Perne.” The bearer of this letter was Mr. Nevil, senior proctor of the university.

There is also a remark I have to make of another scholar of this university, namlely, one Medolph, a fellow of Trinity college: who had maintained some opinions, that touched upon the church of England, as it seemed, and of savouring some odd and dangerous principles against the state of it. For which he was called before the master and fellows, and required his answer to what he had asserted. But not giving them that satisfaction they required, they did resolve to deprive him of his fellowship. But the lord Burghley, that university’s compassionate chancellor, hearing this, reckoned they had proceeded too rigorously against him. And therefore loath, that a young scholar, and hopeful person, should be thus exposed to need, and thrown out of a place of study, and improvement of himself in literature, resolved to have the cause brought before him, to hear it: and required the articles against him to be brought to him. Whose humane, discreet, and wise letter to the master and fellows deserves to be here repeated. “After my hearty commendations. Where I am given to understand, by some personages of good regard, that you have lately intended the deprivation of one Medolph, fellow of your house, for some opinions maintained by him, wherewith he was charged, and whereto, as it seemeth, he hath not by his answer satisfied you; as believing, and thought by you, sufficient to answer his accusation: being peradventure more hardly construed than his meaning was by the same answer, if the same were to be interpreted indifferently, and according to his meaning: and though haply the offence of the said Medolph may be very great herein, and deserving punishment, yet seeing the proceeding of you against him in so high a degree as deprivation, is as great a punishment as can be inflicted upon the greatest disordered persons in any society; whereto it is thought this his offence cannot any way come near; and being as great a punishment in such a civil government, as death to a malefactor and infringer of the laws in his kind: “I cannot think it convenient, neither do I allow in a society professing Christian society and charity, any such extreme punishment to be imposed upon any, especially being fellow, and of account and credit, in a public university and society, as yours is, without greater and more urgent cause thereto, than I understand.

And therefore, or ever you shall proceed to the publication of your deprivation against him, I am to, and hereby do, require you to stay the same, until such time as you shall have sent up to me the articles wherewith you charge the said Medolph, and whereto he hath made his answers, that do not satisfy you: that it may be considered how far his offence shall deserve such strict punishment, or mitigation, as shall be thought to answer the quality of his offence; or that he may be induced by fairer means to satisfy you. “And if you shall have any further or other matter to charge the said Medolph with, than this, to which he hath made answer, you shall do well likewise to send the same up, to be likewise considered of.

For my meaning is so to temper this cause, as neither I would have any error or offensive opinions maintained against the state of our church; neither yet would I that every opinion misconceived, or opinion that may by argument be misinterpreted offensive, should so sharply be punished, as I know deprivation is to a poor student and scholar; whose reformtion were to be otherwise sought, in a case of no greater weight than, as I am informed, this is.”

What the opinion of this man was, that varied from, or was opposite to the doctrine or practice of the church, I find not; but the wisdom of the chancellor, and his care, as of the university in general, so of every member thereof in particular, brightly appears in this his letter.

Dr. Legg of this university, master of Caius college, was popishly affected; and bred up young gentlemen, his pupils, in popish and disloyal principles.

And many gentlemen in the north, that were Romanists, or that way disposed, sent their children and relations to him for their education; who sent them back strengthened more in popery. Sandys, the good archbishop of York, knew this, and sent an earnest letter this year to the lord treasurer, to inform him thereof; and to be a means to stop Legg from taking any more pupils, to prevent his infusing bad principles into them. The archbishop’s letter is.transcribed, and may be read in the former volume of the Annals.

A paper was sent up, as it seems, to the high chancellor of this university, giving an account of the numbers of the professors and students thereof; and what need there was of more encouragement for them, considering their numbers. It began at this year, 1581, and so to the year 1588: viz. “Anno 1581, Numbers of all the preachers in Cambridge. Their numbers amounted to 131. “Numbers of all the readers and auditors of every lecture in Cambridge amounted to 1862.”

The year uncertain, but not long after the former: “Students within the colleges of Cambridge, 1950. Graduates, 657. Preachers, almost all unprovided for, 122. Besides many which be ready to be employed. “Of these there be poor students, which be very godly and painful; and for lack of exhibition shall be forced to forsake their studies, 269. “May it please you to consider of their relief; and to give intelligence of your liberalities herein to Mr.Dean of Paul’s. By whom, with the assistance of some others, it shall be well bestowed.”

By which address it appears, that the foregoing account of the numbers of the learned men and scholars there, was sent up in order to encourage their studies; that the church might be furnished with able persons and men of learning; the want of which was the great complaint of these times. And for this purpose a liberal contribution was made among well disposed persons; and especially in the city of London; and the dean of Paul’s appointed the treasurer.

The former list ends at the year 1588. “Scholars, professors, and auditors in that university, then were in number 1671.”

Controversies between the university of Oxford and the townsmen, continued sharply from the year 1575 to this present year, (unless pacified for a while,) by the favourable countenance and determination of the lord treasurer, were composed; and particularly about every high sheriff of the county, to be obliged, in the entrance upon his office, to take an oath to uphold and defend the ancient statutes, privileges, and customs thereof.

For this his singular and seasonable favour, they, in the name of the university, sent him an epistle of great thanks, their long troubles with their neighbours being now at an end, by his means. Wherein they acknowledge his favour shewed them; particularly in two things, viz. in vindicating their ancient privileges, which had been a mightily opposed by the juries of the citizens; and that he ordered, that the sheriffs of Oxford, according as they were wont, and ought, should swear to the observation of their statutes, and to the defence and safeguard of them. Beginning their letter with the happiness of the other university in such a patron of them and their studies, as he was: Quam sit beata et felix respublica literaria (illustrissime domine) quod te virum prudentia ornatum singulari, et summa praeditum authoritate nacta sit patronum et defensorem, testis est non illa modo Cantabrigiensis academia, &c. That is, “How blessed and happy the commonwealth of learning “was in him, a person adorned with singular prudence, and “endued with chief authority, its patron and defender, the “university of Cambridge was witness; which happily en”joyed rest and quiet under his patronage,” &c. Among the expressions to set forth their thanks, they promise him, that they would never be overcome by his own Cambridge in loving and honouring him, and in all kind of duty, satisfying his honour in any thing, and at any time they might shew it. But I leave the whole copy of that university’s letter in the Appendix.

This letter was written in June; and not many months’ after, viz. in November, they address to him again, when a new sheriff was to enter upon his office; of whose backwardness to such an oath, to maintain their liberties, as above, they were jealous. They now sent him up a copy of their statute relating to the sheriff of Oxford; and prayed him to oblige the said sheriff, that there might be no delay or procrastination in the swearing him in that behalf. The letter was as followeth: Statutum est (honoratissime vir) ut vicecomes, ejusque vicem gerens,juramentum praestaret de observandis academiae nostrae privilegiis. Quoniamque jam tempus instat, quo senescenti veteri novus est successor sufficiendus, cujus de juramento anxii sumus, et soliciti; ab amplitudine tua supplices rogamus, ut subvenias huic nostrae solicitudini. Non erubescimus id a te per literas petere humillime, quod nobis omnium maximum sit, et maxime necessarium. Honori tuo nostra omnia commendatissima esse cupimus: tum nihil magis, quam ne tempus exigendi hujus sacramenti, aut omittotur, aut prorogetur. Omnis enim procrastinatio periculi plena. Hoc, quod feliciores maturioresque habeat successus; te, tuum honorem, tuam vitam, salutem, cogitationes, consilia, Divini Numinis majestati et bonitati, commendamus. Oxon. 14to. kalendas Decemb. anno salutis 1581.

Honoris tui studiosissima, Academia Oxon.

For the statute which the university sent up with the former letter, being their charter granted them 29 Edw. III. for the sheriff’s oath, I betake the reader to the Appendix, where the copy of it is reposited.

From the universities, I pass on to a passage or two which I meet with, falling in this year, concerning the instructors of youth in schools of lesser eminence. The favour shewn to schoolmasters in these times was remarkable, being commonly freed from taxes and ordinary payments, and had exemptions from personal services; commonly charged upon other subjects. Which Richard Mulcaster, an eminent schoolmaster in London, in his Elementary, (a book of his setting forth the next year,) called,”the munificence, and that extraordinary, of our princes and parliaments towards their whole order [of schoolmasters] in the country’s behalf.” But it seems, in a subsidy given the queen about this year, or the next, some that were assessors had cessed all schoolmasters, though it was not done before; or at least starting a question about it, upon some quarrel against some few of them: and so seeking the damage of all. Which Mulcaster styled, “scant charitable dealing the damages of a number, by quarrel to some few.” But upon this, the schoolmasters make an humble address to sir Walter Mildmay, chancellor of the exchequer, sir Roger Manwood, lord chief baron of the court of exchequer, Ro.Sute, John Clinch,.and John Sotherton, esqrs, barons of the exchequer; beseeching them, for the common benefit of a number of poor men, to favour them in this matter.

Whereupon it pleased them to take the cause to protection; and to construe the statute both as the parliament men did mean it, and as they had still enjoyed it, to the common benefit of their whole company. Upon which that writer concluded, “That this their great goodness to the favour of their order, as it deserved at their hands an honourable remembrance, so it bound them further to the common care, for the which they had been favoured.”

I come now to note a mark of the queen’s regard to colleges of learning and religion, by what happened to Winchester college. She had this year requested a favour of the warden of that college; which was, that they would grant her a long lease of the rectory of Downton, in their gift. With which she intended to gratify Mr.Wilks, clerk of her council, and one who by embassies and messages had well deserved of her. This the college could not tell how to deny the queen, though the fear of such like grants for the future did discourage them; only the queen had graciously promised them, that it should be no precedent, and that she intended now to make no such requests of them at any time hereafter. They humbly and readily granted her letter; but withal put her in mind of making good that promise, by some assurance from her. Their letter to her may deserve our reading. It is as followeth: “May it please your most excellent majesty, answering the request of your majesty’s letter, and our willing and most dutiful disposition and promise to accomplish the same. We, the warden, fellows, and scholars, clerks of this college, have sealed and confirmed the lease unto your highness for forty years, of the parsonage and rectory of Downton, in the county of Wilts. The rather, our duties with all humility considered, for that we are given to understand, that the said lease is by your majesty intended to be conferred on Mr. Wilks, one of the clerks of your majesty’s most honourable privy-council, in consideration of his service done unto your majesty and the realm. Which, with our said duties, we have herein specially considered: and do most humbly desire and beseech your most excellent majesty, that this our grant may, for the time to come, by your majesty’s princely affection towards the maintenance of learning, be a sutficient occasion to make a stay of the like suits to be hereafter tendered by any person of your highness. So as our hope conceived, and your majesty’s promise thereunto most graciously yielded, may by your highness’s special letters be effectually signified, to remain with us, as a particular act of your majesty’s most gracious good meaning: to discharge us of the hazard of the decay of our maintenance, the hurting of so worthy a foundation, and the burden of our consciences, being sworn to the preservation thereof, as far forth as the authority of our founder might extend; and our oath as dutiful subjects may be measured by your majesty, and the laws of your realm in that behalf provided. “And therefore, with the performance of our duties and profession, as is before mentioned, we do eftsones most humbly, and with all dutiful submission, very earnestly desire your most excellent majesty to have a gracious consideration of our present estate, and as a true mother of all virtuous and good learning, to yield unto a speedy defence against all other attempts, as may be, to the opening of so large a gap, as, by this our extraordinary grant unto your majesty, may hereafter, by your authority, be entered into: wherein hoping to find your majesty our gracious good lady, we beseech Almighty God to preserve you in health and happiness, long to reign over us, to the overthrow of your enemies, and the comfort of us all, your dutiful subjects. From your college near Winchester, this 13th of March.

Your majesty’s most humble and obedient subjects, the warden and fellows, and scholars, clerks of St. Mary’s college of Winchester.”

Lincoln’s Inn, another society of learned men of another science, had not yet a constant preacher fixed among them, as other of the inns of court had. And they were in this; or near this year, resolving upon some able preacher to officiate among them in that quality. Mr.Chark of Cambridge, late of Peter-house, was the man they inclined to. But he was a person disaffected to the habits of the clergy, and to the present government of the church by metropolitans, archbishops, bishops, &c. which he had openly preached against in St.Mary’s, Cambridge, some years before: and was now in the household of the duchess of Somerset; and esteemed for his good parts and eloquence. But first the society had moved Mr. Charderton, an eminent man of Cambridge, and Mr. Reynolds, another man of note in Oxford, to be their preacher; but they were not minded to leave their present places. But then Chark was next in their view. And in order to that they applied themselves to the bishop of London, for his approbation and allowance of him: which he refused not, as knowing his abilities. But withal, advising them to apply to the lords of the council for their allowance first, as not willing to admit him of his own sole authority: which accordingly they did, by using the interest of some person at court, that had been of their society, to procure some of the lords to approve of the said Chark to be their preacher. And accordingly wrote a letter to him for that purpose; which was to this tenor: “Where we have been a long time desirous to have a preacher in our house, like as in other houses of court; and having made offers to divers, as, to Mr.Charderton, Mr.Reynolds, and others, could not procure them thither, by reason they are not willing to leave the places and charges they are in already, and thereupon have at length chosen Mr.Chark, we have thought good to acquaint the bishop therewith, to the end we might have his lordship’s allowance therein; who, although for his own part he doth very well like of Mr.Chark for many good gifts in him, whereof also himself remembered some particulars, and gave him his very good commendations, yet he wished the lords to be made acquainted therewith. To the end that their good allowance and approbation might concur with his, for Mr.Chark’s better encouragement and countenance in that place. And forasmuch as we are desirous thereof ourselves, and consider that you are (as we do all account you) one of us, we have thought good to use your good means in procuring some letters from the lords and others, to such effect as may seem good to their lordships. Wherein we would have been ready to have given our own attendance, but that we have so good and ready means as you are, on whom we are bold to lay this burden for this time. And so fare you well. Your loving friends,” &c.

The person to whom this letter was written appears not; yet I verily believe it was either Vincent Skinner or Michael Hicks, both of that society of Lincoln’s Inn, and both secretaries to the lord treasurer Burghley at this time. And so had a greater opportunity of promoting the request of these gentlemen. Who had the success desired from the lords. As appears by their letter to the bishop of London, [bishop Elmer,] as follows. “After our hearty commendations. Where we are given to understand, that the bench of Lincoln’s Inn have made choice of late of Mr.Chark to be their preacher, as other houses of court have likewise done of others; and that your lordship, having been made acquainted therewith, (as in these causes we think is requisite,) have desired, notwithstanding your own good liking, to have some signification of ours also; we, considering the great hope of good to be done by such means in those places, and understanding the ability of Mr.Chark sufficient for that purpose, have thought good to join our good liking to yours, to the furtherance of so good a service, as we hope this will be, to God, and to her majesty. And so we bid your lordship right heartily farewell. Your loving friends,” &c.

This Chark was a puritan, and for the new discipline, and against the government of the church by bishops: of whom you may read more in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift. But perhaps his principles were moderated by this time, and better regulated.

CHAPTER 6.

Edward, earl of Oxford: displeased with the lady his wife. Whence occasioned. Her humble letter to him. Matters between him and the lord Burghley, her father. His three daughters, endowed with lands by lord Burghley. The earl’s debts. Motion made for espousing Anne Cecil and Philip Sidney in their childhoods.)

Elizabeth, the lord treasurer’s other daughter, married to the lord Wentworth’s son. Other motions of marriage for her. Lord Tho.

Paget and his wife part. A note of Manwood, lord chief justice.

Nudigate, steward to the duchess of Somerset, his death; and last will. The duchess, his executrix. A note concerning her. A woman steals: her horrible perjury. A woman deals in necromancy: drowns herself. NOW for a few more private and domestic matters, that fell out within this year.

The lord Burghley, lord treasurer of England, had, divers years before, [viz. 1571,] disposed in marriage his daughter Anne, a lady in the queen’s bed-chamber, to Edward earl of Oxford, that had been his ward. She was a very accomplished and learned lady. William Lewen,LL.D. was her instructor in learning. And when he had desired of the lord treasurer, her father, some certain place and employment, she also writ to him, her letter dated at Wivenhoe, a seat of the earl’s, in Lewen’s behalf; and prayed her father to recommend him to the queen, to translate into Latin, from our mother tongue, the works of bishop Jewel; and that he was very desirous to employ his pen therein: and this, that he might become known to her majesty. In Lewen’s letter to the lord treasurer, he styled her, Mea, mei studiosissima, hera, in respect of her kindness and good-will towards him: and in respect of her own ingenuity and virtue, he commended her in these words; Hera mea, et ingenii et naturae bonitas, a te quidem, ipso patre, hausta: i.e. My lady, the goodness of whose both wit and nature is from you, her father, derived.

Well, this for her character. Her father advancing her by her marriage to the title of countess; here was honour for her, yet little contentment. For he soon proved unkind to her, an excellent well deserving lady, and most dear to her father: the earl having taken some exceptions to the lord Burghley; as in not procuring him some place and other favours from the queen. So that in disgust he soon absented himself from her, and went abroad to travel. The main cause was, he was very extravagant, and had run out.

Endeavours were now made to make up matters, and beget a reconciliation between him and his lady; whom he now pretended some jealousy of, or some other crime, whereof she, a very virtuous woman, was altogether innocent. Which in how humble and obliging a manner she avowed the same, and how desirous of his return to her, her letter from her father’s house, whither she was now retired, will shew. Which ran in these words: “My lord, in what misery may I accuse myself to be, that neither can see any end thereof, nor yet any hope, how to diminish it? And now of late having some hope in my own conceit, that your lordship would have renewed some part of your favour that you began to shew me this summer, when you made me some assurance of your good meaning, though you seemed fearful how to shew it by open actions. Now after long silence of hearing any thing from you, at the length I am informed, (but how truly I know not, and yet how uncomfortably I do feel it,) that your lordship is entered into some misliking of me, without any cause in deed or thought. “And therefore, my good lord, I beseech you, in the name of that God that knows all my thoughts, and my love towards you, notwithstanding your evil usage of me, let me know the truth of your meaning towards me, upon what cause you are moved to continue me in this misery; and what you would have me do in my power, to recover your constant favour. So as your lordship may not be still led to detain me in calamity, without some probable cause; whereof I appeal to God I am utterly innocent. From my father’s house in Westminster, this 7th of December, 1581.”

To search a little into this earl’s displeasure and discontent with his innocent lady. By this time he had run out a great part of his estate, and was got deep into the queen’s debt; and consorted with such persons whom the queen had a jealousy of, as the family of the Howards, and others popishly affected. So that I find him now committed to his house.

But by his father-in-law the lord Burghley’s interest with the queen, she had promised him his liberty. We may guess at his restraint by the message she sent him by her secretary Walsingham, in these particular points. First, That she would have heard the matter again touching Henry Howard, [who was brother to the late duke of Norfolk, beheaded,] Southwell, and Arundel, [the duke’s son.] Uncertain I am what that matter was; whether a quarrel, or a lawsuit about lands. Secondly, That she understood, he meant to cut down all his woods, especially about his house: which she did not so well like of. As also, That he should sell so many lands elsewhere, as he had done a great many before. And lastly, That she had heard that he had been hardly used by some of his servants during the time of his commitment. Wherein she promised her aid so far as she could with justice, to redress the loss he had sustained thereby.

He had sold lands, among others, to the lord Darcy and sir William Walgrave; and being gotten into the queen’s debt, the lands that he had sold to them were in danger of being extended. And he had entered into bonds to such as had purchased lands of him, to discharge them of all incumbrances. And to those two gentlemen he had entered into statute of great sums for their discharge. But the earl was dilatory, and they had entreated him to discharge her majesty’s debt: and did seem willing at last to bear a burden thereof, if by his means the same might be stalled, and paid at some convenient days. For obtaining this, the earl desired the lord Burghley’s assistance; and that (as he wrote in his letter to him) “for the saving of his honour, and the securing his wife’s jointure.” And this he knew would go a great way with him, her tender father; and that the queen’s not yielding thereto might give a new occasion to the earl to fall out with his countess.

The lord Burghley, perceiving how the earl went on spending, partly mortgaging, and partly selling away his lands and demeans, and also had made sales and leases greatly disadvantageous to himself, sent for one Amyse, his servant, [perhaps his steward,] telling him, that he should take his opportunity to advise his lord to leave the whole management of.his estate to him, the said Amyse, or to some other faithful servant; and to resolve not to treat, or make any bargain with any hereafter himself. But at this, when the earl came acquainted with it, he was highly enraged. And thus expressed himself in the postscript of a letter he had sent to that lord for some considerable favour: “That he now understood the mean opinion he had of him, and the small good-will he bare him. And that though he were nearly allied unto him, yet he meant not to be his ward nor his child.

And that he was free, and scorned to be offered that injury, to think that he was so weak of go. vernment as to be ruled by servants, or not able to govern himself. And that his lordship would leave that course, as hurtful to them both; if he would have him make account of his [the lord Burghley’s] friendship. “As threatening to take another course, if his lordship took that: not thinking fit to take his counsel, that was the wisest counsellor in the nation. This happened in the year 1584.

His lady had three daughters by him; who (with their mother, the countess) lived with the lord Burghley, their grandfather. And who by his last will had left jewels among them, and conveyed lands to each of them; unless by default of issue. And then those lands were to return to his own heirs of his body. But upon the death of that lord, the earl began to stir, and claim to have his daughters, (his countess being now dead too,) probably to finger their estates left them. But this, sir Robert Cecil, the deceased lord Burghley’s son and heir, would not consent to; and was suspicious of the earl’s appointing some rude, violent persons to steal the young ladies from Tybald’s, the house where they were at the death of the lord Burghley, who, though not by his will, yet by word of mouth to Bellot, his steward, and one of his executors, did appoint these his grandchildren, daughters of the earl, to be taken care of, and kept by his son, sir Robert. And this he desired Bellot to tell the earl. And Mainard [who was his secretary] would witness it. So that if the earl should now demand of sir Robert the custody of his children, he ordered the said Bellot thus to answer the earl; That he, or any body besides, could not have them. For that if he looked into the deeds, whereby the lord Burghley had conveyed them these lands, he should find, that for default of issue, the said lands came to the heirs of his body: and whether he, that never gave them a groat, had a second wife, and another child, were a fit guardian to them, he bade him consider it himself. He advised also his said steward, that when he, the said sir Robert, should be at court, attending his office of secretary of state, to have a care these ladies were not stolen away by the earl’s means; and wished they had some honest men there, whilst Bellot was absent from them.

These ladies, by the care of their uncle, sir Robert Cecil, matched honourably; being all countesses by their marriages: viz. Elizabeth, matched with William, earl of Darby; Bridget, with Francis, lord Norris, earl of Barkshire; and Susan, with Philip, earl of Montgomery.

This was the man that “set his patrimony flying,” said the historian in the Life of Queen Elizabeth. Some of his sales may be seen in the Appendix, with the names of the purchasers. And his debts to the queen.

I add but one thing more concerning this lady, Anne, countess of Oxon.

That she and sir Philip Sidney, being both children, earnest motions were made by sir Henry Sidney, his father, and the earl of Leicester, his uncle, might be espoused. And sir William Cecil, her father, accorded upon articles with them upon the match: he to pay such a portion, and sir Henry to make such settlement. The only difference was, that sir Henry and the earl were for making the match firm and absolute between them, though yet but children. But sir William Cecyl, her loving father, could not be drawn to that; but thought it convenient, that both parties should like each other. “In the mean time,” as he told N.White, an intimate friend of his, “As I wish Philip Sidney full liberty, [that is, to make his own choice,] so surely Ann Cecyl shall have it also.”

This year another of the lord treasurer’s daughters, Elizabeth Cecil, was married to William, eldest son of Thomas, lord Wentworth, the last English governor of Calais. This match also unhappy, by the untimely death of her husband, who died within the year; a worthy and hopeful young gentleman.

While this lady was but in her childhood, the lord Burghley, her father, was not without applications of very honourable persons, to match their young sons with her. As appears by letters to him from the lord Buckhurst and the earl of Essex, and offers made him for their sons, in the year 1573. The former propounded his eldest son Robert, and to make his estate worth 2000l . per annum. And if at years of discretion his son liked not of her, he promised 2000 mark towards her portion, to be given within two years after such refusal. Devereux also, earl of Essex, made proffer of his son, lord Ferrers, the same year, to her father. And would assure them mark a year in land, besides the houses, demeans, and parks. And promised to allow his son 100l . or 200 marks by the year for his education, while he was young; and to settle a jointure of 500l. per annum upon his daughter.

And upon their marriage to part with a convenient portion for their maintenance during his own life. And at years of discretion, if the match should not go forward, to give to his daughter 2000l . towards her portion.

He promised likewise, for himself, his fast love and friendship towards his lordship: and adding, that there was an equality sufficient in their years, and no great distance in neighbourhood between Tybald’s and Bennington, [the former the lord Burghley’s seat, and the latter the earl’s, in Hertfordshire.] And that such an occasion might make him like well of his lands in Essex: and where, if God should send him life, he might hereafter shew all offices of friendship to the good countess; [viz. of Oxford; who was often in that county of Essex, where the earl her husband’s demeans lay.] All this the earl of Essex propounded by way of letter from Knockfergus in Ireland; professing to do this to express, the best way he could, his sense of that constant favour and love that that lord had shewn him. And therefore resolved to make the offer of the most sufficient pledge of his goodwill to him; namely, of the discretion, education, and marriage of his eldest son.

But none of these proposals of marriage took effect, the lady, as was said before, having the lord Wentworth’s son for her husband. The wedding was celebrated at Tybald’s with great pomp and abundance three days together, viz. February 26, 27, 28.

A domestic jar happened between the lord Thomas Paget and his wife. He was the son of that great and learned statesman, lord William Paget, employed in places of trust and honour by king Henry VIII. king Edward VI. and queen Mary; and who died at his house in Drayton, and was there honourably interred, in the year 1563. Of this noble lord, and of the use made of him for his great abilities, I have made divers memorials elsewhere. He had two sons, who succeeded their father in the barony, Henry, and this Thomas, unhappy in his wife. So that the differences between them, in fine, came to that point, that this year they were parting asunder, on certain conditions. Wherein this lord obtained the favour of the lord treasurer to be concerned, as a mediator, and at both their desires, the decision left chiefly to him: which that lord expressed in his letter to him, viz. “That he humbly thanked his lordship for the desire he had to be a mediator in his unfortunate case, and which it pleased God it might be better. But that in the mean while this course which they had agreed upon was a less ill than a worse, viz. in living together with continual jars. These articlings (he added) needed not; but that it pleased her to use it for a delay. For if she could tell (said he) what would please herself, this business were soon at an end. And that every day she came in with one new demand or other, and resolved upon nothing. Yet would he ever be ready to do what he should.”

The day before, he received the lord treasurer’s letter, with the articles. To which he returned his answers enclosed: concluding, how sorry he was thus to trouble his lordship. This was dated from London, March 21, 1581.

I set down this note of this lord, being the son of so eminent a person. I add concerning him, that, whether it were out of discontent, or zeal to popery, he fled three or four years after into France, with Charles Arundel, and some others, devoted to the Romish religion, upon one Throgmorton’s commitment about the Scots queen.

I meet this year with a remark upon another person of rank, viz. sir Roger Manwood, lord chief baron: whether the matter were justly charged upon him, I leave to the letter of a gentleman, one Barry, sent to the said lord chief baron from Dover castle: as making use of the queen’s name and authority to get certain lands and possessions into his own hands from the right owners, and some of them minors: for this original and somewhat sharp letter from the said person, I find wrote to him, viz. “My humble duty unto your lordship remembered. Where your lordship hath, by many indirect means, sought to have the tenants lands in Sandhills, and Marshal lands in Sholden and Deal: and now of late, to bring your purpose to pass, you have sent an injunction, to enjoin some of the tenants out of possession, and to bring the same to your hands, or your assignees, by colour of a pretended right of the queen’s majesty to these lands; some part of these lands do concern me in the right of my daughter and her children. The which I am not to depart from, without making her majesty privy to your indirect dealings. At whose hands, he added, that he, doubted not but to find both favour and justice. That it seemed by some speeches his lordship gave out of late, that he might do what he would, not to be undone by any subject in this land. Whereby his lordship made him to call to mind a speech he heard him once utter: which was, that in the Common Place there was all law and no conscience. In the King’s Bench both law and conscience. In the Chancery, all conscience and no law. And in the Chequer, neither law nor conscience. Your lordship (as he concluded) being now judge of that court, I trust there is both law and conscience; or at the least, law. For that you were once one of the justices of the Common Place. “Thus hoping your lordship will not be offended for seeming to maintain my right, and theirs that cannot help themselves, being in minority; ceasing from troubling your lordship; praying to God to turn your heart, or sending you shortly into Abraham’s bosom: to which I think 500 in Kent would rejoice. Amen.

Your lordship’s to command, From Dover Castle, the 6th of Aug. Barry.” This year died Francis Nudigate, esq. that was steward to Anne, duchess of Somerset, widow of Edward, duke of Somerset: who, getting a considerable estate under her, gratefully made her his executrix, and left the main of his substance, or indeed all to her, giving away but few or no legacies; and recommending it to her charity to be liberal to the poor, where need was, and to one or two of her servants, unrewarded as yet.

And because in his will several directions were given her concerning the disposal of something by way of charity, which may deserve a remark, and may leave a grateful and good character of him, I shall rehearse some part of it. It began, “Our help is in God and in his holy name. Into whose hands, by this my last will and testament, I first commend my soul to be saved only by faith in Christ’s bloodshedding. My body to be buried in Hanworth, or elsewhere, as shall please her grace, at her good pleasure. Desiring, and therewithal charging her grace, that it be done without any of those pompous mournings and charges of blacks, as is wonted usually. Chiefly, my mind is, that the poor and prison houses may be somewhat liberally remembered, on her grace’s behalf and mine: and referring the sums to her grace’s good devotion. And according as I have received all my preferment by the duchess’s marriage, so do I, in few words, will and bequeath unto her all that I am able any way to give her. That is to say, all my goods and leases, chattels, plate, jewels, cattle, both horses, mares, geldings, oxen, kine, sheep, corn, housed or sown. And also other household stuff, stock, and stores, &c. Together with all such debts as are at this present, or shall any time hereafter, be due unto me from any person, by bond, covenant, or otherwise. And also to give and bequeath unto my said duchess all, and all manner of lands, both freehold and copyhold, which I have in England, as well that which is not set down herein, but nevertheless that which also follows particularly by name, my house at Canonrow, purchased of the lord Hounsdon, in the city of Westminster, &c. the manor of Littleton, in the county of Middlesex; the manor of Little Ashield, in Surrey, otherwise called Priory Farm, &c. All which I give wholly and fully to my said duchess. Nevertheless my desire is, that her grace will be good to her old servants on my behalf; especially Dickenson, and her clerk Saunders; who have had small preferment for long service. “And unto Saunders my full promise is, to let him have 20 nobles a year, till I provide him a farm for his life and his wife’s; or for years. Which, if God send me life, as I mean to perform, so my will is your grace to accomplish the same. And my further desire is, that her grace do see my niece Besse Saunders brought up and bestowed. “And that your grace bestow some rings, as remembrance, &c. “And thus committing all things to my said duchess; whom I make my full and sole executrix of this my last will and testament. Dated at Hanworth, the last of May, 1580.”

There was also taken by a notary his consent for the gift of Great Ashford, his last purchase, in these words, 26th of Jan. 1581. Mr. Francis Nudigate was content, and did give his lands and tenements he lately purchased unto the right honourable the duchess of Somerset, and unto her heirs for ever.

To this, among other witnesses’ names subscribed, were her two sons, E.

Hertford and H. Seymour.

Upon the foresaid desire and will of the said testator, in behalf of Dickenson and Saunders, (who married his sister,) I cannot but observe the neglect (shall I say?)or ingratitude of the duchess, too visible in her last will, made some few years after, viz. 1587: who gave therein to these two persons, so specially mentioned and recommended to her, thus sparingly, as followeth: “I give to my servant, William Dickenson, 10l . of lawful English money, to be paid him for an annuity, or pension, of my executor, yearly during his life. Item, I give to Richard Saunders, my servant, 5l. of like lawful English money, to be paid him for a yearly pension during life.”

The desperate temptation of money, how it draws peopled into horrible wickedness sometimes, and particularly perjury, appears in a matter happening this year in January. A French merchant, in a bag sealed, delivered 40l . to a carrier’s wife of Norwich, to be carried thither, to some certain correspondent of his. But she secretly conveyed the money to an house a good way off the inn: and within a quarter of an hour the French merchant came again to see his money packed up. But the woman denied that she ever received one penny, with most horrible protestations. Upon this, secretary Walsingham (who was made acquainted with it) wrote to Fleetwood, recorder of London, (from whose letter I have this relation,) and the Frenchman. And after great search made, the money was found and restored, she not knowing of the same. The recorder examined her in his study privately. But by no means would she confess the same: but did bequeath herself to the Devil, both body and soul, if she had the money, or ever saw it. And this was her craft, that she then [when she said so] had not the money: for it was either at her friend’s, where she left it, or else delivered. Then he asked her, whether the French merchant did not bring her a bag sealed, full of the metal that was weighty; were it either plate, coin, counters, or such like: then said she, I will answer no further. And then the recorder, using the lord mayor’s advice, bestowed her in Bridewell; where she was punished, being well whipped. It was observable what she said then, that the Devil stood at her elbow in the recorder’s study, and willed her to deny it. But so soon as she was upon the cross to be punished, he gave her over.

The same recorder, Fleetwood, about this time, acquainted secretary Walsingham, in a letter to him, of another strange accident; of a woman, named Mrs.Norton, that had drowned herself. She was mother-in-law to one Thomas Norton, a person of some reputation in London; whose father was then aged, and sick in bed. In her youth she was bred up in sir Thomas More’s family: in which place she learned idolatrous toys, (I transcribe from the recorder’s letter,) and usages in the night; so as thereby she was led by evil spirits sometimes to hang herself; and sometimes to drown herself, as she did at last. Some part of her lewd demeanour was in the exercise of necromancy: that is to say, in conferences and speeches had (as she thought) with dead bodies, being of her old acquaintance. The recorder writ this accident the rather to the said secretary, because she had left behind her divers children, brothers to the said Thomas Norton, which were shrewdly given. And that if the old man should then die, it was to be feared all his goods would come to a spoil. And therefore he proposed, that if Mr.Peter Osborn [who was a worthy citizen and remembrancer of the exchequer] had a commandment, he could devise some good order (as he, the recorder, thought) for the saving of things that might be lost. And he prayed his honour to make the lord treasurer [who was master of the wards] acquainted with the unfortunate case. Such was the care of this good recorder, of the children of the city.

CHAPTER 7.

Books set forth this year. English Justice, by cardinal Allen. A Discovery of Campion, the Jesuit, by A. Monday. The English Roman Life. Answer Apologetical, by Dr. Haddon and J. Fox, to Osorius’s Invective. The unfolding of sundry Untruths, &c. in answer to a book writ by a libertine. Castalio’s book of Free-Will, complained of. A View of Antichrist in our English Church unreformed. Exposition of the Symbol of the Apostles, by J. Field.

Two sermons of T. Bradford, the martyr. Examination of certain ordinary complaints. Positions for Education of Children in Learning, by R. Mulcaster. a Discourse of Royal Monarchy, by Charles Merbury. The Pathway to Martial Discipline. Another, called, a compendious Treatise de re militari; dedicated to Mr. Philip Sydney a brief Conceipt of English Policy. Eirenarcha, of the office of justices of peace, by Mr. W. Lambard. The Pentateuch in six Languages: sent from Beza.

IN this year, I find these books printed; set forth by persons of divers principles, the authors. English Justice: a book set forth by cardinal Allen, of the sufferings, deprivations, and banishments of the catholic clergy and laity, under queen Elizabeth, chiefly upon her access to the crown, in these words: “We yield unto the libeller (as he styled him that gave occasion to his writing that his English Justice) fourteen noble and most worthy bishops at one time, [who were deprived,] inferior in virtue and learning to none in Europe; who were all deprived of their honours and high callings: and most of them imprisoned, and spitefully used in all respects: beside the famous confessor, archbishop of Armachar, primate of Ireland, and a number of bishops of that country. Next, we yield you in banishment two worthy English prelates of the same dignity: the one [viz. Pate] dead, the other [viz. Goldwel] yet alive in Rome: three elects, bishops, all now departed this life. We name the honourable abbot of Westminster, [Feckenham,] four priors, or superiors of religious covents, with three whole covents, put out of their possessions, either into prison, or out of the realm. In the same case were a dozen of famous, learned deans, which, next to the bishops, do hold the chief dignities in the English cathedral churches; fourteen archdeacons; above threescore canons of cathedral churches; not so few as an hundred priests of good preferment in queen Mary’s reign, besides many one made in our banishment, and since martyred; fifteen heads or rectors of colleges in Oxford and Cambridge, men of great importance in those universities and in the commonwealth; and with them, and the rather by their good example and provocation, not many years after, many of the chief professors of all sciences; and above twenty doctors of divers faculties, for conscience sake fled the realm, or were in the realm imprisoned. And both at the first, and in divers years since, have many of the very flower of the universities come over, both into the society, [of Jesus,] seminaries, and other places famous for learning; where, through God’s goodness, and the great benignity of prelates, princes, and catholic people, they have passed their long banishment in honest poverty, and some in worshipful callings and rooms in universities, with as much grace and favour as to foreigners could be yielded; in no place, thanks be to our Lord God, impeached of crimes or disorders. Whereof we can shew the honourable testimony of the best, where we have lived in all nations.”

This was in answer to what the libeller (as he styled him) wrote, viz. “That very few were fled for religion, other than such as were not able to live at home but in beggary, or discontinued for lack of preferment, which they gaped for unworthily in universities and other places, or bankrupt merchants,” &c.

And then this writer shewing the difference between those that left them and those that came over to them, both in respect of number and quality, thus he boasts: “So earnestly they woo every poor apostata, lewd scholar, and loose companion, that for weariness of banishment, loose life, or impatience, looketh homeward toward heresy, or carnal liberty, or licence again, &c. While we, in the mean space, receive hundreds of their ministers, a number of their best wits, many delicate young gentlemen, and divers heirs of all ages, voluntarily flying from their damnable condition, and seeking after God: and many of them also becoming priests or religious.” This is the strain of the foresaid book: and as far as the writer is to be depended on, we may learn how the state of the kingdom stood as to popery, and particularly the industry of these English learned papists abroad to make proselytes. But this book was substantially answered a year or two after, viz. 1583, in a book called The Answer to English Justice.

The Discovery of Campion, the Jesuit: a book that came out about this time; writ by A. Monday, a man the better able to discover what Campion was, and his courses, himself having sometimes lived in the seminary at Rome, the pope’s scholar there; and afterwards came home, and fell off from them. His book he presented to Bromley, lord chancellor, to lord Burghley, lord treasurer, and to the earl of Leicester. This writer made a further discovery of the English at Rome, in another book which he printed some years after, and dedicated it to the same noble persons. It was called The English Roman Life. “Discovering the lives of such Englishmen as by secret escape left their own country to live in Rome, under the servile yoke of the pope’s government. Also after what manner they spend their time there: practising and daily looking for the overthrow and “ruin of their princess and country.” And further account may be given of this book hereafter, in the course of the history.

This year also came forth an Answer Apologetical against Jerome Osorius, a Portuguese bishop of Sylvain, being a pretty thick quarto, translated out of Latin into English, by James Bell, and dedicated to the lord Arundel.

That which gave occasion to this book was this. This Portugal bishop had writ a long epistle in Latin to the queen; in which he fancied many monstrous errors to be received in our church; and with reproachful railings depraved the professors of that gospel. This somewhat provoked Walter Haddon, a learned civilian; insomuch that he gave answer to several particular points in his book: which he did in a very elegant Latin style; thinking that what he had writ might have better informed and satisfied the man. Of this I have given some account in my Annals. After a year or two, Haddon was appointed the queen’s agent in Flanders, and was leger at Bruges. At which time another Portugal bishop, called Emanuel d’Almada, undertook the defence of his friend Osorius; and stuffed a great volume full of slanders and brabbles: and in the end of his book caused certain ugly pictures to be pourtrayed, thereby to defame Haddon’s personage; one of their ways of answering an author by personal abuses. In this Apology, (for so he called it,) Haddon seeing how it was filled with scoffs and absurdities, (which two things being taken away, there remained nothing else beside,) after some deliberation with himself, he despised the answering of it.

Two years being past, Tho.Wilson, LL.D. (and Haddon’s friend,) returning from Portugal to England, brought over, at Osorius’s request, several volumes of the said Osorius, framed into three books. One of them he delivered unto Haddon. He perused it once or twice, (as he tells us in his epistle,) and trusted that Osorius, being now installed a bishop, would have been a much more modest man than he was before; but found that it fell out quite contrary. For instead of a civil and sober person, he found him a most frivolous sophister; for a grave divine, a childish counterfeit; and for a discreet bishop, a most shameless railer: and that hereunto was added store of vanity and proud haughtiness. He concludes his epistle with these words: “That he trusted it should easily appear, both that he had not less piously than necessarily entered into the honest defence of his country: and that the reader also might as plainly perceive, how maliciously and wickedly England had been accused and depraved by her cursed enemy, Osorius.”

And as Haddons epistle, so his answer, ran in a pretty sharp style against his adversary; whose way of writing gave just cause of provocation, which may be seen in one passage of his Invective: “If after this doctrine of this new gospel and new religion was brought into England, there were brought therewithal also honesty, integrity of life,” &c. Then, a little after: “But if none were reformed by the study of this new doctrine; but rather, if ever sithence all rashness, unshamefastness, and lechery have been embraced in all places: if intolerable pride and arrogancy have now taken surer footing than before: if seditions, uproars, and rebellions have been more easily raised: if treason have more boldly attempted the royal majesty, and have more freely pursued the blood of princes,” &c Dr. Haddon died before he had finished his answer. The remainder of Osorius’s book (which was the greater part) was undertaken by John Fox, the martyrologist; who had an excellent Latin style, as Haddon’s was, and withal was a very learned divine, and was thoroughly acquainted with the history of this church, and particularly the steps of the reformation: and so able to write in vindication of it. This book, wrote by these two Englishmen, contained a very learned vindication of protestants, and a confutation of the doctrine and practices of the church of Rome; and was managed with a brisk style against that bishop, whose book was all invective.

Fox began his answer with some notice of Haddon, deceased. “That so long as the nation had that excellent learned man, as the church of Christ had a very worthy and valiant captain; so had Osorius a courageous and puissant encounterer, and meet conqueror of such a monster, &c. And that there was much cause to move them and all the learned to much sorrow and grief of mind; who had lost so great and learned a ringleader of learning: the loss of whom did by so much the more increase their heaviness, in respect of that present enterprise, undertaken against Osorius, by how much they were bereft of so singular a patron.”

He took notice of Osorius’s plenty of lies and slanders: and particularly of two notorious lies concerning Luther; as though he wickedly taught extreme desperation, and a bold and presumptuous confidence of salvation.

Other of his insufferable calumniations taken notice of by Fox were these: that where Haddon had named the sacred doctrine of the gospel to have been the discipline of Luther, Zuinglius, Bucer, Calvin, &c. he replied, “That those men had not only, with the rules of their doctrine, but also with the ill example of their lives, rooted out all shamefastness, modesty, civility, and obedience: and instead of faith and freedom, they had bestowed upon their families presumption and rashness, together with unpunishable licentiousness of sinning. That they had, instead of true righteousness, brought in a false and deceitful righteousness. That they had made God the author of all wickedness. The decayed church, which they pronounced to restore to her ancient integrity, they had defiled with more abominations.

So that by how much the more a man did decline to their discipline, so much the more he was estranged from all shame and chastity.”

And again: “A man might descry the nature of this doctrine by the very foundation of this church” [of England.] Which he proved thus. “ Because Venus and Cupid were the founders of it; breach of laws, and contempt of the pope, increased it: flattery and lying had supported it: greedy covetousness had established it: cruelty against the saints had sanctifled it: timorous fear of men had straitened it.

Finally, a doctrine of men, not sent by God, but stirred up by Satan, had, with most troublesome error, poisoned it.” By this period the strain of the man was visible. And to have the reformed church of England thus represented to the world in a Latin book, was not to be borne without effectual vindication, and some sharpness too; which between Haddon and Fox was done well: and the translation into English was set forth this year.

Fox endeth all with a very pious wish of unity and agreement among all Christians, and in a holy life suitable to their profession: “Most heartily wishing to all the elect saints of God, whosoever profess his name and wear the badge of Christianity, that, departing from iniquity, and gathering all together in one uniform agreement of sincere doctrine, by the enlightening and inspiration of the Holy Ghost, we may be altogether received into that heavenly Jerusalem, and into that kingdom of immortal glory and eternal felicity, which shall never have end: not for the works of righteousness which we have done, but for the love of our Lord and Saviour Jesu Christ; who suffered for our sins, and rose again for our justification.”

There was in these times a certain libertine in London, that had vented divers odd opinions, that headed, as it seems, that sect. A little book, in twelves, in answer to him and his doctrines, was set forth this year by one T.W. entitled, The unfolding of sundry untruths and absurd propositions, lately propounded by one J.S. a great favourer of the horrible heresy of the libertines. This book was printed at London by Thomas Mayne, whence we are told, that the said J. S. Feb. 26, 1580, uttered these speeches, [I suppose in some preachment,] which the said T.W. answered distinctly. I. That the first table of the law taught us our duty towards Christ’s godhead. And the second table our duty towards his manhood, &c. They are to be found before, chap. iv. p. 68, 64. The free-will men (as they called them) at this time gave some disturbance by their doctrine. And now they had procured Castalio’s books to be printed here, or brought over hither. Sir Francis Knollis, treasurer of the queen’s household, a zealous man against this doctrine, and thought it highly convenient to have the book searched for, and the reading of it hindered; and that because, as he said, the anabaptists, and such as were for perfection in this life, went along with them. This moved him to write a letter to the lord treasurer and the earl of Leicester, to this tenor: “My very good lords, your ableness and readiness to do good in these perilous days of traitorous practices, both against God and against her majesty, doth embolden me to presume to remember your good lordships, that by your good means order may be taken that the true authors and favourers of the setting forth of Castalio’s book, with the abuses of the bishop of London in that behalf, may be diligently examined, and bolted out. That the hypocrisy herein used being known, the pestilent doctrine thereof may be the more soundly suppressed. For it seemeth to me that these free-will men, or anabaptistical sectaries, do follow the same scopes that the deified men of the family of love do follow; saving, that the same perfection that the family of love do pretend to obtain by virtue of love, the same perfection do Castalio his sectaries pretend to obtain by the virtue of faith. But it is not by faith in believing to be saved in the merits of Christ, but by a faith in believing that every man is able to fulfil the law of God: and that the cause why men do not fulfil the law, is the want of this Castalio his belief. Now both these sects do serve the turns of the papists; as all free-will men and justiciaries, or justifiers of themselves, do. Yet this difference is betwixt the papists and these sectaries, I do mean touching their practices here in England. For these sectaries are more hypocritical, and will sooner deny their doctrines and assertions, to avoid punishment, than the papists will.” This was writ in September 29, 1581, at London. A view of Antichrist; his laws and ceremonies in our English church unreformed; was another puritanical book that came forth about this year.

The beginning of this book shews the purpose of it: viz. “A clear glass, where may be seen the dangerous and desperate diseases of our English church: being ready utterly to perish, unless she may speedily have a corrosive of the wholesome herbs of God his word laid very hot to her heart; to expulse those cold and deadly infections of popery, which the attainted apothecaries of Antichrist have corrupted her withal: else long she cannot endure.

And which more increaseth her griefs, having relief daily offered unto her by her skilful physicians, that would administer the same, is denied thereof: and they also resisted and hated, because they will not mingle their putrified drugs with the said pure confection: which to do were present death.”

The substance of this book is digested under divers tables. First, the book of the generation of Antichrist, the pope, the revealed child of perdition, and his successors. This began thus: “The Devil begot darkness, Eph. vi. Darkness begot ignorance, Acts xvii. Ignorance begot error and his brethren,1 Tim. iv. Error begot free-will and self-love, Esa. x. Free-will begot merits, Esa. lviii.” &c. The second table, of the displaying of the pope and popery in our unreformed church of England. The third table, containing an hundred points of popery remaining: which deform the English reformation. At the end of this third table is subscribed, A Gilbe: who I suppose therefore was the writer. The fourth table is, of the bringing in of divers of the popish corruptions yet remaining in our English church.

The beginning is,” The conjured font brought into the Roman church by pope Pius I. ann. 147, as witnesseth Platina and Sabellicus,” &c. At the end of this table, or chapter, is subscribed T.W. which I suppose was Tho.

Wilcox; a great man for the new platform.

There came out also this year, An Exposition of the Symbol of the Apostles; or rather, of the articles of faith. In which the chief points of the everlasting and free covenant between God and the faithful is briefly and plainly handled: gathered out of the catechising sermons of Gaspar Olevian, professor of divinity at Hydelberg: and translated out of Latin into English, by John Field, who prefaced it with a long epistle dedicatory, concerning the busy Jesuits, unto his patron, the right honourable Ambrose, earl of Warwick, master of the queen’s majesty’s ordnance, and knight of the noble order of the garter.

Now were printed two sermons preached by John Bradford, the martyr in queen Mary’s days. The one of Repentance, the other of the Lord’s Supper. The epistle to the reader was written by Tho. Sampson. That of Repentance was printed before by Bradford himself: that of the Lord’s Supper never printed before. Now both these were set forth with a long preface of the said Sampson; who was a man of learning and note under queen Mary, and an exile for religion. It may be worth setting down this preface from so eminent a man, and one that knew Bradford, and so was able to give some account of that holy man; and which Mr. Fox is silent of in his life and martyrdom. He tells us, that he knew him familiarly: and adds, that he must give God that praise for him, that among men he scarcely knew one like him. And that as he knew him, so he knew how it pleased God, by effectual calling, to turn his heart unto the true knowledge of the gospel. But I will rather leave the rest of these remarkable memorials of this heavenly confessor and martyr, transcribed in the Appendix. A compendious and brief examination of certain ordinary complaints of divers our countrymen in these our days. “Which although they be in some unjust and frivolous, yet are they all, by way of dialogue, thoroughly debated and discussed.” Imprinted 1581. A book in octavo, written by W.S. gent. which he dedicated, in an epistle, To the virtuous and learned lady, queen Elizabeth. In which epistle he thus writes: “That being enforced by her majesty’s late singular clemency, in pardoning certain his undutiful misdemeanours, he sought to acknowledge her gracious goodness and bounty towards him, by exhibiting to her this small and simple present. Wherein he had endeavoured to answer certain quarrels and objections, daily and ordinarily occurrent in the talk of sundry men, &c.

Alleging such probabilities as he could, to stop the mouths of certain evil affected persons. Which in their curiosity required further satisfaction in these matters than could well stand with good modesty.”

It is a dialogue between a knight and a merchantman, a doctor, a husbandman, and a craftsman: and consisteth of divers complaints. As the complaint of the husbandman, by reason of enclosures. Complaint of dearth of victuals, by artificers. Complaint of the decay of towns, by merchantmen. Complaint of craftsmen against gentlemen, for taking of farms. The gentleman complains, that he cannot keep countenance as he was wont to do. The doctor’s complaint was, for want of men of his art.

And another complaint was against learned men. And here the author enters into discourse in behalf of learning: whether a commonwealth may be well governed without learning. That the learned have always had the sovereignty over the unlearned. Whether a man may be wise without learning. That learning supplies the lack of experience. That experience is the father of wisdom. The wonderful gifts that we have by learning. That there is no faculty but is made more consummate by learning. That knowledge in moral philosophy is most necessary for a counsellor. What makes learned men to be so few?

In short, this author laid down his design in the first page of his discourse, viz. What things men are most grieved with. Then, what should be the occasion of the same. And that known, how such griefs may be taken away, and the state of the commonweal reformed again.

Now came forth also an excellent book for the education of youth, set forth by Richard Mulcaster, master of the school erected anno 1561, in the parish of St. Lawrence Pountney, by the worshipful company of Merchant Taylors in London. The book was called Positions. Wherein those positive circumstances be examined, which are necessary for the training up of children,for skill in books or health in their bodies. In his epistle, which is writ to queen Elizabeth, he gives the reason why he calleth his book Positions: “ Because intending to go on further for the advancement of learning, he thought it good at the first to put down certain grounds very needful for his purpose. For that they be the common circumstances that belong to teaching, and are to be resolved on ere we begin to teach. The end, he saith, of his whole labour (thus bespeaking her majesty) was to help to bring the general teaching in her majesty’s dominions to some good and profitable uniformity: which then, in the midst of great variety, did either hinder much or profit little; or at the least nothing so much as it were like to do, if it were reduced to one certain form. This he recommended to the queen; which would bring great honour to her majesty’s person, and profit to the whole realm. That as king Henry, her father, vouchsafed to bring all grammar into one form, the multitude whereof being some impediment to school learning in his time, and thereby purchased himself great honour, and procured his subjects a marvellous ease: so he exhorted her majesty, by that royal example, to further that book [the grammar] to a refining, but also the reducing of all other school-books to some better choice; and all manner of teaching to some readier form. Can so great a good but sound to your majesty’s most endless renown?” as he concluded.

The next year we shall hear of another book of his concerning education, published, called The Elementary; wherein we may see more of this argument.

Now also was printed a book, called, A discourse of royal monarchy; writ by Charles Merbury, gent. I take notice of it as well for the author as the subject of it. He was a traveller, scholar, and courtier, and much esteemed by the gentry of the nation: and whose book was, by the bishop of London’s desire, perused by Thomas Norton, one of the city counsel, and their solicitor; whole allowance and approbation is given to it. In this book is shewn the opinion of monarchy in queen Elizabeth’s time. Thus he writeth: “Whereas he [i.e. the prince that governeth this kingdom] is not to receive his power from any, so is he neither to be subject unto any higher power, either at home or abroad. Though some did maintain, that a prince is subject unto the states and peers of the realm, as the kings of Lacedaemon were to the ephori: an opinion (if it were not well tempered and conveniently limited) most prejudicial unto the state of a monarchy; perverting and converting the same into a mere aristocracy. Much less is he subject in any thing unto the multitude of the common people: who, as they have more authority, are for the most part most insolent, and more disposed unto rebellion. Wherefore, in all well ordained kingdoms, these have no other than a voice supplicative. “But some will ask, if this great monarch of ours shall not be subject unto the laws, customs, and privileges of the country where he governs; unto the oath which he taketh at the entrance; unto such covenants and promises as he maketh unto his people? Unto whom we answer, That our prince is subject unto laws both civil and common, to customs, privileges, covenants, and all kind of promises; so far forth as they are agreeable to the law of God.

Otherwise we think that he is not bound to observe them. Wherein we neither diminish the liberty of the subject, supposing all laws to be good, or ought to be good: neither do we enlarge too much the power of the prince, as to make him lawless, subject neither to God’s law nor man’s law. As some flatterers persuade the pope and emperor that they are above all laws, and may use the bodies and lives of their subjects at their lust and pleasure; taking from them their lands, goods, and liberties, without right or reason. A thing expressly contrary to the word of God, (Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s house, &c.) And a doctrine most pernicious unto princes: who, puffed up with such opinions, should take their course unto a tyrannical kind of puissance, making their covetousness confiscation, their love adultery, their hatred murder.

And as the lightning goeth before the thunder, so they, depraved with such corrupted counsellors, should make the accusation to go before the fault, and the condemnation before the trial.”

This Merbury was a very accomplished gentleman, bred up under Dr.Humfrey at Oxford, who was his tutor, in the studies of humanity.

Afterwards, at court, a servant to the lord chamberlain, [earl of Sussex.] He and his father dependents on the duchess of Suffolk and the duke of Suffolk: and had a revenue and pension from them.

A book of martial discipline now also came forth in quarto, entitled, The path to martial discipline; the author, Thomas Styward. Who, (as he wrote in his epistle,) as in nature he delighted in martial studies, so by practice had achieved some experience therein. And indeed it was needful now for the English people to understand war; having so spiteful, threatening, and withal powerful adversary, as Philip king of Spain. And this the author makes the reason of his publishing a book of this argument, viz. to teach the English arms, in order to defend their native country and liberties. “That whereas, by the prudent government of our most blessed and virtuous princess, we have the happy quiet that no realm ever tasted of, the which he beseeched the living God long to continue; yet weighing the condition of the world, it was a thing impossible for any realm or dominion always to live in peace, without the use of the sword: wishing with his heart, that the subversion of divers states, through idleness, and contempt of these warlike orders, might be so imprinted in our hearts, as we might with most willing minds prosecute the ancient order of the Romans: the which in peace were not sluggards, or delighted in idle and wanton pastimes; but in every city and town the noble senators and captains appointed such as had experience, that at certain times of the year they should not only train them that were ignorant, but used such warlike games, as to the furthering of those affairs was thought most meet. This martial discipline was now judged very necessary.”

The same year I find another book of the art of war was writ, and printed in quarto, entitled, A compendious treatise de re militari. Concerning principal orders to be observed in martial affairs. Written in the Spanish tongue by that worthy captain Luis Gutierres de la Vega; and newly translated into English by Nich. Litchfield. This he 1 dedicated to the worshipful Mr. Philip Sydney. And the reason of it he added; “Because he found none more forward to further and favour martial knowledge; being of himself most ready and adventurous in all exercises of feats of war and chivalry. And therefore he presumed to dedicate the tract unto him. Dated from London, Dec. 9, 1581” And he added this remark of it; That it was lately found: in a fort in Ireland, where the Italians and Spaniards had fortified themselves. Which by fortune came into his hands by a soldier of good experience, who lately served there. Which after this gentleman, the translator, had perused, and taken the advice of some better in understanding than himself in those affairs, (which very much liked and allowed the work,) he was greatly boldened and encouraged to enterprise the translation thereof; partly, because these principal orders were always to be observed in warlike government; and chiefly, because in our English tongue he found not the like extant, for the necessary instruction and general commodity of our common soldiers.

And how undisciplined and raw in matters of war our English now were, and what just apprehensions of danger arising hence from foreign arms, Styward, the author of the former book, shewed in an elegant copy of verses set before it: suggesting how very suspicious their present condition was, and exciting them to take warning by other neighbouring countries that were fallen under miseries and calamities from such as by superior force invaded them. These verses began; As wisdom wills us to regard what plagues in time do hap On such as seek for to be rockt always in pleasure’s lap, &c.

But I choose rather to lay this piece of old English poetry in the Appendix, which will both entertain and instruct.

Another political book came forth this year upon occasion of the dearth of victuals, and the high prices of all other things; which now were become much dearer than ever before: which caused murmurings and discontents among the people. The author undertook to look into the reasons thereof, in order to pacify and quiet the queen’s subjects. The book was called, A compendious or brief examination of certain ordinary complaints of divers our countrymen in these our days, &c. By W.S. gent. The running title was, A briefconceipt of English policy. It is writ by way of dialogue, between a knight, a merchant, a doctor, a capper, [or a tradesman,] and an husbandman. Where thus one of them is brought in speaking: “Such poverty reigneth every where, as few men have so much to spare, as they may give any thing to the reparation of ways, bridges, &c. And albeit there be many things laid down now, which before time were occasion of much expenses, as maygames, wakes, revels, wagers at shooting, wrestling, running, and throwing the stone or bar; and besides, the pardons, pilgrimages, offerings, and many such other things: yet I perceive we be never the wealthier, or rather poorer, &c. That there was such a general dearth of all things, as before twenty or thirty years had not been, not only of things growing within the realm, but also of all other merchandise, &c.”

The author, some learned man, dedicated this his book to the queen; because those popular quarrels and objections reached unto her majesty in daily and ordinary, occurrents. That upon his zeal and good meaning towards her estate, he was earnestly moved to undertake this enterprise.

In this year, Mr.W.Lambard of Lincoln’s Inn, gent. a learned lawyer and historian, set forth a book, called Eirenarcha, concerning the office of such as were justices of the peace, which he dedicated to sir Tho.Bromley, lord chancellor of England. In that epistle he spoke of his great learning in the laws of England, in these words: “You, who do go beyond them, all (in the perfect knowledge of our law) that have gone before you in that honourable place which you now hold. And praying him, that, according to the rule of law, (in his own hands,) he would rectify the commission of the peace, and some other crookedness, whereof that book [of his] should bring complaint before him.”

And in the same epistle he gives us the occasion of his engaging himself in the study of our laws concerning justices. Which was the command of the said lord chancellor, that his name should be put into the commission of the peace for Kent, where the said Lambard lived. “At which time he thought it his part, as well for saving his good lordship blameless in the choice, as also for his own information and discharge in the service itself, to look diligently in that portion of our law which concerneth the office of the peace; wherewith he had before that time very little or no acquaintance. And therefore in greedy appetite, he began first with M. Fitzherbert’s treatise of the Justices of Peace: then went he to another ancient book of the same argument, but of an author unknown to him: and thirdly, he came to M. Marrow’s reading. All which when he had perused, he seemed to himself, as he added, to have taken some such taste of the thing that he sought, as did rather incense than satisfy his thirst and desire. And calling to mind that it was truly said, Gratius ex ipso fonte bibuntur aquae, he betook himself to the old and new books of the comman laws, and to the volumes of the acts and statutes; and from his collections thence, framed a model thereof in that book.”

There was another edition of this book in the forty-fourth year of queen Elizabeth, 1602. revised, corrected, and enlarged. Where, in the proeme, he declared that his purpose was to compare the writings of some others that before had wrote of the duties of justices, [viz. Marrow and Fitzherbert,] with the book cases and statutes that had risen of latter times. And out of them all to collect some body of discourse that might serve for the present age, and somewhat further the good endeavour of such gentlemen as were not trained up to the continual study of the laws.

In this year also, or the year before, I meet with a MS. (whether printed afterwards or no, I know not,) entitled, Certain collections out of the Prophets and the New Testament; concerning the conversion and restitution of Israel. Whereupon doth depend the general judgment, and the general restitution also of heaven and earth. By R.E. anno 1580. This author, whose name was Roger Edwards of London, dedicated his book to the lord Burghley, lord high treasurer, lord Francis Russel of Bedford, lord Rob. Dudley, earl of Leicester, to Dr.Elmer, bishop of London, and many more.

To all the rest I add Beza’s valuable gift, presented this year, towards the furnishing of the new library at Cambridge; being an ancient copy of the Pentateuch in six languages: with his letter to the lord treasurer, chancellor of that university, when he sent it. Which, it seems, his nephew Anthony Bacon brought along with him from Geneva, where he had been, and visited that learned man in his travels. Upon whose motion and encouragement Beza presumed to write a letter to him: especially upon that occasion that offered itself, namely, the presenting him with something that he believed would not be unacceptable to him. That he had got a copy of the five books of Moses; printed either at Constantine in Africa, or at Constantinople, many years ago; which he asked leave to call The Hexaglott: viz. the Arabic, Persian, barbarous Greek, and ancient Spanish: set forth for the use of the Jewish synagogues: besides the Hebrew and Chaldee. Which, for the rarity and antique novelty, (as he might call it,) he thought chiefly ought to be sent to his honour. Which might serve as a monument worthy his wisdom and excellency, to be reposited in a library, then a preparing by him in the university of Cambridge, the chief care and government whereof was committed to him.

And so concluded his letter, praying him to take in good part his boldness, as a testimony and pledge of that high esteem he had for his lordship.

Dated from Geneva, 8. id. December 1581. But the whole letter, in elegant Latin, ought to be preserved, in grateful memory of the donor, Which ancient book, I suppose, still remains in that library; as it hath been often made use of by our commentators. And in another letter to that lord, the next year, he persuaded him to procure the printing of the said Pentateuch, which he had sent him the year before: at least the Persian, Arabic, and vulgar Greek versions, with the Hebrew verses added. Which might, he said, be done at no great charge, by Plantin at Antwerp. And that such an edition would be highly profitable to the whole Christian world, and procure to himself an immortal name. And so prayed him to think again and again upon it. This letter of Beza will not be improper to be joined to the former in the Appendix.

CHAPTER 8.

The French match like to succeed: and a league with France.

Treaty with Mary queen of Scots, frustrate. Parties in Scotland.

Ireland chargeable. Plots. Parry in Venice and Lyons: his intelligence: writes in favour of the good knight. A proclamation against harbouring Jesuits and priests: and going to the colleges at Rheims and Rome. Sessions at London. Mass-mongers, &c. The queen assists the protestant churches. Duke of Bipont, prince palatine, comes into England. Wierus, his agent. Letters of the queen’s ambassador in France concerning the Duke of Savoy.

Beza’s letter to the lord treasurer in behalf of Geneva. Prince of Orange’s death foretold by the pope’s nuncio.

As to the match with France, which still stuck upon terms required on the part of the French king, he seemed now to incline. So the queen’s ambassador wrote to the lord chamberlain in a letter dated September 26, 1582; advertising his lordship, how they in that court gave him to understand, that the king had the last week written into England, and to his brother, the duke, that his majesty was willing to grant to all demands made (on the English side) for the effecting of the marriage. And that he further heard tell, that the king was inclined to enter into league with her majesty; about which commissioners from both princes were busy the last year, as hath been related. And then the said ambassador made this observation hence; “That such were the occasions of the world, as they persuaded more in princes, than any person could do.” Adding, “That the king was at that time very weak, and at Moulins, and intended to repair easily to St.Germaines on Leye.” But that disease of the king proved not mortal, being reserved some years longer for a more violent death, as their histories shew.

The queen had sent the French king a present of English dogs. And he was now preparing a very splendid chariot, to present again to her. And so the ambassador signified in his letter to her majesty, viz. “The French king hath commanded to be made for your majesty an exceeding, marvellous, princely coach. And to be provided four of the fatrest moiles which are to be had, for to carry your highness’s litter. The king hath been moved to shew himself in this sort grateful to your majesty on the receiving those dogs, and other singularities you were lately pleased to send unto him, for his falconer.”

Something I have to insert here of Mary the Scotch queen, taken from certain notes of the lord treasurer Burghley’s hand. It hath been shewed before concerning several treaties with her by honourable agents from queen Elizabeth. Besides which, a fourth treaty began, anno 1582; wherein sir Walter Mildmay, a chief privy-counsellor, was employed. And while the proceeding therein was a little suspended upon a practice of an answer from Scotland, touching the Scotch king’s disposition; her majesty discovered, that the duke of Guise was preparing some attempt against England for the Scottish queen. For whose enlargement also Francis Throgmorton at the same time practised an invasion to be made into this land; and other traitors to be accepted. Which being discovered, and he apprehended, gave cause that this treaty proceeded no farther. To which I will subjoin what follows in the same MS. concerning other treaties the two next ensuing years; viz.

In anno 1583, the earl of Shrewsbury and Mr. Beal were appointed by her majesty to deal with the Scotch queen in another treaty, with promise to return sir Walter Mildmay; if she would discover certain practices against her majesty, which she pretended to know. While this treaty was in hand, by the Scotch queen’s pro..... [procurement] and direction, the duke d’Aubignie, [Lenox,] the lord Fenhurst, and sir James Bafford, all mortal enemies to the state of England, were brought into Scotland. And so the treaty was broke off by that occasion.

Last, in anno 1584, another treaty was entered into with Nau, the French secretary. At which time the treasons and practices of Parry were discovered. And so the treaty ceased. By all which it is evident, that the Scotch queen hath never entered into any treaty, but only of purpose to abuse her majesty with some treacherous attempts or other: as the writer of these notes concluded.

In that kingdom of Scotland were great disturbances this year, raised by two factions there; whereof one of them, that pretended to be of the protestant side, viz. earl Goury, Mar, and others, by a wile seized the king’s person in a castle, and there detained him, till he should have removed the duke of Lenox from him, whom they esteemed to be of the popish faction, and should do other things, as they thought good; as our historian relates. And to smooth over the better this their exploit, in thus handling their king, they published a declaration, which bore this title: Ane declaratioun of the just and necessary causes, moving us of the nobility of Scotland and uthers, the now king’s faithful subjects, to repair to his highness presence, and to remain with him: for resisting the present daungers appearing to God’s true religion, and professors thereof, and to his highness own person, state, and crown, and his faithful subjects that hes constantly continued in his obedience; and to seek redress and reformation of the abuse and confusion of the commonwealth; removlng from his majesty the chief authors thereof, &c. Directed from Striveling with special command, and licence to be printed, 1582. This remarkable declaration is still remaining in Lambeth library. This party queen Elizabeth favoured, because they opposed the Guisian faction there, very busy, implacable enemies to her, and were at this time intent upon an invasion by the way of Scotland.

As for Ireland, it was oppressed with wars and commotions, and the ill management of the queen’s officers there. Insomuch that the lord treasurer, who knew well how expensive that kingdom was, had these words in a letter of his to sir Nic.White, master of the rolls there; “That he knew not how to relieve that miserable country, and lamented the state thereof: as finding it to take as much harm by physicians and surgeons; I mean,” said he, captains and their bands, as it did by rebels.” It was written from the court at Oatlands, September 11,1582.

Plots were carrying on every where against the queen and government by papists: and Parry (not yet discovered to be such a traitor) among the rest very busy abroad in such work; though he cunningly made the lord Burghley believe at first, that he was a very diligent spy for the queen in divers parts abroad. And often writ his letters of intelligence concerning them to that lord, and to the secretary. Take some minutes of a secret letter or two of his, wrote in March 1582, from Venice, of news and reports abroad of the queen, and of her persecution of the Romanists. Where he took occasion to mix his thoughts about the French king, and the king of Spain, and the queen’s concerns with each. Whereby might appear how his inclination stood; that is, favourably to Spain, and that interest. “That the late enterprise in Flanders, reported there [at Venice] to the great dishonour of the French, had filled those parts full of expectation what the queen’s majesty would do:” [meaning, whether she would assist and protect those of the Low Countries against king Philip, she having countenanced and granted men and money to the French king’s brother for that purpose, but was gone away lately in some disgrace home.] “And that as her government had hitherto been thought to exceed all the princes of her time, so it was looked, that her majesty should now serve herself on all good occasions pretended for her quietness and better assurance.” [No longer to stir up so great a prince as the king of Spain, who must needs create her and her kingdoms great disturbance.] He added, “That the French king and his mother did find themselves grieved for some liberal speeches used of them in that town, [viz. Venice.] But that that commonwealth had the honour of princes in great regard, and could not abide to have them touched by word or writing....... That it had been told him in great secrecy, (though, he said, he might not avow it,) that the queenmother lieth in the wind, and watcheth to give our queen [Elizabeth] a mate, and would undoubtedly do it, if her majesty did not look well to her game.” [Meaning, by the crafty insinuations of that queen, to bring. about the match between the queen and her son, the duke d’Anjou, a person loose enough, and with whom she was not like to live with comfort.] He went on with his intelligence. “We hear of great and daily preparations for the sea in Naples, Spain, and Portugal. But not that don Antonio’s fortune” [whom queen Elizabeth favoured against Spain] “can serve him to offend the king catholic. It is judged a very slender policy, that we, having no ambassador in Spain, do still entertain the Spanish ambassador in England: where I fear me there is too much to be done by money;” [viz. money distributed by that ambassador to carry on his designs.] That many were of opinion, that it was a matter of less difficulty for us to confirm that ancient league with Burgundy,” [another favourable word for Spain,] “than to continue our intelligence with France: with whom for five hundred) years I do not find that we have had any long place. And out of doubt I am, that we have very mighty enemies in France to our quietness. Our traffick in the Levant cannot but be dangerous, and full of adventure for our merchants, so long as we stand upon doubtful terms with Spain. The prince of Orange is thought now to live in more danger than ever; and that he shall not long escape, if practice may prevail.” [This shews Parry to be acquainted with the intrigues of Spain, that prince being basely shot by a Burgundian some time after.] “The new book at Rome, dedicated to the cardinal S.Sixti, and entitled, De persecutione Anglicana, hath raised a barbarous opinion of our cruelty. I could wish,” added he, “that in those cases it might please her majesty to pardon the dismembering and quartering.” And in the end of his letter he gives a hint of Shelley, (a fugitive who was made lord prior of St. John’s of Jerusalem by queen Mary, and now, as it seems, at Venice.) “Sir Richard Shelley is very desirous to return, and promiseth very great services, if he be not disquieted for his conscience.” This letter was dated from Venice the 4th of March, 1582,.without any name subscribed.

In another letter from Venice, dated January 28, he suggested to the same statesman, to whom he addressed before, how he was placed in that city, a place fit for intelligence: “That if he should write to his lordship, that either that place was so barren, or himself so slothful, that he could not honour and serve his lordship as he was wont, he should greatly err. But being first desirous to understand from his lordship, in what kind his service might best like him, he had purposely forborne to be too busy in writing. And being greatly looked upon, [as a spy,] it might greatly import him to look how and what he wrote. He found it a matter very unpleasant, to be troubled or tied to the advertisements of ordinary occurrents, [which was then chiefly required of him.] And that yet if any thing happened that he should think to be of importance, he would not fail to advertise his lordship. That that place [Venice] was very plentiful of good and had [news]; but the best was hardly to be had without charge:” [an argument used to increase his salary.] “Which he could think well bestowed, to look into three men’s proceedings in that town.” Who were agents perhaps of some foreign princes; whose servants he might corrupt by money.

The writer then turned to the English merchants trade there; viz. “That our tratffick into the Levant did and would more and more offend many. And that there was nothing undevised that might tend to the discredit of our merchants, or increase of their danger. [Out of hatred and malice to the English nation.] But that if our wool were wrought at home, and our clothes (almost out of price) well made, it could not but marvellously enrich our state.”

He adds,”That he had sent to his lordship two Italian books by sea; and that he would send him many mo, if he were as able as he was willing.”

Another business of his letter was concerning a good knight; whose name he mentioned not. It was undoubtedly sir Richard Shelley, abovementioned, who departed out of England for his religion: but of better principles of loyalty than the Jesuits and seminaries. This gentleman Parry met at Venice, and fell into acquaintance with him: and being known to the lord treasurer, took the opportunity, in his correspondence with that lord, to move him in his behalf. “That in his letters he had writ to his lordship how willing the good knight, mentioned in his honour’s letters, was to come home, so as he might be warranted by passport to come and go safely. For, as his intent was (as it had been always) honourable and dutiful to his prince and country, so he was loath that his coming, only to discharge his duty to her majesty in matters that he might not write, or commit to any man, should turn or be wrested to his harm or dishonour. Neither did he think, that any man could work this readiness in him, but that he had a singular good opinion and hope of her majesty’s gracious and his lordship’s real dealing and proceeding. And so hoping to hear from his lordship concerning the good knight, he committed the same to God,” &c. Of this sir Richard Shelley we shall hear from his own letters afterwards.

Parry’s great drift was to conceal, his treachery and falsehood, and to make the English court believe him a true man. Thus in another letter of his to the lord treasurer a few days after, viz. March the 10th, from the city: “That he would forbear writing of trifles, [matter of less concern,] not troubling his lordship with them: and would reserve himself wholly for such special service as he should think fit for the queen’s majesty, and grateful to his lordship, and Mr.S. [secretary] He knew his lordship could not lack any ordinary occurrences out of all parts, nor such as were of greatest importance from great personages, &c. I have presumed, that your lordship hath ever esteemed me for a true man to my prince and country: so much that whatsoever do come to their ears, I beseech you to promise for me; and I will not fail to perform it, God willing.” [This last period hath a line drawn under it, by the lord treasurer’s pen, as his custom was in passages of letters sent him of more remark.] “I pray you tell Mr. Secretary, that here is such a speech of the persecution and cruelty, that your lordship, sometime in the same predicament, is almost forgotten;” [that is, in respect of other of the queen’s counsellors for these proceedings.] “My lords of Huntington and Leicester, and Mr. Secretary, are the men most wondered at.”

Let me subjoin some more of this false man’s intelligences the next year; when he was now rambled to Lyons in France. Whence he wrote to the same lord a letter, dated May the loth, to this import: “That his great liking to live in the state of Venice was overruled by the necessity of his departure,” [whether by being suspected to be a spy for the queen, or rather for his running in debt more than he could pay, as he was a riotous and great spender in England,] though I have not perhaps fully satisfied the expectation had of me, yet have I done the best to serve the queen’s majesty. If I be not mistaken, I have shaken the foundation of the English seminary, that at Rheims; and utterly overthrown the credit of the English pensioners in Rome. My instruments were such as passed for great, honourable, and grave. The course was extraordinary and strange: reasonably well devised, soundly followed, and substantially executed; without the assistance of any one of the English nation.

Your honourable favour and Mr. Secretary’s hath overthrown my credit with our countrymen on this side. Yet if I were well warranted and allowed, I would either prevent and discover all Roman and Spanish practices against our state, or lose my life, in testimony of my loyalty to the queen’s majesty, and duty to my honourable friends, that have protected me.” [All this craftily by him insinuated, to create a firm trust and confidence in him and his service.] He goes on. “If it please your lordship to confer with Mr. Secretary, touching my letters herewith sent, to advise and direct me, I am ready to do all I shall be able and am commanded.

Whatsoever I have already spent, I do think well bestowed. But it is neither my poor state, nor any trifling allowance that will serve to do that is to be done; the meanest man that is to be followed and courted [abroad where he was] being a secretary.” [Thus hoping to get a liberal salary from those against whom he was all this while practising.] “I have taken my leave of ordinary occurrences long ago, as little worth, and less availing our state. I am promised very good intelligence from Venice. If it be performed, your good lordship shall be well served. “I came from Baden, [in Switzerland,] where the diet is holden. The ambassadors of France, Savoy, and the cantons and confederates, were assembled. The ambassadors of Zurick, Bern, and Geneva, [protestant states,] told me they had small hopes of any accord.

They mean to urge the matter to some sound resolution. I find the French king greatly mistrusted. Geneva is in good hope to be relieved out of England. I spake with Mr. Beza. I think the man greatly decayed, and not long lasting.” [But he was mistaken; Beza lived many a year after, to 1605.] “I was also with Mr.Gualter, [an eminent minister of Zurick,] a good man, and well affected to our nation. I was very well entertained, and presented in Zurick and Geneva.” This was the sum of his letter from Lyons. Thus Parry went in a mask hitherto, and fared well by that means. We shall hear more of him and his intelligence the year ensuing, from Lyons and Paris, still cloaking his malice.

A large proclamation came forth in April this year against Jesuits and seminary priests, and against the harbourers of them, and such as sent their children to the colleges abroad, for the better security of the queen’s life and reign, and the government and religion established; which I shall here set down, the rather, since our historians are silent of it, and may serve considerab!y to enlighten that part of the history of those times, and of that popish, busy, dangerous faction.

It set forth, “How the queen’s majesty had heretofore been given to understand, that certain societies and conventicles, some under the name of seminaries, and some of Jesuits, had been of late years erected by the bishop of Rome, as well in the city of Rome, as in the dominion of other princes; namely and especially, for the natural born subjects of her majesty’s kingdoms and dominions; with intent and purpose to train them up in false and erroneous doctrine: by means whereof divers of her majesty’s natural born subjects had not only been perverted in matters of religion, but also sought, drawn, and persuaded from the acknowledgment of their natural duties and allegiance unto her majesty, as their natural prince and only sovereign; and by special direction from the pope and his delegates had been made instruments of sundry wicked, traitorous practices; tending not only to the moving and stirring up of rebellion within their natural countries, (which, through the goodness of Almighty God, and her majesty’s provident government, had always been foreseen and prevented,) but also to the endangering of her majesty’s most royal person. That her highness hereupon foreseeing the great mischief that might ensue such traitorous and wicked instruments, did therefore, by her proclamation, bearing date, at her palace at Westminster, the 10th day of January, in the twenty-third year of her most prosperous reign, notify unto her subjects, That if any of them, or any other within her highness’s dominions, after the publishing of that her proclamation, should receive, maintain, succour, or relieve any Jesuit, seminary man, massing priests, or other like persons aforesaid, which should come or should be sent into this realm, or into any other her dominions, or should not discover the receiving or harbouring of the same persons, or any such vagrant, counterfeit persons, as might justly by their behaviour be suspected to be of such quality and ill condition: as also, (in case they should remain with them at the time of the said proclamation, or afterwards,) should not bring them before the next justice, or before some other public officer, to the end they might be in like sort committed, and forthcoming to be examined; and to receive such punishment as by her highness should be thought meet according to their deserts; that then they should be reputed as maintainers and abettors of such rebellious and seditious persons; and receive for the same their contempt, such severe punishment, as by the laws of the realm, and her majesty’s princely authority, might be inflicted upon them. “That sithence which time some example having been made for the condign punishment of such as have contemptuously broken her highness’s express commandment in that behalf given by the said proclamation; and some of the said traitorous persons, as namely, Edmund Campion, Jesuit, Raulphe Sherwine, and John Briant, seminary priests, having disguisedly and very secretly wandered in the realm, and at length apprehended; and so thereupon justly, lawfully, publicly, and orderly indicted, arraigned, condemned, and executed for divers treasons; and some others their complices having been likewise justly and lawfully condemned for the like crimes: her majesty finding, what through the obstinacy and malice of some, and the wilful ignorance of many others, that neither the said proclamation nor the said examples have wrought such effect of reformation, as, upon good hope conceived of this her forewarning, her highness had expected and desired; and perceiving withal, that some traitorously affected have of late, by letters, libels, pamphlets, and books both written and printed, falsely, seditiously, and traitorously given out, that the said most horrible traitors were without just cause condemned and executed; had therefore thought good to make known unto her good and faithful subjects, and generally to all others within her dominions, whereby they might not be abused nor inveigled by those and such like most wicked, false, and dangerous traitors and seducers, that it had manifestly and plainly appeared unto her highness and her council, as well by many examinations, as by sundry of their own letters and confessions; besides the late manifest attempts of the like companions, directed by the pope out of number, of the said seminaries and Jesuits, broken out to actual rebellion in Ireland; that the very end and purpose of these Jesuits and seminary men, and such like priests, sent or to be sent over into this realm, and other her majesty’s dominions, from the parts beyond the seas, was not only to prepare sundry her majesty’s subjects, inclinable to disloyalty, to be up, to give aid to foreign invasion, and to stir up rebellion within.the same; but also (that most perilous is) to deprive her majesty (under whom, and by whose provident government, with God’s assistance, these realms have been so long and so happily kept and continued in great plenty, peace, and security) of her life, crown, and dignity. “That seeing the great mischief that otherwise might ensue unto the whole estate of her majesty’s realms and countries, if these attempts were not more severely looked unto and punished; and to the intent none should, after the publication hereof, excuse themselves by pretence of any ignorance; her majesty did therefore hereby signify to all her loving subjects, and all other within her, dominions, That all the said Jesuits, seminary men, and priests aforesaid, coming into these her dominions in such secret manner, were, and so, of all her subjects aforesaid, ought to be holden, esteemed, and taken for traitors to her majesty, her crown and realm. And that all such as, after the publishing of this proclamation, should wittingly and willingly receive, harbour, aid, comfort, relieve, and maintain any such Jesuit, seminary man, or priest, as was aforesaid, should be and ought to be dealt with, used, and proceeded on, as willing and witting alders, comforters, relievers, and maintainers of traitors, committing high treason to her majesty’s person: and that every such person, as shall have any such Jesuit, seminary man, or priest, in his or her house or company, at the time of the publication hereof, or after, knowing him to be such, and shall not forthwith himself do his or her best endeavour to bring him, or cause him to be brought before the next justice of the peace, or other public officer, to be committed to prison; whereby he might be forthcoming to answer his offence, according to her highness’s laws; that then every such person shall be deemed, taken, and dealt with, as a maintainer and alder of traitors as aforesaid. And that every person, wittingly concealing any such Jesuit, seminary man, or priest, or any their practices aforesaid, shall be deemed and taken to be in case of misprision of treason. “And moreover, her highness’s pleasure and express commandment was, that none of her subjects, nor any other under her obeisance, shall suffer their children, or any other, being under charge or government, except lawful merchants, and such as without covin shall be agents or factors for lawful merchants, in their trades of merchandise beyond the seas, and mariners for their voyages, to depart out of this realm without her highness’s special licence first had and obtained; upon pain of her in this search, one Osborn, a seminary priest, came drooping into a chamber where Mr.Topcliff, of the court, and himself were. Him they examined. And it appeared, that he was a seminary priest, and had dwelt at the hospital [for the English] at Rome four years. And after, he was professed into a house of the Franciscans, being barefoot friars, that lived by begging. And that he laboured, as he said, by cutting of wood, and bearing of it upon his back. That they also [of that order] lay upon no beds, but tumbled in the straw, like swine. That they used no shirt. That they had no more garments but such as they daily wore: the which were slender, thin, and extreme cold.

Their diet slender, and they eat but once a day. They drank water.

They might touch no money. “He [this friar] added further, that being of this order but seven weeks, it being so strait, he was driven to flee, and come into England. And in Christmas he said Sunday masses at Mr. Browne’s house, the lord viscount’s brother, before the lady Vaux and certain others; and that in crastino epiphaniae, he said mass in the Fleet, [where many recusants were committed,] in the lord Vaux’s chamber, [to whom he was related,] before that lord, Mr. Tresham, Mr. Tyrwhit, and others. For the which offence, these three were upon Wednesday after convicted in Guildhall, at an oyer and determiner. Where the said Osborn gave lively evidence; although they before judgment did stoutly deny the same. Yet after, they did most humbly submit themselves unto her majesty; and so departed to prison again.”

At this court of oyer and determiner were others arraigned for hearing mass at a house of Mrs. Alford’s, in Salisbury-court, viz. Mrs. Rogers, sometime wife of Bernard, steward of Gray’s Inn; Mrs.Alford, the wife of Fr. Alford; Mr. Rogers, a gentleman; and one Hyde, Mrs. Ahford’s man.

The seminary priest was one Dean. The said Hyde (who was reconciled by Dean) and Dean himself gave the evidence. And for that cause Mr, Secretary’s pleasure was, that they should be spared. Mrs. Alford was also spared, because Mr. Francis is bound for her; and she promised to go to the church. This favourable dealing was by Mr. Secretary’s order.

All the busy managery of affairs at home and abroad now turned upon the hinge of religlion. And as the queen saw how little safety there was for her from Spain or France, being so vigorously set to extinguish the reformed religion, she shewed herself a friend to the Netherlands, who were now defending themselves and their liberties against Spain with their arms.

So with the other reformed churches, and protestant princes in Germany, she kept a correspondence: and namely, with the prince palatine of the Rhine, one of which house was duke of Bipont, or Deuxpontz; who divers years past came into France with a strong army of Germains, to aid the prince of Navarre, in the civil wars there upon the account of religion. To which duke the queen sent a great sum of money into France by sir Thomas Gresham, the queen’s factor then at Antwerp, out of her good will to those poor oppressed churches: this was in the year 1569, when one Wierus, a learned man, was his agent here. Where he was transacting his prince’s business with the queen; and received great respects from Cecil, the secretary, and afterwards from the same when lord treasurer. The son of this duke, and prince palatine, whose name and title was George Gustavus, palatine of the Rhine, duke of Bavaria, count Veldent, &c. was now coming into England, attended with Wierus’s brother. With whom he sent a letter to the said lord treasurer; the contents whereof shew the high esteem that statesman had of that agent; and that agent’s character of him, in these words: “That by reason of those not only admirable, but also most amiable qualities which he saw and experienced in him twelve years ago, [1569,] when he was agent for his prince palatine of the Rhine; he could not nor ought to omit, that his brother, with his prince, should repair to his lordship without his letters, as witnesses of his most humble observance of him. And that wherein he might, either in the least or greatest matters, any ways serve him, he would endeavour to prove before all men, as long as he should live, that he should never repent of his favour and protection, [clientele, ] which he, desired to receive of him, or rather to be continued to him. And of the favours which he [the lord treasurer] should, according to his singular humanity, shew to that prince and his brother, both of them his admirers; and which he was able to do in that great place wherein he was. Arid so he should oblige all that illustrious family, heretofore most addicted to him in many respects.” Written from Veldent, July 26. Subscribed, Tuae generosisimae excellentiae humiliter addictissimus, Theod.

Wierus, Dr. archisatrapa comitat. Veldentiae.

As those protestant German princes palatine had all respects at the English court, so to another foreign prince the queen shewed as little affection; namely, the duke of Savoy. Who laboured all he could to swallow up the neighbour city, Geneva; and that chiefly out of his pretended zeal to destroy the religion there professed. The citizens this year are applying themselves, (as they had done before,) by their agent, monsieur Mallet, to her majesty for her assistance, and now in their great danger from that duke, to grant them a supply of money. And out of compassion to them, she appointed a voluntary collection to be made in all the dioceses for that city; and the privy-council directed their letters to the archbishop of Canterbury, for his setting it on foot by his letters to the bishops of his province. The success whereof may be read in Archbishop Grindal’s Life, under this year 1582.

There was a letter (not mentioned there) of the syndics and council of Geneva, then addressed to the lord treasurer, laying open their present distressed condition; and thereby to use his interest to move the queen to favour their request. And that backed with another from Beza, their chief minister, to the same lord, to this tenor: “ That he, depending on his benignity, so much spoke of by all foreigners; which though he might seem thereby too confident, yet partly his equity, and partly their necessity would easily, he hoped, excuse. “That no doubt it had been told him, what snares had been laid for their city of Geneva, and with what force it had been assaulted; and how wonderfully God had delivered it that present year. That he knew very well how greedily it was desired by the enemies of the gospel: and that beside those that had declared an irreconcileable war against the gospel, it had other enemies, whatsoever was pretended to the contrary, in respect of the opportunity that the situation of that city afforded. And how much the defence of that city imported, he [the lord Burghley] sufficiently perceived. And that most assuredly in this state of things, as long as that propugnaculum, that fortress of the Helvetian churches, and that most seasonable refuge of the French churches, stood, they must despair of executing the council of Trent, was the true scope of all those warlike attempts, either in France, or in those their countries.

And he hoped that these pontificians, leaving them [of Geneva] behind, whatsoever success openly they might have against Holland, (which he prayed God to avert,) they might pass over the sea, and make other attempts...... [he meant upon England.] “On these accounts he beseeched that lord, to whom he writ, that by his power with the queen, in that their scarcity of money, to obtain of her money, for the assistance of that city and church; that had not illy deserved of others, and also sometime hospitable to this nation.” This letter, dated October 10, proceedeth further: to take off a prejudice that might remain in the queen’s mind against Geneva, he endeavoured to clear that church and city of it; namely, “That it was a receptacle of certain wicked persons: which he affirmed was a shameless slander, since there was no city under heaven that received strangers with more careful and accurate examination of them, and where right judgment was more severely done. And for this he appealed to the English themselves; some whereof, of all ranks and qualities, had honoured their state and school with their presence.”

And whereas there was another thing that might give a disgust against Geneva; that also he thus took off: “That he remembered there was a book set forth there [at Geneva] by a certain Englishman, in the unhappy times of queen Mary, which gave the queen’s majesty offence: [this book seems to be Goodman’s, against women’s government:] but that as soon as it was known there, it was evident that it was condemned and suppressed, by the judgment of that church, and by the authority of their magistrates. And that as for the diversity of some indifferent rites, and of the different manner of the government of their churches, far be it, that the minds of those that plainly agreed in consent of the same doctrine should be divided. And he appealed to his lordship how moderately they always spoke and wrote, being required of those matters.”

These particulars, and several others mentioned in the abovesaid letter of Beza, makes me reckon it worth reading over, and preserving in the Appendix, exemplified from the original. This letter was accompanied and brought with the beforementioned from the council of Geneva, to the same statesman: which is also added in the Appendix, written in French. And what good success these applications had in the English court and church, may be found in the Life of Archbishop Grindal before shewn.

Concerning this duke of Savoy, Brook, the queen’s ambassador in France, in a letter to secretary Walsingham, gave this notice privately: “That it was given him to understand, how that duke had given order to win chevalier Briton [who was a servant of monsieur, the French king’s brother] to become at his devotion, and to repair unto his court; where he promised to do him much honour. Upon which he thought good to put the secretary in mind, that if the said chevalier should depart from monsieur’s service, and be entertained by the duke, if he would, he might do her maiesty secret service in that court, and might come by intelligence to many matters intended against her majesty and those of this religion, now that the said duke had shewed himself so great an enterpriser against those of the religion. That he [the ambassador] thought he had some of his acquaintance which would assure him that the said chevalier Briton should do her majesty secret service.”

The said ambassador propounded another project to the secretary against the duke of Savoy: “I know not whether your honour may think it good, that by monsieur’s means, the prince of Geneva, son to madam de la Granache, may be gotten out of prison, where he lieth in Paris; who might be raised up as an opposite instrument unto the duke of Savoy and those of the house of De Nemours.”

In the same letter he informeth,” That he had been advised by a person of great quality, who had conversation with the nuncio and Spanish agent, that they were assured the prince of Orange had such an indisposition of health, [as though he were poisoned,] that he could not live above a month or six weeks.” And upon this the ambassador gave his probable conjecture,” That the report concerning that prince might be so given out, in respect of his indisposition of health, that he could not live beyond such a time, to cover a wicked design about this time against his life.” And indeed so it proved; for he was shot by a young, desperate fellow at Antwerp, in the hall, close by the door of his withdrawing chamber, the bullet entering in at his throat under the right chap, being so near that the fire entered with the bullet into the wound, burning his ruff and his beard, and pierced his jugular vein; and came out at the left cheek, hard by his nose. The surgeon being called, found that the fire which had entered into the wound had cauterized the jugular vein, and done him much good: wherefore the wound was not mortal. But it proved otherwise. The villain was immediately thrust through with an halberd. That which moved him to do the villainy, as the historian relates, was the temptation of a great sum of money promised by king Philip, to any who should kill that prince. In his preparation for that act, he was confessed by a Jacobine friar, who fortified him in his resolution; persuading him, and making him believe, that he should go in visible; and gave him some characts in paper, and certain little bones; [of some saints perhaps;] which they founds in his pockets, with many conjurations written. And so he was accompanied with the monk to his enterprise. And this I relate, the rather, upon occasion of the English ambassador’s intelligence of the reports at Paris, of the shortness of the prince of Orange’s life.

CHAPTER 9.

A contest with the bishop of Coventry and Litchfield about the chancellorship. The case referred to civilians and judges. A petition about it to the privy-council. This bishop’s troubles in his diocese. Vexed with lawsuits. The earl of Leicester his enemy. Lord treasurer his friend. Desires a commission ecclesiastical. Names of recusants convict sent up. The ill state of his diocese by papists, and exempt jurisdictions. His letter to the lords. A wicked scandal, laid to the charge of the archbishop of York, discovered. Judgment in the starchamber upon the actors. The archbishop’s earnest letters to the lord treasurer: his letters of thanks to the queen, and treasurer. They make open confession at York of their treachery.

NOW for some collections of remark concerning some of the bishops, falling within this year.

There happened a sharp contest between Overton, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, and one Dr. Beacon, about the chancellorship of that diocese, the bishop having granted it to him, and afterward with his consent joined Babington, M.A. with him, granting the place to them both, conjunctim et divisim, and to the longer liver. And lastly, upon pretence of Non user, excluding Beacon wholly, and granting the whole office to the latter. This occasioned a resistance and disturbance in the cathedral church, which amounted to a riot. The bishop then adjourns the court to his own palace, to be holden there; Beacon resorting thither also to offer his service and duty, that no advantage might be taken against him for Non user. But the gates were shut upon him. The case came into the starchamber: and so thence to the privy-council; and they referred it to the archbishop of Canterbury. And he, by a commission of visitation of that diocese, to the bishop of Wigorn, to examine and decide this controversy. And how far this matter proceeded under both archbishops may be read in their Lives, to which I refer the reader. But I have still some other things to relate concerning this notable case, that had been carried into so many courts, brought before so many judges, and the eminentest civilians then in the land, shewing their learning, and giving their judgments therein.

Babington was now constituted sole chancellor by the bishop. The archbishop committed this matter to the judgment of Dr. Aubrey and Dr. Hammond. And the case, as drawn up by Beacon, they thought fit to put to some of the learnedest of the common law, viz. “Quaeritur, Whether these circumstances may not excuse Dr. Beacon by law from the danger of Non user; attending neither by himself, nor his deputy afterward; until full order to establish right and quietness concluded and taken. “Answer of lawyers. These circumstances amount to a disseisin; and Dr. Beacon disseized of his office. Wherefore during the time he is so wrongfully kept from the exercise of his office, Non user cannot prejudice him. For Non user is not a cause of forfeiture; but in case where it is voluntary. THO.EGERTON. — YELVERTON.

FRA.BEAUMONT. — JOHNSON. “Secondly, Whether the grant passed by the bishop, as before, his lordship in his own person, or by any other, may intermeddle in the exercise of jurisdiction, or exclude the patentees, so that his lordship allow them the fees and profits growing by the office. And whether one patentee may exclude another. If both, or either a wrong, how the patentee may remedy himself. “Answer. Where the fees be casual and uncertain, growing by the exercise of the office, the bishop cannot lawfully exclude or remove the grantee. But if the fee be a certain sum of money, the grantor may discharge the grantee of the exercise of his office, allowing him his fee. THO. EGERTON. — YELVERTON.

FRA. BEAUMONT. — JOHNSON.” The case drawn up by the bishop, as the former was drawn up by Beacon, was thus. “The office of a chancellorship within the diocese is granted to one for term of life. The bishop, by the procurement and consent of the same grant, doth sell and deliver, as his act and deed, another patent, of the same office to the former grantee, and to A. B. jointly and severally to the longer liver of them. Which was delivered into the hands of a third person; upon condition A. B. shall assure unto the other a certain yearly annuity, during life. A.B. refuseth to make such assurance. “Quaere, Whether the first patent be void by the making of the second. And whether the second be also void, by the nonperformance of the condition. “Answer. The second grant being delivered by the bishop, as his deed, and not as an escrowe, taketh presently effect, as an absolute grant to the joint patentees; and the condition void. But if it were delivered as an escrowe, then the first grant standeth in form, till the second performed. THO. EDGERTON. — FRA. BEAUMONT.

YELVERTON. — JOHNSON.” Upon this judgment of these learned lawyers, Dr. Aubrey and Dr. Hammond decided this controversy. But Dr. Babington would not stand thereto; but put up a petition to the lords in this contest between him and Dr. Beacon. Which was as follows. “To the right honourable, the lords of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council. “The order made by Dr. Aubrey and Dr. Hammond in the cause committed unto them between Beacon and Babington seemeth insufficient and uncertain. For the same is in part referred, and doth in truth wholly depend upon the allowance, or disallowance of the lord bishop, who is in no sort or condition tied. to the same order: but at good liberty to frustrate and make void the said joint patent, in case it shall by law be voidable. Wherefore Babington most humbly beseecheth your honours, that the consent to be given to the said order may be respited him, until the lord bishop shall either have yielded his consent, or otherwise do shew some lawful cause before your honours, as touching the insufficiency of his said joint patent. For Babington, in truth, would be very loath to contend with the lord bishop, his master, in and about the said joint patent, except the same shall appear and be found good and sufficient; or otherwise to give over his interest he hath or may have in or to the said office, by reason of any other more assured grant made unto him from the said lord bishop of the same. “Where it was likewise thought good and determined by your honours, that all suits and controversies between Beacon and Babington should be compromitted and compounded; the said doctors have only made order, as touching the interest in and to the said office; leaving Beacon and Babington at full liberty to prosecute the said suit against each other. Whereupon Beacon, even sithence the order made, doth proceed in his suit against Babington. Wherefore Babington being very loath to dwell in controversy with the said Beacon, in case they be appointed to join together in execution of the said office, humbly desireth your honours, that either all causes and controversies between them may be ordered and concluded; or otherwise, that the said Beacon and Babington may be at liberty to try likewise, by due course of law, their fight and title in and to the said office. “Also, where it is ordered by the said doctors, that Mr. Weston, register, should collect the fees indifferently for the said parties; and to answer monthly to either an account of the same, Babington humbly beseecheth your honours, that he may have the collections of such fees and profits as are due, unto himself. For that he would be very loath to expect the account or allowance of any other in that which is his benefit, living, and maintenance. And doth offer to become bound, not to intermeddle with any fee or commodity due to the said Beacon.

Your honours’ humble and most obedient orator, Z.BABINGTON.” I have other papers before me concerning this contention, which created so much trouble to the good bishop; as namely, his reasons propounded against admitting Beacon to the chancellorship; and Beacon’s tedious answers to these reasons. Which being long, I will not exemplify them here, but choose rather to reposit them in the Appendix. But the bishop’s reasons, which he offered to the council, or to those to whom the matter was committed, I will here subjoin, for his vindication. “First, Because the said Beacon hath no patent of validity. And therefore the bishop doth not think good to bind himself to a man being free from him, and from all men. The reason is proved thus.

Beacon had two sole patents and one joint patent. The first made void by the acceptance of the second. And the second by the acceptance of the third. And the third is void, because it is sealed and delivered to a third person, to the use of the patentees. But, upon condition. And the condition is not performed. And besides this, though all or any of the patents were good, yet for the defect of due execution, they be forfeited, as by public instruments testifying the same it may appear. “Secondly, Because the said Beacon, though he had a good patent, yet is not a fit man to exercise the office. The reason is proved thus.

Beacon is very unskilful in the law: and, for lack of knowledge, not able to give a sentence, nor to judge of causes aright. B. is very corrupt, and hunteth after bribes; whereby justice may be perverted.

B. is a great favourer of such as are enemies to the queen’s laws, and disturbers of the state: as namely, of one Marbery; who for his anabaptism, or such like schismatical or heretical opinions, hath been committed, and is still put to silence, and deprived of his ministry. “Thirdly, Though he were fit, yet is he the bishop’s deadly enemy: and therefore not to be trusted. The reason is proved thus. B. defaceth the bishop in all places where he cometh. B. calleth the bishop, beastly knave, horson knave, perjured man, simoniacal bishop, &c. B. entereth into conspiracies with others, to deprive the bishop of his bishopric; and hath divers ways sought to entrap him, and bring him in danger of the law. B. hath stood in open accusation of the bishop at the council-table; and hath procured the dean of Litchfield to do the like. B. hath joined himself with the bishop’s enemies in all matters. B. hath been a treacherous and perfidious fellow to all his masters, the bishops, whom he hath served heretofore. And therefore B. is nowise to be trusted.” What answer Beacon framed to these articles in his own behalf, consult the Appendix, number as above.

This bishop had the misfortune to be opposed by the dean and chapter of his church from his first entrance almost into his bishopric, which was in December, 1580. and the abovesaid Beacon, the chief manager of the quarrel on their side. The main ground of it was, that the bishop had demanded some assistance from them and the wealthier of his clergy, under his great charges, too burdensome for him, in his entrance upon the bishopric: which was their subsidium charitativum, as it was called; and for which there had been some precedent in that episcopal see. But they of his church denied to give it. And that which added to the bishop’s trouble was, that the great earl of Leicester, who was formerly his patron and friend, had relinquished him, and countenanced him not in this affair. Of this and other things he made his complaint at large in a secret letter to the lord treasurer, his other friend and patron. “That that earl fell off from him, and rather took the other side. The cause whereof, he said, he knew not, unless it were for apostasy.” [Which what the bishop meant by it, seems to be, that he had applied himself to the lord treasurer, and took him also for his patron, and depended not upon Leicester alone.] His present troublesome condition he unfolded to the said lord treasurer in the month of February. “Which he called his laying forth his griefs and oppressions, sought to be brought upon him by his adversaries.

Whereof one Boughton was one of them: who had brought many suits against him, both at quarter sessions and assizes; and preferred bills against him in the starchamber and in the common-pleas. And all from the countenance of the earl of Leicester, and from private letters. That he [the bishop] had writ to him: which that earl had communicated to his enemy. So that hereby his own counsel, for fear of displeasure, dared scarcely to encounter him in his causes.

So that, as he added, he might almost say, he was denied that which every common subject might claim, viz. the court of justice, and benefit of her majesty’s laws. That Beacon also, [of whom so much hath been related already,] who before feared him, did now triumph over him, by means of the countenance of such who had set him on; and made bold to sue and trouble him every where at his pleasure; in the starchamber, in the chancery, at the council-table, before the archbishop of Canterbury, in the common-pleas, at the assizes and sessions, yea, and in his own consistory. And brought action upon action against him, almost for every thing he did, and for every word he spake. Insomuch that, as he added, these suits put him behindhand, and so consumed him, that he should hardly be able to recover it of a long time.”

One ground of these vexatious actions commenced against him was, that being a stirring man, and observing the ancient jurisdictions and privileges of the see encroached upon, both by the city and the church, he claimed them, and endeavoured to recover them, and to overthrow those pretended exemptions which obstructed his visitations. Concerning which he gave the lords of the council an account; and laid the justness of his course before them, in a letter writ in May following. Which is hereafter exemplified in the Appendix.

These were some of the complaints, with many more, the poor bishop made to that lord: whose letter I had rather to be read also at large in the Appendix. It is not unlikely he had the more enemies and ill-willers, his diocese (especially Staffordshire) abounding with papists, and other disaffected: which he was no friend to. And had called this year upon the court for a narrower search after such by a commission ecclesiastical.

But this bishop’s troubles came to some conclusion this year by means of a commission. And however they represented the bishop as covetous, and contentious among his clergy, yet they were not without fault towards their bishop: which those in the.commission took notice of, and shewed him so much justice and favour, that he might not be hindered nor discouraged in the discharge of his episcopal office. This, with the designs of his prebendaries upon his first coming among them, he acknowledgeth in another letter to the lord treasurer, dated from Eccleshal, April 8, to this tenor. “That the prebendaries of Litchfield, which had so misused him, had received judgment from the high commissioners due to their deserts. For which he was in great part to thank his honourable lordship. And that there had been marvellous plats [plots] laid then, in the beginning of his government, to have dawed him, [as he expressed their purposes upon him.] And surely, added he, they would have done it indeed, but for such honourable countenance and backing. And that if any body should be able to charge him with wrong or wilfulness in any of his doings, (the case on both parts indifferently heard,) he would lease his credit for all. But that he trusted he so tempered himself in all his affairs, both ecclesiastical and temporal, that till manifest fault and obstinacy appeared in the offenders, he never sought any remedy by law; but compounded and ended all matters at home. And so would do, if he were not forced to the contrary.”

And then to take off any surmises that he was contentious, as some had laid to his charge, he proceeded in these words: “My honourable good lord, it is a country full of quarrels; and they will join together notably to lade me with troubles and griefs: and if I should not repress them in the beginning, they would overcome me for ever. And therefore I follow that old rule, Principiis obsta, though to my great travel and charge. If any shall inform your lordship against me, (as I know they have done already, and will do still,) I refer myself wholly to your own honourable judgment and order: only I desire to be heard as well as they. The first tale is good, till the second be told. And thus presuming overmuch upon your honourable patience, to trouble you with so tedious letters, I humbly take my leave.

Your honour’s most bounden, W. COVENTRY AND LITCHFIELD.” This careful and active bishop observing the popish faction at this time so great in his diocese, for the discovery and suppressing of that sort, earnestly required a commission ecclesiastical to be granted from the court: applying himself for that purpose to the lord treasurer, and acquainting him with a speech he had lately made to the queen, (as it seems, in a sermon,) concerning her danger from papists. In his letter he shewed him, “ That he had sent up Mr. Plaisted to attend upon him and the earl of Leicester; and Mr. Secretary, for their furtherance in the high commission. That the time now was somewhat quiet, and the opportunity good to make the motion. And the rather because of late he had been held, as he said, before her majesty, (and with her good liking, as it seemed,) to move her to the earnest repressing of the papists, said furthering of God’s cause, and the gospel, as she had already graciously begun. That he told her highness in these plain words, That full little did she think, when she was in the lions’ den, to live to be queen of England, such were the practices of the papists to cut her off from that expectation, and to cut off themselves also from that danger and fear, which they had of her, if she should reign. And yet God had mightily and miraculously preserved her, as we saw, from the hands of her enemies; only, or chiefly for that purpose, to reerect his kingdom, to ad. vance his glory, and to restore and establish his gospel, and the true Christian religion among us. And therefore as God, even God alone, beyond the expectation of man, had settled her in her royal seat for that purpose, and she also had most honourably and graciously performed that good purpose of God in her, so she might think, that the same God, for the same purpose, had maintained hitherto, and would still maintain and defend her in her state, maugre the heads of all her evil willers, though the Devil himself, and his vice-devil, the pope, and all the popish enemies she had in the world, conspired never so much against her. These, he said, with much more, it pleased her majesty to take graciously at his mouth, declaring then God’s message unto her. And therefore, as he concluded, he trusted her highness would as graciously accept of his lordship’s suit now in his behalf, tending to the same purpose and effect.”

This commission, which he saw such great need of in his diocese, I suppose he soon after obtained; because the next news we hear from the council to the bishop was, to return up the names of all the papists convict there: which in the month of May he did; together with his letter at large to the council, desiring such a commission, as necessary; discovering therein also the ill state of that diocese and country, in many other respects: as concerning the city of Litchfield; and concerning the prebendaries of that church, who had their peculiar jurisdictions by themselves; and so, as exempts, out of his reach: concerning the softness of bishop Bentham, his predecessor: concerning the civil government of the city; and the charters and liberties granted to the bishops by former princes infringed: and the dividing of the city from the see; the ill government of it: (saying, that “in short they lived as they listed, both in the city and in the church.” Further, that bishop gave the council to understand, how the ancient privileges, and liberties of the bishopric were conveyed from him, or encroached upon; the ill state of Staffordshire: disturbances by papists in some churches; and arresting of some persons in the church, even at the time of the communion, particularly by some officers of the lord Paget. All this the zealous bishop writ at large to the privy-council. See the letter in the Appendix, set before. A copy of which he thought fit to send to his friend, the lord treasurer, with this letter following. “Right honourable, I have written up at this present to the whole body of the council, partly for answer to your honourable letters, lately sent to me for the certifying of the convicted recusants in my diocese; partly for other matters occurrent, as in need and duty I thought requisite. I am bold to send your honour a copy thereof here enclosed; to the end, if it please you, you may aforehand be acquainted with the point. I humbly beseech your good lordship, as you were always wont in these and other my suits, to give me your honourable countenance: whereby my want, or excess, if I shall be found therein, may, by your good means, either be pardoned or excused. Certes, my honourable lord, I am here in a very perilous country; and, if I may speak it without offence, the very sink of the whole realm, both for corrupt religion and life. and therefore would gladly have such reasonable assistance and backing, as might be to the better furtherance of my service. I am still ready to trouble your lordship, as one of those whom I think to have great care of the public causes. I trust therefore you will not be offended with my often and tedious letters unto you. Touching mine own matters, both for that I have already in experience of your lordship’s honourable friendship towards me, and also for that of late I heard from Mr. Plaisted of your lordship’s countenance there, I acknowledge myself most bounden to you, &c. Dated from Eccleshal, the 20th of May, 1582.”

Now we proceed to relate an injury of no common size done to another eminent person of the episcopal order, viz. to Sandys, archbishop of York, by a wicked slander, and vile artificial prosecution of it: so base, that the like was scarce ever heard of before; and that created that good bishop the greatest trouble that ever he met with in his life: sir Robert Stapleton, a knight of Yorkshire, being the great contriver of it. The end whereof was to get a good lease of the lands, and great sum of money from the archbishop. The business was acted in the month of May, 1581, at Doncaster, where the archbishop in his journey lodged. Here Sysson, the host, caused his wife to go by night into the archbishop’s bed to him: and he presently after followed, with his dagger in his hand, into the chamber; which he put to the archbishop’s breast, his man Alexander being in company with him: and Maude, that had been the archbishop’s servant, present too, and in the plot. The words that Sysson used, when he came into the chamber, and saw his wife in bed with the archbishop, was, God’s precious life, I will mark a whore and a thief. Sir Robert Stapleton was then in the inn, though he pretended not to be there at that time, or privy to any such thing, and to be the archbishop’s friend. But that he was there, it was justly presumed: for Sysson sending his man for him, he presently came in in his apparel, (so that he had not undressed himself, however late it was,) expecting to be called in, according to the plot laid. And Sysson requiring 800l . of the archbishop, Stapleton brought it down to 600l .

In this distress the poor archbishop was fain to comply with Sysson, and the rest of the conspirators. And to conceal this abuse done him, and the shame that would attend it; which he perceived would reflect not only upon his own reputation, but the church too; in this distress he yielded, in some measure to a lease of some lands of the bishopric to Stapleton. But after, when the knight would further make his own terms with the archbishop, and require still more lands, manors, and benefits, to the utter impoverishing of the see, the good archbishop resolved then no longer to conceal the matter; but to send up the whole cause, and the truth of their horrible dealings with him, in a letter to the lord treasurer Burghley; and he to acquaint the queen with it.

But first I must relate by what means it came to this issue. Sir Robert Stapleton, besides what he had obtained already of the archbishop, still intended to make a greater benefit of him; and having some interest with the queen, I petitioned her to get the rich manors of Southwel and Scrowby for him. And having the archbishop thus, as he thought, in awe, threatened him to discover all, unless he would comply with the queen’s letters to him, to grant long and unreasonable leases for the same. But notwithstanding, the archbishop was at a point, whatever came of it, not to yield in a demand so destructive to the see; and intending to come up himself, but prevented by sickness, wrote his letter to the queen, offering to lay down and quit the bishopric; and all rather than to do it. With which letter he sent another to the lord treasurer: shewing the hardships required of him, and the great damage that he should do, not only to himself, but to all that there should succeed him, and his own steadiness in so good a cause; deserving, for the honourable memory of this archbishop, to be exemplified here from the very original; and was as followeth: “My honourable good lord: of late I received a letter from her majesty, earnestly requiring me to grant unto her highness one manor in lease, according to a lease conceived and sent withal. In the letter one manor is required without name: but in the lease two of the greatest manors I have be comprised, to wit, Southwel and Scrowby, with all their manors, houses, woods, parks, rents, reversions, liberties, privileges, and all other commodities whatsoever can be named, belonging unto the same, to be granted for lxx years, a certain rent reserved. The rent for Serowby reserved in this new lease is xl pound by year. But in truth, by all ancient records, and in my yearly accounts at this day, Scrowby, with its members, amounted to clxxl, by year. And so is answered.

This lease excludeth the bishop of York out of Nottinghamshire, from all houses, lands, and livings; and will grow in time to be a loss to the see of York of as many thousand pounds as it is now required to be let for years. “I am fully persuaded her majesty was never made acquainted with the contents of this lease, the inconveni-encies whereof are so great, that, with a good conscience towards God, I can never consent unto it. “I was fully purposed to answer this person; but after three days journey, I fell so weak and so sick, and so still remain, that I could travel no further. And therefore forced by my letter to answer her majesty. Which thing I have done in such sort, as I hope her majesty will be fully satisfied therewithal. But whatsoever shall fall out, I trust your lordship will favour this honest cause: no wight upon the earth more loath to displease her majesty than I, as one most bound unto her highness; if the granting of this lease would not highly displease God, kill my conscience, and spoil the church of York. My good lord, extend your wonted friendship. And if her majesty cannot be satisfied with my answer, and so shall dislike of my service, then to offer unto her highness in my name the resignation of the archbishopric; that one may be placed that can better serve. And my resignation shall be absolute, and it shall stand in her majesty’s pleasure to give me ought or nought to live on, during these few evil days which I have to live. I will hope in God, that he will make an end of all my travels before I depart out of this place. Thus, my good lord, commending me and this good cause unto your honourable consideration, I commend you to the good direction of God’s holy Spirit. Southwel, this xxivth of November, 1582.”

All this while the knight was labouring to get some good lease of the archbishop by the queen’s means, if not that which was formerly requested.

And so far at length her letters prevailed, that a lease was by him sent up made to her majesty; and so to be conveyed over to him. Nor was that acceptable to Stapleton. Who came therefore to the archbishop at Bishopthorp; and urged him about the same business. “And there with vain and proud speeches, he lying sick in his bed, (as the archbishop related it to the lord Burghley, in another letter to him,) wonderfully molesting him: saying, he was the queen’s messenger to him, and might say what he would. The archbishop said, that he was ready to follow the tenor of her majesty’s letters, and grant whatsoever her majesty required of him. But his commission by word of mouth had no end: putting in and out, altering and augmenting at pleasure. That he surveyed all his lands: picked out what liked him, to see what the farmers would give. So that he, said the archbishop, is the lord of my livings, and the leasor of my lands. That his letters to her majesty, wherein he willingly granted her highness’s whole request, he would not receive at his [the archbishop’s] hands, but needs he must have the conveying of the lease. But that he minded not so to gratify his enemy. That to prevent him, he presently sent up by post his letter of his resolution of grant unto her majesty. And that he would, within fourteen days next, send up the lease sealed and confirmed accordingly. So that there should be no fault in him, except it were a fault to beat down his pride.”

The archbishop further added concerning this adversary of his, “That he reported of him to a person of great honour, that he had him on the hip: that one Rawley would prove him an usurer: and that he himself would make him [the archbishop] glad, ere it were long, to pray her majesty to take in lease Southwel and Scrowbv. And that yet it was not four days before he wrote this letter, the same person (as the archbishop added) deeply sware unto him, in the presence of Mr. Cheeke, [viz. Henry Cheeke, secretary to the council in the north,] that he never had, neither ever would speak evil by him.”

But the knight little knew at this time that the archbishop had a little before discovered all his practice. For being no longer able to bear his dealings with him, and that he should have him thus upon the hip, (to use the knight’s phrase,) he had, about a fortnight before, by a letter to his friend, the foresaid lord, opened the whole work of darkness. And by his means the queen herself was fully acquainted with it; which affected her with exceeding indignation against the actors, as we shall hear in the sequel. But take his first letter in this discovery of iniquity: thus addressing to that lord. “My good lord: In rebus adversis amicus certus cernitur . I find myself more bound unto you than to any man living. At a dead lift you are my most faithful friend. I have need of your present help: otherwise, like to be oppressed with great and shameful wrong.

False informers have prevented me. I was upon the way fully purposed to have opened unto you their treachery, and to have prayed your aid for their condign punishment. My only fault is, that I have concealed the thing so long. I was drawn thereunto by their deep oaths that my good name should never come into question. In respect of the gospel, I have suffered myself thus shamefully to be abused. But hereof, my lord, assure yourself, I am in this matter, wherewith they chiefly charge me, most innocent from all criminal fact. And that I swear unto you by the living God, and as I shall be saved by Jesus Christ. So that you need not fear to defend my just cause, which thing cannot be dishonourable unto you.”

The archbishop sent his chancellor Went with this to his lordship; “who, he said, should impart unto him the whole practice and treachery contrived against him: praying him to hear his said chancellor. That he was a man of integrity and fidelity, and would tell him nothing but the truth.” He added, “That he put his who1e trust in his lordship. That he would use the means, according to his wisdom and wonted favour, to deliver him from this great wrong offered him. That he had a great while languished, and been almost swallowed up with sorrow, lest the word of God should hear evil by him. But now when the false informers had disclosed themselves, and done their worst, he, as he concluded, encouraged himself to this battle; as well trusting in his own innocence as in the lord treasurer’s old, wonted, assured favour. Thus with his prayers, &c. Dated from Bishopthorp, the 6th of Jan. 1582. Subscribing, Your lordship’s most assured, and so bound, E.EBOR.” And this letter was backed to the same lord by a second; styling sir Robert and Sysson, the two contrivers of this mischief, “evil men, and who had deserved severe punishment. For monstrous (he wrote) had been their treachery and cozenage against him.” Adding, “I know your lordship, in respect of God’s cause, and in respect of innocence, and somewhat of me, your old poor wellwiller, will not suffer these wicked men to escape condign punishment.”

When the queen was informed of this vile and base combination against the archbishop, she was highly incensed at so notorious a crime. And forthwith letters from the court were sent down; one to Sysson, and another to Stapleton; to summon them up to answer certain accusations to be laid against them. In short, they were brought under strict examination of their doings. And interrogatories were administered to them, and the rest engaged in the fact. Which may be read at large in the Appendix. And the matter, by the care and diligence of the lord treasurer, was brought to such an issue, that all was discovered, and the shame and wickedness appeared to all.

And the queen commanded sir Christopher Hatton, her vice-chamberlain to signify the content she took in the proceedings. Who thus wrote to the said treasurer her majesty’s mind therein; together with his own joy and satisfaction on the same account. “My very good lord, I thank God from my heart that your trouble in this great cause hath brought forth so blessed an effect.

Innocency is delivered. Truth hath prevailed, to God’s glory, and due commendation of your wisdom and goodness. Her majesty rejoiceth exceedingly in it, and yieldeth her most gracious thanks to your lordship for your so grave and wise proceeding in it. “My lord of Leicester hath her majesty’s direction to signify thus much of her pleasure, with some further matter unto your lordship.

Dated the 24th of February.”

And so likewise, on this occasion, the archbishop was not behindhand in returning his thanks, for clearing his innocency, and discovering the treachery against him. Whose letter neither can I omit; writ from his seat near York, and was as followeth: “My honourable good lord, I cannot requite your great goodness towards me, but by my earnest prayer. All the rest that is in me is not able to answer unum pro mille. Without your constant favour and present help, doubtless mine innocence should have been condemned, and the wicked justified. But my God hath raised you up to stand in the gap, for the trying further of this treachery, and the clearing of mine innocency. As herein you have served the Lord Jesus, in removing this great offence from his spouse, the church; so will he, no doubt, requite you for the same, sevenfold in your bosom. “I hear the knight [sir Robert Stapleton] hath confessed his treachery; not penitently, but threateningly. My lord, after he hath answered and satisfied the church, by this his vile practice mightily offended, then let him do to me what he can. I fear not his worst. I know in what safe state I stand. My conscience will not accuse me. Et vetiras liberabit. If they had not invented, that the strumpet should say I solicited her, they should have had nothing wherewith to colour their treachery. But God doth know, and my conscience doth ever record with me, mine innocency. Yet can I never stand clear in the sight of a great sort; neither can God have his glory; except, as the church hath been publicly offended, so it may be publicly satisfied. I know your lordship, as well for the zeal you have to God, as also for the love you bear to justice, will see this vile treachery openly punished, and stoutly finish that you have so stoutly begun. The cause is God’s; the praise will be yours: and I most bound ever to pray for you. God send you health, and the spirit of fortitude, to suppress all falsehood. And thus I humbly take my leave, commending your good lordship to the good direction of God’s holy Spirit. Bishopthorp, this 28th of February, 1582.

Your lordship’s most bounden, E.EBOR.” Upon this course taken, Stapleton seemed at first to be penitent and sorrowful, and willing to make his acknowledgment to the archbishop. But it was but in appearance. For he soon grew cold and remiss; and threatening the archbishop some ill turn: as the archbishop’s letter above hinted. Insomuch that information thereof was given to the lord treasurer, then absent from court: who forthwith sent his servant, secretary Maynard, to the earl of Leicester, to let him know as much, and to acquaint the queen with it. And what the effect of this message was, and how the good queen had resented it, and her order thereupon, will appear by the earl’s letter in answer to that of the treasurer, viz. “That he had declared to her majesty the advertisement that his servant Maynard had brought him that afternoon, touching sir Robert Stapleton’s coldness again, or rather cholericness, towards the archbishop; as had appeared by his late words and speeches.

That her majesty had willed him to signify to him, [the lord treasurer,] that her pleasure was, for that she doubted that Mr. Stapleton had too much intelligence where he then was [under some favourable restraint,] that he so suddenly seemed to change his manner of dealing, that he should be forthwith committed to the Fleet, to close prison: and that he [the treasurer] should send for the warden of the Fleet; and give him charge, upon his duty to her majesty, for his strait and close keeping of sir Robert, till he had further order from her majesty. That Maude likewise, if he dealt not plainly, be committed to some sharper and straiter place: and such other as were touched with this cause, Sysson excepted, who seemed to justify his confession. And that her majesty would have sir Robert’s answer under his hand, as he confessed any matter worthy setting down; and would know, if that he hath already confessed were not under his hand. “That her majesty was very earnest in this cause: that it be not now handled to her dishonour, and the blot of the bishop: and that she found him like to prove innocent in this accusation: and feared his lordship’s sickness, and other weak handling, might hinder it; which his lordship’s travail had brought to so good pass. That thus much more her majesty said, that if the imprisonment of the Fleet were not sufficient, she would be content that his lordship and he [the earl] and they [the rest of the starchamber] should commit him to what place they should think most fit. So earnest, added the earl, was she to have the matter truly well handled, for the trial of the truth and purgation of the bishop. “Thus have I done (as he concluded) her majesty’s commandment touching this matter; being loath and sorry to trouble your lordship, knowing how much troubled you are otherwise. But her majesty reposeth great confidence in your lordship’s direction. And so praying to God to send your lordship as good health as I wish myself, I end. At the court, this 28th of February, 1582.

Your lordship’s assured friend, R. LEYCESTER.” This command of the queen brought on a further trial of these men; in order to a more perfect knowledge and discovery of the whole matter. And a commission was sent down to those parts where the villainy was acted, for the stricter examination of the parties and the causes, in order to the exemplary punishments of the delinquents. Of this commissiion, in another letter to the lord treasurer, the archbishop seemed to be the chief instrument; that so his innocence might the more evidently appear in those parts where he lived; and that chiefly by the just and open punishment of the guilty: and advising, that the knight, being the chief contriver, might chiefly be punished. And this letter (though somewhat long) I will also insert, the rather, as containing several things more particularly, as the afflicted bishop related his own case and circumstances; upon a new commission now sent down into those parts to examine witnesses. “I fear that I trouble your lordship too much with my many letters: but the necessity of my case forceth me, and the persuasion that I conceive of your approved friendship, and your most firm favour towards me, emboldeneth me so to do. Your lordship’s last private letter maketh the commissioners here to retire. And this new commission warranteth them fully, to receive witnesses for the better trial of this treachery. So that I doubt not but that I shall be cleared here in all respects. God shall have the glory: and after her majesty, you deserve the chief praise. For if your lordship had not stood stoutly at this stern, to break the violent charges of the sea, doubtless, ere this, I had suffered shipwreck. Herein you have served God, who can and doth requite it. But truly, my lord, except public punishment follow upon this public offence, neither can my good name be repaired, neither can the church of Christ be satisfied. For it is here given out, as well by the knight’s friends, as also by the papists, that these parties now troubled, must needs confess somewhat, as also be lightly punished, to cover the bishop’s fault. If they may escape, as is looked for, they will insult more than hitherto they have done. “I think your lordship somewhat perceiveth how they labour already to fall from their former confession. And I assure myself that your lordship, if it were but only in respect of God’s cause, will be the means to see this foul fact throughly punished: and especially the captain of this conspiracy. He in this action is causa sine qua non. For never durst the others, his confederates, have enterprised this vile practice, but in sure persuasion that he would bear out this matter. So that it is the knight which in right should bear the great burden; or rather, answer for them all. His sacrifice must make the satisfaction. I seek not private revenge, God is my judge. And without the public punishing of him, neither shall I, nor any other of the clergy, be able to live in countenance or safety. And for my part, I will never live a bishop with so great disgrace. But it maketh small matter of me; the common cause is to be considered; nay, the church of Christ must be satisfied. This is not my fancy, but the judgment of the wise; the common cry of the world. And for clearing of your lordship, as also of others, my honourable good lords, from suspicion of affection, or partiality towards me in this cause, it is thought most convenient it should receive judgment in the starchamber, a court of great equity, and void of all suspicion of partiality. “But I fear this thing will be hardly brought to pass without your lordship’s special favour and furtherance. Neither mind I to move the matter to any other. For as yet it seemeth to be scant ripe, before I know your lordship’s pleasure therein. For in this, as in all other, I will wholly rely upon your lordship, and follow your direction. Yet can I see no other way how I may escape perpetual infamy, neither the church of Christ an incurable wound of offence.

And better a millstone about my neck, and I hurled into the sea. I trust, therefore, your lordship will not mislike hereof: but rather advise me, when the time shall be convenient to lay my suit that way. And I shall humbly pray your lordship to acquaint my chancellor with your opinion herein; that he may speedily impart the same unto me. There be some of the council that require my presence in London. Truly, my lord, my weakness will not suffer me, as yet, to travel. For grief hath so overgrown me, and this vexation hath so feebled me, that I am forced as yet to keep my chamber, against my following this matter in person. “An opinion of some would argue in me an earnest and a revengeful mind: others would travail with me for a mitigation of their punishment. And that were to procure shame to myself, and slander to God’s gospel. And a great sort would say, that I were commanded to come up to answer for myself. Neither do I think it fit for my age and calling, to trudge up and down about this matter, or to stand at the bar for my defence. All these things notwithstanding, if her majesty shall not dislike of it, and if it shall please your lordship so to advise me, I will, soon after Easter, adventure upon the journey, if it should be to the loss of my life. “And stark tired with the writing this long letter, (I wrote not so much these four months past,)I take my leave of your good lordship, commending the same to the good direction of God’s holy Spirit. Bishopthorp, March the 23d, 1582.

Your lordship’s most bounden, E.EBOR.” In short, the ease was heard in the starchamber, witnesses examined, and at last judgment was given, that the knight and the rest should go down to York; and there. before all, in a public manner, at the assizes, declare and confess this their vile practice, with other penalties; for the vindication of the archbishop’s innocency, and for the giving satisfaction to the church.

These their confessions were made before the archbishop, then also present: who, after they had ended, gravely and piously spake to each of them; yet smartly now and then, laying this business close to them, in order to make them sensible of their impiety, and to bring them to repentance, and also forgiving them. This confession of sir R. Stapleton and the rest, and the archbishop’s answers to them, (which will shew more particulars of this treachery,) are well worthy reading. And therefore, being somewhat long, I have preserved them in the Appendix.

One would have though, that the judgment of the lords, thus despatched and performed, should have put an end to this business. But it did not. For the knight made but a mock-business of his confession, and of his asking the archbishop forgiveness; and his behaviour appearing so confident. And he and Maude coming to the bar to read their confessions, and make their submissions, both wore white ribands about them: the knight appeared with a white riband cast about his body; and Maude the like tied about his arm. And the knight told one of his friends that shewed himself dejected for him, and said, “That there was no cause why this should breed any sorrow in him. For he came now but to serve her majesty, as he had done in weightier affairs heretofore; and doubted not to do hereafter.” So that the voice of the people in that shire and the next ran especially upon two points, observed by all men in their submissions: first, their white ribands, an unusual or rather new fashion; yet having a certain signification.

Secondly, their saying by them often iterated, of their coming but to serve her majesty; to fullfil her majesty’s commandment: which were so taken and interpreted: as, in the first, professing their unspotted innocency: in the second they declared, that notwithstanding the former, for her majesty’s pleasure they were thus punished, and thus disgraced. Which words seemed to divers wise men most pestilent and heinous; and to the queen’s majesty most injurious.

This disorderly behaviour, even at their submissions, compelled the archbishop, not only upon his own account, but chiefly for the queen’s honour, to send another letter to the lord treasurer: in the entrance whereof he shewed him, That he had followed his good advice and counsel; and that he had followed the example of his master Christ, and forgiven his persecutors and enemies, who had many ways crucified him. Inwardly, he had done it at the command of God; outwardly, because his lordship so moved him.” Informing him, “That in the parties themselves there appeared neither any humility, neither any spark of repentance; saving only in the Scot, [viz. Alexander, Sysson’s man, who was in his confession very penitent.] “That the knight came to the bar in great bravery, with proud looks, and disdainful countenance and gesture: haying a great white riband in baudrick sort cast upon a black satin doublet. That he read his submission with so low a voice, and so running, as one reading a letter, as fast as he could. Of the presence he could not be heard nor understood. And that it was most scornfully done, without any token of repentance. And that when he had made an end, he said thus: Now I have read it verbatim, and fulfilled her majesty’s commandment. “That Mallory read more soberly, yet without any token of repentance. That Maude abused the judgment of the starchamber, and the whole presence most lewdly. That he came in with a black satin doublet, with a white riband fast about his right arm. That he spoke so low, and read so disorderly and disdainfully, that the justices of assize rebuked him sharply; he alleging, that he could not well see, nor hear, neither speak. And so derided the order, and laboured to deface him, [the archbishop.] That the Scot [Alexander] was the only man that humbled himself, and with tokens of repentance prayed mercy.”

And then the archbishop subjoined, and shewed that lord to whom he writ, “That he considering what was fit for him to do, and not what they deserved, forgave them all so far as became a Christian, and as God required of him: yet with protestation, that he left the order of the starchamber in its full form. And requested the justices of assize to spare Maude the pillory, and the Scot his ear. Which things, notwithstanding, added the archbishop, he would never have done, but in respect to his lordship’s letter. For, he assured him, more proud, impenitent, scornful men never came in public place to ask forgiveness.

The archbishop told more of their wicked practices against him, even after their public confessions, to blot him and clear themselves. Insomuch that he wrote, “That the case had stood far better with him, if they had not come down at all. And that he doubted not but that his lordship would consider of these disorderly doings, even as might best serve to God’s glory, and for the honour of the lords of the starchamber: whose judgment they discredited, and whose order they utterly contemned. And that for himself, he saw that while he lived there, he should live both in great misery and in great danger; and should labour unprofitably, hurling pearls before swine; and bestow all his labours upon an unthankful people.” This writ from Bishopthorp, the 2d of August, 1583.

Nor was there any of this company that shewed true repentance at their confessions, but Alexander Farly, the Scot, their servant: who, before he began to make his confession, voluntarily acknowledged his fault, and craved pardon of the archbishop, and that he would grant him a release of the loss of his other ear, one having been cut off before his coming down to York. And standing upon the pillory, he prayed for.my lord archbishop: at whose hands, he said, he found more favour than at any man’s else. And being demanded concerning his obstinacy, why he never confessed his lewdness before the sentence was ready to be given, he answered, it was to keep his oath taken for the concealment of it. When this man came to York, to receive judgment, he willed all serving men to take heed of gentlemen, and not to trust them; for their flattering promises had provoked him to that wickedness: and then they left him in that misery.

This unadvised behaviour brought those men into new troubles. For they soon were summoned up again, and committed to the Fleet; and came into examination in the starchamber about the white riband, and a whetstone also that hung at it, when the knight was at York, reading his confession. I am sensible I have been somewhat long in my relation of this accident happening to archbishop Sandys: my purpose being to retrieve and preserve, as much as I can, the memory of these first bishops under queen Elizabeth, the great directors and instruments of our reformation. Whereof this learned, pious exile and confessor, as well as prelate, was one of the chief.

But this business ended not yet. For I find sir Robert Stapleton was proceeded against sharply for his misdemeanour. For he was deeply fined, and committed a prisoner to the Tower; and remained there, and in the Fleet, in the years 1583 and 1584. Which affliction seemed to humble him, and bring him to repentance. For thus I find a letter of his to the lord treasurer importing, as I take it from the original, viz. “That as my great follies and offences deserve the punishment that willingly and with contentment I do endure, so I humbly crave, upon my true repentance, that your lordship would please, for the relief of my weak body, most deeply decayed with long restraint in prisons, close and unwholesome, to be a mean unto her majesty for my liberty of this house: whereby in taking air and convenient exercise by walking, I must hope for the remedy that by physic is denied, both for the unfit season of the year, being intemperately cold, and his feebleness and inability of stomach, unapt to receive medicine. He added, that he dared not trouble his lordship with long letters, but did beseech him, for God’s cause, to mitigate his displeasure, which he confessed he had largely deserved. That the Highest knew he was right woe for it, and did purpose to become a new man in lowliness and integrity of life. That this was the same duty that he offered to God for his sins: and he verily hoped his most gracious sovereign would not refuse it: neither that his lordship would reject that just petition of him that was in misery.

Even so he humbly took his leave, beseeching God to preserve him in all honour and happiness. From the Tower, the 24th of December, 1583.”

And I find the said knight in the Fleet in May, 1584, petitioning the said lord to procure the release of his imprisonment and fine; all writ with his own hand, to this tenor: “That as one most heartily sorry for his great offences, he did lay himself at his lordship’s feet; craving his mercy and honourable favour towards the relief of his poor estate by release of his grievous imprisonment and heavy fine. He acknowledgeth, that his lordship had of late been pleased to mitigate his extremities in more honourable sort than he was able to deserve; he humbly craved, that for God’s cause he would continue his goodness, especially at the present, sithence upon some ready help consisted his great good or harm, to the establishment or utter overthrow of his poor house and children. All which he committed to his honourable consideration, &c. Dated from the Fleet, the 27th of May, 1584. Subscribing, Your good lordship’s, in all duty and service, R.STAPLETON.”

CHAPTER 10.

The bishop of Peterburgh addresseth to the queen for confirmation of their statutes for residence. Commission for concealments oppress the clergy in the diocese of Lincoln. The bishop’s complaint thereof to the lord treasurer. Ensnaring interrogatories put to the ministers and churchwardens. The said bishop’s letters in behalf of his clergy, and his own jurisdiction, encroached upon.

The bishop of Lincoln in an ecclesiastical commission upon Mackworth, for having two wives. The troubles of Scory, bishop of Hereford, from sir H. Sidney, lord president of Wales. His rigorous government. The state and revenues of the bishopric of St. David’s. TRANSACTIONS of remark of some other bishops happening this year, follow.

Edmund, bishop of Peterburgh, had now some business with her majesty: which was, to have the statutes of the cathedral church confirmed; chiefly to oblige the prebendaties thereof to residence. The want of which he made complaint of to her, in a long letter, dated June the 19th, from Peterburgh; introduced with this humble, apologizing preface: “That he knew not whether he should begin to crave pardon for his boldness in presuming, after his simple manner, to write to her most excellent majesty, or to make his excuse, that he had deferred until that day to signify unto her a matter of so great necessity as that which he was to declare. Wherefore touching both those points, determining to rest upon her accustomed favour and royal virtue, he proceeded to his purpose. Letting her understand; “ That her good and gracious father, king Henry VIII. had erected in Peterburgh a cathedral church. And that kind of foundation implied always a society of learned men, stayed and grounded in all parts of religion, apt to preach the gospel, and convince errors and heresies, which in the singleness of opinions (where particular men over particular churches, as pastors, are set, within the diocese, where it is chief) may happen to arise; and further, to assist the bishop, the head of the diocese, in all godly and wholesome consultations. Insomuch that the cathedral church ought to be, as it were, the oracle of the whole diocese, and a light unto all places lying near it. And that after this house [of God] was erected, there came to the same certain statutes for the government thereof, under his majesty’s name: and so had continued; not without regard the rather through a confirmation made of them by her majesty’s visitors, appointed for that place and country adjacent, anno primo of her most happy reign. Insomuch, that a long time after his coming to that bishopric, he did, (he said,) as well he might, contain the prebendaries of the said church in the duties of residence, hospitality, and preaching the word, indifferently well. “But that (as he went on) of late years these good offices were diminished; and at the last, in a manner, he spake it not without deep sighs, almost clean vanished: insomuch as, he said, he dared not express unto her how little residence was there; being loath in any wise to trouble her majesty therewith, if he had been able to reform it of himself. That he had extended his authority and force of jurisdiction to the uttermost, and followed the severity of laws in higher courts, pretermitting no means under her majesty, to redress that which was, and still remained, amiss: and had not found either very good success, or mean charges, expenses, and trouble. That the chief and sole cause, in a manner, of all this matter, besides the perverseness of men’s natures, being the uncertainty of the authority of the statutes of the said church; the froward and disobedient always pretending for their defence, that the same were and are of no force; and that they stand at liberty to do, or not to do, the premises at their pleasure. Because they were not extant under the great seal, and indented.”

And thus having shewed the cause of his complaint to the queen, he proceeded to make his request: “Wherefore he, styling himself her majesty’s most faithful and poor subject, appointed under her to that church and government, most humbly prostrated himself before her in this matter, as of great importance, both in respect of God’s glory, and of her father’s and her own renown, for this his majesty’s most famous work of erecting cathedral churches, instead of monkish and superstitious houses, was, and so still remained, the beauty of the reformation of religion, and the greatest benefit next to the doctrine of the gospel itself, that the church of God in his realm received at his most royal hands, far exceeding all other acts that were done by any of his progenitors before him; and surmounting all that was like to be done in any time to come: if that which his will founded might likewise be well governed.”

And then further to press his motion, he used these words to her: “Let not then, I most humbly beseech you, the matter of government of these houses, (for they all that are of your father’s foundation be in like uncertainty of the authority of their statutes, and especially this church where I am,) stand any longer doubtful; but let it be by your most sacred majesty decided and determined, under what rules and orders they shall live. And so shall the holy plant of your father’s hand be by you well nourished and cherished; and you shall be rightly heir, as well of his glory, as you are of his imperial crown and dignity. And the Lord shall bless, prosper, and multiply your days and years; to the great comfort of the church, and all your most faithful subjects.”

And still to excite the queen to a despatch of this business, he added: “That this thing, until it be perfectly finished, being a matter that needed no long delay for the difficulty, nor would be deferred for the great utility, all celerity would seem little to him, being an old man, desirous to leave his church in good order before he died: and knowing that it was now more than ten years since it was moved by him and others to their archbishop that was dead; and by him to her majesty, as he said, to be reformed: concluding, that he that was loath to begin to write, now found difficulty to make an end, because of the weight of this matter that he was entered into. But because he was grown to more length than he purposed, he must of necessity make an end: most humbly beseeching her majesty to pardon him in that he dared to present, after his rude manner, this, or any cause unto her. Subscribing, Your majesty’s most faithful subject, EDMUND PETRIBURG.” The commission for concealed lands and estates, granted out by the queen, created great perplexities and wrongs to the clergy, as at other times before, so this year; the queen gratifying some of her dependents, and particularly the gentlemen pensioners, with these commissions. Whereof one of them was Edward Stafford. Whose deputies extreme dealing with the clergy in the large diocese of Lincoln, was at length complained of by Cooper the bishop, to the lord treasurer: who was the clergy’ chief patron, to whom they usually applied in their distresses and hardships, often nowadays put upon them.

These deputies of Stafford, that the poor clergy in this diocese might be sure to be well squeezed, were instructed to administer to the ministers and churchwardens Articles of Inquiry; and which they would deliver no copies of. The sum of which articles the bishop sent up to the said lord treasurer, enclosed in his own letter to him, for some redress of his clergy. I shall first set down the articles, and then his letter, which will give us a plainer discovery of this matter.

The articles had this title: A note of certain articles of fered by Mr. Stafford’s deputies to all the clergy generally, so far as they to them have been offered, and can be remembered. For copies, they themselves would deliver none. “Imprimis, Where you are parson, vicar, or curate. And to whom the gift of that parsonage or vicarage doth belong. And how long have you been possessed of it. And whether you be incumbent upon it. “2. Item, Of what age you were at the first taking of it. “3. Item, Whether you have any more benefices than one; and how you are qualified. And by whom. Whether under the hand and seal of any nobleman. And whether you be dispensed withal according to law. “4. Item, Whether you have read the articles within two months next after your admission to any parsonage or vicarage. And every year after, once. And whether you have subscribed thereunto. “5. Item, Of what degree you are. And whether you be preacher; yea, or no. And whether you are licensed thereunto. “6. Item, Whether you observe the order of prayer, and do administer the sacrament, in such sort as is appointed and commanded by her majesty in the Book of Common Prayer. “7. Item, Whether you have married in such sort as is appointed by her majesty’s Injunctions; having the hands and seals of two justices of peace allowing thereof. “8. Item, Whether you do use the church ornaments and rites, as are appointed by authority. “9. Item, Whether you have paid your yearly tithes and subsidies; yea, or no. If not, how long is it since you made default. And how much is behind. “10. Item, Whether you have used any simony, or other unlawful means, to come by any such parsonage or vicarage, &c.” With a great many too, more dangerous a great deal of answers unto directly, upon a man’s oath. Which the ministers were not able to bear away. And all this by force, they say, of viis et modis, [a term that ran in their commission,] as the bishop added at the end of these articles. “II. Articles, or interrogatories to be ministered to the churchwardens and sworn men, touching their ministers. “ Imprimis, Whether is your parsonage impropriate: yea, or no. If it be, to what abbey, &c. did it belong. Who is the farmer thereof. And from whom hath he his lease. At whose hands purchased he it. “2. Item, Who is the vicar of the same. How long hath he been vicar there. By whom was he presented. And what is the value of the said vicarage. “3. Item, Whether is your said parson resident upon the same. And what hospitality doth he keep. “4. Item, What your parson’s or vicar’s name is, not being impropriate.

And how long he hath been parson or vicar there. “5. Item, Whether the parson or vicar hath any more benefices or ecclesiastical promotions: yea, or no. What are the names thereof. And how many he hath. Who be the patrons; and within what diocese lie they. And how long hath he enjoyed or occupied them. “6. Item, How long hath he been instituted, and had his induction for the second, third, or fourth benefice or spiritual promotion. And what day, to your knowledge, took he possession of the same. “7. Item, Whether hath he a licence or dispensation to keep so many benefices: yea, or no. And by whom he is qualified. “8. Item, Whether hath he compounded for his said benefice, yea or no, in the office of the First-fruits. “9. Item, What profit hath he received of his first benefice, since he was admitted to the second, having no dispensation. “10. Item, Of what age was your parson at the time of the admitting him to the said benefice. “11. Item, Whether was your parson made deacon before his admission to the said benefice. “12. Item, Whether did your parson, within two months after his induction, publicly read the articles in the church, whereof he hath cure, in time of common prayer. And therewith at such days and times, as yearly they be appointed, according to a statute made the 13th Eliz. that now is. If not, when, and how long it is since he made default. “ 13. Item, What reward, or sums of money, or other consideration, or thing, did your parson give promise, yield or pay, for or in respect of having or obtaining your said benefice. And by whom. “14. Item, How many benefices hath your parson at this present; or how many hath he had at one time, since he was an ecclesiastical person. And which of them had he first. What be the numbers thereof.

Where lie they. How many miles distant the one from the other. “15. Item, What faculty, licence, or dispensation hath your parson to enjoy mo benefices than one. If he have a licence, what date beareth it, or under what seal obtained he the same. “16. Item, Whether your parson be chaplain to any nobleman; by colour whereof he doth enjoy a plurality. Of what calling is his said lord and master. And whether did he obtain, under his lord and master’s hand and seal, a sufficient testimonial into a court, when he obtained his licence where he then served, according tp a statute in that case provided. “17. Item, Of what clear yearly value be the said benerices, according to the valuation in her majesty’s books. “18. Item, Whether he have paid his subsidies and yearly tenths due for his said benefices. If not, when and how long is it since he made default. “19. Item, Of what degree in school is your parson. And whether useth he to preach. Or if he do, whether he be sufficiently authorized thereto. “20. Item, Whether hath your parson subscribed to the articles: if not, how long is it since he made default so to do. “21. Item, Whether hath your parson married.in such sort as he ought to do, having two justices of peace’s hands for the allowing thereof. “22. Item, Whether your parson have, or do minister the sacraments, say service in the church and chapels; using such rites and ceremonies, as the laws of this realm, Book of Common Prayer, and Injunctions do permit: and how long he hath done contrary. “23. Item, Whether your parson have been resident upon his benefice since the time of his possession. If not, how long hath he been absent in one year. And the cause thereof. “24. Item, Whether your parson have spoken at any time in the church, or otherwise, in the derogation of the Book of Common Prayer, or in ministering the sacraments in such manner and form as in the said book is set forth.”

In regard of these deputy commissioners, and these their ensnaring inquiries, to get money out of the poor clergy, or to imprison, or deprive them, and to get the benefices into their hands or patronages, and likewise their encroaching upon the jurisdiction of bishops herein; the good bishop of Lincoln wrote an earnest letter to the lord treasurer, (as was mentioned before,) dated Sept. 23. And giving further light into some of the grievances of these commissions, I shall give the tenor of it from the original. “That it might please his honour to understand, that at that present he was forced in behalf of the poor preachers and ministers of his diocese, to desire his lordship’s advice and direction in a matter very nighly touching them, and wherein, in his poor judgment, (he said,) they were offered very hard dealing by the deputies of Mr. Stafford. That they entered not into his diocese till that present time. And now they brought down with them a commission out of the exchequer to certain gentlemen of every shire, to inquire for the lapse of such benefices as were granted to Mr. Stafford. Which, as he took it, were only those that fell to her majesty’s gift by dissolution of abbeys, and none other. That the manner of the inquiry mentioned in the commission was only this; Vel per sa cramentum proborum, et legalium hominum; vel aliis viis et modis, quibus melius poterint. And that by this latter claim of viis et modis, they took upon them, without consent or knowledge of the ordinary, by the bailiff of their hundred, to summon all the clergy, even curates and readers; and to offer them an oath to answer to certain articles. Which articles comprehended all manner of faults, either by law or by statute, or by injunction, or by order appointed in the Communion Book: whereby any minister might lose his living, or come into any punishment by such faults committed. “Which, as he proceeded, in his opinion, was more than the meaning of the quecn’s majesty in her commission, or more than the words in law could carry. For that this was more, added he, than episcopal jurisdiction. And that if her majesty had granted this authority to Mr. Stafford, or to his deputies, especially to such deputies as they were, bishops or other ecclesiastical officers in this realm should have little to do. And yet the ministers very simply reformed, if they would give any money. And that this authority used they, not only to such ministers as had ecclesiastical livings of the patronage from the queen, but (as he had written) to all other. “Wherefore he desired his honour, even for God’s sake, most humbly, in the behalf of the poor preachers, that his lordship would vouchsafe to help him with his directions in this case; and to signify, whether the ministers ought to obey this manner of dealing, and to be their own accusers, to their utter undoing. That the better sort unto doubtedly were greatly discouraged and dismayed; seeing themselves more extremely dealt withal than the residue of the queen’s majesty’s subjects. For in the inquiry for concealed lands and other things contained in her majesty’s grant to Mr. Stafford, there were none such extraordinary means used; but only juries impannelled, by instruction to inquire of such things as were thought to be wrongfully detained from her majesty. Which manner of dealing, if it were used toward the ministry, no complaint should be made. Herein he most humbly and earnestly desired his honour’s direction: for that he knew he [the lord treasurer] had examined the value and force of their commission. And both he, and the poor ministers of his diocese, should be bound to pray for the continuance of his honour. Which God, he prayed, would prosper to his glory.”

And then, by way of postscript, he heartily desired his lordship’s answer with some speed. For that the matter was hotly and hastily followed. No delays of time or consultation would be granted.

The effect of this seasonable intercession of the good bishop to a good friend at court in such straits, was, that a stop was immediately put to Stafford’s commission. For a Supersedeas came down to his deputies, against the unlawful methods taken by these men, in managing their commission. Whereupon the said bishop wrote a letter of thanks to the statesman that procured the stay thereof so speedily. For his letter bore date but six days after his former; wherein he gave the treasurer information of these doings in his diocese: yielding most humble and hearty thanks to is lordship for his honourable favour, in staying, by Supersedeas, the disordered proceedings of Stafford’s deputies against the clergy of some part of his diocese.

But because there was no doubt some fair and plausible account would be given of the course taken in prosecuting this commission; and so some crime might be laid to the bishop, in what he had said or done in the representing thereof: therefore he proceeded in his letter, for prevention, to open their doings more at large. Using these words: “For that I know not what information they will make unto your honour upon this stay, I am bold to signify unto your lordship such disorders, to the proof whereof I will stand. First, That they summoned the clergy by the bailiffs and constables, without any notice given to me, or to my chancellor, or to any other ecclesiastical officer; although we were all present in the country when it was done. Secondly, That they summoned the whole clergy, parsons, vicars, curates, and readers: whereas her majesty’s grant to Mr. Stafford, as I take it, touched only those benefices that came to the queen’s disposition by the dissolution of abbeys, chantries, &c. only. And therefore, as I think, he cannot meddle with those ministers that have their benefices of other patrons.

Thirdly, That they offered a number of articles to the ministers upon their oaths, very captious and dangerous to answer unto, against themselves. And this also was generally offered to all.

Fourthly, They inquire upon these ministers by the oath of their parishioners in a great many articles. A number whereof appertain nothing to the queen’s majesty’s grant. For they see thereby certain words in her majesty’s commission out of the exchequer: by force whereof they may not inquire of penal statutes or injunctions, which appertain unto the ministry. And so at this present they affirm unto me, that their learned counsel did tell them.”

He further informed the lord treasurer, what sort of men the parties were, that hitherto were assigns for Mr. Stafford within his diocese: namely, for Huntingtonshire two, one of them a collarmaker: for Buckinghamshire two others; all of them very mean persons. And that there were with them some common promoters, and other ordinary and busy, men, to be, as they said, their solicitors, and followers of the cause. That there was not one of them tolerably affected in religion; and some of them known to be backward.

And therefore their proceeding against the clergy the more to be suspected.

Who were or should be for the other shires of his diocese, he knew not.

For that in Lincolnshire, Leicestershire, Bedfordshire, Hertfordshire, he did not yet hear that any had begun. Wherefore in conclusion the bishop humbly desired his lordship, when those commissions should come forth, to have consideration of the things beforementioned.

The same bishop of Lincoln I find acting this year in an ecclesiastical commission against one Mr.Mackworth, for wickedness and heresy, two gross crimes; namely, for lying with another woman, his wife being alive, and affirming the lawfulness of having two wives. He was also very unkind to his wife: so that there was mention of separation. This cause (which had been before the lords in the starchamber) was set upon by several persons, in an ecclesiastical commission. And an account of which, and what judgment was passed upon him, thus the bishop gave to the lord treasurer in the month of January. “That it would please him to be advertised, that on the 18th and 19th days he was at Stamford, to deal with Mr. Mackworth. Where after a sermon, to the reproof of his wickedness and confusion of his heresy, in a very great assembly, as well of the gentlemen as of the common people of the country round about, he was convented before him, [the bishop,] and other of the commission ecclesiastical; viz. sir Tho.Cecille, Mr. Haulle, Mr. Wowrlich, and others, sitting with him. And that at the time he behaved himself very rudely. But that in the end he was contented to submit himself to such sort of acknowledging his fault openly as they should appoint him. Which was, that on two several Sundays, in two several churches, after a sermon made in each place, he should particularly acknowledge his faults and errors, in such manner as they [the commissioners] should lay them down in articles. “That in the afternoon his wife’s proctor moved for a separation; and order to be taken for his giving security of living for her and her children. That after much waywardness in challenging his wife’s brother, as the cause and follower of all his trouble, he earnestly desired that the matter might not proceed to separation: offering the commissioners to put in a bond, as they should desire, to his wife’s friends for her security, to have an honest and quiet life with him, as with a loving and Christian husband: adding further, that if sentence of separation should be given, it would be an occasion of great grudge between them; so that they should not at any time hereafter live together so quietly as now they might. “That they went forward, and prepared the matter to sentence, taking consultation, until the next day in the afternoon. At which time he earnestly, and with some tears, renewed his former motion.

And they understood that the gentlewoman was not unwilling thereto; but left herself to the commissioners directions, if they did think it safe for her so to do: nevertheless they thought it not to stand with their duties to accept any such reconciliation, before they had imparted the same unto their honours [of the privycouncil, in the starchamber, as it seems; from whom the cause might have been sent to the bishop and the rest.] That therefore they deferred the sentence to the 30th day of January, to Bugden.

Where Mr.Mackworth must appear, to hear the resolute order, the one way or the other.”

And so depending upon their order, the bishop concluded, “That they heartily desire their honours’ direction therein: that if he would yield to such conditions as the gentlewoman and her brother should think reasonable, whether it be their honours’ pleasure, that they should accept that reconciliation, and proceed no further to divorce. And that they might know it, if it might be, by the 3Oth of that month.” My intelligence reacheth no further in this matter. But these few memorials are enough to shew the paternal cares and concerns of this and other bishops in these times.

But I go on now to a remark or two of another bishop, falling out this year.

The bishop of Hereford had very hard dealing; and perhaps chiefly upon the like commission of concealments, as that abovementioned in another diocese. And I the rather take notice of this bishop, whose name was Scory, having been one of king Edward’s bishops, and returned from exile upon queen Elizabeth’s access to the throne, and one of the bishops that assisted at the consecration of archbishop Parker, the first archbishop upon the reformation. This ancient venerable bishop was vexed by the council of the marches of Wales, whereof sir Henry Sidney was president. By whom the rest of the council were led, in effect, as he pleased. I have briefly taken notice of this bishop’s case elsewhere; but now shall relate it more at large.

To the common patron of the bishops and clergy this bishop appealed in a letter written to him in the month of November. Thus shewing his condition: “That he was now in his old age compelled to seek refuge and aid of him, [the lord treasurer,] and others her majesty’s most honourable privy-council, as the only help next her majesty, to see justice and equity to be given unto her highness’s good subjects.

Therefore his humble petition unto his honour now was, that by his good and favourable means he might be heard before the said lords.

To whose justice he appealed from the strait doings and inquisitions of the lord president and others there: calling in question his [the bishop’s] name, by examining thousands to his great discredit and injury. And that if in their great inquisitions they could charge him worthy of discredit he appealed to their honours for the hearing: and to suffer shame and punishment, if they found him worthy of the same. And that he had good cause to appeal from the said lord president, and some of the council there, (viz. whom he used to pleasure him when he would.) For that except Mr.Justice there were none, he said, but whom it was his pleasure to have: and he all those times absent. That it might appear plainly by their examinations and inquisitions of the country, on all and every interrogatory, as should please certain base commissioners, without calling him first to answer the same; or to know what he could say therein. Besides divers other dealings, not used to any bishop of this realm, since the conquest, he was sure. “That he had referred the relation hereof to his son, the bearer; and humbly prayed his lordship that he might be heard. And that the said lord president, and Mr. Fabian Philips, the executioner, and practiser of the said commissions and inquiries, might certify their doings against him, [the said bishop.] Whereby their honours should the better see and judge the injury and discredit he had by their doings received. This was dated the 20th of November, 1582: and subscribed, Your good lordship’s to command in the Lord, JO. HEREF” The abovesaid lord president was very rigorous in these parts of the principality of Wales, by commissions which he got for squeezing money out of the poor people, upon pretence to save the queen’s charges for the maintaining of her council there: as, by virtue of a commission to require twenty pounds monthly upon recusants for not coming to church: and by colour of this and other commissions he pressed the inhabitants, and the clergy, and chiefly this bishop, in large and arbitrary payments. Which therefore Whitgift, bishop of Worcester, and one, I think, of the council there, freely informed the lord treasurer of in a letter: how inconvenient those commissioners were; and their burdening the queen’s subjects there for their own gain. See the Life of Archbishop Whitgift.

But still the next year I find the same bishop of Hereford’s complaints continued against the arbitrariness of the said lord president, in respect of his abuses and outrages offered in his government. Of which he, being now come up, thought to have spoken to the lord treasurer in person; but being gone from his house without Templebar into the country, he acquainted him with it by a private letter, wrote in June, 1583, especially that lord being desirous to understand further touching the government of that principality: of which the bishop, in his said letter, gave him this account; viz. “How the same, for the four years last past, had been governed by the lord president, and such as he had for the more part attendant about him, that were at his devotion and commandment, his lordship might require the same of the bishop of Worcester, [Whitgift,] and some other of the most worshipful of the said principality; whom he [the lord treasurer] knew to be best affected.

For the fame commonly was, that there were never such devices to get money as had been lately practised. Which he thought would appear, if but half the inquisitions were orderly made thereof, as his lordship had lately untowardly made against him, [the bishop.] He added, that there was a gentleman of worship said at his [the bishop’s] table, about the beginning of April last, that the said lord president had received, within two years last past, 30,000l . But what was answered to her majesty, said the bishop, his lordship [as lord treasurer] best knew. And that notwithstanding, they said that the queen’s house there was in debt. Whether it were so much, he doubted, (as the bishop went on;) but a principal attorney, and one that had something to do in the fines, said to a man of the bishop’s, (as he told him,) that none were there rewarded any longer than they could bring in money. “That for his own part, he did not intend to accuse his lordship of any matter, were it ever so evident, that touched not her majesty, her state, crown, or dignity: yet for that he was sworn one of the council there, it was, he said, his part, either to her majesty, or to his lordship, [the treasurer,] (who above others took care of the good government of her subjects,) to intimate some occasions to inquire further; if he so thought good.”

This poor persecuted bishop, having stayed in town thus long till the summer of the next year, 1583, now upon his departure gives his friend, the lord treasurer, the melancholy account, how uncomfortably he was like to spend the remainder of his days in his diocese, by reason of the hard usage he was like to meet with, by means of the president, in these words: “And now I humbly take my leave of your good lordship, and intend to return to my charge, where I am persuaded I shall live in small security of life, goods, or fame. Of the last whereof, he adds, his lordship, [the president,] and his, had already utterly spoiled him. For now in the said principality among some of his friends, I am committed to the Fleet among, others [of the clergy] deprived. [Meaning, as it would be given out there.] And among the lawyers, the tempters here, I must with six bishops make a purgation.”

And then in conclusion he requested, “That if his good lordship, in consideration of the lord president’s greatness, by allies, friends, and authority, and of his own littleness by wanting the premises; of his desire of revenge; and ability to perform the same; and of his [the bishop’s] weakness the same to defend or avoid; would be a means to her majesty, that he and his might be either exempted from his lordship’s authority, to answer in the courts there at Westminster, as other bishops out of the said principality did use to answer; or else to he removed to some other place; where he might be in some safety out of his lordship’s reach. And by obtaining this for him, he should be bound with a grateful mind to ascribe to his lordship’s goodness the security and quietness he should thereby enjoy, the few days he had to live: which the three and twenty years last past [during which time he had been bishop there] he could never find in the said principality.”

Richard Davies, bishop of St. David’s, dying in the month of October, the last year past, an account was taken of the revenues of that bishopric, by order, as it seems, of the lord treasurer, and sent up this year to him by some officer or steward of that diocese. Whereby it may appear, how much wrong that bishopfie received, and was diminished in its revenues, by means of a commission of concealment, granted to one Carey, a groom of the queen’s privy chamber, his rigorous proceedings by virtue thereof; and how impoverished it was now at that bishop’s death: being reduced from four hundred and fifty-seven pounds, odd money, de claro, (as it was given in 27 Henry VIII.) unto two hundred and sixty-three pounds. This record, transcribed from the original, is preserved in the Appendix. And hereby may be gathered also how much the revenues of the church in this reign suffered by these commissions of concealments, granted now and then: and what a little gainer the crown was by them.

CHAPTER 11.

Puritans. An inscription about the queen’s arms in a church in Bury; abusive of the queen. Wright, chaplain to the lord Rich. Ilia troubles. Informations concerning him. And his answers. Papists; lord Vaux, and sir Thomas Tresham. Their examinations. Lord Vaux’s confession. Sir Richard Shelly abroad. He offers to make discoveries to the queen. A safe conduct granted to him. His loyalty. Some accounts of him and his family. Bourn late in the inquisition. One Gower, a fugitive, comes to the English ambassador at Paris; desires conference with some learned about religion. Is cast into the bishop of Paris’s prison. Seminary priests and mass-hearers brought to the sessions at London. A box of stamps for popish libels taken.

NOW to gather up some things concerning the ill-willers to the church established, and its constitution; viz. those called puritans and papists.

How the town of St. Edmund’s Bury in Suffolk stood affected to puritanism, hath been shewn somewhat largely before. I shall relate one remark more of an act of some of this sort; which shewed they had no good opinion of the queen, for her maintaining the church in the present service, doctrine, and rites thereof. And that appeared by certain words some of them caused to be set on either side of the queen’s arms in the church there, viz. after this manner.

Four or five words of these verses were painted by the painter: and then, by advice, the rest was staid; and these words following put in the room; viz.

And then this sentence next after: Notwithstanding,, I have a few things against thee, that thou sufferest the woman Jezebel, which maketh hersell a prophetess, to teach and to deceive my servants; to make them commit fornication, and to eat meat sacrificed unto idols.

Thus bold and seditious some of this faction were. But it was soon reported up to court; and the matter resolved to be strictly examined. And on the back side of this information was writ, by the lord treasurer Burghley’s own hand, in order to the finding out the authors, the names of such as were to be called up; viz. 1. The minister. [He, probably, in whose church this inscription was set, and who permitted it to be done.] 2. The bookbinder: whose name was found to be Tho.Gybson, a bookbinder in Bury; who had caused the first sentence to be put up.

This man had printed Browne’s books. 3. The painter’s name. What the further discovery of this was, and the conclusion, I find not.

I meet with one Robert Wright, a puritan preacher, now in the Gatehouse in Westminster. He had been domestic chaplain to the lord Rich’s household at Rochford. Proceedings of Elmer, bishop of London, with him in the commission, have been shewn in the Life of that bishop. Articles were laid to his charge, containing divers matters relating to his principles and practices in those parts of Essex, where that 1ord’s seat was. The particulars whereof I shall now shew more at large from the original papers. The beginning of his troubles was, that he had spoke some time ago against keeping the queen’s day. Which, he said, was to make her an idol. Which she heard of, and was very angry. Upon this, he was brought before the bishop and the ecclesiastical commissioners. Then the bishop charged him openly in the consistory, that he had slandered the queen, and was worthy to lie seven years in prison. And that for Wright’s saying, that the queen’s majesty knew what was done in the lord Rich’s house, [when they had their exercises.] But Wright answered only, ( Mh< ge>noito ) His keeper being a man that favoured puritanism, having some secret word from the secretary, let him go home into Essex, to see his wife lying in, and a child he had of about twelve weeks old. But he could not be so secret, but Dr. Ford, the civilian, advocate against him in court, saw him going to Tooby in that county, to his wife’s brother, one Mr. Butler, and told the bishop: who thereupon threatened to complain to the queen of the keeper.

Upon this, Wright writeth to the lord Burghley, acquainting him with it in these words: “O my lord, I most humbly crave your lordship’s favour, that both I may be delivered from such unpitiful minds; and especially, that your lordship will stand good lord unto my keeper, that he may not be discouraged from favouring those that profess true religion.” This was written in May, 1582.

But that statesman upon this occasion, and the informations given in against him, sent him the notes of matters laid to his charge: and what answers he had given to each, viz. “Being examined of the Book of Common Prayer, whether it were good and godly; he said he could not answer what he thought of every particular; because he had not read the same. Again, what he thought of the rites and ceremonies used publicly in the church; he refused to make answer thereunto. Being examined touching the form of ordaining ministers in the church of England; he answered, that he did not know of any form appointed for the ordaining of ministers of this church, but by hearsay. Confesseth, that being a layman, he hath preached and catechised in the houses of the lord Rich, and Mr.Butler of Tooby: also in the house of the lord Gray, and lord St. John’s of Bletso, at several times, within two, three, or four years past. That in preaching he used to say prayers of his own devising: never used to pray as in the Book of Common Prayer: never prayed for archbishops and bishops. That he catechised the servants of the lord Rich, and others that had been there, at eight and nine at night. Confessed, that he is not licensed to preach; and that he needed not any licence, because the preaching and catechising was private. He was charged to have spoken against the authority of archbishops and bishops: and to have said that they are clogs of Antichrist, and might not be called lords. This he neither denied nor confessed. That the election of ministers ought to be by the flock and congregation. He confessed, that he was chosen in this sort in the house of the lord Rich. And he said in honourable presence, that he was pastor of that house, and had cure of their souls. “Confesseth, that he had gone over the seas to receive orders: and that he received orders of Villers, and other ministers at Antwerp.” [As Cartwright: and here Travers was ordained. This Villers was a Frenchman and preacher. He had been in England, and read a divinity lecture; and chaplain afterwards to the prince of Orange: but an enemy to England, as our historian tells us.] But to go on with this man’s confession. “He affirmeth, that every minister is a bishop. The manner of his admitting to the ministry he doth not answer, being charged by his oath. He hath used one Greenwood to say service in the house of the lord Rich; not following the order of the Book of Common Prayer. This Greenwood was a man known to have given over the ministry: and to leave his function for disliking he had of the orders prescribed by the Book of Common Prayer.”

Together with these articles and his answers, sent to him by the lord treasurer Burghley, he sent also another paper of depositions against him; which bare this title:

MATTERS PROVED AGAINST WRIGHT, BY DEPOSITION OF SWORN WITNESSES, BY VIRTUE OF A COMMISSION SENT DOWN. “He called the preachers that followed the Book of Common Prayer dumb dogs. That the ministers were thieves and murderers.

And that there are no lawful ministers in England. “That the people were drawn away from a sermon at the church at Rochford, by the tolling of a bell, to a sermon preached by Wright, in the hall at Rochford. “Being examined by what authority he preached; he answered, he was called by the reformed church. “He affirmed that the lords of the council did know of him, and also of his preaching. “That the preachers and ministers called to the lord Rich’s house, were taunted and rebuked by R.and Wri. [lord Rich and Wright.] Found fault with the laws ecclesiastical, and depraved the ministry. “That preachers were openly examined and rebuked for their sermons in a great audience in the hall of the lord R.by procurement of Wright.”

The witnesses against him (whose names are set down at the bottom) were, Nicolson, rector of South-church; Bernard Turner, vicar of Shopland; Bowden, rector of Leigh; Berriman, clerk; Arthur Dent, preacher; Edward Barker, clerk; and others.

To these notes, sent him by the lord treasurer, he gave a long answer; and used these words, in good assurance of his own opinion: “That if his lordship would vouchsafe to read his long and tedious answer, he must needs lift up his hands, and thank the Father of lights, as St.James speaks, for his excellent and right noble humanity.”

Now here should follow a modest and wary answer of Wright, given in by him, and sent, as it seems, to the same lord; mollifying and excusing all his words, assertions, and doings, laid to his charge, as abovesaid. But it being somewhat long, I choose to leave it transcribed in the Appendix. As also his answers in vindication of himself, to those depositions against him, mentioned above; and clearing himself, as well as he could, of them.

Now to cast our eyes upon the malecontents and enemies to our church and establishment, I mean the papists; to discover a few things concerning some of them, and their actions under this year.

Among several who had entertained Campion the Jesuit, executed a year or two before, and that were privy to his treasonous purposes, the lord Vaux, and sir Thomas Tresham, were found, committed, and fined. To examine and deal further with them, the lord treasurer and sir Walter Mildmay were appointed commissioners from the queen. I meet with these brief memorials; and the substance of what was spoke by them, being by the queen’s authority brought before the two said persons. Lord Vaux first desired the queen’s favour. Secondly, confessed his fault, in refusing before to answer upon his oath, whether, to his knowledge, Campion was within his house. Thirdly, he desired to be spared from coming to church, until he may be otherwise resolved in his conscience. And yet he is content to be instructed by any that shall be appointed thereto. That he hath no other house near London, but one that he hath hired of the lord Mordaunt.

Sir Thomas Tresham answereth in substance to all, as the lord Vaux had done. He hath no other house near London, but one in Tuthill-street.

Soon after, the lord Vaux (upon whom a heavy fine was laid) relenteth, whose confession was as followeth: “Whereas I, William Vaux, lord Harawden, was called before the lord Burghley, lord treasurer of England, and sir Walter Mildmay, knight, chancellor of the exchequer; and in the queen’s majesty’s name willed to declare what had to say by word of mouth for myself, agreeable to my sundry writings of submissions, sent to the council; I did then humbly declare, that I did most heartily, and above all worldly things, desire to be restored to her majesty’s favour, as a most obedient subject to my sovereign lady and queen: and so I did acknowledge my most bounden duty to be; and for whose health I did also daily pray, and would during my life. “Secondly, Being demanded what I thought of my offence, for which I was first committed to prison, I did humbly confess, that I do now know, that I did grievously offend, that I did refuse to answer upon my oath, do now know upon better instruction, that in that refusal I did grievously offend; and if it were to be done, I would not so offend, nor will hereafter ever offend in any like case; beseeching her majesty to be my gracious lady, and to forgive and pardon me for the same: and to have compassion for me for the great fine set upon me for the said offence. “Thirdly, Being demanded, whether I would, as I am bound by the laws of the realm, come to the church: being also admonished, that I should not be molested to answer to matters of opinion and controversies of religion, but should therein be dealt withal by instruction; I desired most humbly to be forborne to be compelled to come to the church. Not for that I should so do in contempt of her majesty, or of her laws; but that my conscience only, and nothing else, as not thereto well persuaded, did stay me. And yet I did and do offer willingly to hear any instruction, whereby my conscience may be better informed and satisfied; and will admit any conference with any learned persons to inform me herein, so as it shall appear not to come to the church upon any contemptuous meaning, but only for offence of my conscience. “And in this sort, as I did in speech answer and declare at more length in my most humble sort to the said lord treasurer and Mr.Chancellor, so in testimony hereof I have in this writing repeated the substance thereof; and do confirm the same by my handwriting.”

This was drawn up by the hand of the lord treasurer, being the sum of what the lord Vaux had verbally confessed, and was now to subscribe, in order for favour to be shewn him. There was one of this name, viz. Vaux, secretary to don John of Austria, (but whether this lord Vaux, or his relation, I know not,) who recommended Thomas Copley, a fugitive, to the French king, to be made a baron.

More strict laws were made by the parliament that sate this year, against the papists. Which was found necessary to be done, those recusants increasing by means of seminary priests and Jesuits, great numbers of them secretly coming from their colleges abroad into the kingdom, to pervert the queen’s subjects. And what disturbances were made by some of the popish gentry, even in the churches in Stafford-shire, (which abounded with papists,) even at the time of divine service and communion, may be seen in a letter of the bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, written to the council, specified in the Appendix.

Among such Romanists as lived abroad, and withdrew themselves for their security from the laws of the land against popery, Dr. Shelly was one, of the ancient family of the Shellies, of Michel Grove in Sussex, called sir Richard Shelly, being lord prior of St. John’s of Jerusalem. A man he was of learning; and had removed himself to Malta, where the English of this order had privilege. He was one that professed all loyalty to the queen, and disowned those methods that the Jesuits and priests acted by, in obedience, to the bishop of Rome, and making disturbance in the queen’s dominions.

He now earnestly desired to return to his native country; and by a letter to the lord treasurer, (who was his acquaintance and alliance,) made that his request to come home; having only the favour of a grant of, his own religion to enjoy to himself, without incurring danger for that cause.

In his letters to that lord he desireth to see the queen, and have leave to come over, to discover to her, for her own safety, such matters as to letters was not to be committed. And that the late tragedies committed by papists, as the wars in Ireland, were by a generation [Jesuits] that he never liked.

He desired a passport for him and his folk, to come and go without any further examination, (as upon occasion ministered of just jealousy had been taken of others,) and without any manner of communication to be held with him, saving of matters of state, and for the queen’s safety, and of his country. This was the substance of such a passport as he desired. And to the same import he had written to secretary Walsingham, for this end, that he might confer with her majesty and their honours de summa rerum. His circumstances were now become more strait, which inclined his return into England, since, as he wrote to the foresaid lord plainly, “That Jacomo di Bardi, a merchant in Venice, where he resided, had failed with his stock, that he had lived upon, ever since he forbore the king of Spain’s pension and wages. So he was now driven to straits. He hoped that lord would see that he should not be brought to turpis egestas.” Yet again this same year the lord treasurer received from Shelly another letter. Where within a small piece of paper, of his own hand, (whereas most of the rest was of another’s hand,) he gave him intelligence of the danger of England from the Spaniard, and other matters. And so it seems probable he did often before give private information to that lord of foreign matters, wherein the queen might be concerned; in these words: “Albeit I trust it be not needful to put your lordship in remembrance, that you have a good eye to the Spanish army; which is here thought to be of XI. m [eleven thousand] men. Yet for that is here whispered, (and that res est solliciti plena timoris amor,) I thought it my duty also to write you thus much.

And further, to beseech you, that kissing the queen’s hands with all dutiful reverence, in my behalf, you assure her majesty, that father Possovino, the Jesuit, now here [at Venice] towards Rome, with an ambassador from Musco. via, hath commission, from what other princes of Germany I wot not, but certainly from the elector of Saxony, to the said pope, in matters of religion.”

He was called in Venice, illustrissimo seignor, il conte Conchilio [from concha, a shell.] And under that title he instructed the foresaid lord to direct his letters to him. Here he held a correspondence with that lord and secretary Walsingham: who now employed him in a business depending between the queen’s merchants and the state of Venice. In which he took such pains, that though it proved unsuccessful, yet the reporting of his diligence therein to the queen, she took it in very good part. And this lord took this opportunity to intercede to her for him; representing him as a loyal subject to her; and for her allowance of his return home: which Shelly took gratefully. For so he declared himself to that lord in another letter,” That he was bounden to his lordship for the testimony it pleased him to give to her of his perpetual fidelity; which had been, “he added, always accompanied with a particular and partial affection to her royal person. But the queen’s terms, it seems, were, that he should turn to the church of England.” To which he answered, “That he beseeched her wisdom in no wise to procure or wish him to change his religion; which taught him the reverence he owed, and the obedience that he was bound to observe, to her royal state. And that he made loyalty and obedience to princes, to depend upon his catholic profession.”

And concerning his loyalty to the queen, (which this year was called in question, the English fugitives having given such reason, by their plots against her, to doubt of it,) he appealed to a letter which he had wrote divers years before, [anno 1575,] whereof he sent the said lord treasurer a copy, for the vindication of his constant affection to her majesty. The intent whereof, as he said, was, “That it might please his honour to consider, that he had been, and always was, one man: and whatsoever his religion had been, he had always respect to the duty of allegiance; and that he had always tendered the queen’s safety, and that of his country, so much as any of them that enjoyed most wealth at home. That he was employed by king Henry VIII. and king Edward VI. and by them esteemed loyal, and faithful too: appealing to that lord as knowing it.”

Further, “He called God to witness, that he departed, not from the realm with determination to forsake the queen’s service; no, nor then to abide and live abroad neither. But that he went to Antwerp to suit of three thousand crowns, that one Francis, a Milaner, had failed with all of his. But that it stopped his coming home again, and made him reso]ve to retire some where, till things were better settled, when he heard that the crucifix was in Smithfield broken and burnt in bonfire. And though he was encouraged to come home, with remembrance of that service done to her majesty in the time of her adversity, whereof the king of Spain was his witness; and of her majesty’s gracious accepting of him at his coming out of Flanders, and the kindness that he [the lord Burghley] then and always shewed him; yet he feared at the fury of the people.”

Again, I find him thus avowing his loyalty in another letter: making loyalty and obedience to princes to depend upon his religion. And the contrary, disobedience, flowed from leaving the catholic religion; in these words: “Whereas, in place of this conscience and this patience, [both which he had shewed, being taught it by his catholic religion,] wheresoever our discipline is neglected, there follow strait contrary effects of licentious liberty and disobedience, directly against the absolute authority and inviolable majesty of the prince’s state; and all is applied to a popularity; that being let loose. Qua data porta ruit, et terras turbine perflat. “Which he talked not as a clerk, or disputed as a scholar, but simply reported that he had seen, and wished to be weighed.”

Though I have related so much of this gentleman, I cannot but add a few more remarks of him, to revive his memory, which is in effect lost, however a great courtier he was, and employed in matters of state, and of an ancient worshipful family.

For his free profession of loyalty, and losses sustained, he was reduced by this time to narrow circumstances: and so he said, that the schism [meaning the reformation of reli gion] had driven him to nullosque lares, inopemque senectam. And made him address thus for favour of the queen. “That she would once reward him, as God did Job, omnia duplicia; seeing she had seen that he was a man of such faith and honour, as voluntarily had chosen to endure three and twenty years exile and poverty, rather than to prevaricate any way, either in the cause, or of my princess; and rather than to dally either with my conscience or my allegiance; which constantly cost him full dear, for one respect in England, and for another in Italy, [where he met with hardships, because he would not assist or approve the plots of other fugitives against the queen.] That in regard of his lack, he hoped the queen would supply it from home. As for that he could obtain abroad, he would not buy it so dear.” Subjoining, I will rather starve, than remedy my necessity with any design upon me to be made, for the dommage of my prince or country.”

In another letter he informed the lord treasurer concerning the disloyal fugitives of England, in these words: “The busy heads of the Englishmen, that seemed to be abroad only to hinder each other, both there and at home; and all to discredit their nation, and to undo, for so much as in them did lie, our noble natural country.” Upon these accounts of his principles they discredited him at Rome with the name of a spy , for the dutiful affection that he shewed her majesty.

In short, the queen the next year granted him leave to come home; and allowed him [which till now she would not grant] the liberty of his conscience. But the English papists (whom he called, the base, busy generation of our promoters) went about to abase him, as a spy, and to disgrace his going home, as though it were only for fear, and that he dared not abide any longer abroad. And it is likely the queen was the more inclined to Shelly’s return, for his avoiding the inquisition, which he was in great danger of. For he was inquired after in the inquisition at Rome, by the information of divers English zealots, as in one of his letters he signified: “That every varlet might make him to be inquired for in the inquisition; but that the proudest of the priests dared not adventure to accuse him.” Adding, “That he would write to the cardinal of that office, who,” as he said, “had complained to him of the perverseness of our nation, when he caused to be delivered Mr.Poynes and Mr.Bouser: [persons, it seems, that had been in the inquisition, whom he got delivered.] And that he would write to those cardinals, to beseech them that these might themselves be laid fast, and bear the pain that the accused should bide that were not convicted.”

In the correspondence between them, the lord treasurer had assured him, (at which he rejoiced, as he wrote,) that her majesty had no worse, but rather better opinion of his faithfulness and zeal to her royal state, than of many, being better warranted by her licence to be abroad than he was. By which words of his lordship, he said, he gathered his lordship’s grounded opinion and knowledge of his loyal proceeding alway, and also the particular intelligence that his lordship had (very meet for a man of his calling) of our countrymen’s behaviour, that were abroad. Whereby,” added he,” hanged not a tale, but a great talk, to be had with his lordship at his coming home.” This was writ in May, 1583.

With his passport the queen granted him the favour of a letter, signifying the same: and declaring therein her natural abhorrence” of bloodshed, and those executions, [which about this time were done in England;] which she avowed to be driven to by the deep malice of her enemies: seeking the way to make her odious, and to put her in hazard of her state,” as she wrote.

The queen also granted the like favour to his nephew, Shelly, of Michel Grove, whom she styled her loving subject; notwithstanding their conscience in religion, since they were true and loyal to her. This nephew had been in those parts, [in the inquisition, as it seems,] and released.

Upon this grant of the queen, he kissed her majesty’s gracious hands; and would make use of as soon as he had despatched the matter concerning her merchants, to get the impost laid upon them taken off, hinted before.

The safe conduct the queen granted him was, to come into the realm without examination, or other kind of molestation for his conscience in religion. He took up a thousand crowns of gold, for to defray the charges of his return home, there in Venice, to be paid by exchange by his nephew here in England. But I find he returned not yet into England. But kept his correspondence with the lord treasurer.

Let me add a few more memorials of this English gentleman, that made such a figure abroad for his zeal to his Roman catholic religion, and yet firm allegiance to his sovereign: it being my intent, in these collections, to retrieve, as much as I can, the memory of eminent persons in these times, by this time almost sunk into oblivion.

He reporteth in one of his letters, how king Henry VIII. spake once kindly to him of his father. And that he loved him very well. But that by the lord Crumwel’s means his father had lain under much trouble: saying,” That in the lord Crumwel’s time he passed storms, and suffered great loss.” Yet it was after recompensed very liberally. The king told sir Richard at Deptford, where sir Edward Rogers carved, and he attended, concerning the great good cheer he received at Michel Grove [in Sussex, his father’s house] at supper. The king then spake much of his father’s uprightness in the discharge of the law, who was a judge. And that the king forced him to be so, much against his will: for that his father’s father put him, being his eldest son, into the inns of court, but to learn to understand his own evidences. And so he came to the knowledge of the law: never thinking at first to practise, but that the king, much against his will, made him both sergeant and judge.

He gave this further particular account of his fanlily and of himself: “That all the family of the Shellies in her majesty’s reign, both men and women, the queen knew to be her affectionate and assured subjects, and such as would rather die, than do or consent to any thing against their duty of allegiance. And that for himself, he was a moral and religious, but no way a partial nor a factious catholic.” And as for the other sort of catholics, that were for sowing seditions, and changing the government, whereof there are many where he was, he gives this account of them. “The practice of our peevish, perverse countrymen was first to get him out of Rome; and since, with no less envy and malice, to prevent the service that he might do his country at home: to spread abroad that he was in disgrace with the pope and with the king of Spain; and ere long that he was or should be in the inquisition. But that,” added he, “neither is, nor ever was so; and so but a slander.

For in Rome and Spain, (for so are his words,) nothing doubting of my religion, they do not only tolerate, but allow and like of my due and true affection to my prince and country, and acknowledge me for such a kind of subject as they wish their own state to be peopled with. Though this is without show. But alleviating the fact which per regione di stato they are found to maintain.”

He was very great with the pope and the Spanish king. I may and dare speak with these two princes more confidently than any other man not armed with the circumstances that accompany my person.” And concerning his merits and sufferings for the safety and the good of his country, in opposing and discovering the destructive purposes and plots of the Jesuits and their party, thus he writes to the foresaid lord: “It is seldom seen that a man should lose that I have lost, not only with patience, but without any grudge; yea, and with continuing such carefulness and forwardness to serve and save my country, as though I had been hired thereto with more than hath been taken from me: yea, and forhore entertainment to avoid jealousy at home.

And that he had given in, and his lordship would see them, the stout and sterling’ memorials, as he termed them, in Flanders, in Spain, and in Rome; whereby, I trow, I have discovered the very way of our safety and salvation, &c. to the end our safety may be grounded upon the faith of honourable princes; that have need, and will be glad of us; and not hang upon the infidelity of hired soldiers, failed merchants, and seditious commoners.”

I have yet one remarkable passage more to relate concerning him. About the year 1583, there came to him one Gilbert Bourn, a relation perhaps of the popish bishop of that name, under queen Mary, and like enough the son of sir John Bourn, secretary of state to that queen. This gentleman, a Romanist by religion, but of principles more loyal than the rest, got acquaintance with Shelly in his travels; liking his temper, and expressing so much dislike of the disloyal carriage and practices of many of those Roman catholics of the English nation, and their unnatural dealing. against their sovereign and country. This man having got a written book, that was secretly conveyed about in Rome, and other parts among catholics, brought it to the knowledge, and lastly, to the hands of sir Richard. For which they hated this Bourn. A book, as the said sir Richard styled it in his letter to the lord treasurer, (whom he acquainted with it,) of slanderous and false infamy, touching the first cause of our schism, and of the queen’s majesty’s mother. This must be Sanders’s book, (that was handed about in divers copies before it was printed,) that made the queen’s mother to have been king Henry VIII.’s natural daughter, and afterwards his strumpet, and afterwards his queen. This vile book sir Richard answered, to the honour of his queen and country. And it came soon to the sight of the pope: and was allowed both of himself and of all the greatest cardinals in Rome, if we may believe him.

His own words are these: “For the defacing and abolishing whereof, I penned a little treatise, that came to the pope’s sight, &c. I say, for the handling and true telling of that story. But for my readiness to deal in the matter, and my being so forward in the queen’s defence, it is by our English promoters whisperings so scanned, and so commented upon by a baser and a more factious sort of cardinals, that it was concluded I was the queen’s fed man. Which opinion being so false, as your lordship knows, is yet so nourished by their malice, that Mr. Bourn, being after imprisoned in the inquisition, was, among other things touching me, thereof examined specially. Not that the pope, or the cardinals of the inquisition, nor none of them all, saving the French cardinal of Sens, bishop Ross, and Dr. Lewis, that were Stewkley’s counsellors, but none of the college [at Rome] that I know of, had any misliking of my dealing. But rather indeed so well like of my faithfulness in allegiance, as her majesty doth most graciously bear with my conscience in religion.”

This Bourn had been kept three years in the inquisi tion; and no manner of fault could be proved against him. Sir Richard Shelly got him released: and withal wrote to some of the cardinals, beseeching that such promoters which caused so many English to be clapt up without any cause, (unless mere suspicion,) might themselves be laid fast, and bear the pain that the accused should abide, that were not convicted. And in another letter of Shelly’s to the said lord, by Bourn, now going into England, telling that lord therein, “That this his punishment, however undeserved, was all for the best; to bring him home the sooner to serve his own country, bearing so true a heart to her majesty as he hath shewed: and coming abroad but for to learn, hath well profted both in learning and experience. Which good qualities, he trusted, would recommend him to his lordship’s favour in all occurrences; and the sooner at his [Shelly’s] intercession.”

But I shall add no more of this catholic loyal gentleman at present: of whom other notices may occur hereafter. There is but little of him in our published histories of these times; and therefore I have writ the more of him: only in Holinshed’s Chronicle, where the trial of Campion and other Jesuits and seminaries are set down at large, it is told how there was one Cradoc, a merchant then at Rome, who related, that there was one Dr.Shelly, the English prior, who was a knight of the Rhodes, for that he somewhat spake against cruelties that were used to his native country, [as was now done in the inquisition,] was somewhat misliked of, and had almost been turned out of his office.

I meet with another English Romanist, living abroad for his religion, or rather fled abroad for his life, being one concerned in the rebellion in the north; whose name was John Gower, now at Paris. This man comes to Brook, the queen’s ambassador there: and shewed himself willing to become of the reformed religion, as professed in England. The whole business, and the hard measure he met with, by that account, I had rather leave to be understood by the letter which the said ambassador writ to secretary Walsingham about him, and what discourse he had with him, and the event. “I have thought it convenient, right honourable sir, to inform you now, how, about the latter end of May, there came unto me one, who named himself John Gower, apparelled after the manner of a Jesuit, when they disguise themselves to pass abroad, somewhat unknown. Giving me to understand, that he was one of them that took arms in the north, with the two earls of Westmerland and Northumberland. The which he did then, provoked, as he said, only for the affection in his conscience he bare unto the pope’s religion; and not unto any unloyal, malicious intent towards her majesty. So as he then escaping out of the realm had sought ever since in the most part of his time by reading, for the further knowledge of the papists religion, the which he professed; saying, he had notwithstanding ever abstained from those that were factious and seminary men. And how a year passed through the means of his friends, especially my lord chief justice Wrey, he had recovered her majesty’s pardon. having, while he continued the same conversation among the catholic priests, through reading and studying the scriptures, grown to doubt of some points which they held for religion. Whereon lately he came to this town [Paris] with a letter from Dr. Allen, addressing him to Dr.Darbishire, [sometime chaplain to bishop Bonner,] and other Jesuits, for a supply of money to carry him into England; and reporting to those Jesuits, according to their accustomed order in the like ease, they demanded his opinion of certain articles; to the which, he said, he answered somewhat contrary to their expectation, rendering them doubtful of his opinion. Whereby he at that time failed to receive relief at their hands: and thereon began with himself to think good for to repair unto me, [the English ambassador,] beseeching me, he may have means to go into England: whereby he may enjoy the benefit of her majesty’s gracious pardon. “After the said Gower had uttered this much unto him, he asked him, what points they were he found in reading of the scripture, wherein he varied from those of the papists’ profession. He shewed him, [the ambassador,] he thought not well of their having of candles, lights, bells, and their images in churches. Then the ambassador told him, he was glad the reading of the scriptures had in any sort benefited him. And demanding further, what he thought of the pope’s authority, he answered, that he esteemed his power was as other bishops. Then he inquired what his opinion was of the mass. He told the ambassador, he thought it a high point to answer resolutely: but desired, that through conference and disputation he might grow to some settled opinion. He thereupon further said, since he was coming to God, and shewing also to have a mind to be restored unto her majesty’s favour, he was right welcome to him: exhorting him to be of good courage; for that he would not only seek he should have conference with some well informed, and learned in the scriptures; but he would likewise give him means to pass into England. “Gower then declared, how he suspected those Jesuits would seek the means in some sort to trouble him. The ambassador willed him not to fear. So he parted. And resorted to the ambassador again in the afternoon. Where, whenas he [the ambassador] went with him apart into his garden, taking with him the New Testament, both in English and French, and turned to the places concerning the Lord’s supper; beginning with St. Matthew, until they came unto the place of St. John, the sixth chapter, where it is read, how it was Spirit that quickeneth, the ‘flesh profiteth nothing, &c. Upon the shewing of which words, he grew vehement and obstinate. Whereupon the ambassador left dealing with him concerning the supper of the Lord. And entered into inquiry of him his opinion, what he thought of the authority of the bishop of Rome. He told him, that the said bishop had been taken of long time by the ancient fathers to be the head of the church. Wherewith he alleged these words of scripture; Tu es Petrus; et super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam.

Then he shewed him, that it was only to be understood of the confession of Peter’s faith; upon the question afore asked of all the apostles. So it was no partitular grace to Peter more than to the rest: because Christ gave them all the Holy Ghost. Notwithstanding the said Gower remained appassionated in the opinion of the pope’s supremacy. Through the which the ambassador added, he was moved to say unto him, that he varied from the same speech, which he had at the first meeting delivered unto him. Wherefore now finding him wavering in his sayings, he made him to doubt of a dissembled meaning. So as he could not deal, he said, any further with him: until he resolved to speak more overtly; and that with truth. “He did then very earnestly persuade the ambassador to have some learned person to dispute with him in the points of controversy in religion. The which the ambassador shewed, he could not yield then unto; because it appeared, he came not with a clear mind unto him, nor resolved in the principal points; which concerned her majesty’s high authority, and his due obedience unto his natural prince. And in this sort, he writes, they parted.”

The ambassador shews further in his letter, “That he had been informed, how afterwards, upon complaint of the Jesuits, this Gower was sent to the bishop of Paris his prison; where he had been kept so secretly in that manher, as he [the ambassador] could not have him spoken with: and lately had been removed unto the conciergerie. But at length the ambassador, recovering the copy of his examination, thought good to send it unto his honour, [the queen’s secretary,] to the intent that upon the sight thereof he might direct him, whether he should by the way of complaint to the king, or otherwise underhand, procure his liberty: and so send him into England; or else leave the said John Gower to himself: thus attending the secretary’s pleasure: and that he had caused him to be inquired for at the prisons, but they would not be known of any English man to be there. He had deferred. to write any thing of this, until he had understood thus much of their manner of proceeding with him. The rather, because the said Gower and his disposition was altogether unknown to him; referring the same to his honour’s wise consideration. This was writ from Paris, July the 11th, 1582.”

The said ambassador, Brook, was addressed to a few months after, by a letter of Mr. Paget; the same, I suppose, with Charles Paget: of whom our historian makes mention, for his busy letters to do service to the queen of Scots, and of his being engaged in Babington’s treason; as his brother or relation, the Lord Paget, (who fled abroad,) was deeply devoted to her: and of whose aversion to the religion established something hath been said before. In his said letter to the ambassador he made profession of much loyalty to his queen and country, and, as it seems, an offer of shewing his fidelity, by some discoveries of the practices of the fugitives. But the ambassador was not very ready to give credit to him, as being not unacquainted with his principles. At the same time Paget sent another letter, which he entreated the ambassador might be conveyed to secretary Walsingham. Which, according to his request, was sent with his own. “Therein wishing he might mean sincerely, and deal uprightly, as I think your honour [as he proceeded] should be glad he should do. That which I pray God he may perform: being as willing to do for him good offices towards your honour, as he is ready to require the same; if otherwise he do not give all satisfaction to her majesty: referring the consideration of this to your judgment. Thus I humbly take my leave.” From Paris this was dated, October the 24th. But how false he was, and how deeply engaged for the Scots queen some years after, Babington’s trial will discover, under the year 1586.

Many popish priests had of late flocked hither from the English seminaries abroad, to pervert the queen’s subjects from her to the pope; and many masses were said in private houses by them: and disloyal principles instilled into the people’s minds; insomuch, that as severe laws were the last year made against them, so now a more watchful eye was over them: and many of these priests and Jesuits were discovered, taken up, and some executed, as our histories shew. And in the city of London, at the sessions held in the month of May, some of the massmongers, and such as were present at the masses, were brought out of prison, and examined, in order to judgment.

The account whereof, who they were, and what was discovered, I take from a Diary of Fleetwood’s, the recorder, sent up to the lord treasurer; according to his custom. The contents whereof, were, “That he and his officers in the city had been every day occupied with seminary priests, massmongers, libellers, and such like. And that in the first week of Lent a book was cast abroad, commending of Campion and his fellows, [executed for treason,] and of their death. And that he [the recorder] pursued the matter so near, that he found the priest, the letters, the figures, and a number of the books. And being in the search of one Osborn, a seminary priest, and professed Franciscan, being taken, was now examined.”

The description of the man, and the confession he made, and what else was now done with others taken at mass, I refer to what was related before, chap. viii. being all favourably dismissed at that time; and not dealt withal according to the rigour of the law against the sayers and hearers of mass; and that undoubtedly by private order of the queen, who was merciful, and declared against persecuting only for religion. This order secretary Walsingham sent to the recorder and the court, then sitting.

At this time the said recorder sent to the lord treasurer a box of popish stamps, which he took in his search. Concerning which he thus writ to him: “I have sent unto your honour a box of such stuff as these libellers use for their print. Adding, that there were certain Irishmen, that were utterers of the last lewd book, writ in vindication of Campion, and the other Jesuits, executed for treason.”

But some there were in these times, professors of the Romish religion, but of different judgment, as to their loyalty and obedience to the queen, as being their sovereign; and utterly disapproving those methods used against the prince, and quiet of her realm, upon pretence of religion. One of these, of more remark, was sir Richard Shelly, entitled lord prior of St. John’s of Jerusalem: of whom we have more to say afterwards. He was a zealous papist, and lived abroad for the free exercise of his religion; who, when some of these more peaceable Roman catholics were imprisoned and troubled for hearing mass, had these words in a private letter to his nephew Shelly, of Michael Grove: “Great jealousy and suspicion, of late years especially, given by the heads of some seminaries and unnatural subjects, that are abroad, hath been cause, that the faithful, and her majesty’s true servants, have suffered divers ways. Which for a common quietness we are bound to take in patience; and to attribute this adversity rather to another cause, than to her majesty, both of nature and of judgment unfeignedly pitiful and compassionable.” He meant the Jesuits, and the purpose of their mission hither. As he wrote to the lord Burghley, in a letter near this time, anno 1583, “That the misery that all Christendom then suffered for, was by the sending of these Jesuits into England, after such a sort as it was and had been used.

CHAPTER 12.

Anderson made lord chief justice of the common place: the manner thereof. An endeavour to get the place by bribery. Riots in Finsbury by some of the inns of chancery: indicted. The recorder of London informs the lord treasurer thereof. The slaughter at Paris Garden on the sabbath. The lord mayor’s letter about it. A pretended conspiracy in Ireland. Mirfin, the discoverer thereof.

False; proves a notorious forgery. Earl of Embden to the lord treasurer. Mr. William Wentworth, lord treasurer’s son-in-law, dies. The queen, and some lords by letters, condole with him. The lord treasurer’s daughter, the widow of Mr. Wentworth, dies: the queen’s message thereupon to him by her secretary. SERGEANT ANDERSON was this year, in the month of May, advanced to be lord chief justice of the common place. The manner and ceremony of admitting him to that office I take from the intelligence the foresaid recorder Fleetwood sent thereof to the lord treasurer; which was as follows: “On Saturday in the morning my lord chancellor “did a while stand at the chancery bar on the side of the hall. And soon after that the justices of the common place were set, his lordship came to the common place, and there sat down, and all the sergeants standing at the bar. My lord chancellor called sergeant Anderson by name: declared unto him her majesty’s good liking and opinion of him, and of the place and dignity that her majesty had called him unto.

And then my lord chancellor made a short discourse, what the duty and office of a good justice was. And in the end his lordship called him up into the midst of the court, and then Mr. Anderson kneeling, his commission was read. And that done, his lordship took the patent into his hand; and then the clerk of the crown, Powle, did read him his oath. And after, he himself read the oath of supremacy; and so kissed the book. And my lord chancellor took him by the hand, and placed him upon the bench. And then father Benloos, because he was ancient, did put a short case. And then sergeant Fleetwopd put the next. To the first, my new lord chief justice did himself only argue. But to the next that Fleetwood put, both he and the residue of the bench did argue. And I assure your good lordship, [added the recorder,] he argued very learnedly; and with great facility delivered his mind. And this one thing he noted in him, that he despatched more orders, and answered more difficult cases in that one forenoon, than were despatched in a whole week in his predecessor’s time.”

But somebody, it seems, there was, belonging to the exchequer, that by large bribery would have gotten into this place himself, had not the just lord treasurer stopped it. For thus did the recorder privately hint the report thereof to the said lord. “My lord, under Benedicite, there runneth a marvellous speech over all London, that greater sums of money were offered (to whom I know not) than I may well write of, by one of the exchequer. And all was for this office [of lord chief justice]. If it were true, the party did not well: if it were not true, the first reporters were much to blame, to scandalize such an officer of her majesty. By which means he is grown into a greater discredit than may be in a short time easily forgotten.” Adding, (to the lord treasurer’s honour,) “That it was almost in every man’s mouth, that his lordship, after that he had under standing of the offering of such a mass of money, was the means of keeping him from that cushion.” Concluding, Truly, my lord, it was well done.”

To add here a few more private and domestic matters. Notwithstanding the dreadful judgment of God, the plague that this winter lay upon the cities of London and Westminster, it restrained not the looser sort here from open and notorious wickedness. One particular passage, in Christmas holidays, or soon after, was this: A number of loose young men, of the inns of chancery, committed riots and great disturbances in Finsbury. The inhabitants made their complaints; and the blades were taken up, and brought before Fleetwood the recorder and others. And after examination, what was found of their misdemeanours was sent to the lord treasurer. But the crimes were by him found to be such, that that good and circumspect lord, reckoning the wickedness not fit so to pass, especially the dreadful hand of God at present so heavy upon the city, ordered the recorder to take several grave justices of the peace with him, and to reexamine this disorder: which he did with Seckford of the court of wards, Mr. Harris, Mr. Smith, and Mr. Young, justices. Who did it most exactly, and swore witnesses upon the same: and the chief of the two liberties there exclaiming upon these youths, the justices would needs have them indicted.

And so they were, “for common disturbers of the peax, for nightwalkers, for breakers of glass windows, lanthorns, and such like; and principally for the great riot they had committed the 2d of January. And one of them, named Light, was especially indicted for singing in the church upon Childermas day, Fallantida dilli,” &c. [an idle song then used.] The bishop of London was present at his arraignment; who confessed all that he was charged with. The residue not arraigned then, but they were indicted. This, and what follows, I transcribe from the recorder’s account thereof to the said lord treasurer. “That the earl of Leicester had been sued unto by the principals of New Inn and Lion’s Inn, for the setting at liberty of these young gentlemen. He beseeched his lordship to be good unto them, for his good lord of Leicester’s sake. But looking through into their misdemeanours, he thought the inhabitants would cry out, if Kniveton and Light were not bound to their good behaviour. And that if the other were set at liberty, he perceived they did intend to lead a new life. That the bench at the gaol delivery of Newgate took order, that Light, who was convicted, should be bound to his good behaviour. He did not see, he added, how he could well be discharged from that bond.”

And of these two sparks tile recorder bestowed these words “I do suppose that Li. and Kniveton are descended of the blood of Nero the tyrant. I never knew of two such tyrannical youths: the elder not being twenty years old.” Adding his prayer for them: “I beseech God to make them his servants.”

That which he further added concerning this disorder was, “That the lord chancellor, by Mr. Harris the justice, sent word unto them, that they should proceed at the sessions against them for the satisfying of the people. And that if the principals were looked unto, and especially of New Inn, all would be well. And so concluding, beseeched his good lordship to be good unto the residue of them. For surely they are most penitent for their misbehaviour. But for Light and Kniveton, he saw no grace in them. And so humbly took his leave of his good lordship.”

In the Diary of the said recorder, of transactions in the city, customarily sent to the lord treasurer, he mentioned the punishment of the violators of the sabbath by God’s providence at Paris Garden in Southwark: where were sports on that day for entertainment of great confluences of people to see them, mounted upon scaffolds, which fell down.” The day after this dreadful fall of them, sir Tho.

Blank, mayor, sent notice of it to lord Burghley, the treasurer.

Whose letter ran in this tenor: “May it please your lordship to be advertised (which I think you have already heard) of a great mishap at Paris Garden. Where, by ruin of all the scaffold at once yesterday, [being the Lord’s day,] a great number of people are, some presently slain, and some maimed and grievously hurt.” He addeth piously, “It gives great occasion to acknowledge the hand of God for such abuse of his sabbath day; and moveth me in conscience to beseech your lordship to give order for redress of such contempt of God’s service.” Adding, “That he had to that end treated with some justices of peace of that county, [of Surrey,] who signified themselves to have very good zeal; but alleged want of commission. Which he and they humbly referred to the consideration of his honourable wisdom. And so he left to trouble his lordship. At London, the 14th of January, 1582. Subscribing, Your lordship’s humble, THO. BLANK.” A conspiracy in Ireland against the queen was now discovered by one Mirfin: entered into by himself and divers confederates, with the earl of Desmond and Westmorland, viz. sir George Hastings, [the earl of Huntington’s brother,] Walter Hastings, William Agard, and others. But it was reckoned, and so proved, an accusation, false, foolish, improbable, and impossible, considering the circumstances; and discovered at length to be a notorious forgery. The paper containing the confession of the said Mirfin, or Murfin, was found among the MSS. of the lord treasurer, and therefore I shall set it down, though somewhat large; and is as follows: “Murfin informeth of heinous treasons conceived against her majesty’s person and government, by sir George. Hastings, Walter Hastings, and William Agard; affirming them to be confederates with the earls of Desmond and Westmorland, and many noblemen and gentlemen, and others in England, to a very great number. I.

This conspiracy he saith to have been three years past.” [About which time, indeed, the pope and the king of Spain had prepared a great fleet to invade and conquer Ireland; and assist the rebels tllere.] “II. He affirmeth the manner of executing thereof to have been agreed, that Mirfin should have been conveyed into Ireland, to make dollars and Portuguese, to bear the charges of an army, and to make poisoned balls of fire, to burn stones, and to kill with savour: which he saith he can do. III. That an army should have been raised in Ireland, and conveyed over into the north of England about Durham: and to take castles; and to deliver the Scotch queen.

And to stay at Nottingham till sir George Hastings and his confederates should come to them with another army. IV. That then these armies should march to London. Where the city should be in readiness to assist them; being raised by William Webb, late sheriff of London, Hugh Offley, Giles Garton, Richard Staniherst, and others. VI. That from thence they should go to the court, and take the queen and her council, and put them to death, and set up the Scottish queen, and marry her to sir George Hastings, and crown him king. VII. That sir George Hastings used conjurations with Mirfin and others, to know whether sir George should outlive his brother, and be king; and to the same intent had sundry old prophecies. VIII. That sir George Hastings, Walter Hastings, and Agard, did swear to Mirfin, and did cause Mirfin mutually to swear to them, faithfully to execute, and truly to keep secret the premises.

And for assurance of their oaths did drink together wine mingled with their own blood. IX. He exhibiteth certain papers, indented under his own hand, containing his own oath to the effect abovesaid: and one under the hand, as he saith, of sir George Hastings, Walter Hastings, and Agard. All sealed with strange seals like crosses; and subscribed, as he saith, with red ink, made of wine and their own blood. X. He exhibiteth also a paper, containing a prophecy, which, as he saith, sir Geo. Hastings did shew him three years since, anciently written in an old book; containing horrible treason; the destruction of the queen, the rooting out the race of HENRY; which is, Henry, Edward, Mary, Philip, and Elizabeth: the setting up of the house of Poles, [from a lady of which family he was derived:] his avauncing of the Scottish queen, marrying her to sir George Hastings; crowning sir George; the defaming of the queen’s counsellors by special names of murderers, usurers, extortioners, thieves, epicures, bawds, &c. and such other slanderous matter. XI. He exhibiteth also another paper sealed with a heart, containing a bond to him of 10,000l . made by sir George Hastings. All these writings are of Mirfin’s own hand. XII. He exhibiteth also other papers, lately written by himself, containing the discovery of another treason about three years ago; conspired to murder her majesty and her council in her court, in most monstrous, horrible, and incredible manner. Wherein he chargeth for conspirators a great number of the nobility, and some of her majesty’s council, and many knights, gentlemen, and others, both in the court and elsewhere. XIII. Sheweth, that to have found out the bottom of the said treasons he purposed to come, near three years past, to London, to disclose the said treasons. XIV. That sir George Hastings, and Walter Hastings, and Agard, fearing the same, did seek his life in Leicestershire: for which cause he came hastily to London. XV. That they pursued him, and sought his life at London; and suborned false witnesses against him. Whereby he was indicted and arraigned at London for slanderous speeches against the queen. XVI. That being in prison in the counter, he fell acquainted with Richard Staniherst, and one Perpoint, under pretence of teaching them secrets in alteration of metals. Where they being of the Hastings conspiracy, did practise with him to join again with them. For proof whereof he sheweth a letter of plain conspiracy under their hands, as he saith. XVII. Being removed to the king’s bench about March last was twelvemonth, he did in September following fall in acquaintance there with one Clement Draper, prisoner in the same place, by means of one Thomas Lodge, also prisoner. XVIII. That there came to him to the bench, Walter Hastings, and Agard, with tempting either to draw him again into the conspiracy, or to kill him. And he called them rebels; and escaped them. XIX. That Clement Draper, being one of this conspiracy, did make suit to have Mirfin to lie with him in Draper’s chamber: which was in the end of September, 1581; and was the first time of his acquaintance with Draper, or his wife. XX. That he meaning to find Draper’s conspiracy, did disclose the said treasons to Draper; and among others, how Webb, Offley, and others, being of Draper’s alliance, should in London join in the treason. XXI.

That Draper solicited Mirfin, to teach him to alter metal into silver and gold: and that he told Draper he could so do: and promised Draper to teach him. XXII. That Draper, Webb, and Clitherow, and others of Draper’s friends, practise with Mirfin, to go forward with the said treasons. XXIII. That it was devised among them, that Mirfin should go over sea, to make gold and silver, and to coin dollars and Portuguese. XXIV. That he used sundry shows and conjurations with and upon Draper; and took the parings of Draper’s nails, and the hairs of his beard, and other follies, to make Draper trust in him; and so to see the bottom of Draper’s treasons.

XXV. That it was agreed, that Mirfin should be conveyed over sea, as Draper’s factor: and there execute a the treason of sir George Hastings and the rest. And that to this conveyance, Webb, OffIey, Garton, and others of Draper’s friends, were privy, and had promised him shipping and lodging. XXVI. That to this intent Draper had delivered Mirfin 700l . in part of payment of 2000l .

XXVII. That to make Mirfin assured of him, Draper had conveyed to Mirfin a deed of gift of all his goods, an assignment of all his debts, and a bond of 2000l . XXVIII. That Draper, Clitherow, and Draper’s wife, had signed with their hands, and sealed one deed, and signed with their hands one other deed; declaring at large his said treasons, and the whole manner thereof: and naming Webb and the rest to be conspirators there. And for proof thereof he sheweth the said two deeds, so subscribed and sealed by Draper, Draper’s wife, and Clitherow, as he saith. /XXIX. To draw him the more into the same treason, he sheweth also, that Draper and his wife had given by their deed, under their hands and seals, to Mirfin the body of Draper’s wife, &c.” With other articles of this Mirfin, so vile and loose, and improbable, that I omit the mention of them. “There are also found in the custody of Mirfin sundry blanks, or sheets of white paper, having written in the lower part of those blanks the name of Clement Draper, Elizabeth Draper, Fra.

Corkow, Draper’s servant, and others: over which were to be written whatsoever Mirfin would. There are found also the seals wherewith the said papers of oaths of sir George Hastings, Walter Hastings, and Agard were sealed. There are also found certain small pieces of paper, wherein are oftentimes written, as it were, assays of the names of Clement Draper and others: and among the rest, of the lord treasurer, by the name of W. Burghley; very like unto their own hands. And many other papers of letters, hands and names of other persons; containing matters of express treason.” He was charged by Draper, that he shewed to him a grant, under the queen’s hand, for letters patents to be made to him and Draper about registering bonds and assurances. Which grant or warrant, he said, was brought unto him by Moukl, my lord treasurer’s servant: which cannot be without forging her majesty’s sign manual, which is high treason.

After this, followeth a confutation of Mirfin’s informations. And a great deal of it himself confessed. And all that concerning the Londoners [Webb, Clitherow, Draper, &c.] were but imaginations, and false, upon vain suspicions, drinking of wine and blood; and the subscribing paper with wine and blood he confessed to be false. The papers were all of his own handwriting; and he acknowledged he forged them; as the hands of sir George Hastings, &c. The red ink, which he called wine and blood, wherewith the papers were signed, was found in a glass in his chamber, and confessed by his servant that he bought it lately: in short, he was found a most notorious villain, a notable forger, and a most wicked rogue. This business came before the council, and he was examined by certain persons by their order. And they charged him with treason. And Draper’s wife was found a virtuous and good woman.

What passages of remark I meet with concerning that great and wise statesman, the lord Burghley, 1 frequently enter, to preserve his memory to grateful posterity. Among which a letter may deserve a remembrance here, sent to him from a German prince, viz. the earl of Embden; to shew both the honour he had with foreign princes of the religion, but chiefly,what favour and regard his royal mistress had with them abroad. This German had sent his agent, and professed all readiness to serve her majesty, and still desired she might be assured thereof. He also communicated the great and happy endeavour of a reformation of religion in another part of Germany, namely, that of Colein, by Herman, the good elector and archbishop thereof: besides some more private matters contained in that count’s letters. In his answer he wrote, “That he was but newly recovered of his chronical distemper, the gout, which he called his familiar disease, when those honourable letters were delivered him: and that they came seasonable to him, and administered refreshment, by so illustrious a hero’s remembrance of him, to restore his diminished strength.” He proceeded, “That they had various reports of what had been done by the archbishop of Colein. That nothing had been attempted many years past, more to increase the strength of the gospel in Germany, than that notion of the archbishop, if it succeeded well. And he hoped the Christian religion, professed by that protestant elector of the empire, and other princes, would very much prevail against the Roman antichrist throughout a11 Germany. And whereas he desired him [the lord treasurer] should recommend his pains and service to the queen, he said, he would do what his excellency required. But that there was no need to recommend that to her, since she was fully persuaded, that his service was always ready, whensoever occasion required?” In the same letter he took notice of two more private matters. The one was concerning a pair of fine horses the count had presented him; and the other of a great sum of dollars, that Stafford, when he was the queen’s ambassador in those parts, had borrowed of him; and not yet paid back.

To this worthy lord happened this year a loss, which afflicted him much; namely, the death of his son-in-law; William Wentworth, eldest son of the lord of that name, a person of great virtue: who had but the year before married his daughter Elizabeth. And the surprise of it aggravated his grief.

For coming home from the city (where the plague now was) to Tybald’s, his country seat, found, him newly dead there. He was to have met with the queen at Hartford; but his son-in-law being dead, he sent to the secretary Walsingham to excuse him to the queen. Walsingham encloseth his lordship’s letter in one of his own, to the vice-chamberlain, sir Christopher Hutton, to the end he might acquaint the queen with the reason of the treasurer’s absence.

The secretary, by way of condole, addressed a letter to his lordship; where speaking of the queen, wrote, “That she had as just cause to be grieved, for the public, as his lordship for his part.” He added, “that the taking away a man of his virtue and hope, in this corrupted age, was an argument of God’s displeasure towards us:” concluding with this prayer, “The Lord give us grace to make our own profit thereof; and send your lordship patience to bear this cross laid upon you in that Christian course that becometh you.”

The queen also sent Mr. Mannours, the earl of Rutland’s son, to the lord treasurer, under great sorrow, to comfort him from herself: and a letter also with him from the vice-chamberlain, importing as much. Letters also of condolence were sent him from divers others of the nobility on this sad providence; as the lord chamberlain, earl of Sussex, and the earl of Leicester.

Hatton the vice-chamberlain’s letter signified not only the queen’s concern for him, but he likewise expressed therein his own great sorrow; and endeavoured by pious arguments to mitigate that lord’s trouble. The letter deserveth to be inserted. Which was as follows: “My singular good lord, her majesty standeth so much moved with your sorrowful letters, as she findeth herself much more fit to accompany you in your griefs, than to comfort you in this your irrecoverable loss. Your lordship, so well and holily instructed in God’s fear, and so well exercised with the mutable accidents of this wretched world, will call reason to your relief, with thankfulness, that God, the creator of us all, hath called this his virtuous and zealous creature to the participation of his heavenly inheritance. We should lack of duty towards our Redeemer in resisting this his will, and shew a kind of envy in lamenting this his glorious exchange, out of a frail and sinful life, to an everlasting mansion and heaven of joys. “My very good lord, cast off this woe, let it not touch your heart, in which the wisdom of this our world and state hath found him sent for many years, to God’s glory, the realm’s safety, and your immortal renown. Her majesty sendeth your good, noble friend, my lord Mannours, to you; who will more largely impart her pleasure unto you. And so with mv humble prayers to God for your long life and comfortable being, I most humbly take my leave, in haste, this 8th of November, 1582.

Your good lordship’s Most bounden poor friend, “CHR. HATTON.” The grief on his father the lord Wentworth’s side produced this letter to the lord treasurer; “Praying his lordship to bear with him, that he had not written to him before. That the loss, common to them both, was such as would have staid a wiser man than he was. And that although many crosses had fallen upon him, yet none so great as this. But he thanked his God, that he had made the burden somewhat the lighter, that he had left his daughter with child. Whom if it pleased God to bless them, as his prayer was, they both should have some comfort after this sorrow. Praying his good lordship to continue that good-will and favour towards him that he would have done, if his son had lived, until he had deserved the contrary. And leaving his lordship, he had sent that bearer to declare unto him his opinion, as concerning the will, and other things. Whom he beseeched his lordship favourably to hear; and look, what his lordship should do in these matters, he should willingly agree to.” This letter was dated from Mile End, the 10th of November.

But what became of this great belly, we may soon conclude from the death of the widow, the relict of the said Mr. Wentworth: she died within five months after him, viz. in April, 1583, repeating a fresh grief to the lord treasurer, which caused his close retirement. As the queen could not want his advice, so she sent again a gracious message of condolement to him; and withal required his presence by her secretary, Walsingham, to divert him from his sorrow: to this import; “That as she was pleased for a time to permit him to wrestle with nature; not doubting, but that wisdom and religion had wrought in him, ere this, that resolution that appertained to a man of his place and calling; so now she thought, that if the health of his body might so permit, he should do better to occupy himself in dealing in public causes, than by secluding himself from access, to give himself over a prey unto grief. And particularly, that she would be glad of his advice in a matter of weight, concerning an offer lately made unto her by the Scots queen, sent to court from the earl of Shrewsbury, [who was her keeper.”]

CHAPTER 13.

Blank, lord mayor of London, presented to the queen. The recorder’s speech to her. Increase of buildings in the city: the inconvenience thereof. Mr. Rich in the Fleet: his crime: sues for his liberty: his protestation: his letter from Leigh, to the lord treasurer’s secretary. John Stubbs, (whose right hand had been cut off,) his letters of good counsel. Fleetwood, recorder of London.

Controversy in Christ’s college, Cambridge, about a fellowship of king Edward’s foundation. A dispensation for fellowship in Peterhouse, complained of. Books published this year. The Elementary. ( Eijrhnarci>a), sive Elizabetha: appointed to be read in schools.

The Holy Bible: printed in quarto, with a Catechism about Predestination. Golden Epistles. BUT to gather up a few more historical notices; which may inform us of particular persons.

Blank, elected lord mayor of the city of London, was on the 6th of May, being Sunday, presented before the queen, then being at Richmond. How it came to pass that the mayor was not presented before, (since the common time of presenting the new mayor at Westminster is about the festival of St. Simon and Jude,) I know not upon what occasion. The queen graciously accepted of him. And the lord chamberlain made him knight: and he kissed her majesty’s hand. The recorder then made her a speech; all tending then to the great comfort of the mayor and all his brethren, the aldermen. And that chiefly the queen shewing herself wonderfully well pleased in all things; saving, for that some young gentlemen, being more bold than well mannered, stood upon the carpet of the cloth of estate, and did almost bear upon the cushion: insomuch that her highness found fault with the lord chamberlain, and Mr. Vice-chamberlain, and with the gentlemen ushers, for suffering such disorders.

This is the relation the recorder sent to the lord treasurer of this affair: and withal adding, that she found fault with him, (which must be attributed to her modesty,)for giving more praises unto her highness, as particularly touching the advancement of religion, than, as she said, she deserved. “But,” said the recorder, “my good lord, I said. “nothing, but truly and justly, as it was indeed.” And so they all departed; And now we are fallen into the city of London, it may not be out of the way to make a particular remark of it. Which the said recorder noted in another letter this year to the said lord. London now was daily increasing by new buildings. By means whereof, as the inhabitants greatly multiplied, so they were, for the most part, of the more ordinary and poorer sort, which, among other inconveniencies, brought in this, that cheats, and thieves, and pickpockets increased much. Of this the recorder gave that lord some account, in relating what occurred in a sessions this summer. “That among other things here happening, there were none worth writing of, save this one thing; that here are forty brabbles and pickeries done about this town more in any one day, than, when I came first to serve, was done in a month. The reason thereof is these multitudes of buildings; being stuffed with poor, needy, and of the worst sort of people. Truly, my singular good lord, I have not leisure to eat my meat, I am so called upon. I am, at the least, the best part of an hundred nights in a year abroad in searches,” &c.

A supplicatory letter next comes to my hands, to be mentioned, wrote to the lords of the council by Richard Rich, related to the lord Rich. This gentleman had been a prisoner in the Fleet for three years. And his crime was, as it seems, for favouring Stubbes, (of whose terrible punishment we heard before,) and for keeping his book in his possession, after the proclamation to bring it in; being levelled against the queen’s matching with monsieur: and so he became obnoxious to the law, and under the queen’s displeasure. He humbly begged of the lord treasurer to obtain his liberty. “He spake of his reverend fear, that flowed from a most loyal heart, which, both in liberty and restraint, he ever had borne to his liege and most gracious sovereign: his dutiful mind still kept to conform himself to her highness’s laws; and his settled purpose and endeavour, which daily rested in him, to advance by all means the religion of God, now established in her highness’s dominions; which he prayed might be continued down, and enlarged for ever.

Then he spake of the hard portion that was then allotted him; and in what sort, and with whom he suffered: that it bred in him astonishment. He heard of the sharp threatenings which his known enemies breathed forth against him. That he sustained undeserved reproach: found few friends that would regard the innocence of his soul. That he was well nigh clean discomforted, and ready to faint under the burden thereof. And that it would please God to stir up his honour, in consideration of his long imprisonment, impoverished estate, charge of wife and children, and her majesty’s conceived displeasure towards him, to respect his great distress, and to become his special patron, and by his honourable means to procure his release.” This was writ the 14th of April, 1582.

But now to know more particularly wherein this gentleman had offended, behold the matters charged upon him by Tho. Chambers, his own servant, in his letters to the lords, dated primo Martii, 1579. In the margin thereof is set by the lord Burghley’s own hand, What was found in the examination of the several heads and articles of the accusation: wherein the lord Rich himself was touched. Take all thus exemplified from the original: “Right honourable, and my very good lords: the matters to be objected against Mr. Richard Rich, the elder, are, “First, That he had a book set forth by Mr. Stubbs, since the proclamation made against the same. And that the same was seen in my 1ord’s house, is to be proved by Dr. Mullins, archdeacon of London; who saw the same, and advertised my lord, that his place was not fit for that book. “That he is a great favourer of one Dyke: who in his sermon inveighed against statute-protestants, injunction-men, and such as love to jump with the law. The witnesses of these words are a number present at the hearing of the same. “ That he advised my lord to go to Geneva, when the report of monsieur his coming was rife. And this is to be proved by a letter about the 12th of the queen under the queen’s majesty’s hand, before granted by her majesty to my lord, and one Mr. Sullyard.

Which letter my lord caused me to search for, and shew unto him; which, he said, would not serve the turn; for that the date thereof was expired.”

At last this gentleman was released out of prison, partly by means of the solicitations of his friend, Mr. Michael Hicks, to the lord treasurer, to whom he was secretary. And being now at Leigh, the lord Rich’s house, he sent him a letter, acknowledging thankfully the favour he had received. “Thanking him again and again for his furtherance of his release; and the more for the speed which he procured, in the quick despatch thereof.” Mr. Rich takes this occasion to mention a former acquaintance and friendship between them, (perhaps at the inns of court,) but discontinued by long and far distance of time and place: saying,” That he [Mr. Hicks] had gained the start of him in this race of their friendship, by the opportunity which his suit had offered to his hand; and wherein with love and faithfulness he had approved himself towards him. But for himself, he was as one cast behind to buckle up his feeble strength, and endeavour himself to overtake, or at least to follow so fast as he might reach him, without hope, for want of breath, to overgo him. That yet, God willing, his desire should strive, and his heart thirst for Mr. Hicks’s good. And that he should in better colours find, if his country life might happily yield him any good fruit or effect thereof.”

And to shew the good temper of this gentleman, and his religious disposition, and his counsel to a courtier, I shall continue his letter: “In the mean time, as my best service, and good that I can do you, I will, as it shall please God to assist me, offer some sacrifice for you, that you may retain and increase your old love, and hold out to walk in the integrity and uprightness of your heart in that place, where you are called to serve. Where his gifts that the Lord hath intrusted you withal may gloriously shine, and happily be employed to the comfort and benefit of many: and yet not without some use and lawful interest to your self. That when it shall please God to single you out to another estate and condition of life, you may depart thence with the spoil of those riches and virtues, which the place and people where you are may yield you; and wholly shake off from your feet that corruption and dross, which, without grace, and great heed and watchfulness, might easily creep upon you; and by degrees wax bolder to encounter with you: and at the last hazard to choke or captivate that cheerful liberty and freedom of heart, which to retain and cherish is (as I know you feel and taste) the welcomest guest in our life, and the sweetest persuader, and the strongest comforter in death,” &c. And so in conclusion recommended him to the good providence of the Lord.

As we heard of Mr. Stubbs before, and of his book, so I find him now after his restraint retired to Carton, near Norwich; where he still held his correspondence with his former friends and society of ingenious men, and chiefly of such as had been of Lincoln’s Inn; one of whom was the forementioned Mr. Hicks, the lord treasurer’s secretary. The contents of a letter to him shew him to have been a pious man, and endued with a quality of taking all opportunities of giving good counsel. For such was the purport of his said letter. Thus, upon occasion of the present infirmity of Mrs. Hicks’s mother, a virtuous good woman,” He wished her with a sound and strong mind to bear the infirmities of her diseased body;” adding, “That it was not the bodily affliction [whereof he had experience] could vex the free mind of a full persuaded Christian. As on the contrary, no soundness of body could hold out against a discontented and impatient spirit.”

Another occasion he took of writing his good counsel to this his friend, was upon the reflection that he made upon their former looser conversation, when they were students of Lincoln’s Inn. “I might,” as he writeth, “find matter to deplore the folly and idleness of our mispent youth, together with some warm exhortations to the redeeming of time, passed in pastime; the redeeming of it, I say, by spending the rest with more conscience, to our building up in faith, and faithful conversation, whereby we may in some godly vocation glorify our God, and benefit our brethren; and withal live like Adam’s children, as we are, upon our own sweat. Let us pray for one another, that we may thus live to the comforting and joy one of another.”

And so concluded with a little strain of his wit: “Commend me to my old good friends; and let me hear sometimes how you and they do, and how this world goeth: whether it standeth still, as the old philosophers say; or else, whether it turneth about, and the heaven standeth still, as the neosophisters affirm. Farewell, and say so for me. The Lord Jesus keep you ever his. Catton, by Norwich, the 30th of July, 1582.

Your own loving and assured, JOHN STUBB SCEVA.” Fleetwood, recorder of London, (of whom before,) a very learned and deserving man, and not less diligent in his office, being now quite weary of this place, by reason of the toil and fatigue of it, and withal discouraged too; earnestly applied himself to his good friend, the lord treasurer, to be released, and to be made one of the queen’s sergeants. I will give his own case and desire in his own words. “My singular good lord, &c. I never rest.

And when I serve her majesty the best, then I am, for the most part, the worst spoken of; and that many times in the court. I have no man to defend me. And as for my lord mayor, my chief head, I am driven every day, to back him and his doings. My good lord, for Christ’s sake, be such a mean for me, as that with credit I may be removed by her majesty from this intolerable toil. Certainly I serve in a thankless soil. There is, as I learn, like to fall a room of the queen’s sergeant. If your lordship please to help me to one of those rooms, assure your honour that I will do her majesty as painful service as six of them shall do: help me, my good lord, in my humble suit; and I will, God willing, set down for your lordship such a book of the law, as your lordship will like of. This Easter even, 1582, Bacon house.”

Now to pass to the state of learning. Something occurred this year in two colleges in Cambridge about fellowships, viz. Christ’s college and Peterhouse, that gave disturbance.

Thomas Osborn had been for some years fellow of Christ’s college, elected to that commonly called king Edward’s fellowship, as founded by him in that college. Whereby he reckoned himself exempted from some statutes of the college concerning the qualifications of such as were to be admitted fellows: as, that there be not more than one of the same county fellows at the same time; and to be bound to take orders, or profess some science within such a time. Osborn had been fellow three years or more, by virtue of a dispensation from the queen, to establish him the firmer against college statutes. But now the master and fellows were minded to out him of his fellowship, as unqualified, and to elect another person in his room: urging, that the said fellowship was tied to the statutes and ordinances of that said college, and that by order of the foundation, which shew the same. This grew into a great debate between Osborn and the college, on plea that his fellowship was exempted from the ordinary college statutes. And he appealed to the lord Burghley, lord high chancellor of that university. By whom a visitation of the college was instituted; to inquire into the true estate of this controversy by the statutes, and report it accordingly unto him to decide. He appointed the ordinary visitors of that college; who were the vice-chancellor, Dr. Howland, and two of the senior doctors, viz. Pern and Bell. And they determined the cause on Osborn’s side. There was also before this, another visitation of the college about this matter, appointed by the high chancellor, his vice-chancellor, visitor, and two other doctors, his assistants; who also gave the interpretation of the statute in favour of Osborn.

But notwithstanding this determination of the case, the master and fellows were resolved to proceed to the election of another fellow. And their chancellor commanded them to forbear, and to bring the case up before himself, to judge of the arguments on both sides. The minutes of which letter follow. “After my hearty commendations. I have received your letter, and I find by you, the master, and certain of the fellows of the college, touching your proceedings, tending to the removing of Mr. Osborn, one of your fellows, and to the placing of another: thereto moved, as you write, as well by my letters, as that the time was expired, which the said Osborn had claimed to enjoy his fellowship by her majesty’s prerogative. On the other part, I have also received letters from Dr. Howland, my vice-chancellor, and Dr. Pern, and Dr. Bell, two of your senior doctors, by which they informed me, that notwithstanding, that by the acts of master Dr. Pern, being vice-chancellor, and two senior doctors, and now in, this vicechancellor’s time, with two like senior doctors, your visitors, the interpretations of your statutes, for the country and profession of the fellowship that Mr. Osborn hath of king Edward’s foundation, was otherwise expounded, than you would have the same. And also where they, at the time of this your proceeding to choose another fellow, enjoined you to stay the proceeding therein. Besides, as they inform me, my letters were kept from them so long, and that on purpose, as that you might have full advantage against Mr. Osborn for not being minister. “For these informations, of these whom I have more cause to credit than yours, I cannot allow of this your manner of proceedings therein. And yet nevertheless, for that I will not condemn you before you be heard, I require you, the master, with two of your fellows, to be with me the day of next month. At which time I mean to call unto mine assistance some persons of judgment and learning, to hear the matter of question between you. And in the mean time I straitly command and enjoin you, the master, in as strait manner as I may, being your chancellor, and so your visitor, and as you will answer to the contrary at your utmost peril, to continue the said Osborn in his place, with such privileges and profits as belong to the same.”

This contest between Osborn and the college, notwithstanding it was brought thus far, yet continued two years longer, before it came to a final decision. Their high chancellor thinking it scarcely reconcileable with justice, to vio late the fundamental statutes of the college, referred, at last, the consideration of the whole case, the examination of witnesses, and the judgment and conclusion, to the archbishop of Canterbury, Goodman, dean of Westminster, and two chief learned civilians, Dr. Aubrey and Dr. Ri. Cosin. And now shall follow what the judgment was of the visitors of the college, that is, the vice-chancellor, and the two doctors, his assistants; and then the final decree made by the archbishop, and the other three, as I take them from the originals.

The question brought before the visitors was, Utrum, qui ad illud sodalitium electus et admissus, teneatur ad aliquam sacri ordinis vel professionis rationem, in statutis illius collegii praescriptam, servandum; sive, &c. “Or whether such a fellow might lawfully, being elected and admitted as beforesaid, enjoy the rights and emoluments of the fellowship; although he be not entered into sacred orders, and study any profession. “Which question they thus resolved; and declared, “That it was lawful for the master and fellows to choose a fellow into that place, nulla sacri ordinis vel professionis ratione habita. And being admitted and elected into the fellowship, he ought not to be compelled by the statutes of the college to take holy orders; but freely may study what profession he please; and enjoy all rights and profits of that fellowship.”

The final decree made by the archbishop and the other three, in the month of October, 1584, appeared by an instrument signed by their hands, declaring their judgment in this controversy; viz.

First, That whosoever enjoyed king Edward’s fellowship was bound, according to the true force of the foundation of the same college, to all the statutes, laws, ordinances, and constitutions and customs thereof, and to the observance of them, as well as any other fellow. The contrary to which, they said, seemed hard to them, as well because it tended to declare the foundation of the said fellowship, rather than any part of the statutes. As also, because it was contrary to the words of the statute. Wherein that caution is had, that within the year of admission every fellow be ordained priest. And that never at one and the same time there be two chosen to be fellows of the same county. In which respect they think, that they [the visitors] had exceeded the bounds of that authority that was committed to them.

Secondly, Although Tho. Osborn, a Northamptonshire man, from which shire another of the fellows came, against the genuine sense of the statutes; and the said Osborn first elected, and by the royal dispensation he was dispensed with for three years from his admission fellow, not to take priest’s orders; and thereby brake and violated the meaning of the statute: yet because it was not equal that he should be punished for the error of them who thought they lawfully elected him; and that it should be thought as a fraud upon him, in that he followed the sentence of them on whom the interpretation of the statute was incumbent: and so took their sentence, interpretation, and matter judged by them as true: and because there was no reason why the adverse party should go so hastily to a new election, before the former interpretation had been rightly revoked and declared null or unjust; nor equal that this should be to his prejudice; therefore they decreed that the said Osborn should be admitted into his fellowship. Yet so, that he should within two months at least be ordained priest; otherwise his place to be actually void in the said college. And John Powel, who was chosen into Osborn’s place, was to come fellow into the next vacation of a fellowship; that seeming agreeable to equity and justice. And that in the mean time the said Powel to be maintained in fellow’s commons, by the master and fellows, at their common charge and expense. This was signed by the archbishop of Canterbury, and the three others; and withal is added the lord Burghley their chancellor’s own hand; confirming and establishing what they had declared as their judgment and determination.

This same year another trouble arose to Peter-house in the same university, upon a letter obtained from the queen to that college, to receive one sir Rushbrook to be fellow: such letters coming often, to the discouragement of the students there, the preferring of unfit persons, and laying the college under burdens unnecessary. This occasioned the master and fellows to address a letter to their patron, lord Burghley, and chancellor of that university; signifying what great inconveniences they should draw upon their college, if letters should be so frequently obtained for fellowships. “That it would cumber them with more fellows than their poor revenues could maintain. And so burden the college: and by this means also of a sudden overthrown, by unfit and unmeet persons to be preferred by those letters: and the ancient liberty impugned, when statutes were so ordinarily dispensed with; oath and conscience neglected; unworthy men placed; the worthy discouraged; the church and commonwealth hindered.” For within three years, at the queen’s commandment, were chosen three fellows there, by letters procured from their friends.

And one but the last Lent was admitted fellow, that would not for a considerable time yet come into profits, for want of avoidance of a place.

And besides, they urged, that they had divers bible-clerks, very toward scholars, as well for deserts sufficient, as by statute of foundation qualified every way, in many degrees to be preferred before sir Rushbrook, and that, to speak the truth of him, he was not answerable in many respects to the commendation given of him to her majesty.

And a year or two before, I find one Richard Betts got a dispensation from the queen to the same college, to be admitted fellow, though he was master of arts; which was contrary to the statutes: who were to be chosen while bachelors, or not at all. For by an old statute, none that is master of art may be admitted to the society. And by another old statute he could not be fellow, because he was born in the south parts of England. The queen dispensed with both statutes. Books must come under this head of learning. Some that were set forth this year were these as follow.

The Elementary. As the last year Mulcaster, a learned and accurate schoolmaster in these times, had set forth a book called Positions; therein beginning to lay down a more exact method of educating and bringing up of youth: so he went on with his method in publishing this year his Elementary, the first part: which treated of the right writing of our English tongue. And as the former was dedicated to the queen with high elogiums of her learning, so this he dedicated to her great counsellor, the earl of Leicester, with high strains of praise given him, as a great patron of learning, and of both the universities: “Praying God to preserve his honour, as a counsellor of most trust to a prince of most wisdom, to beautify nobility, to avaunce knowledge, and to assist his country both in true religion and politic rule.” In this his elementary institution, his purpose was “to handle all those things which young children were to learn of right, and might learn of ease, if their parents would be careful a little more than ordinary. These were five in number, all infinite in use, principles in place; viz. reading, writing, drawing, singing, and playing. And that in the right course of best education to learning and knowledge, all these, and only these, be elementary principles, and most necessary to be dealt withal.”

And then he proceeded to shew how they were warranted by general authority of all the gravest writers and all the best commonweals. In another chapter he gave his opinion of the best writers concerning the choice of wits fit for learning. And the subject of another is, how his Elementary makes the child capable of most commendable qualities: with many other matters of education ingeniously and learnedly discoursed. And in the end of the book is added, a peroration to the gentle reader: wherein many things are handled concerning learning in general, concerning the nature of the English and foreign tongues, &e.

There was also published this year another book in elegant Latin, heroic verse, by Christopher Ockland, schoolmaster also, some time of the freeschool in Southwark, afterwards of Cheltenham school; entitled, ( Eijrhnarci>a) , sive Elizabetha. De pacatissimo Angliae statu, imperante Elizabetha, compendiosa narratio. Huc accedit illustrissimorum virorum, qui aut jam mortui, fuerunt aut hodie sunt Elizabethae reginae a consiliis, perbrevis catalogus.

It is printed in octavo; and consisteth of two books: the former is entitled, Anglorum Praelia; beginning at the year 1827, and ending at the year 1558, the year of queen Elizabeth’s access to the throne. Where beginneth the second book, entitled Elizaabetha; describing her life and happy reign unto the year 1582. The dedication of it was to Mildred, the learned lady, and consort to the lord Burghley, in a handsome poem. The title of the dedication ran, Ad praenobilem, et in primis eruditam faeminam, utriusque literaturae et Graecae et Latinae peritissimam, dominam Mildredam, dynastae Burghlaei, magni Angliae thesaurarii, conjugem laudatissimam.

In this book the author gave characters of all that queen’s great ministers. I shall exemplify one of them in the Appendix; viz. the lord treasurer Burghley, and the rather, he being a man of great figure and worth. I cannot but hint one of the first historical passages of the book: describing that queen’s first entrance on the government of the kingdom: taking care that religion should first be reformed, and then the state; in these verses: Relligio ante alias res; dein respublica curae, Omnibus extemplo patefit divina voluntas, Ante latens, &c.

And in the margin are these names set, as chief promoters then of this pious purpose; viz. Assertores hujus propositionis: Edm. Gryndal, ep. Cant.; D. Sandys, ep. Ebor.;Rob. Horn, ep. Wint.; Jo. Scory, ep. Heref.; R. Cox, ep. Ely; J. Jewel, Jo. Elmer, D. Whithed, E. Gest.

This tract was of such esteem, that it was printed and reprinted in half a year’s time: and the book possessed by sir Christopher Hatton, the queen’s vice-chamberlain, (and who afterwards was lord chancellor of England,) hath his name written by himself, both at the beginning and end thereof; as I have seen it, shewing his value thereof. Of whom the writer gives this character in the same book. Splendidus HATTON.

Ille satellitii regalis ductor, ovanti Pectore, Maecenas studiosis, maximus altor Et fautor verae virtutis, munificusque.

I have one thing more to add concerning this poem; that it was so acceptable and approved, that the lords of the queen’s privy-council sent their letters to the commissioners for ecclesiastical causes, ordering the public receiving and teaching of these books in all grammar and freeschools within the realm. The contents of what the lords writ was; “That the subject-matter of the said book was worthy to be read of all men, and especially in common schools, where divers heathen poets were ordinarily read and taught; from the which the youth of the realm did rather receive infection in manners, than attainment in virtue. In place of which poets, they thought this book fit to be read and taught in the grammar schools.” Then the order followed in these words: “Therefore we require you upon sight hereof, as by our special order, to write your letters unto the bishops throughout this realm; requiring them to give commandment, that in all the grammar and free schools within their several dioceses, the said book may be in place of some of the heathen poets, [such probably they meant as were lascivious and immodest,] received and publicly read and taught by the schoolmasters,” &c. This was dated from Greenwich, from the court, the 21st of April, 1582, and signed with all these names: Edw. Linc. Ambr. Warwick, Rob. Leicester, James Croft, Fra. Knollys, Chr. Hatton, Fra. Walsingham.

And as this was directed to the ecclesiastical commissioners, so they signified the same to the bishops, May the 7th following, under their hands, viz. Joh. London, Da. Lewis, Bar. Clerk, W. Lewin, Owen Hopton, W.

Fleetwood,Pet. Osborn, Tho. Fanshaw.

Also another good treatise appeared in print, entitled, A treatise reformation of religion. Divided into seven sermons, preached in Oxford, by Herbert Westphaling, D. D. who was a canon of Christ Church, and after bishop of Hereford. To which were added two sermons of the Supper of the Lord: the first preached at Oxford, the other at Paul’s Cross. These seven sermons are about reformation of our church from popery; from that text, St. Matth. xxi. And Jesus went into the temple, and cast out those that bought and sold, &c. The general questions handled in these sermons follow in the page after; viz. I. Whether religion ought to be reformed where God is not rightly served. II. To whom it pertaineth to reform that which is amiss in religion. III. By what rule the reformation is to be made.

The reason of his publishing this treatise, the author gives in his epistle to the reader, dated from Christ’s Church. “That being moved by some to publish what he spake of that text of scripture, he thought good to have it in some readiness, and to lay it by him for a time. And considering how busy the adversary was, and many among us remained unreformed in religion; he could not but condescend to the motion, which long before was made unto him: for the more desirous the enemy shewed himself to sow tares, the more carefully ought the husbandman to see, that there be sowed good corn: and the more need our weak brethren have of help, the more ways should we use to do them good.” The sum of the discourse is, that the reformation of religion must be made by the scriptures only.

This year was also printed at London, the Old and New Testament in quarto, black letter. Where it is remarkable, at the end of the New Testament is added a catechism, that was framed by some person unknown, (whether Cartwright, Travers, or some others,) entitled, Certain questions and answers touching the doctrine of predestination, and the use of God’s word and sacraments. Wherein the doctrine of absolute election and reprobation is asserted. And this catechism joined to the Bible without any public licence and authority (as it seems) remained in aftereditions of the holy scripture for divers years. For so, as I have it from Prin, that these questions and answers were always printed at the end of the Old Testament, and bound up and sold, cum privilegio, with the authorized translation of the Bible, till the year 1615. Since which no Bibles of this sort, he says, were printed. “Therefore,” addeth he, “use it as a pregnant testimony, a punctual declaration of the doctrine of our church in those particular points of controversy.” But if it were so, it would surely have been put into the former editions of the Bible in folio: and would have had some countenance from the bishops and clergy in convocation, or from the commission ecclesiastical. But because this catechism is now somewhat strange and unknown, I have given it a place in the Appendix.

This year also was printed an English translation of a book called, The history of the discovery and conquest of the East Indies; enterprised by the Portingals in their dangerous navigation in the time of king Don John, the second of that name. Set forth in the Portingal language; by Hernan Lopes de Castaneda, [who lived in these Indies many years; his father having been judge there, appointed by the king.] And now translated into English by Nicolas Litchfield, gent. Imprinted at London, 1582. The first book; there being two more. The epistle dedicatory is to sir Francis Drake.

This Portugal author was, when he wrote this book, of the college of Coimbro; and, as it seems, a Jesuit.

To the rest I add a book, called Golden Epistles, as well out of the remainder of Guevarra’s works, as other ancient Latin, French, and Italian.

Set forth by Geffrey Fenton; and dedicated to Anne, countess of Oxenford, anno 1582. In the same volume are added, familiar epistles of sir Anthony de Guavarra, preacher, chronicler, and counsellor to the emperor Charles V. Translated out of the Spanish tongue by Edward Hellows, groom of the leash. Imprinted and corrected anno 1584. Dedicated to sir Henry Lee, knt. master of the leash.

CHAPTER 14.

The queen’s declaration upon sending away the Spanish ambassador. Motion for peace between the queen and king of Spain. An. Italian propounded for a mediator. The queen against it: and why. She protects those of the Netherlands: relieves Geneva. Complaints of Mary queen of Scots: with answers to them.

The queen’s expostulatory letter to king James. The excess of retainers checked. The queen’s kind letter to the lord treasurer, under some discontent.

THE state of the kingdom, and the queen’s own life and safety, were now in imminent hazard, by means of secret conspiracies entered into, and carried on at home, by many of her popishly affected subjects, and by the king of Spain, and his English pensioners abroad: the detaining the queen of Scots being the great pretence: Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador here, zealously carried on the design, deeply concerned herein. So that upon some discovery hereof, he was called before the queen’s council to be examined of his doings; and such matters evidently proved against him, that the queen charged him to be gone out of her dominions. And so to Paris he privately conveyed himself; and then, with many English fugitives there, went on more securely with his business. But this being such an unusual way of treating a prince’s ambassador, without staying for his prince’s recalling him home, the queen thought fit to have a declaration drawn up at large, vindicating herself to the king of Spain, and all other princes, in sending away that ambassador in that manner: for she knew the proud king Philip would resent it.

This notable declaration I find not in any of our historians; and giving such light in our history, in respect of the plot abovesaid, I think worthy to be preserved: which I found among the papers of the lord Burghley, lord treasurer, and believe it to be of his own drawing up. See it exemplified in the Appendix. The title was, Declaratio eorum quae circa Mendozae catholici regis legati missionem acciderunt; una cum responso ad ejusdem objects contra suam majestatem. It was endorsed on the backside thus: A declaration of sundry unkindnesses offered her majesty by the king of Spain, Jan. 15,1583.

There were some overtures now in hand of entering into communication concerning terms of peace between the queen and Philip king of Spain; and some fit mediator was consulted of for that purpose. Some propounded an Italian prince; who seemed to be the prince of Parma. But him the queen would not allow of, as no proper person in this affair, both in respect of the contrariety of religion, and of opening the state of the more secret concerns of the realm to such a foreigner as an Italian. There is a paper of state (which I have before me) containing, A discourse against admitting an Italian to be a mediator of peace between the said queen and king. It is all drawn up in the name of the queen, as though it were for instruction to her ambassador or agent. And it ran to this tenor: “That to deal with a foreign prince for the compounding of matters with Spain, and making an Italian instrument, considering what hath passed heretofore, with also our present estate, is one of the most dishonourable courses that may be taken, for these causes underwritten: “First, an Italian, being not subject to the crown of this realm, is no ways bound, neither by love nor fear, to keep secret matters committed to his charge to deal in. And they being as they are, in a manner all vainglorious, and chiefly such as are to take such matters in hand, will make known, by divers means, to their kindred, and to their special friends in their country, the important affairs committed to their charge; procuring the glory thereof, first underhand, to themselves, whether they prosper therein or no. But in case they prosper, and bring these matters to pass, then shortly after will books and pamphlets come forth of the ways and means that were used. But such an instrument or instruments, as were in those affairs, implied greatly to the dishonour of such as took that course. “And by making a foreigner a second instrument, being of religion different from us, it is doubtful of the sincere dealing of such a prince, that rather willeth peradventure our ruin, than our honour and prosperity, how good show soever he maketh in taking the same matter in hand; and for the keeping secret of the said affair, committed to the same second mean or instrument, it is impossible: for there is no prince, that will deal in any foreign matter of importance, and chiefly of this nature, but that the will communicate the same with his council, to consider of the ways and means, how, and with what honour he may take such an affair in hand: which when he hath concluded, then he must deal for the bringing the same to pass by a third instrument: which must be an ambassador, specially instructed and sent into Spain for the purpose aforesaid: who being there arrived; he shall not so soon have dealt with the king in those affairs, but that the ways and means that have been used for the compounding of those matters will enter into the ears of all ambassadors there resident; in such sort as the news thereof will be spread both far and near, greatly to our shame and dishonour: for thereby will be discovered our weakness every ways.

Whereof it is likely to come to pass, that the most princes and states of Christendom, as well our friends as our foes, that have seen how bravely and resolutely we have entered and taken these wars in hand; and thereby have. entered into an opinion of the strong situation of our country, as also of our riches and strength both by sea and land, to annoy such as will become our enemies, will bring them into a contrary opinion, either of lack of power, sufficiency, and judgment, every ways to proceed and maintain those wars which we have so bravely taken in hand: or else, that we are afraid without cause, or not at unity among ourselves. “Which opinion, if it should be conceived among our friends, will bring us to a great disabling and abasing in their account; and may cause them of friends, as they were before, to become our disdainful enemies; when they shall perceive no certainty nor assured strength in us, to defend their weak estates, nor our own honour. And peradventure also the same conceit may cause, with the king of Spain and his associates, a contrary event; that instead of peace, which we do expect by a course before taken in hand, may be an occasion to make such princes to associate, unite, and combine themselves, to make upon us such a war, to tear us as hath not been heretofore intended. “But whatsoever shall come to pass by this foresaid manner of proceeding, I come to conclude, that no honour nor surety can any ways grow or redound unto us, or those that we protect, [perhaps those of the Low Countries,] but most assured danger to our friends and our estate: for admit, that all matters, as well for such as we protect, as for ourselves, were compounded in a manner to our desire; yet neither can they, nor we, stand in longer surety than until that the said king of Spain and his associates shall not be able to annoy us: for it is not to be believed, that a prince of so great resolution as he is, and that doth take matters so at the heart, as his nature is to do, will any longer forbear the taking of any advantage either of them or us, than until time shall present, unto him or them, opportunity to our danger or mischief.”

This wise and wary consultation shews the ground of the queen’s inclination to assist and protect the Netherlands, well knowing what an enemy king Philip was to her.

And to this also must be attributed the care of her own concerns, as well as the assistance she gave this year (both before and after) to the city of Geneva, with seasonable supplies in their present danger. That city was now in great distress by the duke of Savoy; who out of pretended zeal against those professors of the gospel, (termed, by the Roman church, heretics,) but chiefly to enlarge his own dominions, was come with his arms against them. Whereupon the city was driven to crave aid and contribution from the queen and her subjects that professed the same reformed religion. And for the better forwarding their business, as they had sent their letters the last year to the lord treasurer Burghley, their friend, to intercede for them to the queen, so now they address another to him, considering their imminent danger. It was writ in French from the syndics and council of Geneva. And imported; “That by the lord Maillet, their beloved counsellor, (who was the last year in England about their affairs,) they understood the affection that lord [viz. lord treasurer] had for them, and how he had been the principal instrument with the queen of her benefaction and liberality towards them. That they would never omit to acknowledge their obligation towards him, and would preserve and perpetuate the memorial thereof towards them. Which should always be a just occasion for them to thank God, who had raised up such a seigneur de merits, [lord of merit,] as he, to favour their estate on such a needful occasion. And that hence they gathered hope that God would continue to them an assurance of him, according to the beginning which he had shewn them, and would not suffer such to persecute them for the cause of the religion which they made profession of, nor to triumph over them; and would take his own cause into his own hand, and would make his strength and power appear in their weakness. “But that it had pleased God at that present time to exercise them with divers threatenings of their enemies: and had now brought their ill-wills to a head, which for a long time they had conceived against them: that they had brought garrisons near their town, and entertained soldiers near about them; and that they had hindered them from bringing corn for their provision. That there was a report of the passing of 12,000 Spaniards through Savoy and Burgundy: which they feared were coming against them. Whereby they of Geneva could enjoy but little rest, but that they set against these human considerations, that the power of God (by the which they subsisted) would guard and preserve them for his glory. “And as for human means, whereof it pleaseth God to serve himself for the deliverance of his, they assured themselves, that he and other lords, that had shewed themselves affectionate towards them, would continue more and more to favour them, according to such occasions as should present.” But the whole letter must be read in the Appendix: where I have exemplified it from the original. It was dated in December; and subscribed, Les syndiques et conseil de Geneve, vos bien voluntaires et affectionez amis.

It doth not plainly appear what relief or money was sent them of Geneva the last year, or before. But I find on the back-side of this letter, by the lord treasurer’s own hand, these sums mentioned, sent, as it seems, at this time. 4000 nobles. 300 nobles, 100l . 4000 nobles. 300 nobles, 100l . 200 nobles, 66l. 13s.

And as we have already mentioned some of the letters and messages of the syndics and council of Geneva to this kingdom, and namely, to the lord treasurer, in their necessity ready to be swallowed up by popish zeal, and the worldly ambition together of the duke of Savoy; viz. in the years of 1582 and 1583: so other letters I meet with addressed hither afterwards for favour and assistance in the years 1586, 1589, and 1590, with their seal; which was large; being the half spread eagle, the head crowned, looking towards the left: impaling a key erected. The shield lying upon a roundlet.

Round which is written, Post tenebras lux.

Mary queen of Scots (a prisoner in England) had made divers complaints of her hard usage by the queen; which were drawn up. And it lay now on her majesty to vindicate herself; and to retort them back upon that queen; which was Randolph, queen Elizabeth’s ambassador’s part to do. Which because it will illustrate this part of our history, I shall set down both the complaints and answers, as I find them in one of the Cotton MSS. with this tide, Extracts of the queen of Scots grief, with the answers made to the same, Nov. 2, 1582, and Apr. 6, 1583. Object. Her majesty’s ministers have practised troubles in her realm, and stirred up her subjects to rebellion. Proved by the deposition of witnesses; confronted with one nameless: whom she charged to have been a principal actor therein. Respons. Randolph, who seems to be the nameless man whom she meaneth, being charged by Johnson (infamous and a condemned man) to have delivered unto him, the said Johnson, certain money for the lord of Pataro, did clear himself sufficiently of that imputation: and in respect of the good offices done by him, was after required by herself to be contented therein.

The intended alteration of government. The sudden death at Deep of the Scotch nobleman that misliked of that place. Her breeding of divisions among her nobility. Her persecuting of Murray. Her setting Huntley on work to overthrow the state of religion. Her practices with David against the state. The murder of her husband, and other disorders were the cause of her own..... troubles. Object. Her rebels supported and relieved by her majesty. Object. Frogmorton, by her majesty’s direction, persuaded her to subscribe the demission [of the crown to her son.]. Respons. Throgmorton had no such direction. Yet could not his advice be prejudicial unto her; considering, that in law an act done by such as were in durance is of no validity. And besides her subjects being..... from her, she was in danger if she had not consented to the demission. Object. A diamond received by her, as a token from her majesty; with a promise that her majesty would assist her against her rebels. Upon which assurance she adventured after her defeat to cast herself into the arms of her majesty’s protection. Respons. That friendly promise was made before her husband’s death; when she carried herself well. Promises and the bond of friendship are subject to different interpretation, and grounded upon virtue. By her miscarriage of herself afterward, this ground failed. And therefore her majesty was consequently no more tied to such promise. Object. But in the way she was suddenly stayed and committed. If her majesty charge her with the matter of her intended match with the duke of Norfolk, she answered, that the same was allowed and subscribed by the principal counsellors of this realm. Respons. The treaty of that marriage tended secretly to her majesty’s overthrow. Whose counsellors were abused with false services and pretences. The rebellion in the north, &c. do sufficiently prove the same. Object. She mought not be suffered to send to her son while she was at liberty. Respons. The king at that time denied the access of any minister of her majesty into his realm. And delayed four months the answering of her letters written to him about the intended seinge. Object. She hath made many overtures, and large offers, for the establishing of some amity between the two crowns. The purpose thereof then did.... the last winter. But she hath since been to send them before. [The sense imperfect.] Offereth to stand to her justification. Her right to this crown is the cause of the practices of her enemies against her. Chargeth my lord of Huntingdon with practising in Scotland, Her majesty sending suddenly to him without her privity. Her majesty sendeth suddenly to her son without her privity. Respons. She had, without her majesty’s privity, contrary to her promise made to Beal, given her assent to the association between her and her son.

And it was found by experience that she had always practised the disquieting of the realm. Object. Chargeth Mr. Bowes with practising in Scotland. An army sent to the borders, to impeach the execution of Morton. Required, that none of her majesty’s ministers intermeddle any longer in the affairs of Scotland without free liberty, or the assistance of some of the French ministers. Respons. Her majesty hath found in her a disposition to trouble both England and Scotland. Object. Complaineth of the hard usage that she receiveth. Respons. Her practices against the state, and abusing of her majesty’s former favours extended towards her, do deserve worse usage. Object. Whereas she hath been charged by my lord of Shrewsbury, to have dealt with her son, for releasing unto her of her title to the crown, without her majesty’s privity, contrary to her promise made unto Beal; she answereth, that she made unto Beal certain overtures tied unto conditions: which conditions being not performed, she was again at liberty. Object. Denieth, that ever she was content to follow her majesty’s advice; being uncertain what the same would be: or that her ministers should be at the direction of her majesty. Object. Her enemies here hold intelligence with the rebels in Scotland for the overthrow of her son. Respons. Her son’s own letters and speeches, delivered to the French king’s minister, and her ministers, do witness the contrary. Her majesty hath settled his estate, and protected him from apparent ruin and overthrow: which he was likely to have run into, by following the violent course whereunto he was led.

Divers of these complaints, so sharply objected by the Scots queen, may be read in her own letter (the contents briefly here abstracted) written to queen Elizabeth: which is extant in her history by Camden. And the answers are some brief heads in vindication of the queen to each objection, used by Randolph, her ambassador.

In the midst of these her troubles and afflictions, a consolatory letter at good length was sent her from an eminent person, unnamed, who had formerly been her ambassador in England, (the bishop of Ross, no doubt,) her busy agent, now at Paris. At whose desire and instruction it was drawn up and endited in an elegant Latin style, by one Rob. Turner, an English zealous fugitive there, and sometime scholar to Campion the Jesuit.

Beginning, Cum permultl, (serenissima regina,) me narrante, cognovissent, quibus miseriis implicita, &c. The purport of which letter in English was, “That when he had related to many, in what miseries she was sunk, and with what frauds she was ensnared, and compassed about with such various calamities, it very inwardly affected them. But that when they understood, that all this befell her upon the account of the catholic religion; how constant she was in keeping it, how magnanimous always in defending it; they did not then so much lament her misfortunes, as laying aside all their grief for her, congratulated her piety, constancy, and greatness of mind. And who could call her miserable, added he, whom Christ called happy?

For if they, who for religion suffered imprisonment for Christ, underwent danger of their lives, for righteousness entered into storms of persecution, were to be called blessed; on what account might she be called, or thought to be miserable? That the evenness of her mind, wherewith she bore all her sufferings, sprang from nothing but that virtue itself had fallen down from heaven into her mind, and occupied all her thoughts. And that she measured the matter, not with human sense, but with a divine mind. That it seemed to be above human nature, or at least above the virtue of his age; that her mind was fortified with patience, joyful in the sharpest afflictions, free in the straitest custody, happy in the greatest miseries, &c. Which things, as he proeeeded, gave him cause to believe, that in a short time those miseries would be seasoned to her with sweetness; while she, perhaps, neither hoped nor thought any such thing; and her imprisonment and dangers recompensed with the highest felicity; since God delivereth his people out of danger, when they are judged to be past all hope.” By this, the writer seems to hint at, and to be privy to, that plot that was setting on foot by Babbington, for this queen’s escape, or before that by Throgmorton, Paget, and others.

Telling her farther, “That as God delivered David from the grievous vexation of Saul, and the apostle Paul from the cruel fury of Nero, that lion; so he could restore her to the commonwealth, and the commonwealth to her; and the church to both. He proposed to her thoughts some of the Scots kings, Malcolme, and the Bruces; some whereof were kept in custody in England. And God restored them to their liberties: and heaped up upon them afterwards more ample honours than they had before. He bade her be of good heart by their examples, and hope for greater things. And that Almighty God, moved by the prayers of many for her, would free her from her dangers, and would adorn her with far greater honours, would increase the sweetness of her liberty, enlarge the borders of her kingdom.” [This indeed would have proved true, if the plots that were now carrying on could have succeeded, to have dethroned queen Elizabeth, and advanced her into her place.] Adding,” That God would never fail to be a father to her, if she would go on to be a daughter to him.”

He sent her also, with this letter, an history of the kings of Scotland, which he had compiled in English, when he was a resident in England; and now at his leisure had improved it by the history of their country. The reading of which might serve her in her afflictions. And likewise to make use of for the benefit of her son: to excite him to follow his ancestors in their virtues.

I shall repeat no more of this letter to this captive queen, but leave it in the Appendix to be perused.

And now we are engaged in Scottish matters, it may not be out of the way to relate a disgust that queen Elizabeth took to king James, the Scots queen’s son; who had, it seems, demeaned himself about this time in that ingrateful manner, which she reckoned he ought not to have done towards her, who had done many good offices in his kingdom for him. He had sided with those of his nation that were papists, and ill-willers to her majesty.

This gave occasion to the queen to write to him this letter following: “Among your many studies, my dear brother and cousin, I would Isocrates his noble lesson were not forgot, that wishes the emperor, his sovereign, to make his words of more account than other men their oaths; as meetest signs to shew the truest badge of a prince’s arms. It moveth me much to moan you, when I behold, how diversely sundry wicked paths, and like also evil illusions wrapt under the cloak of your best safety, endanger your state and best good. How may it be, that you can suppose an honourable answer may be made me, when all your doings gainsay your former vows?

You deal not with one, whose experience can take dross for good payment, nor one that easily will be beguiled. No, no, I mind to set to school your chiefest counsellor, and am sorry to see you bent to wrong others: yea, those which if they had not even then taken opportunity to let a ruin that was newly begun, the plot would have perilled the more, than a thousand of such men’s lives be worth, that persuade you to avouch such deeds, to deserve a Sawle’s pardon. Why do you forget what you writ to myself with your own hand, shewing how dangerous a course the duke [viz. Lenox] was entered in? though you excused yourself to think no harm therein.

And yet they that with your safety preserved you from it, you must seem to give them reproach of guilty folk. “I hope you more esteem your honour, than to give it such a stain, since you have protested so often to have taken these lords for your most affectionate subjects, and to have done all for your best. To conclude, I beseech you, pass no further in this cause, till you receive an express messenger, a trusty servant of mine; by whom I mean to deal like an affectionate sister with you; as of whom, you shall see plainly, you may receive more honour and contentment, with your surety to your rest and state, than all this dissembling will or can bring you to. As knoweth the Lord, to whose most safely keeping I do commit you, with my many commendations to your person. The 7. August, 1583.”

By a proclamation the queen now set forth, it appeareth, how the gentry in these days were addicted to make great shows of servants and retainers, with costly badges, and liveries, to attend on them in their houses, or journeys, or appearances at court, or elsewhere: and this oftentimes beyond their quality, and to their great expenses. Insomuch as it was called in the said proclamation, a pernicious sore in the commonwealth. Nor was this the first time it received a check, and was forbid by act of parliament and her proclamation: stinting these retainers under certain rules and limits, as far backwards as the year 1572. But the whole state of this evil will be understood by the proclamation. And this I the rather mention, because our historians are silent of it. The cause of the setting it forth is shewed in the preamble, viz. “The inconveniences and enormities that had universally grown in the realm by unlawful retaining of multitudes of unorderly servants by liveries, and otherwise, contrary to the ancient statutes of the realm.” I leave this proclamation to be read in the Appendix.

I meet with another letter of queen Elizabeth, wrote to the lord Burghley, her treasurer; shewing her high esteem of him, and his abilities for her service. That which gave the occasion seems to be, that he had petitioned her majesty, that he might lay down his office, and leave the court, and retire to a private life. Whether this proceeded from some discontent, or upon some displeasure he conceived the queen had taken against him, or, more probably, some hard words that some of the council had used towards him, (perhaps it was the earl of Leicester,) and other misreports given out concerning him, which he resented. But the queen could not part with such an useful counsellor, and such a faithful treasurer; and knew his merits and wisdom too well to yield to his petition. And with her own hand wrote him a short comfortable letter, between jest and earnest, styling him sir Spirit: the reason whereof I leave to others to conjecture. “Sir Spirit. I doubt I do nickname you, For those of your kind (they say) have no sense. But I have of late seen an ecce signum, that if an ass kick you, you feel it so soon. I will recant you from being Spirit, if ever I perceive that you disdain not such a feeling.

Serve God, fear the king, and be a good fellow to the rest. Let never care appear in you for such a rumour: but let them well know, that you rather desire the righting of such wrong, by making known their error, than you to be so silly a soul, as to foreslow that you ought to do, or not freely deliver what you think meetest, and pass of no man so much, as not to regard her trust, who putteth it in you. “God bless you, and long may you last, Omnino, E. R.”

On this letter (wherein the queen expressed so much kindness and value for him) the lord treasurer endorsed, Received the 8th of May, 1583.

CHAPTER 15.

Apprehensions from papists. The archbishop of York’s letter to the bishop of Chester; exciting to diligence. The bishop and the earl off Darby, acting in the ecclesiastical commission. Bishop of St. David’s visits his diocese: the corrupt state thereof. The bishop of Norwich weary of his diocese: and why. Desires a remove. Two off this bishop’s servants taken at mass. A divinity lecture settled at Litchfield. The dean’s account of it. The bishop of Lincoln removed to Winton. The bishop of Meath moves for schools in Ireland. Matthew made dean of Durham.

Now we shall apply ourselves to take notice of matters, more nearly relating to religion, and to the labours of the bishops in behalf of the reformed church established, with respect both to papists and innovators and schismatics.

The kingdom was at this time in great apprehensions from the papists, and their seminary priests, skulking about every where; especially in the north parts. On which occasion, Sandys, the good archbishop of York, laying to heart the great impiety of the age, and what tares the enemy had sown in the Lord’s field, composed a monitory letter (as it seems) to the bishops of his province, to exert and stir themselves up with more vigilancy in their stations. In his letter to Dr. Chaderton, bishop of Chester, (which is still extant in one of our university libraries,) he thus delivered his mind: “That being stirred up by a pious charity, and brotherly good-will, he thought it his duty to exhort him, that as the same burden lay upon them, and the same account was to be given of the discharge of their office, so they should weigh unanimously what kind of persons they ought to be; to shake off security and drowsiness, redeem the time, make themselves ready to battle, to take the sword and armour of the Spirit, to defeat the common enemy, and to defend the faith even to blood and death.”

Then he proceeded to shew him, “How God had set them over nations and people, to extirpate and root out, to destroy and throw down, and to build up and plant, [in allusion to God’s commission to his prophet Jeremiah.] That therefore it was their parts, by the sharp sickle of God’s word, to cut away the fibres of superstition and the roots of idolatry; and by the propagation of the gospel, to plant good fruit in the minds of men, and to build up the walls of Jerusalem, and the holy temple, as much as lay in them; and with all earnestness to shake down the cruelty and tyranny of Antichrist; and by diligent preaching, to establish the kingdom and empire of the Son of God. And that God did not only require their labour in feeding the flock, but also expected that sin might not go free of punishment; that lust, wickedness, and dissolute manners should be checked and restrained, by executing severe law and punishment.

And so they might consult better for the safety of their sinking country; and more successfully disappoint their rage, who desired to see it afflicted and distressed. And that neither wealth nor power, nor friendship nor profit, might so sway them, as to obstruct them from doing the Lord’s work strenuously. And that the stubborn and contentious enemies were to be checked with a rod of iron; at least to be restrained from infecting the sound with their leprosy. That the little foxes were to be caught that destroyed the vines; and that especially, that nets should be laid for the papal stragglers, those brands of sedition, and pests of the church.” Adding, “how this was the worst sort of men, and the calamity of our land; who, by too much licence, were made worse; and now becoming fierce by impunity, waxed bolder, to the very great danger of all good men.”

And for the better execution of this, he exhorted the bishops, “That according to the authority committed to them, they should call to their assistance those, whom they knew endued with piety, and that were sound in the faith; and to require their diligent labour under those so uncertain and dubious concerns of the church and commonwealth: and considering how many enemies they had, and in what difficulties they were, to omit nothing that might conduce to the common safety.”

These are some brief contents of the foresaid archbishop’s excellent letter to this bishop of his province, all in Latin. The which is worthy preserving.

And therefore I have exemplified it in the Appendix.

For in Cheshire and Lancashire, that bishop’s diocese, popish priests and seminaries chiefly took up their residence, being harboured with popish gentlemen, and others of that religion, that lived there; and there making proselytes. But many of them were discovered and taken, and committed to the castle at Chester; till within a year or two past; when, by order of the council, these recusants, that for their obstinacy were detained in that castle, were conveyed to Manchester, to a place there provided, and named the New Fleet: the said council giving the commissioners ecclesiastical their reasons for this removal of them: viz. They considered, that the place was more fit and convenient for that purpose than the castle of Chester.

For that the inhabitants of Manchester were found to be generally well affected to religion; and that the castle stood too near unto the seacoast.

And as many of that sort as were taken up were thenceforth committed to that new prison in Manchester.

And one was appointed that might be faithful to the queen, to be keeper of that prison, and to oversee and take care of those that were or should be committed there; and for the maintenance and diet of those among them that were poor. This person was Robert Worsely, esq. And for the necessary supply of this charge, the council appointed a collection of 8d . per week from every parish in the diocese, by authority of some statute for the relief of prisoners in the county gaols. Though this produced great murmurings and opposition, as we shall shew by and by.

This year Mr. Worsely sent up to the council an account of his charges for the diet of the prisoners; which amounted to 650l. Sixteen recusants were there committed; whereof six were priests, and the rest persons of such poor estate, as they were not able to answer the charges of their said diet.

This was certified by Worsely to the lords. And thereupon they sent their letters to the council in the north, to examine his accounts, and to see him satisfied out of the fines laid, by authority of the ecclesiastical commission, upon recusants; and likewise from the collections, appointed by the statute of the 14th of the queen, towards the relief of prisoners; which of itself would not suffice to reimburse the said Worsely. And therefore to receive his full payment from the fines at the hands of the said commissioners.

For this parochial collection (which was thought meet by the council now more especially to be made) met with great opposition. And so some of the justices in those parts informed the privy-council; as being a benevolence rather for other poor prisoners, and for the setting of vagabonds on work, than for supplying such recusants. There was also a petition to this purpose, drawn up and subscribed by many in those parts, the better to countenance the business. And among the subscribers were divers who were foreigners, and lived not there, and counterfeit names, and of gentlemen’s servants: that the number of names might make the complaint the more plausible. And among the rest they had prevailed with the lord Strange, the earl of Darby’s son, to subscribe.

Upon this the council writ their letters to the earl of Darby and the bishop of Chester, (who were the chief of the council in the north, and who had advised the lords to this method of raising money for the abovesaid use,) directing them still to go on therein; as thinking it very convenient to have the same collection continued: yet desired to have their answer and opinion therein; and till then to make some stop. The council’s said letter I have reposited in the Appendix, where the matter may be understood more perfectly.

The earl and bishop soon gave their answer accordingly to the council.

Whereupon, by another letter, they signified, “That they thought it very requisite and convenient their lordships should proceed in the said collection according to their former determination: seeing by their lordships, and most of the justices of peace, and gentlemen well affected to the service, it was thought to be very beneficial for the country, as their supplication and letters to their lordships, they [the council] said, they had seen. And that as for such gentlemen as had laboured to the contrary, seeing they had not only abused their lordships, [the earl of Darby, bishop of Chester, and others of that council,] but also them, [the queen’s privy-council,] pretending that the country was therewith much aggrieved, they thought fit that some of them should be sent for thither, [to the court, ] to attend upon them, to render an account of their, dealings in that behalf. And they prayed their lordships, as so required and authorized by them, [the council,] to send for some of the principalists of them, (as they should think meet,) that did impugn the said contribution; and especially Richard Bold: and to take bonds of them, unto her majesty’s use, in good sums, for their appearance before the council by such a day; and of such of them that subscribed on both sides, or promised in words to join with them [the earl and the bishop] in the action, and afterwards left it. “The council also were desirous to be truly and particularly informed, whose names were subscribed in a counterfeit hand, and by whom, and what they were, that to abase them [the council] with abundance of names, had caused the names of their servants to be set to the said petition; and especially what they were, that had allured any that belonged to his lordship, [the earl,] and his son, the lord Strange, to subscribe to the said supplication: alleging, although untruly, that their lordships [the earl and bishop] favoured their actions. And to send them up also, that were charged with some lewd misdemeanour.” This letter was dated from St. James’s, the 2d of December, 1583.

Information was also given to the council by those petitioners against the parochial collection, that the fines cessed upon the recusants in that diocese of Chester would amount to 3000l . as though the earl of Darby, and some others of the council there in the north, had put a good part thereof into their pockets. But it appeared, by the letters of that earl and council, and a certificate returned into the exchequer, that the total sum of all the fines imposed came but to 757l . 13s . 8d whereof 40l . 14s . had been only received. And for the levying of the remainder, further order should be taken by the council there. And the person that thus had misinformed the council concerning the fines, the council in those north parts meant to send for him; and take such further order with him, according to the council’s letter to them, as should be to their satisfaction.

But the earl of Darby, who bare a very sincere and honest heart to the queen and government, was somewhat discouraged at those rumours and reports that were carried up of him, as well as of the bishop. But it could not but speak comfort to them both, that the council thought fit, at this juncture, by a kind letter, to thank him for his labour in this cause, and that he should acquiesce in their exceeding good thoughts of him. And signified to him, “That her majesty was so far from conceiving any ill opinion of him for his doings, that her highness, having been by one of the council, from time to time, made acquainted with the same, did so accept of his lordship’s service in that country, that next unto God’s goodness, she thought his lordship to have been the principal cause of the staying his country from falling into popery, by the good assistance of the bishop, and great pains in the execution of the commission directed unto him. And in which good course her majesty (as they wrote) prayed his lordship to continue, and to assure himself, that he should want no countenance nor backing that might be desired from thence, for the furtherance of that service. “And that herein,” as the council added, “his lordship might account of them, as of his good friends: who would not fail at all times to do that which should be most convenient for the advantage and maintenance of his lordship’s honour and good name: whereof they had as great a care as of their own.” This letter, dated December the 2d, 1583, was signed by Bromely, lord chancellor; Burghley, lord treasurer; earls of Lincoln, Bedford, Leicester; Crofts, Knolles, Hatton, knights; and Walsingham, secretary. Under the next year we shall understand more of this bishop, and of those transactions with the papists in those parts.

But now we proceed to take some notice of another bishop, viz.

Marmaduke, bishop of St. David’s, (confirmed December 6th, 1582,) who this year visited his diocese, the year after his preferment to it; which he found in a very woful condition, both as to the clergy and people, and the revenues and benefits of the bishopric. A particular account whereof, after he had finished his visitation, he gave in his letter to secretary Walsingham: which was as follows. “Salutem et pacem in Christo Jesu. “Having, right honourable, perused my diocese, as well, in clero as populo, I find great wants, both in the one and the other. In the clergy, very few sufficient men. Their benefices poor; and yet many of them hardly obtained, as with money, or granting for lease; and they not having the third penny. “In the people, small popery, but greatly infected (by want of preaching) with atheism; and wonderfully given over to vicious life, &c.”

But the rest of his letter I omit, having given an account of it elsewhere. It was dated from Brecon, the 16th of September, 1583; and subscribed, Humbly at your honour’s command, M. Meneven.

This letter will serve to give light into the corrupt state of that part of the kingdom; and particularly in what a case the formers bishop left his diocese.

We heard something before of the disturbances made in the diocese of Norwich by the affecters of innovation; and particularly at St. Edmund’s Bury; and how the bishop’s officers, in their visitation, were opposed, and the discouragement they met with, and the countenance that some justices of the peace there gave to these disobediences; the puritans spreading their principles also in other parts in Suffolk. Whereupon the bishop, finding how little he could correct and remedy these disorders, became uneasy in his diocese: so that he earnestly desired a remove; despairing of enjoying any peace or quiet there; rather than to abide there to so little purpose of working any reformation, but sure of continual vexation and trouble.

Whereupon he addressed to the lord treasurer, to stand his friend to the queen, either for his remove to another diocese, or to retire to a private life; Dr. Dale having before shewed him some comfort in respect thereof, from the endeavour the said lord had used with the queen in that behalf; which occasioned him to back a former address with another. His letter, dated from Ludham, the place of his present retirement, will make his case much plainer: which ran to this tenor. “That he understood by Mr. Dr. Dale, master of requests,) how myche he was bound unto his lordship for furtherance of his remove from that troublesome and unquiet place where he was, unto some place of more quiet. And that as he was most bound unto his lordship for his good favour therein, so he humbly besought the continuance thereof.” And then using these words. “No comfort, God knows, have I here, but continual crossing and over-thwarting, to my great grief and unquietness: neither look I for any better. And that if it pleased not her majesty so graciously to deal with him, as to bestow upon him some more peaceable and better place, where he might serve God in his calling, in quietness of mind, he would then be a most humble suitor unto his good lordship, to be a means for him to be discharged of all together.

That he might lead a private life; where, during his life, he might pray for her majesty’s continual preservation; and for his good lordship long in honour to continue: and as one having been long and dangerously sick, and one now newly recovered, he prayed God long to preserve his lordship in health.” Dated from Ludham, the 29th of August, 1583. Subscribing, Your good lordship’s humbly at commandment, EDMUND NORWICH.” I find this bishop obtained his request, being translated the next year to Worcester.

But a matter, not many months after, happened in this bishop’s family, that was in danger to expose him to censure, and which his enemies were likely to make use of to his prejudice: namely, that two of them were taken at mass. Which as soon after the bishop understood, forthwith he made another application to the said lord treasurer; to prevent an enemy’s information, and so to take an advantage against him on that account; which they would be apt enough to do. Therefore he thought it best to give the first intelligence thereof to the court, before it might be misrepresented by his ill-willers. These said two persons of the bishop’s family, one his butler, and the other, his calling was the practice of the law, did frequent the public service and sermons in the bishop’s house, as the rest did. But when these were, at a sessions, brought before the justices to be examined, they would not suffer the bishop to be present, though he were in commission as well as they. Now what reports they might make, the bishop was jealous of. And therefore despatched a faithful servant of his own, plainly and truly to relate the thing, with his own letter from Norwich, to the said lord treasurer. Of which letter this was the purport; which will more fully relate the case. “That there had been of late certain persons detected for repairing to mass there in Norwich. Among which company two of his retinue were discovered: the one being his butler, the other a lawyer, a man of small reckoning, and before this detection, such as did frequent divine service, both in his [the bishop’s] house and at church. That in them he had been notably deceived, by reason of their conformity: and therefore least of all feared any such sequel as was fallen out. That this accident, as it did not a little disquiet him, in that it had been his chance to retain some evil affected persons; so, considering the strange dealing of some justices there, (who had laboured in the sifting out of this matter,) he was moved to think, that they sought to pervert the actions of those men to his reproach; and so consequently thereby to confirm the untrue reports given out of his supportation of papists. For, as he observed, after such time as one of the said parties was sent for, being desirous himself to have been admitted to hear his examination, in that he was their associate in the commission of peace; and that he would very willingly have bestowed his travail with them in the service of her majesty: that he was, notwithstanding, excluded. “He humbly therefore prayed his lordship to suspend his censure of him, in respect of his mishap; and to give the bearer audience and credit, in that he should say for his [the bishop’s] innocence and defence, for any presumptions that were or might be urged against him; meaning not herein to trouble his lordship with any long apology, the bearer being instructed to answer all objections. Only he hoped, that his lordship, knowing partly his adversaries in those parts, would accept their informations accordingly; who with vigilant eyes watched all opportunities to discredit him: being ready to wrest every event to the worse sense. And thus being bold to write to his honour upon all urgent occasions, persuading himself of his best interpretation of this chance, he so left his lordship to God’s protection, with the remembrance of his humble duty. Dated from Norwich, the 14th of January, 1583. Subscribed, Your lordship’s humbly at commandment, EDMUND NORWICH.” And now let us look over to the cathedral church of Litchfield; and there we shall find a divinity lecture, wanting to be read in that church, notwithstanding the learned men belonging to it. Archbishop Whitgift had been appointed their visitor the last year, (being then bishop of Worcester,) upon occasion of great differences arisen between the bishop of the diocese and the dean and chapter, as may be seen more largely in that archbishop’s Life. And among other things he found wanting there, one was a divinity lecture: which he informed the lord treasurer of. This moved the council to send their letters to the said dean (Dr. George Boleyn) and chapter, for that purpose, in the month of January, the last year. Which letter is inserted in the Life of the said archbishop. But it was so represented by one of that church, no good friend to the dean, as if he had slackened so good a purpose. The reason of some delay was, in truth, because the dean was then at his residence in Canterbury. But when he returned to Litchfield, he and the chapter soon came to a cheerful resolution and conclusion of that necessary affair. Yet the delay caused a letter from the lord treasurer to him: at which he was somewhat nettled; as appeared in his answer, viz. “That his lordship wrote on a false suggestion. And he marvelled that his lordship [the bishop of Worcester] should write unto his honour any thing that should concern their estate, and chiefly himself, [the dean,] upon any one man’s information, before his lordship [the bishop, their visitor] had spoke with him; whom he knew to be no dissembler, but one that would speak the truth, were it good or bad, well or ill: but were matters otherwise than they should be, they might easily have been reformed by good advice, and diligent performing the same; which well I wot, (added the dean,)his lordship would have given me, because he had ever been his very good friend and tutor in Cambridge, and was still his good lord. And if all things were well, (as he proceeded in his and the chapter’s vindication,) then it were good with good counsel to keep them well, while they had them well.”

And upon this, he, the dean, went to the bishop, their visitor, to tell him the truth of this matter, that he should not hereafter be deceived. The which at his return, in the chapter general, (which was June the 24th,) fell out according to his [the dean’s] saying. For at the chapter it was concluded, that there should be a stipend of 40l a year; whereunto every prebendary and dignitary must give a tenth. And look what there wanted by a tenth, the chapter should supply it of their commons. And because there were many of the prebends very small; so that if this should be continually exacted of them, (as the lecture must be continual,) divers of the prebendaries which were to succeed should not, in two or three years’ space, enjoy any part of the prebend, by reason of their duties to her majesty, the bishop, and the chapter, at their first entrance: it was agreed, that every prebendary coming hereafter into a prebend of 10l . or under, should pay nothing to the reader for his first year. But that which should be due by any such prebendary, to pay for that first year, should be supplied by the commons of the residentiaries. All these particulars of the settlement of that lecture the dean thought fit to acquaint the aforesaid statesman with, and the rest of the queen’s council; to rectify a false suggestion of Beacon, one of their church, given in: and then subjoining these words in his own vindication: “According to my duty, I have informed your honours of nothing but the truth; and endeavoured, as much as in. me lay, to accomplish the motion made by your honours’ letters for the establishment of a lecture in the church; the which I have ever thought necessary: and was therefore a suitor for your honours’ letters; because I could do nothing of myself.” This letter was dated at Litchfield, the 28th day of August, 1583; and subscribed, Your honours’ humble orator, George Boleyn.” And by postscript is added, “The lecture shall be read twice every week, viz. every Wednesday and Friday.”

In the latter end of this year, the queen east her eye upon Cowper, the bishop of Lincoln, a man of excellent abilities and known worth, to remove him from thence to the see of Winton, void by the death of Watson, the last bishop. Of which purpose of the queen; when archbishop Whitgift acquainted him with, he thankfully acknowledged in a letter to the lord treasurer, who had been instrumental therein; piously expressing his low conceit of himself for such a preferment, and imploring the assistance of God’s Spirit in the discharge of his duty in the service of the church; and to direct him with his grace. But take the letter from his own pen. “My duty considered, right honourable, I understand, by my lord of Canterbury, that her majesty hath shewed her gracious liking to have me placed in the see of Winchester. As the place is of dignity and value of living, much better than I am in, so the Lord God, that seeth mine heart, knoweth, that it is five times more comfort unto me, that it hath pleased God to have so favourable opinion of me.

And I most humbly and heartily beseech him so to comfort me, and strengthen me with his Spirit, that I may do that service in the church that may most redound to his glory. “I am also to yield unto your honour most hearty thanks for your lordship’s great favour and furtherance in the cause. But the recompense that I must yield to your lordship must be only to study to satisfy your expectation in that room: whereunto I beseech Almighty God to direct me with his grace. Unto whose tuition and blessing I commit your lordship at this time. This 3d of March, 1583.

Your honour’s in Christ to command, THOM. LINCOLN.” It was not long after he came to the bishopric, that a re port was carried about, that he was covetous. And this charge of covetousness, upon one that enjoyed so wealthy a bishopric, was like to render him odious among the people of that diocese, that expected, as was customary, so much hospitality. Which accusation was studiously spread by one sir Richard Norton, an officer of that bishop; and who threatened also to carry this information to court. The cause was, it seems, because the bishop had refused to advance his salary, and the benefit of his place. But this was a crime very unjustly laid against the bishop; and which he was of all things least guilty of. And therefore, to preserve a reputation in the diocese, and to vindicate himself from such slander, so unworthily laid upon him, (and that by one under him,) he thought it his best way, (in order that the court might be truly acquainted with his circumstances,) to apply himself to the lord treasurer; and to lay before him at large his necessary expenses and payments, as bishop of Winchester, and what at most his own income amounted to; especially now, at his first entry upon that see. His letter will unfold all this; and withal give some knowledge of the defalcations of the revenues of the other prelates.

He wrote, “That his credit had ever been more dear unto him, than either living or other worldly benefits; especially to them whom he knew to be honourable and wise. Wherefore he desired his lordship’s favourable interpretation, if at this time he shewed himself somewhat more jealous than needed in that respect,” &c.

For the whole letter, transcribed from the original, I refer the reader to the Appendix; for some further remembrance of that excellent and learned bishop. And to the letter he added an exact schedule of the whole value of the bishopric, and the charges payable out of it.

That laying it before that statesman, he might the more perfectly understand his circumstances, and prevent any misrepresentations of him, and clear himself of that unjust calumny of being covetous.

Which schedule follows in the transcript of the letter.

The bishop of Meath, in Ireland, sent this year a letter of importance to the court. In which kingdom, one cause of the tedious and chargeable wars there was owing to the ignorance of the inhabitants, bred up in blind superstition, and having no opportunity of instruction in the truth. For an university and schools they were destitute of; where the younger sort, especially gentlemen, might come to good learning, civility, and right knowledge of religion. This the said bishop of Meath took the opportunity, when he was in England, in a sermon or two before the queen, earnestly to inculcate; moving her majesty to erect an university in that kingdom; setting forth so effectually the excellent use thereof to extinguish those sad wars, and tending so much to their loyalty and subjection to their prince, that it moved much the queen and all the nobility present; and particularly the lord treasurer: who saw well, and was sensible of the grievous charge of that war, and the tumults there.

And upon this, all the court were in earnest consultation of the method and way to bring this about. But all cooled within a little time, and came to no effect. But that good bishop being returned to his diocese, and some years passed, and nothing done, gives a gentle reproach to the court for this neglect in a letter to the lord treasurer, and moves now for a lesser matter, but of the same nature, and for the same end; namely, that the queen would grant him liberty and assistance to build a free grammar school in a certain convenient place in that kingdom, in a town wherein he was born, (according to an act passed in that parliament for erecting free schools in that kingdom,) and that it should be called, Her majesty’s school. And that he, the bishop, would himself take care for the building and finishing of it.

And doubted not, but that there would be many well disposed gentlemen and others that would assist and contribute. This excellent letter of the bishop of Meath, written from Dublin in the month of October, deserveth to be preserved. See it exemplified in the Appendix.

The time of the bishop’s motion for founding the university above mentioned was at least seven years ago: which may be conjectured from a discourse the lord treasurer held with that bishop about it when he was in England; who then advised, that Mr. Elmer was the fittest man to be provost and overseer of it: the same that was afterward bishop of London in the year 1576. And let me add, on this occasion, that some years before that, the want of schools and an university was felt in that kingdom of Ireland; and propounded to the English court to establish. For I meet with a tract in manuscript framed about the year 1570, by one Rowland Whyte, For the rearmarlon of Ireland. Dedicated to Will. Cecill, secretary.

Wherein, among other things, he propounded the foundation of twelve free sehools, and one university: “Both to be maintained in her majesty’s name continually: that the godly order of virtuous discipline in the schools might fashion the Irish race towards good and perfect subjection; in such sort, that by the open light thereof, in time they might forget what their auncestors’ old dispositions had been to the contrary. And that as the institution of the free schools was for the entering of young children in good principles and rules in the English tongue; so for their more perfect learning and knowledge and judgment, it would be a profitable foundation, to ordain an university in some place of the realm where her highness should think most expedient. By the appointment whereof most men would be allured to set their children to school, considering the perfection of learning within the realm so ordained: causing also men of years to become studious, of whose profit the common people should participate. And by them, being favourers and furtherers of the truth, would be defaced the wicked wants of old orders, lawless lives, salvage ways, and enormities; the very natural men of the country, through their wisdoms (thus won in such an university) reproving the vicious affections thereof, and provoking by their examples and skilful persuasions, the contrary. And so would prove a good help to subdue sin. And the rather prevailable, because of the inward repugnance that by this means shall be wrought between the well taught and virtuously disposed, and the wilfully ignorant, frowardly given, of one religion; yea peradventure of one kindred or family.

So that thus contention and discord might bring commodity, and do good. Where now the raw realm leaneth one way for the most part, without instruction, true teaching, or dissuasion from wilful demeanour; rather than to those that with humility be willing to learn. The credit of their own countrymen shall profit much for the establishment of their faith, fear, and obedience toward God and their prince, with love to their neighbours, as Christian men be bound to do.”

All this I have added, to shew how this was propounded by some eminent hand many years before this advice of the bishop of Meath, as the best method to civilize that rude country, by imbruing the minds of the Irish with good learning, to be obtained by means of an university and shools among them.

This year Tobie Matthew, dean of Christ Church, Oxon, and who had other preferments, a worthy man and an eloquent preacher, was preferred to the deanery of Durham, chiefly by the interest of the lord treasurer Burghley, his great patron. To which place he was nominated a year before, by the recommendation of the said lord to the queen. But it had a pretty long delay before it was finished. As appears by his letter to that lord, dated in May, 1582, thus bespeaking him to forward his business with the queen: “That by his good word, which it pleased his lordship to afford him unto her highness towards the deanery of Durham, to his great furtherance, and greater credit, he was encouraged to move her highness again for her resolution and his des’ patch. And that he was nothing so importune with his honour, as many good men of that church and country were earnest with him, to do what in him lay for expedition.” And the reason he gave thereof follows; viz. the miserable condition of the deanery.

For that he was credibly informed, that many things there went to wrack.

The houses decayed; the game spoiled; the woods wasted; the grounds unlet; yet not uneaten,” &c.

Nor had the queen passed the grant in August following: when I find another letter of Dr. Matthew to the same lord, “That he would be his good lord, as he had hitherto been, in the despatch of the deanery: and that especially at that instant, the state and condition thereof being such, as unless the dean that next should be might be inducted, and keep his residence there by the space of one and twenty days together, before Michaelmas next, the whole crop, as well of hay as corn, as all other fruits, belonging to the tithes and glebe land, (which was valued two parts of three in that living,) must by a local statute of that church accrue to the prebendaries resident there this year past: so as the next dean should for the year to come have no manner of provision wherewith to keep house; and so be the less able to do good in preaching or government: where, they said, many regarded hospitality very much; who being lost at the first, would hardly be won a good while after.”

He proceeded further, “To remember his lordship withal in what decay and dilapidations the dean’s mansion houses were fallen; what spoil and waste, as well of woods as of other commodities belonging to their dignity, had been, and would be, during the vacation; and in how great need the divided church did stand of some indifferent governor: how incommodious the season of the year would hereafter be to remove so far from these parts, &c. Consideration whereof he most humbly referred unto his lordship’s great wisdom and favourable furtherance. That as he was already much bounden to her majesty’s good inclination towards him, so for her gracious expedition of his suit he might be more indebted to his honour. For the continuance and increase whereof he should daily pray to Almighty God.” This was dated the 25th August, 1582.

Well, notwithstanding all this supplication, it was not l before August this year, 1585, he was inducted. And in September following he sent a letter of gratitude to his patron and friend, the foresaid lord Burghley, thanking him for his grave counsel he gave him upon his going down to Durham, and in another letter sent him since his coming there. On occasion of which counsel, the dean in his reply said, “That he trusted the grace of God would enable him to follow it, to the discharge of his calling; as it had persuaded him to like thereof, to the contentation of his mind. And promised to be reformed by his authority, and directed by his wisdom; even as by the Socrates or Solomon of this age.” And then upon occasion of that 1ord’s moving him for a lease of Pittington, which it seems was double leased out before, the dean informed him of it, and that there had been sixty leases, nay, and seventy more, made in the times of his two former predecessors, viz. Whittingham and Wylson. But I refer the reader to the dean’s whole letter, reposited in the Appendix.

This learned dean was afterwards successively bishop of Durham, and archbishop of York. He was born in Bristol, but of Welsh extraction. Died March the 29th, 1628; aged 82; as appeareth by the inscription on his monument in York cathedral.

CHAPTER 16.

The queen grants a commission ecclesiastical. The letters patents.

Cawdry deprived. Withers of Danbury writes to the lord treasurer in behalf of the puritans. Their case recommended to the council, in a letter from the gentlemen of Suffolk: the lords’ instructions to the judges of assize thereupon. Proceedings against the dispersers of Brown’s books at Bury St. Edmund’s: and against papists. The judges’ account of the assizes held there. Popish books set forth:

Theses Anglorum Rhemensium. Dr.Allen’s Defence of the English Catholics. Parrie’s letter from Lions and Paris. One Touker, late in the inquisition at Rome, comes home: makes discoveries. The bishop of Ross. Dr. Lewis in Rome. Dr. Oxenbridge at Wisbich; his submission and subscription to the supremacy.

THE queen set forth a commission ecclesiastical this year, according to an act of parliament in the frst year of her reign: finding it in these times so very necessary to preserve obedience to the laws framed for the reformation of religion, and keeping the queen’s subjects in true obedience, and conformity to what was established upon very wise and mature deliberation; for the security and quiet of religion, and due and firm loyalty and fidelity to the prince. And that we may see the nature and power of such a commission, I shall here set it down, as it was confirmed by the queen’s letters patent, dated December 9, 26 regin, authorizing the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of London, and divers others, or any three or more of them, to inquire, among other things, of the statute of the first of her reign, concerning the Book of Common Prayer; with this clause also contained in the same letters patents; “And we give and grant to them full power and authority, to reform, redress, order, correct, and amend, in all places of this realm, all errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, contempts, and enormities, spiritual or ecclesiastical, whatsoever, which, by spiritual or ecclesiastical power and authority or jurisdiction, can or may lawfully be reformed, ordered, redressed, corrected, restrained, or amended by the censures ecclesiastical, deprivation, or otherwise, &c. “And upon proof whereof had, and the offences aforesaid, or any of them, sufficiently proved against any person or persons, by confession, lawful witness, or by any due manner, &c. that then you, or three of you, shall have full power and authority to order and award such punishment to every such offender, by fine, imprisonment, censure of the church, or otherwise, or by all or any the said ways; and to take such order for the redress of the same by your wisdom and discretion, as shall be thought meet and convenient; as by the same letters patent more at large appeared. “And further, as they found in that statute of the first of the reign of the said queen; by which it is enacted, That the offender against the act concerning the Uniformity of Common Prayer, and being thereof lawfully convicted according to the laws of the realm, by virtue of twelve men, or by his own confession, or by the notorious evidence of the fact, should forfeit, for the first offence, the value of his spiritual living for one whole year, and should suffer six months imprisonment. For the second offence, to be committed after such conviction, he should be deprived ipso facto of all his spiritual livings. And for the third offence, to be committed after two convictions, as is aforesaid, he should be deprived of all his ecclesiastical living, and be imprisoned during his life.”

This I take from a book printed in the black letter, in two columns, Latin and English, entitled, De jure regis ecclesiastico. Wherein is shewn briefly, what this ecclesiastical jurisdiction and power granted to the queen was by the foresaid statute, viz. By which it was enacted, “That such jurisdiction ecclesiastical, as by any spiritual or ecclesiastical power hath heretofore been, or may lawfully be exercised for the visitation of the ecclesiastical state and persons, and for reformation and correction of the same, and of all manner of errors, heresics, schisms, abuses, offences, &c. within this realm, should for ever be united and annexed to the imperial crown of this realm. And that her highness, her heirs and successors, should have full power and authority by virtue of that act, by letters patent under the great seal of England, to assign, nominate, and authorize such persons, being natural born subjects, as her highness, her heirs and successors, should think meet to exercise and execute, under her highness, her heirs and successors, all and all manner of jurisdictions, privileges, and preeminences in any wise, touching or concerning any spiritual or ecclesiastical jurisdiction within these realms of England and Ireland; and to visit, reform, redress, order, correct, and amend all such errors, heresics, schisms, abuses, &c. which by any manner spiritual or ecclesiastical power, authority, or jurisdiction, can or may lawfully be reformed, ordered, redressed, corrected, &c. to the pleasure of Almighty God, the increase of virtue, and the conservation of peace and unity of this realm.” This I set down thus at large, to shew that special power by which the queen acted in those ecclesiastical commissions she so often sent forth. See more of this commission, and the archbishop’s acting in it, in his Life.

By the above-mentioned commission, Robert Cawdry was deprived of his benefice of Luffenham, before those high commissioners there named; as well for that he had preached against the Book of Common Prayer; as also for that he had refused to celebrate divine service according to the said book: and shewed particularly wherein. Which sentence of deprivation was given by the bishop of London, cum assensu A. B. C. D. collegarum. This case of Cawdrie’s was solemnly and oftentimes debated at bar, by the counsel of either part, and at the bench of the judges. See this controversy more at large, taken from authentic papers, in the Life of Bishop Aylmer.

This commission, proceeding from the queen’s care of religion, leadeth us to take some view of such as were disaffected either to our church’s liturgy or government. A large address was made about this time to the lord treasurer Burghley, in behalf of these, by one Withers, rector of Danbury in Essex. The cause thereof was, his great concern for the differences that were among the queen’s subjects about matters of religion; the loss of peace and love, and the sufferings of such as complied not in all the articles required.

Upon these reasons he was by some persons persuaded (especially when subscription to the Common Prayer was required) to make the said address: and was the more inclined so to do, having knowledge of this 1ord’s great concern and care for religion, and the experience he himself had of his kindness towards him.

Withers was a man of account, and had been abroad among the learned reformers in Helvetia, and was himself conformable to the orders of the church. And therefore, I the rather give some brief account of his said letter. Therein he shewed, “How he had long wished, with all his heart, that in these outward things contentions were laid apart; and that men would conform themselves to her majesty’s laws and pleasure. But that herein there had been faults on both sides: for that as in the one there had been an over earnest standing in trifles; so on the other, too severe and sharp punishment of the same. That he thought reverently of the Book [of Common Prayer,] and the authors thereof; and yet notwithstanding he thought with Augustin, that it was a reverence due only and alone to the canonical books of scripture, to think that the authors of them, in their writing of them, erred in nothing; and to none other books of men, of what learning or holiness soever. “But two sorts of things there were particularly that might hinder many from subscribing to the Common Prayer Book, and which he wished might be amended; viz. First, Such as could not be defended; and secondly, Such as with a favourable interpretation might stand, yet gave the adversary shrewd advantage. “The which things, with some others, (as private bap tism by any present, and communicating the sick with the minister only,) in the beginning of her majesty’s reign, when some of the bishops were charged with by the learned of foreign churches, they in this wise excused themselves, as I myself (added Withers) saw in their letters of answer, which by Mr. Bullinger and Gualter were shewed me at Zurick, in the year 1567; namely, that they, nor none of them were of the parliament house at passing of the book, and that they had therefore no voice in making of the law, But that after it was passed, they being chosen to be bishops, must either content themselves to take their place, as things were, or else leave them to papists, or to them which were not much better, that is, to Lutherans. But that in the mean time they both professed not to urge their brethren to those things, and also when opportunity should serve, to seek reformation of them.” Divers other scruples and objections are in that letter enumerated against the Common Prayer. But I choose rather to leave them to be read at large in the letter: see the Appendix. This Withers was formerly a minister in St. Edmund’s Bury, and one that refused wearing the habits; but upon suspension, complied, in a letter writ by him to archbishop Parker, in the year 1565.

Divers of these scrupulous ministers, that had livings in the county of Suffolk, were prosecuted for divers neglects or variations in the performance of the public service: as, not wearing the surplice in their ministration, omitting the sign of the cross in baptism, and the ring in marriage; altering some words in the solemnization of matrimony; and the nonobserving of ceremonies. For these things they were informed against, and some of them indicted and arraigned. Upon this, some of the gentlemen and justices of the peace in those parts made a supplication and complaint to the queen’s privy-council; aggravating the matter, and praying a redress of certain ignominious injuries offered to them, and to certain godly ministers, by divers and sundry in the same county, not favouring the true reformation of religion, as they informed. And thus they declared their grievance: “We see, right honourable, by too long and lamentable experience, that the state of the church (especially in our parts) groweth every day more sick than other; and they, whom it most concerneth, have been so careless in providing the means, as the hope of her recovery waxeth almost desperate. Which enforceth us, as in all former times, so now especially, to resort unto your good lordships, whose hearts God hath seasoned with a tender care of his glory, and the beauty of his place, whose walls and bulwarks you tell; and whom, we know, it would pity to see them in the dust. “These towers of Sion, the painful pastors and ministers of the word, by what malice we know not, they are marshalled with the worst malefactors: presented, indicted, arraigned, and condemned for matters, as we presume, of very slender moment. Some for leaving the holydays unbidden; some for singing the psalm Nunc dimittis in the morning; some for turning the questions in baptism concerning faith from the infants to the godfathers, which is but you for thou; some for leaving out the cross in baptism; some for leaving out the ring in marriage. Whereupon the law, neither the lawmaker, in our judgments, had ever regard, but meant indeed to bridle the enemy. Yet now, (a most pitiful thing to see,) the back of this law turned to the adversary, and the edge, with all the sharpness, laid upon the sound and true hearted subject. “We grant order to be the rule of the Spirit of God. We desire one uniformity in all the duties of the church; the same being agreeable to the proportion of faith. But if these weak ceremonies (and their like) be so indifferent, as their use or not use may be left to the discretion of the ministers, we think it, in duty, (and under your fa vourable correction we speak it,) very hard to have them go under so hard handling, to the utter discredit of the whole ministry and profession of truth. And, which is more, we, that be magistrates, and under her majesty, have, as we think, equivalency of voice, and know that law and justice is one, and may not be avoided, do forbear to speak what we know, lest, by our severing in opinion, law should be rent, and justice cut in twain; and so the minds of the people, which are so easily distracted, carried hither and thither, to the moving of further inconvenience: and so, by our silence, ministry and magistracy brought into open contempt. “If therefore it may be law fill to speak but truth for ourselves, this is our course: we serve her majesty and the country; not according to our fantasies, as the world falsely bears us in hand, but according to the law and statutes of England. We reverence both the law and the lawmaker. Law speaketh, and we keep silence. Law commandeth, and we obey. Without law, we know that no man can possess his own in peace. By law we proceed against all offenders: we touch none that law spareth, we spare none that law toucheth.

Hinc illae lachrymae. We allow not of the papists their treacherous subtilties and hypocrisies. We allow not of the family of love, an egg of the same nest. We allow not of the anabaptists, nor of their community. We allow not of Browne, the overthrower of church and commonwealth. We abhor all these. No, [we] punish all these. “But now, humbly upon our knees, we pray your good lordships to give us leave to advertise you, how the adversary very cunningly hath christened us with an odious name, neither rightly applied, nor surely rightly understood: to the end, no doubt, that we being occupied in the defence of our innocence, they might have the greater freedom to go about their hateful treacheries. It is the name of puritanism. We detest both the name and heresy. It is a term compounded of all other heresics aforesaid. The papist is pure and immaculate: he hath store of goodness for himself, and plenty for others. The family cannot sin: they be so pure, that God is hominified in them, and they deified in God. But we, thanks be to God, do cry in the bitterness of our souls, Peccavimus cum patribus nostris. We groan under the burden of our sins. We confess that there be none worse before God. And yet before the world we labour to keep ourselves and our profession unblameable.

This is our puritanism. It pleaseth them to use this name to ministers, to magistrates, and to others; especially to such as have an eye to their juggling. And the name being odious many times with the ignorant sort, it maketh the person odious. A shrewd device; and herewith somewhat dangerous: for we know, that every simple man in these parts, (thanks be to God and her majesty,) by hearing the word of God read and preached, do condemn and contemn the gross errors and trumpery of Rome. But the subtilties of Rome are not so soon espied. Jesuits and seminaries. are not odious names with papists. And if in time such might be lodged here by the pope’s harbingers, and good subjects cunningly wounded with lewd titles and names falsely applied, God save his church, our queen and realm. “We very humbly desire, right honourable, not to become offensive unto you, either in length, or in so plain delivery of this matter: for were the cause but ours only, we should bear and forbear; but when it stretcheth even to the periling of church or commonwealth, or both, (for they cannot but as twins live and die together,) and unless we would forget all duty to God and man, and suffer an invasion of all order, we cannot but unfold before your honourable judgments the particulars of that so great discomfort. If your good lordships shall please to call us to the trial and proof of these matters, it is the thing we most desire. If otherwise you shall think good to dispose another course, as we are most bound, so most ready, to submit all to your graver wisdom. “Our God, for his Christ’s sake, bless all your studies and labours, employed for the preservation of her majesty’s godly and peaceable government of this land, and the free passage of the gospel, the root of all the rest. That not we alone, but the age to come, may speak of your praises on all the streets and corners of our city. So most humbly recommending ourselves and our best service to your continual commandments, do take our leave.”

This earnest address seems to have had some success with the lords; especially as to the rigorous dealing with some of the ministers, for some omissions or variations in the use of the book; chiefly by information of inquests of some not well affected to religion; as appeareth by some instructions to the judges in the assizes of this circuit about them: for here was, adjoining to the former supplication, another paper directed to the judges, thus endorsed: A letter of the council to the judges of assize: which ran in these words: “After our very hearty commendations. Whereas we are informed, that heretofore, at the assizes in your circuit, divers good preachers, and other godly disposed, have been indicted, (by colour of law,) for things not so much against the matter and very meaning of the law, as in some show swerving from the letter thereof. Namely, for not using the surplice; resorting to sermons in other parishes for want at home; leaving out some collects on the days of preaching; for using private prayers in their houses, and such like. All which, we suppose, cometh to pass by the practice of some informers, not so well disposed in religion; as also of men returned upon great inquests, many times such as be still in ignorance, and cannot brook the gospel; and being in love with the licence of former times, cannot so well endure the present plain teachers; who, by laying open their faults, would draw them to a more precise and gospellike life. “These are therefore to desire you, and heartily to pray you, that in every sitting of your circuit you sift and examine the affection of such informers touching religion; and thereafter give ear unto them.

As also to have a special regard, that the inquest at large may be religious, wise, and honest. And if, notwithstanding your diligence in this behalf, such juries nevertheless creep in, as by like information molest good men; that yet your speech, and whole proceedings against them, at the bar, or elsewhere called before you, may be according to their quality: not matching them at bar, or in the judgment, with rogues, felons, or papists; but rather giving appearance, in the face of the country, what difference you hold between papists, dissenting from us in substance of faith to God and loyalty to our prince, and these other men; which, making some conscience in these ceremonies, do yet diligently and soundly preach true religion and obedience to her majesty; maintaining the common peace in themselves and in their auditors. So shall the country learn thereby, at the assizes, better to reverence the gospel, and love the ministers and professors thereof. Thus proraising ourselves thus much at your hands, we bid you heartily farewell.”

As in Suffolk, so chiefly about Bury St. Edmund’s, were no small numbers of such as were affected with gross errors and heresies; and that brake off all communion with the church. Some of the chief of these were Robert Browne, (of whom somewhat before,) and Harrison, teachers: who writ and dispersed books of very ill principles. And Copping and Fawker, great dispersers of them. And one Tho Gibson, in a church of the said town, had caused to be written an infamous inscription about the queen’s arms, styling her Jezebel, as was shewn before.

These persons last named, at an assizes held at Bury this year, were called into question, and severely punished; sir Christopher Wray going that circuit. They were charged for denying the queen’s supremacy. The trial of these, and their judgment, was declared in an account given thereof by the same judge to the lord treasurer: “That Elias Fawker, (so writ in the judge’s letter,) John Coppinge, and Tho. Gibson, were convicted for dispersing Browhe’s books and Harrison’s books. The first two executed in the time of the assizes; the former on Thursday, the other on Friday. The book acknowledged her majesty civilly. But so was their terms, and no further. And though Dr. Stil [the archbishop’s chaplain] and others travailed and conferred with them, yet they were at that very time of their death unmoveably of the same mind.”

These Brownists, (for so was the sect called,) and the cause of their punishment, are thus given us in one of our historians: “Elias Thacker was hanged at St. Edm. Bury in Suffolk, June the 4th; and John Copping on the 6th of the same; for spreading certain books seditiously penned by Rob.

Browne, against the Book of Common Prayer, established by the laws of this realm.” Their books, as many as could be found, were burnt before them. But here he that reads this must be cautious how he understandeth the cause of their execution extending to death: for it appears by the judges’ letter, that it was for their denial of the queen’s supremacy in all causes; which they allowed only in civil. And this chiefly the judges thought fit to take hold of in the book.

And as there were brought into judgment at this assize divers of the puritan sect, so also there were convicted here several of the popish faction. From whence was apprehended great danger at this time. Whereof the said lord chief justice Wray informed the said lord treasurer, in the beginning of his said letter, viz. “That he would please to be advertised of their proceedings in that assizes at Bury, and of the state of that country. That there were convicted divers gentlemen for recusancy and papistry; who were sent in by the bishop [i.e. of the diocese]. As Mr. Hare, Mr. Sullyard, and Marten, and others, to the number of seven: who all continued in their obstinacy. That there were some others, to the number of three, brought in by the sheriff: all which did reform themselves; and so were discharged. All the rest appeared not, but Non est inventus, returned upon every of them. “That these gentlemen that were convicted, as the bishop said, were committed to him by my lords of the council: and so were his prisoners; desiring after conviction to have them again. But that because after their conviction this time twelvemonth he suffered them ever sithence, for the most part, to be at large, we [viz. the judges] have taken bonds of them, either to pay the money at the end of three months, or else to render their bodies to the gaol, according to the statute.” Adding, Their bonds we take by discretion: for the law is, they should pay it within three months, or else be imprisoned.” And then leaving this matter between the bishop and them [the judges] to the privy-council, they thus concluded; “That if their lordships’ pleasure were, that they should continue the bishop’s prisoners, and in bonds to him there, it was reason they should be discharged of the bonds they [the judges] had taken. But if their lordships thought better of their bonds, then they were to be discharged of the bishop’s bonds.”

The popish cause in the mean time was earnestly carried on by the English Roman catholics abroad; which did confirm the more the said faction at home. This the learned did by their books.

The English seminary college at Rhemes had laboured, some few years ago, to promote their cause, by making and publishing an English translation of the New Testament; thereby to expose our English translation, and to make the scripture speak favourably of their church and religion: of which we shall relate other particulars afterwards. Now this year they set forth certain disputations, called theses, of three of their learned men; viz. Gifford, Raynolds, and Foster. They were printed in three large sheets of paper; each dedicated to some great man, with an epistle.

These disputations I found among the lord Burghley’s papers: which were thus endorsed by his own hand, Theses Theologicae Anglorum Rhemensium.

The first is made by Will. Gifford to Lewis, the cardinal of Lorain, archbishop and duke of Rhemes. The theses are, De cultu externo, contra haereticos. Beginning with De sacramentis in genere: and then treating of the seven sacraments in particular. And after, De oratione et allis officiis, quibus extra sacramenta colitur Deus.

The second disputant was Will. Raynold, of the same college of Rhemes.

His theses were, De ecclesia, ejusque monarchia, et hierarchia. Dedicated in an epistle to John Baptist, bishop of Ariminum, and apostolical nuncio to the most Christian king. He hath a thesis, after that of the church, De conciliis.

The third disputant of the same college was Seth Foster: who dedicated his theses to Philip Boncompagnoun, cardinal, and protector of the English colleges. His thesis bore this title: Assertiones de vera hominis justificatione; contra haereticos hujus temporis.

About this year another book was written in favour of the English catholics; the author Dr. Allen, afterwards cardinal Allen: entitled, A defence of the English catholics: and was in answer to a book called, The execution of justice in England; against those seminaries, Campion and other popish traitors, lately executed. Of this book of Allen’s take this remark: that it was sent to Dr. Parry (of whom before) out of France; or he met with it there: and he lent it unto Edmund Nevyl, to confirm him, as it had done Parry himself, to kill the queen. How it confirmed Parry, his confession shewed. “That it redoubled his former conceits: that every word in it was a warrant to a prepared mind. It taught, that kings might be excommunicated, deprived, and violently handled. It proved, that all civil wars or foreign, undertaken for religion, were honourable.”

And now we are fallen upon Parry, as we have exposed some of his hypocritical letters before, and his pretences of loyalty, when nothing but vile falseness was at the bottom; so now I shall present one or two more of his letters from Lions and Paris. Where we shall see his pretended great officiousness to serve the queen abroad, and to be a spy upon her enemies, and informer of occurrences on her behalf. But his previous concern was, that the lord treasurer should believe him a true man: thus he wrote from Venice the latter end of the former year.

From Lions in France he addressed a letter, dated the 18th of June, to the said lord treasurer. Therein he recommended a fit person for the English court’s private intelligencer in Venice, when he was gone: whom he had before commended to Mr. Secretary; being a very sufficient man to be entertained there for her majesty’s service. That he was beloved, well acquainted, and esteemed among the Venetian gentlemen. And that he was greatly affected to our state, and very ready to serve, if his lordship and Mr. Secretary should think good to use him: and that he was resident, as he thought, for some of the greatest princes in Germany. And he added, that he could assure his lordship, that he was a very honest, sufficient man.

His further intelligence in this letter was, “Concerning Mr. Arundel, [a busy man,] that he was departed thence for England. And concerning Mr. Umpton, [the queen’s ambassador in France,] that he spake very great honour of his lordship, and confessed himself most deeply bound to the same; and vowed all readiness in him to serve his lordship. That he was a very proper and thankful gentleman, full of devotion to his prince and country:” adding these words, (shewing his pretended loyalty;) “I would to Christ England bred no other.” Concerning Ireland thus he informed; “That the Irish practice was never more hotly solicited: but all were deaf that should hear, and began to despair of any good to be seen in their time in England. ” And so concludes with.a prayer, (that came not from his heart:) “Which [i.e. England] God will, I trust, as he hath long, preserve.”

Again, some months after, I find him at Paris. Whence in October he writ again a letter to the treasurer, to no great import, but of the coming of sir Edward Stafford thither, to be the queen’s resident; and in his retinue Mr. Will. Cecil, (the said lord treasurer’s grandson,) whom he found there in his travels. Of whom he gave a good character, knowing how acceptable it must be to that lord, his grandfather, viz. “That his good-nature and towardness began to make a very good show already. That he [Parry] would do his best to make it appear how much he was bound to his lordship.” And concerning one Mr. Bird, whom his lordship had appointed to be his governor, and to attend him in his journey, he added, “That his lordship, in his opinion, had made a very good choice of him; whose government and care of Mr. Cecil could not be amended. That he was very well lodged, in good air and neighbourhood.” And that Mr. Pallavicini [an eminent Italian merchant in London, now there, as it seems, in some of the queen’s business] had especial care of him; and so had my lord ambassador and his lady.

I forbear to say any thing more of this man, till next year, when he was come home, and his treason discovered.

There was next, returning home from Rome, one Francis Touker, or Tucker, a merchant that had been in the inquisition there; and who afterwards was very instrumental to the lord treasurer, in giving information of such ill-affected persons whom he had known at Home or Italy; being recommended to that lord by sir Richard Shelly: telling him, in one of his letters, that he was now coming home: and advised that lord to talk at length with him, and to take particular information by him; whom he took to be a very honest man. And again, in a letter, (whereof this Touker was the bearer,) he shewed that lord how fit a person he was to give information and intelligence; “Who going and coming as a merchant; and now so warranted in Rome and Naples, and being languaged and expert, and bearing so true a heart to his country, as he [Shelly] had conceived by his resorting to him; should be able to discover to him the humour that then ran abroad towards our country: which he assured his lordship had been lofty and threatening; and at that present time more than ever, without respect, [meaning, perhaps, of the person of the queen herself.”] As he also mentioned to that lord, for the same purpose, another Englishman, named Pyne, lately also delivered out of the inquisition; to discourse with him, when he came into England: it being so necessary to know as much as might be of the English, and their practices there at Rome.

Of the former the said lord made use, and employed him when he came into England; and he became an useful person in giving information concerning divers dangerous papists then in England, that came from abroad: concealing himself, as though he were a friend to the fugitives, for the more advantage of his conversation with them. He had been in the Marshalsea by that lord’s private order, (where were committed divers of that sort,) to view those prisoners, and to talk with them: some whereof were his acquaintance at Rome: whence he might get some more knowledge of their affairs. I have before me a letter of this Tucker, or Touker, to that lord, informing him what he had done, and what discoveries he had made, viz.

That he had been three times at the Marshalsea; and found there one Tither, with whom he was acquainted in Rome. And that upon his request, Tither promised to send to Rome, to the rector of the English seminary there, to get one Chr. Tater delivered out of the galleys, to which he had been condemned by the inquisition, with another Englishman. This Tater’s wife had made her interest with Touker, to obtain this favour of Tither.

She also laboured, by the means of him and others in the Marshalsea, to get a letter from the queen of Scots to the pope, for the more effectual obtaining her husband’s deliverance. And also to get a letter from Feckenham (sometime abbot of Westminster) to the cardinal there. The same Tither, having a correspondence in Rome, proffered to convey Touker’s letters to Fitz Herbord, some great Englishman there. Also, he bade him beware of one Woodward; who had served Dr. Wendon in Rome: who now, it seems, discovered too much of the English doings there.

He added also, in his said letter to the treasurer, this intelligence; That there came in April last from Rome to Naples an Irishman, whom the pope created bishop of Ross in Ireland, and gave him authority to make priests.

By which authority he gave orders to as many as came, and got much money. Arid that the archbishop of Naples forbade him; but the pope’s nuncio maintained his doings. And when he went from Naples he carried with him great store of pardons and agnus Dei’s, to the pope’s friends in Ireland. I forbear repeating other informations in this letter; leaving the whole to be read in the Appendix.

Concerning this bishop of Ross, sir Richard Shelly, in his: correspondence with the lord treasurer, informed, that he was one of Stewklie’s great counsellors; and addeth, That the realm, and his lordship especially, had a perilous and a spiteful enemy of him.

Such another was Dr. Lewis in Rome. Whose character the said Shelley gave that lord, and advising him of his being now come home from thence; who was another of Stewklie’s counsellors. And that he was here in good repute: which he wondered at. He advised that lord to beware of him; and he especially, of all men living. And that he was the deepest and doublest dissembler that ever he knew since he was born; who had now (as he added) lived in the world threescore and four years.

Among the Roman catholics here at home, divers were taken up, and imprisoned in Wisbich castle; for refusal to take the oath of supremacy.

Among these was one Oxenbridge, LL.D. But this year he submitted; owning the queen for supreme on earth. Which he did under his hand in these words following, written May the 14th, 1583, from Wisbich castle: “I, Andrew Oxenbridge, doctor of laws, do frankly and from my heart acknowledge and avow her most gracious lady Elizabeth, now queen of England, to be most rightful and lawful queen thereof de jure: as whereof she is most justly possessed from the first day of her reign till now. And to her majesty alone, as to my most just and sole sovereign magistrate, I owe all my loyalty, service, and whole duty of subjection, next under God. And even so will I repute her majesty during life; against the bull, if any, be it of Pius V, Gregory, or any other pope, heretofore or hereafter. “Furthermore, if any man, pretending catholic Roman religion, be of mind, that the pope, for one cause or other, may depose her, or dispense with her subjects oath and loyalty; I hold it a traitorous article, such as I do not believe; but contrarily, am ready, and vow to spend my life and goods, for the peace and quiet of queen Elizabeth, and this present state, against whatsoever invader, disturber, or underminer, by what authority and bull or direction soever he shall do it, of prince or priest, potentate or prelate, namely, of the pope himself: by what jurisdiction, power, or name, be it soever he command. “And as touching matter of religion, to avoid all show of obstinate holding any thing by me once received; I promise, that if in conference with any learned man, (which being sent by authority, I will willingly admit,) he can convince me, by the only scriptures of the old and new Testament, to hold any error, I will yield me to better reason, and thank God. “All this I protest simply and plainly, according to the plain sense of the words; abhorring all hidden sophistication, and dissembled reservation of private sense, or secret interpretation, which may never so little impeach, qualify, or modify the expression most common and readiest taking off the very words, as they lie and offer themselves, without forced understanding. Per me Andream Oxenbrege.”

CHAPTER 17.

A project for prevention of falling away in religion. The validity of popes’ bulls in England, for pluralities, &c. Controversy between the stationers of London and the university. One of King’s college expelled the university: and why. Books printed this year. Bishop Jewel’s sermons. De Justificatione, by J. Fox. Sermons of Faith, Hope, and Charity, by Bern. Ochine. Defence of the English translation, by Dr. Fulk. The English Rhemists’ Testament.

Cartwright sets upon the confutation of it. The Practice of Prelates. Jesus Psalter. Defensative against the Poison of Prophecies, by L. Howard. Execution of Justice, for Maintenance of public Peace. A Declaration of the favourable Dealing with certain Traitors. A Report of the Discovery of Newfoundland. L.

Latymer comes from France. Suspected, and taken up Dean Wotton’s legations. L. Wentworth dies. Coiners.

THE eyes of the queen and her friends were now open, and saw well the treacherous designs of the English papists, to overthrow her and her, government, and to place the Scots queen in the English throne; assistance being also expected from Spain, and other popish princes: and how busy the seminaries were every where, drawing away the queen’s subjects to popery. And therefore it was the great purpose of the council to put the laws of the land more vigorously in execution, and to proceed to the best and most effectual methods to stop these evil men, and to keep the queen’s subjects faithful to her, and the religion established. And methods were thought of for this purpose.

I find this year, among some papers of state, a paper entitled, A project for a remedy how to prevent the present falling away in religion; namely, to that of:Rome. This paper seems to have been offered to the lord treasurer Burghley; for the date is set on it by his own hand; viz. Nov. 1583; near after Campion’s time. The writing on this paper followeth. “For the stay of the present falling away, two things are to be provided. The one, that such as are already become recusants, may, with all severity, abide and sustain such punishment as the law doth lay on them. That such as be ringleaders and instructors in the catholic religion may be kept so straitly, as no access may be had to them. And some order taken, that they may be in Christian sort conferred with by some learned divines. The other, how such as are not already infected may be preserved. Which is to be performed by these ways following, I. “To provide, that there may be placed in all pastoral charges men of that zeal, that rather seek the good than the goods of the church.

II. “That such ministers whose life is offensive may be removed out of the church.

III. “That the people may be diligently catechised.

IV. “ That non-residents may be forced, either to continue upon their charges, or to contribute a moiety of their livings to such as shall supply their places.

V. “That such books as are sent out, impugning our religion, may be presently answered. “For the better performance of these points, the remedies following are to be put in execution.

I. “For the first, for that such as be patrons, and have the bestowing of pastoral livings, have more regard to their own particular profit, than to the benefit of the church; and therefore, when the bishop misliketh of their choice, and refuseth to admit their clerk, they bring a Quare impedit against the bishop: for the help thereof order is to be taken by her majesty, that the proceedings therein may be stayed in all judicial courts. “It shall be also requisite, that every bishop shall certify the several cures throughout his diocese; with what persons they are now furnished; how many learned, and how many unlearned; who be the patrons; and what value the livings be of. “It is further to be provided, that the two archbishops shall have the names of such learned and sufficient ministers as are unplaced; remaining as well in the universities as out of the universities. To the end, that when any cures fall void, the bishop, in whose diocese the same shall be, may advertise the archbishop. And so appoint some one of the parties abovesaid to supply the place.

II. “For the second, it shall be necessary, that a general visitation may be had, and a denunciation may be made, that if any can charge any minister with offensive life, or that he is remiss in his function, he shall be admitted to inform against him; whether he may be either reformed or removed.

III. “For the due execution of the third, it shall be requisite in every diocese, that certain of the best affected preachers may be appointed to see the same duly put in practice. It shall be also necessary, that a catechism also may be made; that may contain answers to such objections as are made by the adversaries; to serve the learned sort.

IV. “For the execution of the fourth: First, the bishops in their dioceses, where the said non-residents do remain, are to deal with them by persuasion to yield thereunto. Whereunto if they cannot be induced, then are they to be referred over to the lords of the privy-council.

V. “For the fifth, certain are to be appointed in the two universities, to take upon them that charge. Who for their better encouragement are to receive some reward, upon some contribution to be levied for that purpose. “And whereas there is a kind of schism grown in the church for matters held indifferent, which doth minister unto the adversary some advantage, to the defacing of our religion, it shall be very necessary, that some way be taken, how this schism may be helped. “For the better execution thereof it is to be considered, that such as are noted to be over-precise do not stand too much upon those things that are indifferent, as they do upon other great abuses in the church: as followeth. “That ignorant and unpreaching ministers should be made. That non-residences should be tolerated. That excommunication, which is the severest censure of the church, should be abused, as it is.

That the visitation of the bishops tend to the particular profit of themselves and their chancellors; and none to the redress of the church. That divers popish canons continue still in use, to the offence of the godly. For the redress whereof, no care hath been had. “And therefore, if these and the like abuses might be removed, such as stand upon some precise points, being by the bishops in brotherly and charitable sort dealt withal, might be reduced to conformity: and the schism and offence that now reigneth might be removed.

Whereby they would all concur together in the advancement of religion, and withstanding the common enemy.” Pluralities and non-residences formerly granted by bulls from the pope, occasioned about this year a notable argument at law, by two learned lawyers, sergeant Fleetwood and sergeant Walmesly; the latter arguing for the validity of a bull from Rome. The case was, “Whether a bull, brief, or any faculty granted unto any subject of this realm from the see of Rome, in the time of queen Mary, or else, &c. for the enjoying of many benefices, or being non-resident, or such like, be pleadable in any her highness’s courts, or “allowable within any of her dominions.” This cause was argued at the bar of common pleas between the two sergeants; and passed by the judgment of the whole court, proved the contrary.

If we look now towards the universities, and the state of learning; that of Cambridge resented now an injury done them by the stationers’ company of London: who, upon pretence of their privilege of printing, would not allow a printing press at Cambridge; though it were a privilege granted formerly to the university, and long enjoyed by them. The stationers of London had now seized the printing press of Thomas, their printer.

Whereupon the vice-chancellor, Dr. Bell, and the rest of their heads, apply to their high-chancellor, the lord Burghley, to stop these proceedings of this company: shewing the injuries they had sustained already, by hindering the printing of Mr. Whitaker’s book, [that, I suppose, writ against Campion’s Ten Reasons,] and others, ready for the press; to the prejudice of learning. The stationers’ pretence was in respect of schismatical books in danger to be published hence. And indeed there was such an one printed the next year; which archbishop Whitgift took notice of in one of his letters. But to satisfy their chancellor in that point, they assured him, “That Thomas, their printer, was a godly and honest man; and promised that their press should not be abused, in publishing things prohibited, or inconvenient for the church or state of the realm. And this they promised the rather, because they had granted liberty to him to use his press, upon condition he should stand bound to such articles as he, their chancellor, and the rest of the heads, should tie him to. And as the chancellor had made a motion to them to come to a conference with the stationers about this their privilege, they shewed themselves willing thereunto, if they would send thither some certain man from them with sufficient authority for that purpose.” But the whole letter of the vice-chancellor and heads to their chancellor, concerning one of their privileges, requires to be preserved. Vid. Appendix.

In conclusion, they prayed his lordship, that their press might no longer be stopped.

It may not be amiss to give some further account of this university printing press, from a letter or two of the lord Burghley, their chancellor, in order to the settling this their privilege, (which I received from a learned member of that university,) against the company of stationers of London, who had applied themselves to the said chancellor: shewing him, besides the university’s encroachment upon their privileges, certain objections against their intender printer, Thomas, and likewise the danger of publishing ill and dangerous books thence. Which occasioned the said chancellor to send this grave advice to Dr. Bell the vice-chancellor, and the rest of the heads, viz. “After his hearty commendations unto them; that whereas they had been desirous of late to put in use a privilege granted unto them, among other things, by king Henry VIII. for erecting of printing within that university, he found the same to be much impugned by certain of the company of stationers there in London, having special privileges from her majesty. Who besides seemed to cast some doubts, as well of the prejudice that might grow to them, as to the party that should enterprise to erect a print with them, as also of misusing of the same there; in publishing things prohibited, or otherwise inconvenient; like as there had been some like abuse by some evil-disposed persons of their company them. Though far remedy thereof he thought it good, and so were they very well contented therewith, that some conference might be had by some to be chosen, as well of themselves [of the university] as of the stationers them, or such others, to whom both should think good to commit it, for some provisions to be had; and by way of articles to be accorded. That theefore they should do well to make choice of some meet persons to be instructed mid authorized for that purpose. Whereupon the party licensed to be their printer might with the more security proceed to the erecting of his print. And so he bade them heartily farewell. From his house in the Strand, the 11th of June, 1583.”

This letter set the vice-chancellor and heads on work, to deliberate, and proceed according to their chancellor’s directions. It was about eight months after all matters seemed to be accommodated, when the vicechancellor and heads sent their letters again to their chancellor, and Thomas, their printer, the bearer; of whom they gave a good character.

And the chancellor soon replied in another letter; shewing them that he had consulted with the master of the rolls of the validity of their charter. And therefore giving his consent, that Thomas, with some conditions to be observed on his part, should be their printer. For thus his letter ran. “That he had received their letters, dated the l2th of March, by the bearer, Mr. Thomas, written in his favour, being one of the university, and desirous to put in use the art of printing there, under the privilege granted by char ter. Wherein, besides his own opinion, he thought good also to use the advice of the master of the rolls; who had considered likewise of their charter; whereof he [the chancellor] had sent him the copy: and that finding it in his opinion concurring with his, [the chancellor’s,] a grant of good validity, he did assent to that which they should think fit, for the appointing Mr. Thomas to print by virtue thereof: having regard, that he be seen to be furnished with all things fit and requisite for that purpose: and that his letters and paper were answerable with any the foreign prints, and the prices likewise agreeable. “Of which things, or any others to be thought of and considered in this matter, he added, that if they should conceive some instrument by way of articles or decree, he would be ready to give his assent and furtherance, as should be requisite. And so he bade them heartily farewell. From his house in the Strand, the 18th of March, 1583.”

And then by way of postscript this follows: “I think it good, that the parties that shall be licensed, or authorized to print, may have their authority with condition, or otherwise bound, to stand to the order of the chancellor, and the heads, in case of any cause of misliking of the use of the said authority.”

Another privilege of this university was violated; and that by a member of it; for which he was expelled this year by Dr. Bell, vice-chancellor: namely, one Robert Liless, fellow of King’s college; long time a contentious, troublesome party-man in that college, against Dr. Roger Goad, the provost. His crime was, for prosecuting an infamy against one Mounteford, unjustly and maliciously, coram extraneis judicibus. Thereby violating the privileges of the university.

This Liless, many years after, (viz. anno 1594,) took the opportunity of getting a letter from the lord Burghley to the bishop of Lincoln, visitor of that college, for his restitution: complaining to that lord, that university’s chancellor, how he was expelled the college by Dr. Goad, the provost, unjustly. The report of this coming to the said provost, he delayed not to address his letter to the said chancellor: certifying him, that he was not expelled the college by any act of the college; but by the sentence of his lordship’s vice-chancellor, with the consent of the heads, about eleven years past, upon his notorious violation of the university’s privileges, banished the university; and that not without his lordship’s privity: and so could no longer be a member of their college. Then he signified somewhat of his knowledge of this man, and his troublesome course of life formerly in the college. “How he dealt, from time to time since his banishment, in troubling the quiet of the college, and continually soliciting the younger sort to discontentment and faction. And that in a late distraction of that company, he entered into a plot concerning some one that should succeed in his [the provost’s] room.”

It seems there was a faction still in the college against the provost, Dr, Goad; and a secret endeavour on foot, to turn him out, and get another in his place; and Liless busy in this conspiracy. And this person that was to succeed was thought, by himself and his party, to have such authority and strength by his friends, that he could not be withstood. But the provost still maintained his place.

With regard to learning, some account may be given of divers books that were this year set forth. As, An Exposition upon the second Epistle to the Thessalonians: by the reverend father, John Jewel, bishop of Sarum. Printed and published this year by J. Garbrand. Which book was printed again among that bishop’s works in folio. Also this year the same person set forth certain sermons, preached before the queen, and at Paul’s Cross. Whereunto was added a short treatise of the sacrament; gathered out of other his sermons made upon that subject, in his cathedral church of Salisbury. And printed by Chr.

Barker, the queen’s printer, in octavo. Dedicated by Garbrand to the lord Burghley and the earl of Leicester, chancellors of the two universities.

The first of those sermons was preached upon Joshua vi. Now Jericho was straitly shut up, &c. It was preached upon the 17th day of November.

Wherein were these remarkable words, (and we of this kingdom have a concern herein to this day.) “Upon this day, upon this day, I say, the 17th of this month, God sent his handmaid, and delivered us. Let us be kind and thankful unto God for so great blessing. I say not, Let us make it the first day of the year; yet this I say, Let us have it in remembrance, and let us sing with the prophet, When the Lord brought again the captivity of,Sion, we were like them that dream. Then was our mouth filled with laughter, and our tongue with joy, &c. The Lord hath done great things for us. Let no man be offended herewith. It is only a remembrance of the mercy of God. It behoveth us to remember it. It is good to bethink ourselves of it. For if we have eyes to see, and neglect not our own salvation, we have now much greater cause to rejoice than David had. Because the things which are this day restored unto us by the goodness of our God, are far greater and worthy [namely, the blessing of the gospel] than those which that people received in their deliverance of Babylon.”

They are six sermons: and beside at the end that treatise of the sacrament, is another, being the protestant way [in difference from the popish way] of visiting the sick.

Garbrand tells us, in his epistle before those sermons, that bishop Jewel did seldom or never deliver any exposition upon any piece of scripture, before any congregation in the meanest parish of the country, but upon diligent study, whereof he drew the notes first: “And that in this his care, God’s providence wrought mercifully for his church. That so the fruits of his good travails might be delivered in common unto all;..... That if any should be so curious to ask why he [the publisher] chose these among so many excellent sermons, let him, answered he, advisedly consider the state of God’s church among us in these days, and bestow the pains to read these that were offered to his Christian judgment, [being so seasonable for the times,] and then make to himself a charitable answer. That in these sermons he moved his petition sundry times, before the conscience either of her highness, or of the lords, or others under, in true zeal for the advancement of God’s glory; and like a wise builder of the house of God, &c. And in this rehearsal of these sermons together, they would no doubt work wholesome effect. They were such as shewed how desirous he was of the peace and prosperity of Jerusalem, and that the kingdom of God might never again be taken from us. And shewing what things they were by which this happiness might be brought to pass; viz. that next to the high means of princely authority, the chiefest was, that all particular churches were furnished with sufficiently learned and godly ministers. And therefore that tender and due care were had to increase the number of them.”

These sermons were afterwards printed in the said bishop Jewel’s works in folio; where there are divers other of his sermons, besides these mentioned in the octavo.

John Fox, the famous and laborious martyrologist, set forth this year a book of justification, writ in Latin, against Osorius, a Portugal bishop; entitled, De Christo gratis justiftcante; contra Osorianam justitiam caeterosque ejusdem inhaerentis juatitiae patronos, &c. Contra universam denique turbam Tridentinam et Jesuiticam; amica et modesta defensio Joan. Foxii, Londini. The preface of the author is, Ad affictas et perturbatas in Christo conscientias epistola. The fourth and last book consisted of a sermon of Dr. Fulke’s, entitled, Erudita conclo eximii doctoris D. Guil. Fulsii, de duobus Abrahae flliis, ex D. Pauli ad Galat.

IV. Which was translated out of English into Latin, by the said J. Fox, as suitable to his subject. Certain godly and very profitable sermons of faith, hope, and charity, set forth in Latin, by Bernardine Ochine, a learned foreigner; and turned into English by Will. Whiston, this year was printed. The epistle dedicatory was made to Edm. Grindal, lord archbishop of Canterbury.

About this year, Tho. Cartwright, the chief head of the disciplinarian sect, being a man of learning, begun to turn his thoughts to a learned work, viz. to answer the New Testament, translated into English by the English seminary college at Rhemes. Wherein they used much art in the translation, to cover popish errors, and to make reflections upon our English translation.

It made one great part of the happiness of this nation, that the holy Bible was permitted the common people to read, and inform themselves thence in matters of religion, and to set themselves right in the knowledge of God and Jesus Christ, (whose profession they had solemnly taken upon them,) by consulting the holy gospel. And in order to that, it was permitted to be translated into the vulgar tongue, first in the reign of Henry VIII. which king made a good step towards the reformation. But those of the Romish religion took great disgust at it: knowing well, how the errors and superstitions practised in their church would be hereby exposed, and brought more to light. They shewed how offended they were at the English translation some years before, when Dr. Standish and Dr. Heskins wrote treatises; pretending to shew great inconveniences, of having the holy scripture in the vulgar tongue. And about the year 1581 or 1582, Gregory Martin, a reader of divinity in the seminary at Rhemes, the more to undervalue our English translation of the scripture, set forth a treatise to accuse all the English translation of the Bible, not only of small imperfections and oversights through ignorance and negligence, but no less than of foul dealing, in partial and false translation, wilful and heretical corruptions.

Will. Fulk, D. D. master of Pembroke hall in Cambridge, answered this calumny this year, in a book in octavo, printed by Binniman, in the small character; and dedicated it to the queen. Wherein he tells her, “That among the inestimable benefits, wherewith God had blessed her honourable and prosperous government, it was not to be numbered among the least, that under her protection her people enjoyed the comfortable reading of the holy scripture in their mother tongue, and native language, to the everlasting benefit of many thousand souls.” He entitled his book, A defence of the sincere and true translation of the holy scripture into the English tongue; against the manifest cavils, frivolous quarrels, and impudent falsehoods of Gregory Martin, one of the readers of popish divinity in the traitorous seminary of Rhemes.

The said Martin makes his preface to contain an account of five sundry abuses or corruptions of the holy scriptures, common to all heretics, and agreeing especially to these of our times. And they were, first, “Denying certain books, or part of books. Secondly, Doubting of the authority of certain books, and calling them in question. Thirdly, Voluntary expositions, according to every one’s fancy, or heresy. Fourthly, Changing some words or sentences of the very original text. Fifthly, False and heretical translations.”

But Dr. Fulk, in his said epistle to the queen, retorteth upon Gregory Martin’s charge the faults of their Rhemists’ English Testament. “In which, first, they left the pure fountain of the original verity, to follow the crooked stream of their barbarous vulgar Latin translation; which (beside other manifest corruptions) was found defective in more than an hundred places.

Secondly, their own translation was pestered with many annotations, both false and undutiful. By which, under colour of authority of holy scriptures, they sought to infect the minds of credulous readers with heretical and superstitious opinions; and to alienate their hearts from yielding due obedience to the queen and her laws concerning true religion established. And that the text of their translation was obscured, without any necessity, or just cause, with a multitude of strange unusual terms: to the ignorant, no less difficult to understand, than the Latin or Greek itself. And that they had not truly nor precisely translated their own vulgar Latin.” And in short, when Martin had noted how in our translation some words were turned, as, instead of church, congregation; instead of traditions, ordinances; and for priests, elders; and so we of this church were Calvinists; Dr. Fulk (among other matters replied) answered,” It should suffice to protest once for all, that we acknowledged none other name of our profession, but Christians and catha lics.

But to return to Cartwright, who was now setting himself to consider that Rhemish translation of the New Testament; the great end of which work was to make the errors of their church plausible, and to confute the doctrine and practices of this reformed church: it was shewed before, that these Rhemists translated from the Latin, and not the Greek original; upon pretence that that had been in many places altered, by reason of those many heresies and heretics that were anciently in those parts of Greece, where it was used. And with their translation they placed large annotations to the text all along for their purpose. So that both the translation and the annotations was Cartwright’s task to examine.

But how he was moved to undertake this work by secretary Walsingham, and divers other learned men in the university, and likewise in Suffolk and London, chiefly of the disciplinarian sort, may be read more at large in the Life of Archbishop Whirgift. And why, after three or four years pains in the composing, it was thought convenient to hinder the publishing thereof; as containing many things in it reflecting upon the practice and usages of the church established. Yet after thirty years it came forth privately without licence, and not before: and seems to have been printed abroad.

For as the Rhemists took this occasion to serve themselves in favour of their own doctrine and principles, against what was objected to them by protestants; so this learned man did also not only confute the Rhemists, but, as occasion served, insert what was agreeable to the principles of the puritans. But to see briefly the purpose of the Rhemists, and their reasons for this their English translation; and withal to observe the sharp manner of the style of the author of the Confutation; take it shortly in their own words: “Which translation they did not publish upon erroneous opinion of necessity, that the holy scriptures should always be in the mother tongue; or that they ought, and were ordained by God, to be read indifferently of all, or could be easily understood of every one that read or heard them in a known language; or that they were not often, through men’s malice or infirmity, pernicious or much hurtful to many; or that they generally or absolutely deemed it more conveniently in itself, and more agreeably to God’s word, and honours or edification of the faithful, to have them turned into vulgar tongues, than to be kept and studied only in the ecclesiastical, learned languages: not for these, nor for any such like causes, did they translate this sacred book: but upon special time, state, and condition of our country. Unto which, divers things were either necessary or profitable, and medicinable now; which otherwise, in the peace of the church, were neither much requisite, nor perchance wholly tolerable.... In this matter to mark only the wisdom and moderation of holy church, and the governors thereof on one side, and the indiscreet zeal of the popular, and their factious leaders on the other, was an high point of prudence.”

To which in answer thus Cartwright, in pretty smart manner, as he doth throughout the whole book. “The true religion being like the heavens, which never change; the popish religion resembleth the earth; which, as the potter’s clay, is ready to receive any form, according as the wind and weather, times and seasons of the year, winter or summer, spring or fall will set upon it. Hereof it is that they which sometime did so deadly hate the instruction of their youth in the grounds and principles of religion, that they could not hear the word of catechism with patient ears; now, in fear of a general falling from them, through opinion either of their blockish ignorance or sluggish negligence, were constrained both to write and teach their catechisms. That out of the same fear it arose, that they which hitherto could not endure the holy scriptures to be read of the people in their mother tongue; ow, lest they should utterly fall from the hope of their gain, through a vehement suspicion of juggling, and playing under the board with the people; and constrained to confess a print of that which they sometime burned, and pretend allowance of that which in times past they condemned. Howbeit the evidence of the truth having the church-robbers upon the rack, see notwithstanding, how hardly they were gotten to confess the truth; and how they lisp it, rather than speak it.out,” &c. I set down this to give some specimen of the books. The Practice of Prelates came forth also about this year. It was written by the schismatics, calling themselves therein, the maintainers of the discipline of God: therein highly charging the articles set forth by the bishops for the regulation of the clergy. It bore this title, The unlawful practices of prelates against godly ministers, the maintainers of the discipline of God. It was writ about parliament time: hoping for favour thence: as appeareth by these words near the beginning: “Now, even now it seemeth, the discipline of Christ afresh seeketh and beseecheth the favours of men. The time of the worthy assembly in parliament craveth it. The place, the eye of the realm, challengeth it.” See more of this book in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift.

In this year also came forth a book of another strain, called Jesus Psalter: being a Latin book of popish devotions, now translated into English.

Wherein the devotion chiefly is the repetition of Jesus, Jesus, numberless times. In the preface we are given to understand that there be three kinds of psalters. The first is David’s Psalter: which containeth thrice fifty psalms. The second our Lady’s Psalter: which containeth thrice fifty Ayes.

And the third is Jesus Psalter: containing fifteen petitions: which being ten times repeated, do make in all thrice fifty. Where Jesus, Jesus, Jesus mercy, is ten times, word for word, to be repeated in the beginnings of them, and if you fail in the count, thy devotion is not perfect. Whereupon Dr. George Abbot, (afterwards archbishop of Canterbury,) in his lectures at Oxford, made this observation; “What is it to put superstition in numbers, if this be not? And where are the people kept in bondage, and blindness of darkness, and gross error, if it be not in these toys?”

This year also came abroad a book entitled, A defence against the poison of supposed prophecies. The author, lord Henry Howard. Who was brother to the late duke of Norfolk: and in these times Went in danger of his life: the queen having a jealousy of him, either for his religion, or his favour, towards the queen of Scots: for whom his brother lost his life. It was printed by John Charlewood, servant to the right honourable Philip earl of Arundel: who was eldest son to the said duke. It was a glorious show of that lord’s readings; and designed to reconcile a better opinion of the queen towards him, who was inwardly a papist: as shewing throughout his book how vain prophecies of things to come were: which the zealous papists at that time made great talk of, and gathered mighty hopes to themselves from. But take the whole title of the book, as it stood in the second edition, printed anno 1620. A defensative against the poison of supposed prophecies.... not hitherto confuted by the pen of any man.

Which being grounded either upon the warrant or authority of old painted books, exposition of dreams, oracles, revelations, invocation of damned spirits, judicials of astrology, or any other kind of pretended knowledge whatsoever de futuris contingentibus, have been causes of great disorder in the commonwealth, among the simple and unlearned people. Very necessary to be published, considering the great offence which grew by most palpable and gross errors in astrology.” This lord Howard, the noble author, was afterward earl of Northampton, and lord privy seal to king James I.

In these studies, that lord, the author, said he had employed himself, by. observing in all the books of the ancients and philosophers, as he was reading them, such passages as related to these prophecies, and foretelling things to come; and the rather, because some of his ancestors, depending too much upon them, had drawn mischief upon themselves. And again, in another place of his book, he hath these words concerning himself; “That he had himself collected these notes in a book, out of the full course of all his readings, from the fifteenth year of his age until that day; upon a mortal malice [taken up by him] against prophecies, in respect of some progenitors and ancestors of his; who smarted for presuming overmuch upon their hopes [grounded thereon]. Adding, that his book should never have been recommended to the print, if mere necessity, and care to satisfy the world herein, had not prevailed at the length against his bashful and retyrate humour. And for his own particular he always conceived them to be the froth of folly, the scum of pride, the shipwreck of honour, and the poison of nobility.”

And then having his mind upon one particular book of prophecy; which, it seems, he was charged with having seen; and privy to, that had perhaps some ill boding to the queen: “It was once my hap,” added he, “to be examined upon the sight of a certain painted treatise of this kind; garnished with sundry beasts and birds; and fitter for a childish game than sober judgment. It is certain that I never was admitted to this Sybillin oracle: but whether it be probable, that either I did ever see the same, make account thereof, or would afford expense or waste of time, to fancies of this kind; let them conceive, that either are acquainted with myself, or will vouchsafe to read and question the reasons of this book.”

I cannot but continue this lord’s relation concerning these prophesying and foretelling picture books, secretly made and shewn in those times; and the deceit of them. Thus then he went on. “That for so much as he could gather by report of some dear friends of his, who saw the gewgaw in the keeping of another, who esteemed it too much, it should appear either to have been overflourished in a painter’s shop, with matters correspondent to their humours which delighted in news; or else to have been drawn upon the foresight of one Verdungus: who, during the reign of king Henry VIII. seeking to content and please the moods of certain princes, which were then in dark and deep unkindness with the king, gave out in writing, that the realm should be given up in praedam diversis animantibus, [that is, to divers creatures for a prey.] The certainty [as to time and manner] he durst not limit; nor set down, for fear of being taken with a gross and shameless lie: neither durst he publish or reveal the points and reasons whereupon the judgment stood, because the man himself, being posted forward with a humour of revenge, sought rather by this means to make his voice a trumpet of encouragement [to the princes that king’s enemies, to invade or assault him] than a messenger of tribulation.

For proof whereof the end was to be noted. And chiefly, that the king was laid to rest with his fathers in convenient time; when Verdungus, having made a shameful wreck, both of conscience and credit, was scorned and derided for his vain presumption without ground, and malice without moderation.”

The lord Howard thought fit to dedicate his said book to sir Francis Walsingham, principal secretary: who he acknowledged had been his great friend, and brought him out of his troubles he fell into on this account: and to whom he had shewn these his collections of prophecies. In his dedication he used these words: “That he was forced to confess the bond of his particular affection, nay zeal, unto himself to be so much increased by his steadfast friendship in the days of proof. And that not his hand only should be ever ready to subscribe, and set on his seal, but his heart withal, while it had any spark of life, to acknowledge the great merit of his [the secretary’s] undeserved favours: he that once vouchsafed, with a favourable hand, to waft him out of the surges of uncertain chance..... who could judge better of his [the author’s] conceit, than he that had been best acquainted with his intent..... That to him, as well as others of his calling, he had engaged his assured promise, if God spared life, to give testimony to the world, what his conceit had ever been of prophecies: which wise men valued as the scum of pride and dregs of ignorance.” In short, this was his end in writing his book, “That his care and study had been, only to do that which might be consonant to the will and pleasure of Almighty God, agreeable to the circumstances of the present time, and his own discharge, and pleasing in her sight, [viz. the queen’s,] whose peerless virtues, planted in a royal stock, had exempted from comparison.”

And in fine, I cannot omit the character he gives sir Francis Walsingham in his dedication: “That the sweetness of his disposition, the frankness of his mind, the credit of his place, the level of his long experience, and the depth of his judgment, were means sufficient and strong enough to draw the minds of persons well disposed, both to love and honour him?

It was found needful now (to stop malicious false reports of persecution for religion) to declare the true cause of the punishment of several popish priests, and others, with death, as traitors. A statebook therefore was now set forth, called, “The execution of justice,for maintenance of public and Christian peace: against certain stirrers of sedition, and adherents to the traitors and enemies of the realm; without any persecution of them, as is falsely reported and published by the fautors and fosterers of their treasons, 17th December 1583.” The running title is, Execution for treason, and not for religion.

Of these dangerous Romanists thus speaks the author in the entrance to his book, “That though natural born subjects of the realm of England and Ireland, and who had for some good time professed outwardly their obedience to their sovereign lady queen Elizabeth, had nevertheless afterwards been stirred up and seduced by wicked spirits, first in England sundry years past, and secondly, of latter times, in Ireland, to enter into open rebellion; taking arms, and coming into the field, against her majesty and her lieutenants, with their forces and banners displayed, inducing, by notable untruths, many simple people to follow and assist them in their traitorous actions. And though it was very well known, that both their intentions and manifest actions were bent to have deposed the queen’s majesty from her crown, and to have traitorously set in her place some other whom they liked; whereby, if they had not been speedily registed, they would have committed great bloodsheds and slaughters of her majesty’s faithful subjects, and ruined their native country.... But these rebels that remained fled into foreign countries, and there falsely informed many kings, princes, and states, that the cause of their fleeing from their country was for religlion, and maintenance of the pope’s authority.”

This book was backed with another of the same import, which bare this title; A declaration of thefavourab1e dealing of her majesty’s commissioners, “appointed for the examination of certain traitors: and of tortures unjustly reported to be done upon them for matters of religion.”

The purport of this tract will appear by what the writer tells his reader. “That though her majesty’s most mild and gracious government were sufficient to defend itself against most slanderous reports of heathenish and unnatural tyranny, and cruel tortures, pretended to have been executed upon certain traitors, who lately suffered [viz.

Campion and Alex. Briant] for their treason, and others; as well spread abroad by runagates, Jesuits, and seminary men, in their seditious books, letters, and libels in foreign countries and princes’ courts, as also insinuated into the hearts of some of our own countrymen, and her majesty’s subjects. Yet for better satisfaction of all, he [the writer] had conferred with a very honest gentleman, whom he knew to have good and sufficient means to deliver the truth against such forgers of lies and shameless slanders in that behalf. Which he, and others that knew and had affirmed the same, would at all times justify. And for further assurance and satisfaction herein had set down to the view of all men some special notes thereof.” “In this book it is asserted, and offered to be justified, That never those seminaries, or any other pretended catholics, which at any time in her majesty’s reign had been put to the rack, were, upon the rack, or in any other torture, demanded any question of their supposed conscience: as what they believed in any point of doctrine or faith, as the mass, transubstantiation, or such like; but only with what persons at home or abroad, and touching what plots, practices, and conferences they had dealt, about attempts against her majesty’s estate or person; or to alter the laws of the realm for matters of religion, by treason or by force: and how they were persuaded themselves, and did persuade others, touching the pope’s bull, and pretence of authority to depose kings and princes; and namely, for the deprivation of her majesty, and to discharge subjects from their allegiance: expressing the kingly powers and estates, and the subject’s allegiance civilly , without mentioning or meaning therein any right the queen, as in the right of the crown, hath over persons ecclesiastical, being her subjects. In all which cases, Campion and the rest never answered plainly, but sophistically, deceitfully and traitorously restraining their confession of allegiance only to the permissive form of the pope’s toleration.”

Campion aforesaid was thus described. “That he was sent and came from Rome, and continued here in sundry corners of the realm; having secretly wandered in the greatest part of the shires of England, in a disguised sort; to the intent to make special preparation of treasons: and to that end, and for furtherance of those his labours, sent over for more help and assistance; and cunningly and traitorously at Rome, before he came from thence, procured toleration for such prepared rebels, to keep themselves covert, under pretence of temporary and permissive obedience to her majesty, the state standing as it did. But so soon as there were suifficient force, whereby the bull of her majesty’s deprivation might be publicly executed, they should then join altogether with that force, upon pain of curse and damnation.”

It was shewn further in this tract, to justify this course of using the rack, “That none of them that had been put to the rack or torture, no, not for the matter of treason, or partnership of treason, or such like, but where it was first known, or evidently probable, by former detections, confessions, and otherwise, that the party so racked or tortured was guilty, and did know, and could deliver the truth of the things wherewith he was charged. So as it was first assured, that no innocent was at any time tormented. And that the rack was never used to wring out confessions at adventure upon uncertainties. In which doing it might be possible that an innocent in that case might have unjustly suffered.”

These and many other reasons, for the severity now sometimes used, were thought fit to be published, to check the clamours and slanderous libels that were thrown about: and to justify this manner of inquisition of truth, in discovering crimes, extending so much to the public danger, which those ungracious persons had committed. Whose conspiracies, and the particularities thereof, it did so much import to have disclosed.

Now also came forth a book of another subject, upon the first discovery of Newfoundland in the West Indies; with this title: “A true report of the late discoveries and possessions , taken in the right of the crown of England, of the Newfound lands: by that valiant and worthy gentleman sir Humfrey Gilbert, knight: Wherein is also briefly set down her highness’s lawful title thereunto, and the great and manifold commodities, that is likely to grow thereby to the whole realm in general, and to the adventurers in particular.

Together with the easiness and. shortness of the voyage. Seen and allowed.” An Oxford scholar, G. P. was employed in the writing of it; and dedicated it to sir Francis Walsingham, principal secretary to the queen, and his patron. The author of this treatise had the honour to have divers copies of verses set before it, made by persons of quality and seaofficers: as of sir William Pelham, sir Francis Drake, capt. John Hawkins, captain Frobisher, captain Bing, captain Chester, Achellie, citizen and merchant of London, and some more. Only for a taste of this poetry, thus sir William Pelham began: Like as the fishes, breeding in the deep, Through all the ocean are allow’d to raunge, Not forst in any certain bounds to keep, But as their motions carry them to chaunge:

To men like liberty doth reason give, In choise of soil, through all the world to live, &c.

The book begins with an historical account of this western discovery. And proceeds to discourse of these particular heads. 1. That it is lawful and necessary to trade and traffic with the savages: and to plant in their countries. 2. The lawful title which the queen had unto those countries, which through the aid of Almighty God were meant to be inhabited. 3. That the trade, traffic, and planting of those countries were likely to prove very profitable to the whole realm. 4. That the trading and planting in those countries was likely to prove to the particular profit of all the adventurers. 5. That the traffic and planting in those countries should be unto the savages themselves very beneficial and gainful. 6. That the planting there was not such a matter of charge or difficulty as many would make it seem to be.

Lastly , articles of assurance between the principal assignees of sir Humfrey Gilbert, knight, and the four sorts of adventurers in the voyage for the western discoveries.

And then towards the conclusion of the book, to encourage this voyage, it is urged, “That her majesty’s dominions should be enlarged. All odious idleness from this our realm utterly banished. Divers decayed towns repaired. Many poor and needy persons relieved. The ignorant and barbarous idolaters taught to know Christ. The innocent defended from their bloody tyrannical neighbours. The diabolical custom of sacrificing human creatures abolished.”

Now to proceed to a few matters more private and personal, that may deserve a remembrance.

One, calling himself lord Latymer, was not long come into England; who having been conversant in France with one of the Nortons, (rebels that had risen in the north, anno 1569, and fled abroad,) was justly suspected, in these dangerous times, to have come over upon some ill design. Sir Walter Mildmay (who was chancellor of the exchequer) coming from court to his house in London, was informed of this lord Latymer, by a merchant that knew him in Roan, and had a letter to come to him. Who thought fit presently to send knowledge hereof to the said sir Walter, to take him up to examination; as many suspicious persons now were, that came from abroad. This proved the man named Nevyle, that was in the combination with Parry, that came over from France to kill the queen. The said Mildmay, without delay, acquaints the lord treasurer herewith by his letter, dated Feb. 1583; and being but short, was as followeth: “It may please your lordship. As I came homeward from Westminster this forenoon, one Wight, a merchant of this town, shewed me a letter written to him from one that calleth himself lord Latymer, to speak with him this day, as by this enclosed your lordship may perceive, This young man, having known this Latymer in Roan, and there knowing him to have been lodged in old Norton’s house, and greatly conversant with such as he is, thought it his duty to declare this much, to be directed what to do therein.

Whereupon I am bold to send him to your lordship, to understand what he shall further do; and how the party may be stayed, and examined, as may be fit for her majesty’s service: which this man is ready to perform, as your lordship shall command.”

Mr. Thomas Wotton, a worthy, learned gentleman in Kent, (to whom Lambard dedicated his Perambulation of that county,) was nephew to Dr. Wotton, sometime dean of Canterbury, a man famous for many embassies hence to divers foreign princes. Whose legations, with other writings of matters of state relating thereto, on his death, came into his nephew’s hands and possession. Which papers, the great statesman, the lord Burghley, desired the favour of the said Mr. Wotton, that he might see, or some of them. Which with all readiness he sent, and all the remainders of them, by his servant, and glad to oblige so excellent a person. And therewith his letter, dated Jan. 18, which was as followeth: (for we must preserve, as much as we can, the letters, and therewithal the memories of such eminent men.) “That if the rest of such books or notes, remaining yet in his hands, as of any other of his late uncle’s late legations, passed under his pen, might any wise stand his good lordship in any stead, he did by that bearer, his servant, send them wholly unto him. For the present applying of one part of them, he might find that part among them.

We might easily say,” added he, “that happy was her majesty that had such a counsellor: happy was the realm that had such a member, as unto the one, and in th’ other, he [that lord] was well known to be. In which course, under her said majesty, he beseeched the Almighty God to send a course of many joyful years.” Written from Pykring house in London. Subscribed, Humbly at the commandment of your good lordship, THOMAS WOTTON.” As the lord Thomas Wentworth buried his eldest son the last year, so this year put an end to his own llfe; who was the last English governor of Calais. He lived at MileEnd, and was lord of the great manor of Stebunheth, now commonly called Stepney, in the suburbs of London.

There having been a great friendship between that lord and the lord treasurer, the surviving lord Henry his son wrote to the said lord treasurer the sad news of his father’s death; and begging the continuance of his favour to him; and to assist him in the discharge of his trust and duty to his deceased father; whose concerns were altogether uncertain to him. His letter was in these words: “Right honourable and my very good lord. It hath pleased God to call unto his mercy this night, my lord, my father. And for that I am well acquainted with the entire affection and honourable good-will which your lordship did bear unto him while he yet lived, (for the which I most humbly thank your lordship,) and being as yet altogether uncertain in what state his lordship is departed; wherein, both in nature and duty, it most nearly toucheth me to see his credit and honour in all points most carefully maintained: it may please your good lordship, in respect as well of the premises, as also for the good meaning I have to discharge my duty thereto apperraining, to stand my honourable good lord, for the better accomplishing thereof: beseeching your honour, that as I am wholly at your lordship’s commandment during life, so it may please your good lordship to accept of my good affections, and to shew your lordship’s honourable favour in all such matters as shall concern my poor estate. And thus with my humble commendations I commit your good lordship to the protection of the Almighty; who grant you all your honourable desires. Stebunheth, the 14th of January, 1583.

Your good lordship’s most assured, always to command, HENRY WENTWORTH.” By the way, an error in Camden’s History of Queen Elizabeth, by the date of this letter, may be corrected; who placed this lord Tho. Wentworth’s death under the year 1590.

A notable coiner was this year discovered and taken up in Cheshire, at Warrington, whose name was Orrel; apprehended first upon suspicion, living with his father-in-law, one Cartwright. Sir John Biron, and two justices more, searching his house, found divers secret rooms; and in a dark corner, between two mud walls, whereinto there was neither light nor entry, but by breaking one of them, among divers other things, both of metals and wood, as censors, bells, crucifix, chrismatory, &c. and such like church stuff, they found, sewed up in a canvass cloth, certain piercings, and droppings or dross of metal, and a pair of gold weights. We have mentioned some of these coiners before, and shall add another, discovered two or three years after, viz. anno 1586.

One Christopher Amyce, formerly a merchant of London, coined rials, and other coins. He acknowledged he had coined seven score pistolets, and many spurrials of a foreign coin. And that he made his plates himself, and stamped them also. And his instrument or mill was made in France, and all other his instruments and engines; and, brought by him into England....

That he coined twenty pieces of Scotch coin; brass within, and blanched over with silver: and his spurrials were made of fine silver and gilt. And that one Nevil Reve had of him sixty double pistolets for six shillings apiece; ten spurrials at five shillings apiece. And that he and another were present at the stamping of them. And that he buried the stamps and other instruments near to Croydon, five miles distant from London.

CHAPTER 18.

Consultation about annoying Spain. Captain Hawkins’s advice therein; viz. to assist the king of Portugal. The queen’s transactions with the agents of Holland. She is concerned for the murder of the prince of Orange. Her careful letter to the duke of Monpensier about that prince’s daughters. The lord treasurer to the king of Navarr. Prince palatine comes into England. A scandal of the earl of Shrewsbury. Popish plots. An association of the nobility and gentry. Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador, sent away.

Stafford, the queen’s ambassador at Paris. His intelligence of him, and English fugitives there. The faction of the Guises. A new parliament: usage of parliament. Supplication for learned and preaching ministers. Petitions for that end: and for regulation of divers things in the church. Answers of the archbishop and bishops.

THE queen and kingdom had the greatest apprehensions from abroad of the king of Spain: with whom she could obtain no good understanding: and of whom especially it concerned her to beware, considering his power; which at that time was formidable; and thus set forth by our historian. “All the princes of Italy were at his beck; the bishop of Rome was wholly addicted and engaged to him: the cardinals were, as it were, his vassals: all the ablest persons, for matters both of war and peace, were his pensioners. In Germany, the house of Austria, an house ex, tending and branching far and wide, and other houses allied unto the same by marriages, did, as it were, attend upon him and his service. His wealth also and strength were so much increased, both by sea and land, since the late addition of Portugal and East India, that he was far more powerful and formidable than ever his father Charles V. was. And if he should once reduce the Netherlands under his power, there was nothing to hinder, but that the rest of the princes of Christendom must of necessity stoop to his greatness, unless it were prevented.”

This powerful prince then the queen had to deal with. It was judged therefore the best course to favour the Netherlanders, with whom he was now in war, and towards whom he had exercised great barbarities. It was now under deliberation concerning the doing of this weighty matter. The lord treasurer had consulted with Hawkins, a brave seaman, and treasurer of the admiralty, upon this affair and what means might be used in this undertaking: requiring to know his thoughts thereof. He soon after shewed that statesman, in writing, the means to offend that king, and the reasons to maintain that faction. Take them from his own pen; beginning with his own letter to the said lord. After which followed another paper, entitled, The best means to annoy the king of Spain without charge to her majesty. And first take his letter· “After his bounden duty in right humble manner presented. That he had briefly considered upon a substantial, course, and the material reasons, that by his own experience he knew, by God’s assistance, would strongly annoy and offend the king of Spain, the mortal enemy of. our religion, and the present government of the realm of England.” And then proceeding in this serious manner. “And surely, my very good lord, if I should only consider and look for mine own life, my quietness and commodity, then truly mine own nature and disposition doth prefer peace before all things. But when I consider whereunto we are born; not for ourselves, but for the defence of the church of God, our prince, and our country; I do then think, how this most happy government might, with good providence, prevent the conspiracies of our enemies. “That he nothing at all doubted of our ability in wealth. For that he was persuaded, that the substance of this realm was trebled: adding, God be glorified for it. Neither did he think there wanted provisions, carefully provided, of shipping, ordnance, powder, armour, and munition: so as the people were exercised by some means in the course of war. For he read, that when Mahomet, the Turk, took the famous city, Constantinople, digging up in the foundations and bottoms of the houses, he found such infinite treasure, as the said Mahomet, condemning their wretchedness, wondered how that city could have been overcome, or taken, if they had in time provided men of war and furniture for their defence, as they were very well able. So, said he, there wanted no ability in us, if we were not taken unprovided, and upon a sudden. “And that this was the only cause that had moved him to say his mind frankly in this matter, and to set down those notes enclosed.

Praying the Almighty God, who directeth the hearts of all governors, either to the good and benefit of the people, for their relief and deliverance; or else doth alter and hinder their understanding, to the punishment and ruin of the people, for their sins and offences. Humbly beseeching his good lordship to bear with his presumption, in dealing with matters so high; and to judge of them by his great wisdom and experience, how they might, in his lordship’s judgment, be worthy the consideration. And so humbly taking his leave. From Deptford, the 20th of July, 1584.

Subscribing, Your honourable lordship’s ever assuredly bounden, JOHN HAWKYNS.” His other paper, sent with his letter, was thus endorsed; Reasons to maintain the faction. The title was, The best means how to annoy the king of Spain, in my opinion, without charge to her majesty. Which also shall bring, great profit to her highness and subjects. And is as ensueth: “First, If it shall be thought meet, that the king of Portugal may, in his right, make war with the king of Spain, then he would be the best means to be the head of the faction. There would be obtained from the said king of Portugal an authority to some person, that should always give leave to such, as, upon their own charge, would serve to annoy the king of Spain, as they might, both by sea and land: and of their booties to pay unto. the king of Portugal 5 or of the hundred. “There would be also one person authorized by her majesty to take notice of such as do serve the king of Portugal. And so that party, with her majesty’s consent, to give them leave and allowance to retire, victual, and sell in some port of the west country. For which liberty they should pay unto her majesty 5 or 10 of the hundred. “None should have leave to serve the said king of Portugal, but they should put in surety to offend no person, but such as the said king had war with: and should be bound to break no bulk but in the port allowed. Where would be commissioners appointed, to restore such goods as were belonging to friends in amity with the king of Portugal; and to allow the rest to the takers. “There would be martial law for such as committed piracy. For now there can be no excuse, but all idle seamen may be employed. “If these conditions be allowed, and that men may enjoy that which they lawfully take in this service, the best owners and merchant adventurers in the river will put in foot, and attempt great things. “The gentlemen and owners in the west party will enter deeply into this party. “The Flushingers also will be agreat party in this matter. “The protestants of France will be a great company to help this attempt. “The Portugals in the islands in Brasyl and in Geney, for the most part, will continually revolt. Fishings in Spain and Portugal, which is their greatest relief, will hereby be utterly impeached and destroyed. The islands will be sacked; their forts defaced; and their brass ordnance brought away. “Our own people, as gunners, (whereof we have but few,) would be made expert, and grow in number. Our idle people would grow to be good men of war, both by land and sea. “The coast of Spain and Portugal, in all places, would be so annoyed, as to keep continual armies; there would be no possibility sometimes. That of my knowledge it is treble more tedious and chargeable to prepare shipping and men in those parts, than it is with us. “The voyage offered by sir Francis Drake might best be made lawful, to go under this licence also. Which would be secret, until the time draw near of their readiness. “All this before rehearsed shall not be any means to draw the king of Spain to offer a war. For that this party will not only consist of English men, but rather of the French, Flemins, Scots, and such like. So as king Philip shall be forced by great entreaty to make her majesty a means to withdraw the forces of her subjects, and the aid of her highness’s ports. For otherwise there will be such scarcity in Spain, and his coast so annoyed, as Spain never endured so great smart. The reason is, for that the greatest traffics of all king Philip’s dominions must pass to and fro by the seas, which will hardly escape intercepting.”

The agents from Holland, monsieur de Gryse and Ortel, were now here.

And to these points the affair betwixt the queen and them came digested in four papers: an abstract whereof was drawn by the pen of the lord treasurer.

The first contained an answer of the states to her majesty’s propositions.

That count Maurice was the chief over their affairs. That her majesty would send them aid speedily. They offered her 330,000 florins monthly.

What numbers of the enemies forces were besides their garrisons, foot and horse, in Guelders, Antwerp, about Gaunt, &c. Then what their own forces were, and what they looked for out of Almain.

The second paper was, that they required her majesty to receive in general all the provinces united, into her protection: or particularly Holland, Zealand, and Utrecht. And that they would contribute, both by sea and land, two millions yearly; or else to accept these countries to her alliance.

That the French king laboured to be accepted as their lord in general. And that the queen would prevent it, by sending three or four thousand under a good conduct.

A third paper was from Zealand, that the hearts of the people would be the more inclined to her majesty, if she would presently assist them with four thousand foot.

The fourth paper contained private instructions.

These notable papers may all be read at large (whereof this is but an imperfect account) in the Appendix. This message from these afflicted Netherlanders succeeded; and after some years addresses from them, to take the protection of them upon her, they now at last obtained it.

The queen shewed her esteem for these Netherlanders by her great concern for William, prince of Orange, barbarously murdered in July this year; and gave a remarkable sign thereof after she heard of his death. He was the great general for those states in their defence against the king of Spain. The murderer was one Balthazar Gerard, a Burgoindian, by a pistol discharged at him in his own hall, at Delpht: encouraged thereto by that king; who had given sentence of death against him, some two or three years before, and given liberty to any to kill him, wheresoever they could meet with him, and withal encouraged them to do it with the reward of 25000 ducats. This bloody villain, meditating this murder, had been with a Jesuit at Treves: to whom he confessed himself, discovering to him his wretched design. Who kept him in their college, taking the Jesuit’s counsel and direction, as this villain did confess boldly. The prince of Orange was not unsensible of the daily danger he went in; and being apprehensive of falling under some such treachery, had before acquainted queen Elizabeth therewith: and prayed her, that upon any such sudden decease of his, she would take some care of his daughters; whereof one was goddaughter to her majesty. Not long after this sad news came to the queen, she remembered the prince’s request, and (as it is likely) her own promise to him; which caused her to despatch a letter in French, dated in October, signed by herself at the bottom, to the duke Monpensier, to this purport. “That the prince of Orange, foreseeing the imminent danger that he was always subject to, by the secret methods and snares laid for him by his enemies, had instantly prayed her to have his daughters recommended to her; and to take them under her protection, if he should chance to leave them fatherless. Reposing himself (as by good right he might do) under her favour and affection; which she had borne towards him at all times. And that she had advice after this unfortunate accident concerning a proraise of hers to that purpose.” And then the queen proposed and appointed the disposing of the young princesses, his daughters, to divers protestant princes, as follows. The eldest daughter, whose name is not inserted, to madam, the princess of Bierne, her kinswoman; where she could not but be brought up virtuously. The second, who was [nostre filleule ] the queen’s god-daughter, the queen would take. Brabantim, the third, she commended to the duchess of Bouillon, sister to the duke of Monpensier, to be bred up with mademoiselle, her daughter. Amolyne, to the elector palatine.

Katherine, to the countess of Swartzenburgh; leur marraine.

Lastly, Flandrine: whom the queen recommended long ago to la dame du Paracly. And so exhorting the duke, to whom she wrote, to take particular care of these young princesses, to whom he was so nearly related on the mother’s side. But the whole letter, in French, as it came from the queen, I refer to the,Appendix; where it deserves to have a place.

And as the queen wrote a letter this year to the duke of Monpensier, a French protestant prince, so the great lord treasurer Burghley now wrote his to another, viz. the king of Navarr. Such was the good understanding and great friendship between this court and the protestant princes of France. That king had enough to do to preserve himself and his kingdom, and to defend the religion against the leaguers, viz. the duke of Guise and his party, sworn enemies to the reformed. He had writ often to this privycounsellor upon business; highly commending his zeal for religion, as well as service to his mistress, the queen. Which letters he did not think convenient to answer, as looking like a piece of presumption. But Weemes, a Scotch gentleman, and servant of that king, departing hence to that court, and earnestly desiring a letter from this lord to that king, he at length yielded to do. The letter may not be amiss to insert, to preserve as much as may be of the memory of that worthy king, as of that wise statesman who writ it. Which I transcribe from the minutes writ with his own pen. “Sir, I have received sundry letters of your majesty divers times: wherein I confess myself greatly beholden unto your majesty for the good opinion expressed therein, of me and my actions for the cause of the gospel, more largely than my power can deserve, though my will, according to my bounden duty, is not less than your majesty is pleased to express. And though I have not used to write to your majesty again in answer of your majesty’s letters, (which I have forborne, as judging it some kind of presumption to trouble your majesty with my writings, where my answer was not needful,) yet at this time, the tender of a gentleman of Scotland, named Mr. Weemes, now belonging unto your majesty, hath very earnestly required me for his discharge, to certify you, that he brought to me your letters. Which in truth he did; and being a gentleman worthy of great commendation, I could not deny him so reasonable a request. Which is the cause of my present writing. Praying your majesty to accept the same, as from an humble devoted servitor of your majesty. Not so much for your kingdom, which I do honour greatly, but for your magnanimity and constancy in the maintenance of the true religion of Christ. Wherein I pray God to assist you with his graces, to the confusion of Antichrist and of his members.”

The queen kept always a fair correspondence with the foreign princes of the protestant profession. And both she and her great counsellor, the lord treasurer, shewed all respect to them. And so she did particularly to prince palatine of the Rhine; who, with his brother, duke Casimire, came about this time into England. The humanity and honour shewed them here, their agent Wierus (of whom mention was made before) acknowledged in a letter of high esteem and gratitude to the said lord treasurer, wrote in September, after the return of those princes: importing, “That he had been chief instrument to them both, of taking their journey into England: where they had received exceeding satisfaction for the treatment they found, both from the queen and him. “Wherein the agent added, That he was bound to him for ever; and was ready to serve him.” He called that prince, George Gustavus, palatine of Rhine, duke of Bavaria, count Veldent, &c. and he took notice how that lord gave his brother, who was praefectus, chief officer, to the said prince palatine, the testimony of his hand and seal; which he had asked of him.

The lord treasurer had the honour now to receive a letter from Mary queen of Scots, dated from Sheffield, where she was in custody of the earl of Shrewsbury. For this year an earnest treaty was in hand betwixt her and queen Elizabeth, for her liberty: with whom she, the said queen Mary, proressing to enter into a strict amity; and queen Elizabeth being inclinable to release her. But the wise men about her knew there could be no security in such an act. In the mean time the French ambassador was much employed in this affair. And to move the queen towards her, she now wrote herself an earnest letter to him, the said lord treasurer, in French, desiring him to second Mauvesier, the said French ambassador, on her behalf: beginning, Monsieur, le grand thesaurier. Ayant e’crit ces jours passe’s a` la royjne ma dame, ma bonne soeur, &c. The import whereof was, “That she had lately written to my lady, the queen, her good sister, to declare the sincerity of her intention towards her, and the great necessity which she had of her majesty’s granting her requests, she thought fit by the same messenger to pray him to be favourable in this affair, &c. and that she had prayed Mauvesier, the ambassador of the French king, her cousin, to communicate all to him; and beseeching his aid and support towards her said sister; and to have regard to her long captivity, and to the truth of all that they would propound concerning her,” &c.

But the whole letter, as I transcribed it from the original, I have thought worthy of a place in the Appendix.

I must not omit, among the public occurrences this year, an information that was brought before the lords, of a vile report raised of the earl of Shrewsbury, viz. that he had a child by the queen. The scandal was so great and enormous, that it was brought from thence to the quarter sessions; that the party that related it might come to some due signal punishment. One of the seat of the justices for London and Westminster was sergeant Fleetwood, recorder of the city of London. The complaint beforesaid take from his own pen, written to the lord treasurer, according as his custom was, to give him in writing an account of such proceedings in their sessions. It was by way of diary, about Michaelmas, when the said Fleetwood and other justices sate upon the general sessions in Westminster-hall, for Middlesex; and the next day at Finsbury. “At this session, one Cople and one Baldwyn, my lord of Shrewsbury’s gentlemen, required me [viz. Fleetwood] that they might be suffered to indict one Walmesly, of Islyngton, an innholder, for scandalization of my lord their master. They shewed me two papers. The first was under the clerk of the council’s “hand, of my lord’s purgation: in the which your good lordship’s speeches are especially set down. The second paper was the examinations of divers witnesses, taken by Mr. Harris. The effect of all which was, that Walmesley should tell his guests openly at the table, that the earl of Shrewsbury had got the queen with child; and that he knew where the child was christened. And it was alleged, that he should further add, that my lord should never go home again, with like words. An indictment was drawn by the clerk of the peace. The which I thought not good to have published, or that the evidence should be given openly. And therefore I caused the jury to go to a chamber; where I was, and heard the evidence given. “Among whom, (added the recorder,) one Meredith Hanmer, a doctor of divinity and vicar of Islyngton, was a witness; who had dealt as lewdly towards my lord in speeches, as did the other, viz.

Walmesley. This doctor regardeth not an oath. Surely he is a very bad man. But in the end the indictment was endorsed, Billa vera.” The popish party was very busy here unto this year; and now more and more. Many Englishmen of that religion became bigots, and were employed in plots for the deliverance of the Scots queen, though it were with the assassination of their natural queen Elizabeth: acted and encouraged also by foreign princes too. Such were Throgmorton, lord Paget, his brother Charles, under the name of Mope, lord Arundel, and, among the rest, the false Welshman, Parry: and besides, a great many priests and seminaries had been discovered, and taken up; and remained now in divers prisons; as, the Marshalsea, the King’s Bench, the Gatehouse, in London and Westminster: besides other prisons of the kingdom, as Manchester and Wisbich: whom yet the queen would not put to death, (as many had been already for examples,) but now chose rather to rid the land of them, and banish them.

De Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador here, was a great and busy instrument in these mischievous designs. So he was discharged and sent away: but remained in France, following his practices there against England. The duke of Guise and his party were sworn in an inveterate league against the reformed religion in general; and particularly against the queen. This dangerous condition wherein England now stood, especially, if the queen were taken away, caused an association; which this year all the well affected in the kingdom voluntarily entered into: the purport whereof was, by mutual vows and subscriptions to prosecute to death, as far as lay in their power, all those that should attempt ally thing against the queen.

These matters I leave to our historians to relate; I shall only shew some more secret passages concerning them, from a letter of sir Edward Stafford, now ambassador resident in France, to the lord Burghley and sir Francis Walsingham, importing, “That the lord Paget upon a great sudden was departed thence, [viz. Paris.] And that in so great a sudden, that his companions that came over with him (all deep in the Scots’ queen’s interest) were, or at least seemed, greatly offended at it; and all the rest that were there, saving only his brother and Throgmorton, who seemed only to be acquainted with it. The rest gave out that they knew not of his departure, only the night before he went. Whereat they stomached at Charles Paget, and seemed to grow in a great mislike of him; calling him a glorious fool, and standing in his own conceit more than there was cause.” But perhaps that lord Paget had secret orders from the French court to depart for a while, to prevent the French king’s surrendering him upon the queen’s request; and so after a time to return again. “But Charles Paget told them that his brother, the lord Paget, went to Molain to avoid charges: where he meant to live more privately.”

But the ambassador (part of whose office was to trace as much as he could such dangerous persons) added this further intelligence in his said letter; “That that lord being gone out of town, he assured them, that between the second and third post towards Lyons, he had a man met him with three horses; one that he rid on, that brought the other two for the lord Paget and his man. Which (as the ambassador added)made him suspect that he had taken some other course. For giving out, that he went post, he went but two posts and an half. And from thence returned back his post horses, and took those horses that stayed there for him.” And then subjoining his conjecture: “That he might perhaps have some such disguised matter, that his brother had under the name of Mope, when he came secretly into England,” [and in Sussex waited for the duke of Guise, who was to land there upon his intended invasion.] “This he thought good in time to advertise their honours of. And that ere long he should learn more of him; and with time advertise them what he knew.”

In the same letter he let his correspondents understand, “That there was, as he heard, a book new printed, and very secretly kept; and delivered out by himself who was the doer of it. Whom the party as yet either would not or could not name to him. But he guessed by the matter and other causes, that it should be Throgmorton. Because that it contained at large that which in substance he [the ambassador] had heard was found in Throgmorton’s hands, that was executed. Which contained the names of the noblemen, gentlemen, and men of any account in all shires in England; with their abilities, affections, and dispositions: the measured depths of all the havens in England, at every kind of tide. He added, that he thought he should come by it, as secret soever as it was kept. They reported it was bigger than the answer to the book, called, The execution of justice, almost once again.

And that it was dedicated to the pope’s son.”

The ambassador proceeded next to Mendoza, and his coming to Paris from England: “That the queenmother stormed marvellously at Bernardines [vid. de Mendozas] sending thither, [to France.] And that she had told the king the dangerous disposition of the man. And that both of them would fain be rid of him, if they could. But the ambassador’s thought was, that he should remain there; and that they would not strive, when it came to the point, to refuse him whom the king of Spain sent. And that he was credibly informed, that yesternight, a courier came to him with his full despatch from the king of Spain, to stay there. And Tasis [who was the other ambassador] to prepare to go either to Flanders or Spain, as by the next despatch he should have order.”

Walsingham, the secretary, had acquainted the ambassador with the abovesaid association of the gentlemen of England, for the queen’s safety, and for revenging of any mishap befalling her by the treachery of her enemies. Concerning which this was the ambassador’s opinion: “That haying communicated it to some there, [in Paris,] they told him, they would dare, what they could, to make the king there to take a liking to have it followed in that realm. Into the which they that were England’s best friends in France, if he [Walsingham] liked of it, would be content to give the first example. Which he [the ambassador] thought, if it might be brought to pass, would divert any conceits that any evil-disposed people would conceive of the good meaning of the English nation.”

And then the ambassador, to shew his good zeal for his royal mistress, the queen, humbly offered to come into the said association, if it might be accepted, with expressions of high loyalty towards her. Using these words: “I think, and whether it will be thought a presumption in so poor a man, without means to help much in such a matter, as I am, to offer to enter into so good a society. Or whether it be a thing that men of greatness and much ability only do enter into. But I have a life and blood: which in other places I will keep and defend as charily as any man; but in this case nobody shall spend it with a better will, nor more frankly than myself; nor any man that lives in heaven shall be more irreconcileable with any that shall have a thought to attempt it, than I. And therefore he beseeched his honour to know, whether his good-will might be accepted among the rest of so honourable a company; and what order others that were not present should ratify their meaning among the rest: and he would not fail presently to send that which he should command him.”

And then concerning that French faction of the Guises, (wherein England’s danger also was concerned,)he wrote thus: “That the house of the Guises, their meetings and great assemblies of the nobility with them, had raised a suspicion in many men’s minds of some trouble: which would be better discovered ere long.

And that word was brought him even then, that the duke of Guise had agreed to come to the court,” [which was looked upon as strange news, in respect of that fatal discord between that king, Henry III. and that duke’s party, which some years after ended in the murder of them both,] “but none of the rest: having determined never to come at all once.” This was writ in November, 1584.

Now began a new parliament in November; there having not been one in some years before. And that it might begin with all the solemnity and ancient usages of parliament, the lord treasurer, an ancient member of parliaments in former reigns, as well as this, seems to have given this particular direction, about regular reading of bills, which I find under his own band, entitled, Usage of parliaments: and withal how conformable thereunto the said parliament began: which was as followeth. “The ancient custom of parliaments hath been, that the causes of summons of parliament have been the first day of parliament by the lord chancellor declared. And at the same time also notice given, that if any person had any suits or petitions to the parliament, to be heard there; where were certain persons selected to receive the said petitions within six days following. And certain lords of parliament, both spiritual and temporal, were also selected to be the triers of those petitions. And so allowing of them, to be heard and treated of in parliament, the same should be received in convenient time. “Nota, That the first day of parliament, on Monday the 23d of Novemb. [1584], there were openly read the names of five receivers of petitions, for England, Ireland, Wales, and Scotland.

And ten other lords of parliament, whereof four bishops, three earls, three barons, to hear and try the said petitions. And so to allow or disallow the same, so as no private petition ought to be allowed to be treated in parliament, but such as shall be in such manner tried. “Item, The custom also is, that in the common house the speaker should first prefer to be read all bills that are brought to him, either from the higher house of parliament, as bills there passed, or otherwise signed by the king’s own hand, or brought from the king, or his council, containing matters offered to be treated on, for the king’s behalf, or for the state of the realm. And until these bills should be read, treated, and debated, the speaker ought not to spend the time in reading of any other bills. Whereby neither the public causes, for the which the parliament was called, nor such others as should be sent from the king and his council, should be delayed.” The reason of which instruction for this parliament, given by that wise statesman, seems to be, to put some stop to those divers petitions, bills, and complaints, which were then earnestly brought in chiefly by the puritan party against the clergy, their pluralities, non-residences, and insufficiency. Into which matters of controversy some considerable light is let in, by what is writ in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift, under this year.

To which I add, that in the parliament two years after, among the petitions of this sort, was one or more brought in for the redressing of the people’s want of able ministers in the nation, (many defects in the clergy being mightily complained of;) and for more constant preaching of the gospel, and residence of the respective incumbents; to be ready to perform spiritual offices among them, especially preaching. There was one petition also brought in for a learned ministry, entitled, A lamentable complaint of the commonalty, by way of supplication to the high court of parliament; which, it seems, had been brought in once before; and now reviewed and augmented. It began, “In most humble manner that we may, most gracious sovereign, and right honourable assembly, we fall down at your feet, even in the dust, presenting before you a most weighty petition. It is not unlike that petition that Hester made to king Assuerus, saying, If I have found favour in thy sight, and it seem good unto the king, let my life be given me at my petition, and my people at my request.

For we are sold, I and my people , to be destroyed, to be slain, and to perish. And when the king demanded, who had done that deed, the queen answered, That wicked Haman. In likewise, so many congregations of us to be in this land destitute of a godly minister, to preach unto us the word of salvation, (as there be exceeding many,) do entreat for our lives, and the life of our neighbours. For we are sold to be destroyed, to be slain, and perish eternally, if, by your gracious help, speedy remedy be not had. If question be made, who hath done the deed, we answer, The blind guides and unlearned curates that are set over us.” This is enough to shew the strain of the composers of this Supplication.

This petition was answered in a speech in the parliament, anno 1586, by a person unknown, perhaps sir Chr. Hatton. But before this, there was a notable supplicatory book prepared, styled, A supplication, to be exhibited to our sovereign lady, queen Elizabeth, to the honourable lords of her most honourable privy-council, and to the high court of parliament. By what is written on the backside of this Supplication, by the pen of the lord treasurer, it appears to have been drawn up by Tho. Sampson, viz. Mr.

Sampson’s book to the parliament. See two letters of his to that lord on that occasion in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift, under this year: the articles of the petition, by him framed in the said book, for a regulation in the church, are to the number of thirty-four: “And all professed to be for the help of the poor untaught people of this realm, and for the reforming of some other disorders. As, first, That there might be a review taken of all the markettowns, and other towns of most inhabitants, to see what able preaching pastor is now resident among them, and in every of them. And also to know what sufficiency of living there was then provided in them.

Secondly, That there might be consideration had of other little towns and parishes; that there might, by some union of two or three parishes together, be made sufficient congregations. Thirdly, That if in this view there were found a want of able persons, fit to supply the office of preaching pastors in every congregation, this want might be helped by some certain ways, there set down. Fourthly, That every dean and chapter of every cathedral and collegiate church, that did pay yearly wages to singing men and choristers, and musicians in their churches, to pay the same in yearly pensions to such pastors as were resident on their benefices, which should he found to want sufficient sustentation of living. That all archbishops and bishops should have assigned and appointed to them, eight, ten, twelve, or more preaching pastor, doctors, and deacons, together with other grave and godly men of worship, or justices of the peace; to be assistant to them in their government in causes ecclesiastical: which at present those archbishops and bishops, with their chancellors and archdeacons, did hear and determine alone.

And that so likewise every pastor should have appointed him four or six associates and seniors, inhabitants of the parish, to and with the said pastor; to govern the said parish with him. Since all parishes and pastors had need of the help of a godly seignorie. A holy league with the living God was also propounded to be entered into, both by prince and people: that the religion of Christ Jesus might remain stable among us. And thereby to give open defiance to Rome.” The rest would be too long to insert here. But the whole thirty-four articles may be read in the Appendix. Out of which (it may be) the commons drew up their petitions, reducing them to the number of sixteen; offered to the consideration of the lords; as they are set down in D’Ewes’ Journal of Parliaments, but very imperfectly. Which were all considered and answered by the archbishop of Canterbury and other bishops. But they were thereby, and by the queen’s command, quickened to a reformation of some things amiss; as may be seen in that archbishop’s Life.

But I will set down Sampson’s prefatory supplication to the petitions aforesaid: entitled, A supplication made in the name of certain true subjects; to be in most humble wise presented to our sovereign lady, queen Elizabeth, to the lords of her most honourable privy-council, and to the high court of parliament. “In most humble wise complaining; we, which are thousands of the poor untaught people of England, your true subjects, most gracious sovereign lady and queen, and daily orators to the majesty of God for your highness, do shew to your clemency; and to your honours also, you, honourable lords of her most honourable privy-council; and to you, ye honourable and worshipful, you lords, bishops, knights, esquires, burgesses of the high court of parliament; “That where, in this blessed time of this most happy government, there is and hath been now many years a blessed liberty given to preach and hear the gospel of Jesus Christ, the word of our salvation, in peace and safety among us; a thing which our forefathers might desire, but did not enjoy in such sort as we do; a thing also, to which few of our neighbours in other dominions at this day can attain; and a thing, for which we acknowledge ourselves all manner of ways most dutifully bounden to the goodness of God, and to our most gracious sovereign lady and queen. Yet so it is, that we, your said suppliants, in this great plenty, are sore pinched with a great scarcity. For so it is, most gracious sovereign, and honourable lords, that in very many of our congregations we have none who do break the bread of life unto us; we have none that do diligently teach us the holy word of God; as by God’s law we know, and as by your godly laws we do think, we ought to have; nor, as we do see, some of our neighbours have under your gracious protection. We have not the comfortable preaching of the kingdom of God, joined with the ministry of the sacraments of Christ, in our congregations and parishes among our own, where we do dwell. And therefore some of us are driven to seek for the same from our own, in other congregations and parishes, where we do not dwell. We have not vigilant, able, and painful preaching pastors resident among us, to teach us by preaching the word of God; and by catechising, to instruct us and our families in the way of the Lord. We have some pastors which have a kind of calling to the pastoral office: but many of them be not resident on their benefices. Some of them are licensed to be double, if not treble beneficed men. Some of them are occupied in other affairs, which they do apply. So that they neither can, nor do they the office required of a diligent preaching pastor, resident on his flock. “If our bishops heretofore had, or yet did provide a remedy fit for this grief, we would not have made this complaint now: but our bishops are so far from giving a meet remedy for these our griefs, that they do rather daily increase them: for these be some of them which do daily make numbers of ministers or priests (as they be called) which are so dumb, that they neither can do nor will speak any thing in the congregation, where they be resident, more than they are compelled to read out of a printed book. With which reading, and some other conformity, (as it is termed,) our bishops and their officers, contenting themselves sufficiently, do give us simple readers, not skilled, nor sufficiently preaching pastors. The Lord hath not given to these men, of whom we do complain, the tongue of which the prophet doth speak, when he speaketh of profitable preachers, thus, The Lord hath given me a tongue of the learned, that I should know to minister a word in time to him that is weary. Though they be such men as do want the gift, yet they do boldly seek to have the place of a teacher, though they cannot teach. Seeing pastors are commanded to feed the flock of the Lord, it may be thought to be a very presumptuous and preposterous thing, to ordain such men to be pastors as cannot feed it dutifully: and yet our bishops dare boldly confer that to them which they do blindly seek. “The pastors which the Lord doth like and allow to be the pastors of his people, are such as do feed his people with knowledge and understanding. Our Lord and Saviour Jesus did send forth his apostles to preach the gospel. The pastors which are to be allowed by the rule of the holy apostle Paul must be able to persuade by sound doctrine, and to convince the gainsayers; must be apt to teach, and able rightly to divide the word of God. Paul commandeth Timothy to be instant in time and out of time. Which things they regard not, which do give their people but bare readings, and appoint them to hear but quarter sermons. To be thus able to teach, and to do it, is more than to be a simple teacher: and is much more than our reading ministers do, or can do. If men contend to set up a reading ministry in place of preaching, they do not regard how the Lord hath ordained a preaching ministry for the profitable edifying of his church. And so they do dangerously depart from the ordinance of the Lord Jesus Christ, and do draw very nigh to the abuse of Antichrist; who is content to feed his own church with such a dumb and unprofitable ministry as serveth in reading or singing, and that in a strange tongue most unprofitably. “The persons among us, which are unable to teach, do both satisfy themselves and some such officers as have rule over them with a simple reading of that which is prescribed to them; though a number of them do read in no better sort, than some young scholars could do, which were newly taken out of some English school.

Truly, this their reading is so rude in some places among us, that they seem themselves scarce to understand that which they do read.

We know and confess that public and solemn reading of God’s law is commanded. The best practice of which is set forth in the book of Nehemiah. Where it is said, The Levites did read in the book of the law of God distinctly, and gave the sense, and caused them to understand the reading. If we heard this kind of reading at the mouths of our ministers, we neither would nor could complain of their unprofitable reading, as now we do. “We might increase this our complaint with shewing this grief also; that whereas, by God’s grace, there are in some places good teachers among us, (which are in number, and in comparison of them which do occupy the teaching place, and yet are no teachers at all, but very few,) these few do receive great discouragement and discredit: yea, and some of them are displaced, not because they do not teach us painfully and truly, but for an old continued quarrel of conformity in such ceremonies as men have devised; which have not in them any power to edify us. We do most humbly beseech your highness and honours, to call to your good remembrance, that they which do well should receive praise and comfort of the powers which do bear the sword of God. And we do humbly beseech you likewise to understand, that this hard handling of our good pastors doth cast us into hard distresses. And also that it may please you to receive information of our own poor estate herein; of us, who do feel the sore and smart hereof. For when our bishops do deprive our preaching pastors of their livings, and do stop their mouths, so that they cannot teach us the will of the Lord God Almighty, they take upon them to do that for which they shall give an account to the Lord God; whose ministers they do forbid to serve his divine Majesty. And while they think hereby to punish our good pastors, they do indeed stick us with a dart of death. For they take from us the bread of life, and leave us destitute of instruction and comfort in God. And we do humbly beseech the Lord God to judge this cause at his good pleasure. “Verily we have great need of such pastors as will, can, and do painfully and truly teach us the way of the Lord. We have no need at all of such idle ceremonies as do not edify us in true godliness.

And it is very requisite that the godly rulers take heed how they do burden the church of Christ with the things that are called indifferent. For in continuance of time, they may grow to be intolerable burdens to it. For things indifferent pressed upon the church by the authority of man, do oftentimes breed much hurt. We have by experience proved, that such cold ceremonies in the church do weaken the power of the doctrine of the cross of Christ.

Because in them is neither life nor spirit. The observing of such dead and unprofitable ceremonies is no piece of that sacrifice which is made of man to God by the preaching of the gospel. Of which the apostle speaketh in his epistle to the Romans. To take preachings from us, and to give us, instead thereof, a bare reading, furnished with a sort of idle and unprofitable ceremonies, is to take from us the bread of life, which God hath prepared for us; and to feed us after the device of man, with an unprofitable hearing and looking.

We call it unprofitable; because our dulness is not thereby quickened, our minds stirred up to attain unto the understanding of the mind of God, nor to embrace that which is contained in his word. It is our great grief to have our comfortable and profitable preaching pastors taken from us for such unprofitable ceremonies.

By this kind of discouraging of the good labourers, we, which are simple people, are greatly hindered, and cast back in the way of the Lord. “We might likewise in complaining shew, how that some of ourselves, in whom God, by his grace, hath wrought a hunger to hear his word, and do offer ourselves to seek it in such places where it is to be heard; and do labour quietly [to resort] to those congregations, where the preaching of the word is comfortably joined with the ministry of the sacraments, to be partakers of the same; we are for this our doing molested and troubled by our idol shepherds, and such officers as do favour them: as though it grieved them, that we should be taught at the hand of any other man than at theirs, which neither can, will, nor do teach us at all; and as though they would have our hungry souls contented with their dumb and unprofitable ministry. By these, and the like to these, occasion is given now to renew that old complaint of him that said, Multi sacerdotes, pauci sacerdotes; multi nomine, pauci opere. To which kind of pastors, in title only, and not in work, we think that the things which God speaketh by his prophet may be applied; where he saith, The pastors are become beasts, and have not sought the Lord: therefore have they none understanding; and all the flocks of their pastures are scattered. We fear that some of our men, which are called to receive the charge of a church, do think more, that they are called to receive the commodity of a house, glebe lands, tithes, and of their Easter book, than to take the care and charge of souls. Such pastors we have. We do neither envy nor deny to pay that which is due to them, but we desire that they may be commanded to give to us our due; which now in their idleness and worldliness they do withhold from us. And if the true Christian discipline ecclesiastical did bear such just and right dominion in this church of England as it ought to do, and we humbly desire that it may do, then pastors would do the duty of good pastors, and we, the people, should be by our pastors fed by the word of God in understanding and godliness; which now we do want. But we mind not to trouble your noble honours with so long an enumeration of our griefs, as we might make justly in this behalf. “The truth of these our griefs touched, or others by us not touched, if it please you, be made fully known to you by the relations of some such godly visitors, as may take a view and trial of these causes: it shall suffice us at this time to have declared thus much to your honours, that we are as sheep scattered without a shepherd; on whom the Lord Jesus did take pity. We are left without teaching in these abundant days of teaching. They on whom we do complain do feed themselves, but we do famish. They will be in place of our pastors, but they do bereave us of the fruit of the pastoral office.

This they do, and this they suffer, to the great dishenour of God, to our great discomfort, and to the no small danger of the loss of our souls. Remember, you noble and honourable, we do humbly beseech you, that the loss but of one soul cannot but be straitly required by the living God, in that dreadful day of account at their hands, to whose government his divine Majesty hath committed us. “We do now complain of the danger of the loss of our souls and of our salvation, through this want of teaching which we now do suffer. There are whole thousands of us left untaught; yea, by thal, it will be found, that there are in England whole thousands of parishes destitute of this necessary help to salvation; that is, of diligent preaching and teaching. Salvation is promised to them only which do believe; but we cannot believe on him of whom we do not hear; we cannot hear without a preacher; as the apostle doth say.

It is preaching, and not simply reading, that is required for having of faith. The reader may himself read without understanding, as the eunuch did: and likewise may the hearer hear the thing read, and not understand it. That eunuch had not full faith wrought in him, but by hearing Philip’s preaching to him, and opening to him the meaning of the scripture, which he had read before: for then the Holy Ghost did work faith in his heart. So when in preaching, the holy scripture is so well handled, that it is both truly opened, and also applied fitly to the minds and understandings of the hearers, then doth the Spirit of God teach the hearts of the hearers to understand; and doth work that faith in them by it: which is the understanding of life and salvation. We must hear and understand, before we receive and retain the seed of life, to bring forth the fruits of it. Neither can we understand it, unless we be rightly taught, both what it is, and how it is to be understood of us. “So of this want of preaching we do complain. This penury of preaching breedeth in us a penury of faith; which doth both greatly pinch us, and put us in danger. It doth also constrain us at this time to make this our humble complaint. “In tender consideration whereof, and for redress of these griefs, and of some other things which do need reformation, we do most humbly beseech your highness, our most gracious sovereign lady and queen, your lordships, our most honourable good lords of her majesty’s privy-council, and your wisdoms, which are of the high court of parliament, not only graciously to consider of the premises, but also of these our humble petitions hereunto annexed, and now following: which we do humbly present to your godly wisdoms; not as prescribers of that which is to be done by you, but as most humble suitors, most humbly beseeching you to be moved by your own good consideration of the things which we do desire in them, yourselves to think on; to devise and establish some such remedy for our miseries, and the disorders which do hinder godly order among us, as to your godly wisdoms shall be thought good and necessary. And we shall pray God, our heavenly Father, even in the name of Jesus Christ, both to pardon all former faults and negligences, and to work in your hearts the right and full understanding and care of true godliness, which is to be had. “We do confess, that when God did first call you to take the affairs of the church in hand, you did find in it many ruins and great gaps.

He hath directed you by his grace to do much good, to the repairing of the same; we do humbly praise him for it. And even so we pray him still to lead you by his principal Spirit to do all that which remaineth, and is yet to be done in the business of his holy Majesty: that you may bestow yourselves, and the power which he hath given to you, wholly in his service. And that both you may govern us, and we obey you, according to his blessed will, thoroughly.” The petitions that are said to follow are set in the Appendix.

But as for the petition consisting of sixteen articles brought into the house of parliament, for reformation or alteration of the customs and practices of the church established, and sent up to the house of lords, they are set down elsewhere at large; with the answers to them by both the archbishops, and also by Cowper, bishop of Winton. But besides, I meet with another answer, at good length, to those sixteen petitions, given in by the bishops in general; and seem to have been done at their convocation: which having not as yet seen the light, I cannot omit to insert this manuscript, being an important matter of the history of our church at that time, when there was such a joint endeavour of many, eager for another discipline to be brought in, and the former, with the public prayers and offices, to be laid aside.

First, the articles are set down, and then the answers of the bishops to each article distinctly follow. But this paper being somewhat large, I refer the reader to the Appendix, where I have exemplified it.

As the year before [viz. 1583] the bishop of London visited his clergy at St. Paul’s, Dr. Walker preaching before them, and then all the ministers subscribed anew to the two books; [that is, I suppose, the Book of Common Prayer, and the Thirty-nine Articles;] so now this year there was another call of the city clergy again, to elect clerks for the convocation.

When also a general subscription was made to the queen’s supremacy. And certain Scotch ministers, exiled out of Scotland, were forbidden to preach, except they had lawful licences thereunto. There was also then a call to relieve a bishop’s widow of Ireland, who was there killed; and likewise to gather money, to redeem one Mr. Rogers, a captive in the duke of Parma’s hands. This, I suppose, was Daniel Rogers, that transacted the queen’s business in Flanders.

CHAPTER 19.

A convocation. Articuli pro clero. The archbishop’s cares.

Comforted by sir Christopher Hatton. James Digg’s, ordinary servant to the archbishop. Dr. Drurids advices to him about a Melius inquirendum. Dr. Howland made bishop of Peterborough.

The bishop of Lincoln’s Admonition. A book called The Abstract, for bringing in another discipline: answered. The Counterpoison.

Dr. Copcot’s sermon at Paul’s Cross. A brotherly and friendly counsel to the ministers for peace and concord.

ACONVOCATION now sat, November 24: of which synods and meetings of the bishops and clergy there was a great use under queen Elizabeth; both for the maintaining of themselves and their privileges, and providing for religion and regulating abuses, and offering good bills to the parliament; as they used to be full of business in various and sundry such like matters.

In this convocation the articuli pro clero were framed by the archbishop, bishops, and the rest of the clergy of the province of Canterbury, and established by the queen, and approved and confirmed by royal authority.

These articles, in Latin, may be found in the Collection of articles, injunctions, canons, &c. collected by bishop Sparrow. Which ar. ticles were digested under these heads.

I. That fit men be admitted to holy orders and ecclesiastical benefices.

II. For the moderating the solemn commutation of penance.

III. Concerning moderating certain indulgences for the celebration of matrimony, without thrice denouncing the banns.

IV. Concerning restraining or reforming some excesses about excommunication.

V. Concerning the pluralities of benefices.

VI. Of fees due to ecclesiastical officers, and their servants. Lastly, Concerning inquiries to be made by bishops. The making of which articles were no doubt occasioned by the bills put up this parliament for the reformation of many ecclesiastical abuses complained of.

The original of these articles I have seen among the lord treasurer Burghley’s papers. Out of which I must note some lines, which are not in the printed articles, as we have them in bishop Sparrow’s Collection; where, immediately after line the 10th, this paragraph follows: Quod si patronus quispiam clericum aliquem ad beneficium aliquod praesentaverit, qui praedictis qualitatibus non fuerit imbutus, licebit etiam episcopo ejusmodi praesentatum rejicere; nec brevil illo de Quare impedit, nec ulla alia ratione cogetur eundem instituere, aut eadem causa ullum legis periculum subire. But this indeed had a x set against it. But I find also the same period in the same book of articles in English without any x there.

Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, was aware of these bills and petitions that were preparing by the innovators, and their outcries against the state of the clergy, and against non-residences, pluralities, &c. Nor was his diligence wanting to provide answers, where complaints were ungrounded, and redress where need was. And in this weighty business he had the encouragement and cordial friendship of sir Christopher Hatton, vicechamberlain to the queen, and one of her privy-council; who had sent to the archbishop a paper of notes containing, as it seems, the sum of those petitions for reformation that were to be brought into the parliament house, now ere long to sit; that so the archbishop might the better understand the import of them, and get replies ready upon occasion. The archbishop made use of Mr. Bancroft, his faithful chaplain, as his messenger to sir Christopher. From whom he repaired back with his advice and comfort; which was seasonable to the archbishop in this troublesome interval. And that the said knight might be certified hereof, he forthwith gave some instructions to the said Bancroft to signify as much to him; which he accordingly did by his letter, viz. “That he had been with his grace, as his [Mr. Vice-chamberlain’s] pleasure was, and had returned his notes according to his commandment.” And then proceeding in these words concerning the archbishop; “Your most honourable friendship, (as I was willed to signify,) by me in your name imparted, is and shall be his grace’s continual comfort: I am persuaded he never received message more to his good liking. “My lord’s’ grace commanded me to make thus bold with your honour by a postscript. He certifieth you, that he is very glad the notes do prove so frivolous. And touching the other which were moved the last parliament, your honour shall have the answers unto them, with their inconveniences, before the beginning of the parliament next. They had been sent now, but that they could not be written out so speedily. And thus by my hearty prayer unto the Lord for your honour, committing to his most sacred protection, in all humility I take my leave. From Lambeth, the 6th of November, 1584.

Your honour’s most bounden and dutiful chaplain, Richard Bancroft.”

This Bancroft was he who was afterwards bishop of London, and succeeded Whitgift in the archbishopric; and recommended this year by the archbishop for the deanery of Gloucester, now void. He wrote a book, called, A survey of the pretended holy discipline, and other books against the puritans. And how cordial a friend sir Christopher Hatton was to the archbishop, and the cause of the church in this parliamentary controversy, may be seen in that archbishop’s Life, printed anno 1718. And there is a notable speech of his in parliament concerning this affair, preserved in D’Ewes’ Journal.

These particulars, before set down in this and the former chapter, concerning this earnest endeavour of reformation of supposed defects in the established church, will serve as a further addition to what hath already been related of it in archbishop Whitgift’s Life.

A passage or two more concerning this archbishop, happening this year, follows. Upon an occasion offered to one of his servants, he vindicated an ancient privilege of such as were advanced to the see of Canterbury. The occasion was this: James Diggs, one of his gentlemen in ordinary, was, since the present parliament began to sit, committed to the Fleet upon a Reddit se in the exchequer. But upon the motion of the said archbishop, claiming the ancient privilege of this high court, the lords gave commandment to the gentleman usher, that the said James should be brought before them: and the lords openly hearing sir Roger Manwood, lord chief baron of the exchequer, in this cause, and the same James Diggs, ordered him, by virtue of the privilege of the court, to be enlarged and set at liberty. And further ordered, that the appearance of the said J. D. by rendering himself into the exchequer, was and should be a sufficient discharge of his sureties and their bonds; and that the bonds should be redelivered.

The archbishop was also now concerned about another considerable danger the clergy were in, about their revenues; which was laboured now to get them despoiled of, or greatly diminished, by a commission of Melius inquirendum, to be obtained from the queen. For the preventing whereof, how the archbishop used his endeavour, and what course he took, and the arguments devised to stop it, have been shewn in that archbishop’s Life. To which I add a paper, since coming to my hand, containing some advices given him by Dr. Drury, a learned civilian; shewing the evil consequences of this to many of the laity, (as well as the clergy, that were chiefly hereby struck at:) those of the laity also enjoying impropriations and rectories, and other ecclesiastical rents and revenues: and what course was to he taken for the better knowledge of these things, that on occasion might be shewed and declared to the queen, or her council, or her parliament. This curious paper was endorsed, Dr. Drurie’s notes for the church to the archbishop.

They were as follow: “Particulars, for every bishop within his diocese, to be collected, and certified unto your grace, viz. “I. The names and numbers of all and every impropriation in the possession of the prince, or any layman. The usual fines, and the rent reserved; and also the true yearly value thereof. Whence may be gathered, whether the fine received be greater than the first-fruits, and the rent than the tenths and subsidies. And so whether it be greater profit for her majesty to have them restored to the clergy, or to rest where they be: which being declared to her majesty will cause restitution; or at the least hinder the attempt of them that seek to impropriate all, and put the clergy to single pensions. And upon knowledge of the true value, order, will be taken for a better stipend for the curates. “II. The names and numbers of ecclesiastical livings of every sort, now leased to laymen, and the value and rent reserved. And what lands in every parish discharged or freed from payment of all or any part of tithes by privilege, composition, custom, or prescription. So it will appear, how far the laity is entered into the livings ordained for the relief of the ministers, and how many places are, by means thereof, destitute of preachers. And forasmuch as in 21 Hen. VIII. it was enacted, that no spiritual person should take any farm, no, not a parsonage, nor any thing, to sell again. And further, the leases which they then had should be merely void, unless by a certain clay they did assign them into lay hands; it is a most equal and reasonable course, if the like act in the next parliament be procured against leases taken or to be taken by laymen, of any thing belonging to the clergy. “III. A true copy of every prohibition for seven years last past.

Whence may be gathered the rough violence and absurdities therein used, and good causes to obtain her majesty’s consent for an act of parliament against prohibitions. “IV. Out of all the premises may be gathered a sufficient answer to the untrue objection, that the tenth part of the fruits of the land is possessed by the clergy. And if it can be justified, that her majesty should have more profit out of the ecclesiastical livings in first-fruits, tenths, and subsidies, if they were restored, than she hath now from the laity in fines and rents, the Melius inquirendum, and every other plot to pinch the clergy, (which may justly be suspected to be in deliberation,) will be prevented and met with.”

Then follow general propositions to be supplied with proofs by such as his grace should appoint, and other particulars to be gathered; which may be read in the Appendix. By which we may gather, what apprehensions now were of the ruin of the church to be brought to pass this parliament; and that the taking away the livings of churchmen, and the dissolution of bishoprics and cathedral churches were drawing on; insomuch, that that civilian propounded it to the archbishop, as advisable that the whole state of the clergy should be exhibited in a petition to the queen, or to the whole parliament, and their case represented: and that not faintly and fearfully pursued: and that then it could not be, but that restitution of the state and persons ecclesiastical to their former dignity and estimation would follow, or at least no further depression of them. And that it was further to be considered, whether long forbearing to complain of the rough dealings with them, and concealing what difference there was between the advancement and service of the laity and the clergy, were not far more dangerous; and that it would bring all down, as hitherto it hath done by piecemeal full one half.

This year was Richard Howland, D.D. head of St. John’s college in Cambridge, made bishop of Peterborough. It was but a year before, happened the death of Dr. Latymer, dean of that church. Lord Burghley, lord treasurer, who was Howland’s great friend, sought to get him to succeed in that deanery; and being absent from court, wrote to Beal, clerk of the council, to move the queen for him: who answered, that she thought him worthy of a better place; and that in the mean time she would not bestow that deanery without consideration had of him. So that, as Beal sent word back again to that lord, he doubted not but that his lordship would obtain it for him. Dr. Fletcher, her chaplain, sued for it now: but she told him, that, upon a motion made by the lord treasurer, she had bestowed it upon Mr. Howland. But though he failed of it, (for Fletcher indeed had it,) the next year she preferred him to the bishopric. This bishop was sprung from a citizen of London, being the eldest son of John Howland, of London, gentleman, and Anne, the daughter of Greenway, of Clay, in Norfolk. This Richard was baptized the 26th of September, anno Dom. 1540. He had a younger brother named Giles; who was called Giles Howland, of Stretham, in the county of Surrey, knight. This Giles married Anna, daughter of John Hare, of London, knight. His second wife was Elizabeth, daughter of John Rivers, knight; by whom he had John Howland, of Stretham, knight, justice of peace in the same county, anno 1623, whose posterity continued. Meeting in the heralds’ books with the family of so memorable a person as this bishop, I thought it not amiss to insert it.

The learned men of this church of England made it now a part of their business and study to maintain and vindicate the church as it was first reformed and established, in respect of its doctrine and government; and both those of the clergy and those of the civil law bore their parts therein: such endeavours being now made by a disaffected party, (called puritans,) to overthrow this excellent constitution, and to bring in a new. Cowper, the learned bishop of Lincoln, (afterwards of Winchester,) took pains in this behalf. And in a book which he published, called, An admonition to the people of England, particularly recommended a Catechism for the doctrine of this church, and an Apology for the reformation of it, as abundantly sufficient to establish all Christians in a cheerful submission unto, and agreement in, the worship and service observed in it. For these are his words: “I think it very superfluous and needless to make a new catechism, or pen a new confession of the church of England, [which, it seems, some now endeavoured to bring to pass,] seeing they both are so sufficiently performed, that, without envy be it spoken, there is none better in any reformed church in Europe. For a catechism I refer them to that which was made by the learned and godly man, Mr. Nowel, dean of Paul’s; received and allowed by the church of England, and very fully grounded and established upon the word of God. There may you see all the parts of true religion received, the difficulties expounded, the truth declared, the corruptions of the church of Rome rejected.... But this I like not (added the bishop) in our church, that it is lawful for every man to set forth a new catechism at his pleasure, &c. whereby it is made a principal instrument to maintain and increase discord and dissension in the church.”

And then for the Apology thus he proceeds: “For a sound and true confession, acknowledged by this our church, I refer them to that notable Apology of the English church, written not many years since by the Jewel of England, late bishop of Salisbury; wherein they shall find all parts of Christian religion confessed, and proved both by the testimony of the canonical scripture, and also by the consent of all learned and godly antiquity, for the space of certain hundred years after Christ. For the integrity and soundness of his learning and eloquence, shewed in the same Apology, they that contemn that notable learned man, because he was a bishop, may have very good testimony in a little epistle written by Peter Martyr unto the said bishop, and now printed, and in the latter edition set before the same Apology: where they shall find, that he speaketh not for himself only, but for many other learned men of the church of Tygure, [in Helvetia,] and other places.”

As for the laws, customs, and government of this church, they were very learnedly proved and maintained by some civilian, (Dr. Cosin, perhaps, or Dr. Bancroft,) taking now in hand the examination of a noted book, written by some adversaries, called, An Abstract, (which was a collection made out of the laws, acts of parliament, canons of the church,) in favour of the disciplinarians; and endeavouring to prove the deviations of the present bishops in their exercise and government. The book was called, An abstract of certain acts of parliament, and of certain of her majesty’s injunctions and canons, &c. The answer to this Abstract (coming forth this year) was entitled, An answer to the two first and principal treaties of a certain factious libel, put forth lately without name of author or printer, and without approbation by authority, and with the title of An Abstract, &c. In the second page of this answer the writer hath these words: “That surely, looking into the present time and occasion, he could not be otherwise led to think, but that this proctor of perverseness, being nettled that his clients were then, by force of her majesty’s godly laws set forth, to be recalled back from their fantastical breaches of the lawful unity and uniformity of this church, (too long by them used, to the great animating of papists,) and that none of his private hot apologies for them do give any sufficient colour of law or equity to protect them, doth now think he shall be sufficiently revenged by beating back one nail with another, and by objecting breach of law also to those grave fathers, whom her majesty hath put in authority for reducing of others to conformity of her laws ecclesiastical; whose faults and oversights, (if any such be supposed,) as they are not by themselves defended, or by others to be excused; so in Christian charity ought they not in this manner to be laid open, as Cham did his father’s nakedness to the thrusting through of religion by the sides of [the bishops] the ancientest, learnedest, and most godly professors thereof. Neither doth it become every triobolar mate thus covertly to carp, either at her majesty’s singular wisdom, who with the advice and assistance of her renowned, wise council, hath made choice of those fathers, as having more integrity and sufficiency, than he is willing by any means to agnize; or at the laws of the land, by the parliament heretofore established, &c. And so dangerous to enforce so great innovation, and yet so spitefully to sow seeds of dissension among the great men of the land. “And as to the end of writing this Abstract, the author pretended these pains of his chiefly to have been undertaken, that, by the better execution of these laws, many and notable points of such controversies as had been a long time among us might more easily and speedily, by the same laws, be dispersed: by which controversies and contentions about reformation of ecclesiastical discipline and popish ceremonies, he said, the quiet and peaceable state both of the church and commonwealth have been shrewdly troubled and brought in hazard, &c. But, saith the answerer, their drift was, the obtaining of sovereignty of seniors in every parish.

The want whereof bred these threats of hazard to the commonwealth; and which was the only thing they meant by reformation of ecclesiastical discipline, and the Helena which they contended for; nay, the popedom which they gaped after.”

And again; “That the principal scope of the author of this book [the Abstract] was covertly to bring the governors and government ecclesiastical of this church of England into contempt, hatred, and obloquy, especially with their prejudicate and unwary readers of it: as though the said governors were either grossly ignorant, or wilful breakers of laws, canons, &c. in force, touched in that book; yet in other points ready enough to put in ure other canons, constitutions, synodals, provincials of like nature, which served better for their purpose. If this were not his drift and mark whereat he aimeth, he would not have set his articles of A learned ministry by law commanded, in the vaward; and therein have spent almost half his book. Whereby, by like, he thought simple and affectionate readers would easily be led to imagine, that the chief governors in our church matters did hold some opinion to the contrary thereof, tending to the upholding of ignorant ministers. Wherein let the wise consider what injury and indignity underhand he offered to this church, to fain that to be holden and maintained, which is not; and by joining herein with the common enemy, the papists, in strengthening their hands; who also in seditious books do harp much upon the ignorance and dissoluteness of our clergy.”

To which objection of an ignorant clergy, much insisted upon, it was answered, “That howsoever some bishops peradventure inconsiderately heretofore had laid their hands upon some ignorant ministers, (which thing neither other godly men nor they themselves did afterwards well like of,) the objector’s own conscience, he dared to say, was witness unto him, that this church, and the godly governors therein, did disallow an ignorant ministry, and did with all their hearts wish it possible, that, rebus sic stantibus , every parish had a sufficient minister. And that in these respects it had been more convenient for him to have tendered another issue upon some points in practice in our church, namely, to this or the like effect; whether it be simply unlawful, that one should be admitted to minister the sacraments, which is not sufficiently enabled to divide the word of God aright, (ojrqotomei~n ), and to correct sin, and to instruct in virtue and good life; or else whether it be expedient, that all the parishes in England, either not able to sustain such a learned minister, or for the scarcity of such, so well qualified, not able to procure one such, be destitute of public prayers, and administration of sacraments, till such a preacher be procured unto them, or no?”

For to give a taste of this Abstract. In a section thereof it is handled, whether the sacraments administered by such ignorant ministers, and other parts of the execution of the officers, incident to the function, should be accounted duly and rightly done; in effect he answered, that the actions and public execution of their function by them done, should be of none effect.

For he made them to be no ministers that were ignorant and defective in some respect or other, when they were ordained by the bishop. But the author, perceiving the great inconvenience of this assertion, thus warily solved the matter: “That since no controversy had been moved touching the validity of their calling, state, and condition, and for common utility and a general error’s sake, therefore the things heretofore done by them were rightly and duly done.” But to this the answerer very well saith: “That since the controversy is now moved, with the actions done by such ministers, which after this time shall not be available and of force, what confusion and danger this doctrine might bring to this commonwealth, about the marriages and baptizings of infinite numbers by such ministers; whereby, by the laws of this land, the inheritances, dowers, and tenancies by courtesy, do greatly depend, I leave to be weighed by deep statesmen and wise counsellors,” &c. He addeth, “Whereupon it resteth still firm and inviolable, that if we have so many, (as he enforceth,) only pretended ministers in this church of England, and being so in deed and truth, then shall the actions and functions of the ministry executed by them be of no other force, [notwithstanding the common error which the writer of the Abstract would excuse it by,] than if they had been done by mere laymen, both in deed and common reputation. “Nay, by this man’s platform the priests made in times of popery, being not so much as capable of the ministry, and the ministers ordered in the time of king Edward, and of her majesty’s reign that now is, being no ministers indeed, because they were not chosen by the people, which the book and law required, [as that author asserted,] it will follow, that we have no ministers, in deed and by law, in this realm of England. For the answer shewed, how it was a piece of new church model, (and quoteth T. C.’s Reply for it,) to affirm, that not only the dignity, but also the being of the sacrament of baptism depended upon this, whether he were a minister, or no, that doth minister it. And then subjoineth the consequence, viz. that the common law of the land maketh espousals void, to the intent of legitimation, or inheritance of the children, where the matrimony was not celebrated by a priest or minister; and none to be capable of any benefit of a subject in this land which is not baptized. So that, as he concludeth, we see, a more pestilent platform, than this man hath laid against the particular interest of every subject in this church and commonwealth, cannot be devised by the most seditious traitor in Rome or in Rhemes; nor by the most stirring and tumultuous devil, if all that were true, which he and his complices do deliver unto us, as undoubted truths here, and elsewhere in their peremptory and perilous assertions.”

In short, however this abstracter of our laws maketh use of them to countenance and favour his assertions and reprimands of our bishops and churchmen, yet in truth he had little regard or esteem for either. For thus the answerer unveileth his good-will and judgment of them, in one place of his book; where he calleth her majesty’s laws, and all the ecclesiastical laws, “popish, and to be abandoned, and, as a froth and filth, to be spewed out of the commonweal. And that her majesty cannot gratify her capital enemy so much, as by authorizing and practising his laws. And it were not a dodkin matter, if all the books thereof were laid on a heap in Smithfield, and sacrificed in the fire to the Lord,” &c.

Besides this Abstract there came forth another book of the like strain about this time, called, The Counterpoison; which consisted of reasons for the eldership. For the controversies raised by the puritans were now very hot, and divers tracts were written and dispersed by such; accusing many things in the established church, in respect of the worship and discipline of it. And the churchmen took their opportunities to vindicate the practice and usages of it, and answer the objections made against it. And so (lid Dr. Copcote, master of Bene’t college in Cambridge, to his auditory, in a sermon preached at St. Paul’s Cross: therein taking occasion to give some answer to the aforesaid book, severely written by some of these disciplinarians. A part of this sermon they printed, and a Defence, by way of reply, of the reasons set down in the Counterpoison, in maintenance of the eldership, against a sermon made by Copquot, as they either ignorantly or abusively named him: who had laid to their charge, that they said, as I transcribe it from the book, “That the church of England was no church , but after a sort. And why? Because it lacked discipline. As the papists said of it, (saith the preacher,) that it is no church, but secundum quid. And that a city cannot stand without wall’s, neither could a church without discipline. The preacher confuted this from the holy father, Mr. Gualter, [as he calleth that learned worthy minister of Zuric,] upon the Epistle to the Corinthians: who writ there; That for lack of discipline, no man ought to depart from the church. And upon the Galatians, I do think, saith the same father, that if any man do ask of the form of discipline, that the same cannot be appointed in all countries and nations through the world.”

The preacher also confuted their ruling eldership, or presbyteries; taking occasion from a Catechism, printed at London not long before, being the Scots catechism. Wherein one of the questions asked was, What may the eldership do in the church? The answer is, Admit unto the sacraments, and exclude from them, according to God his word. And then the preacher shewed the two places in scripture about elders, by which the disciplinarians proved their eldership. The one was, where it was said, That the elders that rule well are worthy of double honour; chiefly, they that labour in the word and doctrine. To which Dr. Copcote thus; We say, this is understood of the preachers of the word. And so, said he, Peter Viret, and Nicolas Hemyngius, (learned foreign divines of the reformed religion,) affirmed it of such priests to be worthy of double honour. And whereas that book of the Counterpoison had said, that that understanding of the foresaid place of St. Paul, to be meant of priests and ministers, was taken from the interpretation of the Rhemist Testament; Copcote made this reply, That it was not so understood by the authority of the Rhemists, but the authority of the holy fathers. And then quoteth St. Augustin; who asketh the question, Who are they that do and govern well, but they that do and labour well in their calling. And St. Cyprian; Boni et fideles dispensatores, i. e. Good and faithful dispensers of the word, they are they that are worthy of double honour. And St. Ambrose; Presbyteri, i.e.

Priests or elders who govern well in life and doctrine, deserve double honour from them over whom they are set. And then he confuted another argument of theirs for presbyteries, from 1 Cor. xii. God hath ordained some in the churches; first apostles, &c. helps, governments. Therefore, say they, there must be presbyteries in the church. But said the preacher, I do not allow of this their argument, viz. That as they had such elders in the church then, so it must be now: for the learned Mr. Gualter saith, [upon the place I suppose,] “That where there were certain that would erect a presbytery hence, they must prove they have the same gifts that the presbytery had then; viz. prophecy, working of miracles, and other gifts, written there.” The said preacher concludes,” They that do these things are thought to trouble the order of the church of God, and to bring in contention. The civil magistrates went to get unto themselves ecclesiastical, authority; but this turned into the popish tyranny.”

I have been the larger in giving some account of this learned divine’s sermon, preached in that solemn auditory, the rather, because the church was at this time so fiercely assaulted by this sort of adversaries: and it is likely he had some instructions from the archbishop, or some other superiors, to take this opportunity to vindicate the present settled constitution of the church.

Yet, that I may not be silent of what these friends of the Counterpoison answered to this preacher, in plea for their party, I add these words, taken from the Defence of the reasons of the Counterpoison. “Where he [Dr.

Copcote] slandereth us, in saying we slander the church, &c. our words, our preachings, our writings, have always witnessed, that we hold the church for a true church of Christ. From which no member may separate himself: although he [the answerer] must disallow the wants in her.......

Have we not (yea, when we were unjustly deprived for not subscribing) adjoined ourselves to the church, in all the actions of the ministry, of the word preached, of prayer, and of the sacrament? Have we not by persuasion continued many in the bosom of the church? Yea, when through weakness, because of many abuses, they would have departed.”

In the midst of these sharp contentions, which greatly broke the peace of the church, and that between both, professors of the same reformed religion, I meet with a paper, written in Latin by some pious learned foreigner, as it seems, interposing his seasonable good counsel, (whether written this year, or near it,) being well worthy to be taken notice of, and preserved: tending so much to unity, peace, and concord; and to the healing these divisions among the clergy, and for the begetting a better understanding and Christian forbearance. The title it bore was, Fraternum et amicum de resartienda inter ecclesiae Anglicanae doctores et ministros pace, consilium: that is, A brotherly and friendly counsel of restoring peace among the teachers and ministers of the church of England. The writer of it seems to have been some person of great gravity, wisdom, and authority too: warning both parties by the most holy name of God; and shewing them how these differences were ready to create a plain and open schism in the English church. It beginneth with these seasonable words of the apostle; Si alios mordetis et devoratis, (ait Paulus,) videte, ne vicissim alii ab allis consumamini. It is endorsed, A project for a reconciliation in the church of England.

He shewed, “How the Greek church first of all contending concerning rites and ceremonies, and soon after quarrelling about the first article of our faith, on a sudden, as it were, fell oppressed under the miserable slavery of the Turks. Dear brethren,” added he, “take heed, lest, not sufficiently taught by the dangers of others, ye be at last compelled to grow wise by your own misfortunes. Nor let it deceive you, I beseech you, that ye agree among yourselves in the sum of the apostles doctrine, which to all good men ought to be the strictest bond; and that ye seem to differ in matters of less moment,” &c. But I recommend this grave and Christian counsel to the reader; who shall find it in the Appendix, preserved there at length.

CHAPTER 20.

The bishop of Winchester goes down to his diocese: desires a commission for recusants in Hampshire. Subscription required by the archbishop, of the clergy of Lincoln diocese, void. Account thereof from the archdeacon. Their backwardness. Contest about settling a master of the Temple. Hooker appointed. Travers’s Supplication. A note of Christopher Goodman. The popish faction.

Their great plot. The queen ode Scots privy to it: her letter. Sir Francis Englefiela’s letters to the pope and Spain.

To gather up now some matters of remark concerning some of our bishops, and their care in the government of their dioceses about this time.

Cowper, bishop of Winchester, lately translated from Lincoln, was now going down from London to his diocese. Where understanding what considerable numbers there were in those parts under his inspection, especially in Hampshire, that were recusants, chiefly popish, he thought it very necessary to take an ecclesiastical commission along with him: and that such men might be put into that commission as might be depended upon; that is, such as were no secret favourers of them. And some such he mentioned to the lord treasurer, to whom he wrote his desire in this affair, and the pressing occasion thereof. His first care was to inform himself of the state of the diocese. And for better knowledge of the same, as his letter to the said lord imported, “that he had ordered the archdeacon of Hampshire to make inquiry particularly of such as were obstinate recusants. And he was certified, that there were already presented by the churchwardens to the number of four hundred; and in some one parish forty or fifty.

And yet it was thought that, by the slackness of the churchwardens, a great number more were omitted. Whereupon he thought fit to arm himself with a commission, either ecclesiastical, or of oyer and terminer, or both: for that the country being in such a case, he was of opinion that there would need extraordinary authority: and that to be committed not to many: for he understood there were divers of great countenance would speak very well, but dealt very hollowly.”

And then recommending the lord de la Ware and some others, both of the laity and clergy, that he might be sure were sound and hearty. But the whole letter of this bishop in this weighty cause must be preserved. See it in the Appendix.

Nor was this all the pains he took in this affair, so important to church and state, against these underminers of both: for I find, that being now resident on his bishopric, he had a careful regard of the said county: which he found greatly addicted to popery; and that religion increasing; many being perverted by priests and seminaries creeping in among them. Insomuch that there was apprehended great danger from them, and of an invasion that way, lying upon the seacoast. This caused the bishop, either this year or soon after, to present the state of that place; and withal to give his advice to the rulers, for the better security of religion and the kingdom, in a petition to the privy-council. Which was thus entitled: The humble petition of the bishop of Winchester, the better to suppress the boldness and waywardness of the recusants in the county of Southampton . The petition follows, which I transcribe from the bishop’s own handwriting. “ First , That it may please your honours to renew the charge of diligently looking to the seaside, and creeks, for the coming in or passing forth of ill disposed persons. “ Secondly , That it may please you to give in charge to the sheriff, and some other of the most forward gentlemen, once in a month or three weeks, upon the sudden, to have a privy search in sundry suspected places; where it is thought the Jesuits or seminary men have their recourse and refuge, to seduce her majesty’s subjects. “ Thirdly , That an hundred or two of obstinate recusants, lusty men, well able to labour, may by some convenient commission be taken up and sent into Flanders, as pyoners and labourers. Whereby the country shall be disburdened of a company of dangerous people; and the residue that remain be put in some fear, that they may not so fast revolt as now they do. “ Fourthly , If it shall please your honours to grant liberty to any of those gentlemen that shall compound with her majesty, according to your lordship’s late letters, that the same may not be suffered to remain in the same shire, but to be assigned to some other place where they may do less harm: for undoubtedly they that have remained there have stolen away the people’s hearts mightily; and’ daily do continue so to do: for even this last Easter, upon some secret fact purposely wrought, five hundred persons have refused to communicate more than before did in....... will fall out to further inconvenience, ” &c. The rest is defaced.

Subscription to the articles for conformity were now pressed upon all persons that had curacies and benefices in the church, and cure of souls.

But many that scrupled subscription had great friends at court: and they were put in hopes to be dispensed with, or at least the time of their sequestration put off. Many such were in the diocese of Lincoln, now vacant of a bishop; and had made their address to the lords of the council for their favour. In this vacancy the archbishop took the care of it in that particular respect of subscription. And for that purpose sent special order and direction to one Mr. Barfoot, archdeacon of Lincoln, leaving the care thereof to him: and to give him [the archbishop] account what he had done therein. To which he accordingly did at large in a particular letter from Lincoln. A short mention hereof was given in the Life of Archbishop, Whitgift. But here I shall give the whole letter at length, which will open several particulars of the management of that affair, with those scrupulous ministers. And that related so fully, that the said archbishop thought fit to send the letter to the lord treasurer for him to peruse: that the court might be the better acquainted with the state of the clergy in those parts, and how they stood affected: “That according to his grace’s direction sent unto him by Mr. Randes, he had exhorted the ministers there, recusants, to subscribe. That they would leave off their fantasies, conceived without any ground of learning, and listen unto his grace, and other fathers, and learned counsel: signifying also unto them, that his grace’s pleasure was, that they still should remain in the state of suspension; but that the sequestration of the fruits of their benefices should be stayed for a season; so that they would in the mean time provide sufficient and conformable men to serve in their several cures. That so many as were with him with one consent answered, that they looked for other news from his grace: some of them affirming, that they had already informed some of the council, (he knew not, he said, upon what presumption,) that they should be restored to their preaching and ministering, in their own cures at the least. And indeed certain of them affirmed that my lord [bishop] of Winton [lately their bishop of Lincoln] had said in their hearing, that he could wish it were so for a season, till they might, the better bethink themselves of their conformity: always reletting himself, as they themselves reported, unto his grace of Canterbury’s good liking thereof.”

To this, he told them, “That they had very small cause given them by these speeches [of their late bishop] to deliver any such information unto their honours [of the council.] Notwithstanding they found very great fault with Mr. Randes, that he, knowing his grace’s mind fully, would not resolve them thereof, before their coming to London, but suffered them to return with such vain hope. Barefoot answered them, that it was not meet that Mr. Randes, having a message from his grace unto him, [the archdeacon,] should publish the same unto any private persons, before that he had delivered it unto him. “Finally, That he appointed them the last day of the last month to conform themselves to subscribe; still advertising them, that they stood suspended, as before; and signifying unto them, that if by that day they did not conform themselves, he must presently send certificate thereof unto his grace. They answered, They would to London again, and renew their suit: and so departed. But upon what heartening he knows not. And that, as he was informed, they did presently, the next Sunday, betake themselves unto preaching and ministering in their several charges, as before. In other places than their own parishes he did not as yet hear that they meddled.”

And then he added these words as the effect of incompliance of these ministers: “But truly, my lord, the conformable ministry is very much grieved thereat. And divers said plainly, that if they had thought this would have been the end, they would have joined with the other in their recusancy, rather than have offered themselves to such reproachful speeches as were given out of them by some of that faction. For they told him, that there was a letter there in the country sent from Mr. Field of London [a great puritan] to the ministers in those parts, recusants, exhorting them to stand stoutly to the cause; affirming the same not to be theirs, but the Lord’s: boldly assuring, that such as had subscribed had made a breach, as he was informed Field termed it. And therefore rashly judging of them, that they never would do good hereafter, and slanderously terming them by the name of branded menne. He assured his grace, there was great grief conceived hereat: and that yet the matter was so closely kept among the recusants, that albeit they had many copies of that letter in their hands, and were contented to shew the same unto divers, to the wounding of their consciences, yet would they not part with any copy, but unto such as were of that side. He proceeded further about this letter, how he was informed, that if his grace dealt roundly with one of those, whom now by virtue of the high commission he [the archbishop] had before him, namely, Mr. Huddleston, vicar of Saxelby, he might happily attain the sight of the original: for that they were of good credit that told him, that he [Huddleston] had it; and, as they supposed, had it still.”

He added, “That he was emboldened to import this matter so largely unto his grace; for that he perceived there was very great muttering of these matters among the laity, as well as among the clergy: and, as he heard, such as were backward enough in religion, and more than half papists, were great commenders of the conscience of those men. So that the wiser, godlier sort were somewhat in doubt whereunto this matter would come at the end.”

And then concluded with these words: “Thus humbly craving pardon for my rude boldness with your grace, I beseech Almighty God to increase all his good blessings in you more and more, to the honour and glory of his holy name, and to the edifying of his church. From Lincoln the first of June, 1584.

Your grace’s most humble at commandment, JO. BAREFOOT.” These intelligences from Lincoln concerning the clergy in that diocese were so material, that the archbishop thought fit to send this letter to be perused by the lord treasurer; who endorsed it with his own hand, as sent him by the archbishop.

This refractoriness of these recusants, and their persistance therein, seemed to hasten more severe dealings with them; and some were deprived. There were letters of the council in this affair, and of the archbishop to them; which may be read in the Life and Acts of that Archbishop.

It falleth in my way here to mention some occurrences of certain of these puritan ministers.

A great controversy happened this year about the settling of a master of the Temple; to preach and minister holy things to the society there. Great endeavours were made for Mr. Travera, that had been reader there before.

And now upon the death of Mr. Alvey, the former master, much endeavour was made by some of the gentlemen of the Temple for him to succeed. But objections were made against him by the archbishop of Canterbury, on account of his taking orders from a presbytery at Antwerp, and want of conformity to the church of England. The letters that passed about it betwixt the archbishop and the lord treasurer will shew the matter at large: to which I refer the reader in that Archbishop’s Life. The learned Mr. Richard Hooker, (who writ the Ecclesiastical Polity,) recommended by the bishop of London, obtained it. But Travers made great objections against him, and his doctrines, preached in the Temple: for the particular knowledge whereof, recourse may be had to the additions made to the Life of Mr. Hooker before his said book of the Ecclesiastical Polity: where his answers to those objections are also set down by me from an original paper.

I add to what hath been related already, that Travers wrote a Supplication to the council; wherein he vindicated his ordination. To which Mr. Hooker also gave an answer: which remains among his works. Out of which Supplication and Answer I shall only take up a few remarks. Now for his ordination at Antwerp, he took advantage.of the canon; which he allowed to be among the ancient and best canons, viz. that none be made ministers sine titulo. And he had none; and so could not, by the order of this church, have entered into the ministry. (Though in truth he went over to take orders there, because he would not take them according to the form of our ordination.) And that when he was at Antwerp, and was to take a place of ministry among the English people of that nation; he saw no cause why he should return again over the seas for orders; or how he could have done it, without disallowing the orders provided in that country where he was to live; namely, to minister to an English congregation there.

In Hooker’s Answer to his Supplication, it appears there was a conference between them at his first coming to the Temple; wherein Travers took the freedom to tell him some of his faults: as, his praying in the entrance of his sermon only; and not in the end: likewise, naming bishops in his prayer: also, kneeling when he prayed; and, kneeling when he received the communion, and such like.

Whence we may observe the practice of the puritans then: for it was a custom in the Temple, in Mr. Alvey’s time, to receive the sacrament sitting.

Which Travers would have altered, and would have been done standing; and then walking away after the reception. For thus he tells us, “There was an order tendered, that communicants should neither kneel, as in most places in the realm, nor sit, as in this place [viz. the Temple] the custom was; but to walk to one side of the table; and there standing till they had received, passed afterwards away round about by the other side. Which being on a sudden begun to be practised in that church, some sate, wondering what it should mean; others, deliberating what to do.” Till such time, as at length by name, one of them, being called openly thereunto, requested that they might do it, as they had been accustomed. Which was granted: and as Mr. Travers had ministered his way, so a curate was sent to minister to them after their way. Whereupon this unprosperous beginning did so disgrace the order, that it took no place. And Travers so much offended, who supposed it to be the best, that since that time he contented himself to receive it, as they did, at the hand of others, but thought it not meet they should ever receive it out of his. And in my time, added Hooker, he hath always been present, not to minister, but only to be ministered unto.

This new order Travers brought into the Temple, but it would not be received; namely, that of standing and walking away at the sacrament.

Another order was devised; viz. to bring collectors and sidemen in the Temple: which be attempted in Alvey’s time: for which there was a request made to her majesty’s privycouncil; signifying, that this place did much want it, and that it would please their honours to motion such a thing to the ancients of the Temple. They accordingly wrote their letters to that effect. Whereupon, although these houses [of both Temples] never had use of such collectors and sidemen as were appointed in other places; yet they erected a box, to receive men’s devotions for the poor; appointing the treasurers of both houses to take care for bestowing it, where need was.

And granting further, [with respect to sidemen, as censors of men’s behaviours,] that if any could be entreated (as in the end some were) to undertake the labour, to observe the slackness of men, they should be allowed; their complaints heard at all times, and the faults they complained of: if Mr. Alvey’s private admonitions did not serve; then by some other means ordered; but according to the old received orders of both houses; whereby the substance of their honours’ letters were fully satisfied. But Mr. Travers intended not this, but, as it seemed, another thing, more agreeable to the discipline. Whereupon he complained, that good orders were withstood.

Giffard, minister of Maulden, was suspended this year for refusal to subscribe, and so was one Huckle, a busy disorderly man, and that kept nightconventicles, and a disputer against Athanasius’s Creed. Of both, accounts are given in the Life of AElmer, then bishop of London.

The minister of Boughton Mountchensey was another of those that were sequestered this year. However he was acceptable to his parishioners: insomuch that they applied themselves by petition to the lord treasurer, to restore to them their minister; with their names underwritten, to the number of fiftyseven; but not writ with their own hands. Which petition ran to this tenor: “We the inhabitants of the parish of Boughton Mountchensey in the county of Kent, whose names are here underwritten, most humbly desire your honour, of your accustomed clemency, to be a mean for us, that we may have our minister restored unto his pastoral charge; from the which he was deprived the 20th of June last. Who sithence his coming unto us hath continued very diligent and faithful in preaching the word of truth sincerely; whose travail herein the Lord hath greatly blessed. And so often as occasion serve, (which was divers times,) he taught us all dutiful obedience unto her highness, and unto all her godly proceedings. And at no time, unto our knowledges, hath he in his sermons, or otherwise, inveighed, or spoken against the Book of Common Prayer. And for his conversation, it hath been very wise and good. “Wherefore we beseech your honour, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, that we may have him again. Herein we are enforced to be so much the more earnest, as we have less hope to enjoy the like again, in regard of the very small maintenance which law hath provided for such an one among us. Thus hoping that your honour will pity the desolate state of us, who have lost our natural and loving pastor, and withal are utterly destitute of the ministry of the word; we commit the same, with all your actions, unto the protection of our good God: desiring him so to govern it, and direct them, that whatsoever you do, it may tend to the glory of his name, the good of his church, and the prosperous estate of her majesty, &c.

Your lordship’s most humble orators, THE POOR PARISHIONERS OF BOUGHTON MONTCHENSEY.” But what the faults and failings of this minister were, for which he was sequestered and deprived, will appear by a paper enclosed in this petition; with these words: The breach of the Book of Common Prayer in divers places. The marriage according to the book of Scotland, And his utter denial to accept the submission for the same enjoined him. A contentious and factious sermon, preached by him at Ashford, since Easter, as appeareth also by his own confession.

Christopher Goodman, a man of note of this party, (who had wrote a book in queen Mary’s reign, of the lawfulness of taking up arms against her, on account of her false religion,) was yet alive; and we hear of him now dwelling in Cheshire; and upon this occasion. When archbishop Whitgift was pressing subscription to the three articles, which made great heats about this time, Goodman wrote to a certain lord, [the earl of Leicester, I suppose,] that the papists in Cheshire and elsewhere rejoiced at these proceedings of the archbishop. This the lord treasurer communicated to the archbishop. Whose answer was this: “Goodman was a man for his perverseness sufficiently known, and some other ill-disposed Christians; who instilled these things into his lordship’s head.”

But, added the archbishop, “How can that please the papists, when they subscribe that in our Book of Common Prayer there is nothing contrary to the word of God? This cannot please the papists, which wholly condemn it.

They likewise subscribed to the book of Articles; which the papists count for heresy. There is therefore no likelihood that the papists can receive any encouragement by this subscription. But if he be encouraged at all, it is because this subscription is refused. And thereby the opinion of our service and religion, by some of ourselves, verified.”

The popish faction, the other enemy to the church, were now playing their game, for the dispossessing the queen of her throne, and for the rescuing Mary queen of Scots, and to set her in queen Elizabeth’s place, if they could. For the compassing of which purposes were combined together the pope, the Guises in France, and Philip king of Spain; (which was called the holy league ;) and the said queen of Scots privately holding a correspondence with them: which was discovered by letters seized. For letters passed between sir Francis Engletfield, a pensioner in Spain, and her; viz. of him to her, and of her to him. There was at this very time letters between that queen, and the queen’s majesty. But what thoughts she had of any good success of it, with other matters, by her said letters to that fugitive gentleman, may appear. A copy of which was endorsed thus by the lord treasurer’s own hand; (and so the more certain credit to be given to it;)viz. The queen of Scots to sir Francis Englefield, October 9, 1584. And seems to be copied from the cipher. It ran in this tenor: “Of the treaty between the queen of England and me, I may neither hope nor look for good issue. Whatsoever shall become of me, by whatsoever change of my state and condition; let the execution of the great plot go forward, without any respect of peril or danger to me: for I will account my life very happily bestowed, if I may, with the same, help and relieve so great a number of the oppressed children of the church. And this I give you as my last and final resolution: for [I] doubt, I shall not have the commodity to write it hereafter: to the end you should impart the same to whomsoever you think convenient. “And further, I pray you, use all possible diligence and endeavour to pursue, and promote, at the pope’s and other kings’ hand, such a speedy execution of their former designments, that the same may be effectuated some time this next spring: which is the longest time the same can be expected. And falling then, it.cannot be avoided or prevented, but that we shall see forthwith an extreme and general overthrow of our whole cause; never again to be repaired and set afoot in our days. “Of the 12,000 ducats, long since promised to myself, I have yet received no penny; nor my son: but 6000, of 10,000 promised unto him. Wherewith he is not a little grieved and discontent: and yet as well inclined to our designment as before; and in the rest of his doings and proceedings to direct his course, as I will advise him.

He is now despatching a gentleman of his, called Gray, to the court of England; chiefly to have occasion to visit me; and by mouth to impart unto me his resolution in all our affairs. The gentleman is catholic. God grant he may be permitted to come to me. Solicit with all diligence, that the 12,000 ducats for myself be sent with all speed. October 9, 1584.”

This letter will receive light by what our historian writes under this year, of sir Francis Throgmorton being taken up for treason; and the lord Paget and others fleeing thereupon into France: and that it was certain at this time a horrid piece of popish malice against the queen discovered itself by a book set forth, wherein the queen’s gentlewomen were exhorted to lay violent hands upon the queen, after the example of Judith. Quere, Whether the Scots queen was not privy to this treachery by what she called the great plot and designment in her letter.

She came now under a new keeper, from the earl of Shrewsbury to sir Amyas Paulet: wherein she suspected more strait looking to. Whereupon her abovesaid agent, Englefield, thought it of moment to acquaint both the pope and king of Spain with it: which he in another letter let her know: and withal sent a copy to her of what he writ to them both, dated January the 8th, 1585, mutatis mutandis , as followeth: “The queen of Scots pressing, that by the change of her keepers, and place of abode, the great appearance that she shall not longer have liberty, nor commodity of receiving nor sending letters, hath therefore written as followeth, the 9th of Octob. 84.

Of the treaty of the queen of England and me for my liberty,” &c. The whole letter before set down. Whereunto sir Francis Englefield adjoined this which ensueth. “Besides this written by the queen of Scotland herself, it is to be considered, that the queen of England and her council, having first, by printed libels, published the queen of Scotland to be a confederate practiser with don Bernardino de Mendoza [the Spanish ambassador, now commanded to depart from England] and Francis Throgmorton against the queen and realm of England; having also contrived and set forth a new form of association and confederacy, whereby all men shall swear and subscribe to resist and pursue all that shall pretend a right in succession in the crown of England; and now lastly, having changed the place of her abode and keepers, by removing her from the custody of the earl of Shrewsbury, and putting her into the hand of base and obscure heretics; whole affectionate, and at the devotion of her competitors; it is by these doings very probable, and in effect manifest to such as have had experience of the English government, that the queen and council of England have made a secret resolution, not only to deprive and disinherit the said queen of Scotland, but also to ruin her person, and take away her life, if the pope and the king of Spain shall not, within the time prescribed, find some means, either to deliver her, or at least so to occupy and molest the queen of England, that she shall conceive and find, as hitherto she hath done, till of late, that the life and safety of the queen of Scots is and hath been her own principal security and assurance. “And by this it is made evident, how vain and weakly founded those arguments and reasons were, which in the spring past did persuade, that the succours expected by the queen and catholics of the realm might without prejudice be delayed and deferred, till either the Low Countries could be recovered, the queen of England dead, or some notable mutation occurred in that realm. “And admitting that the said queen of Scots should escape this plunge and ruin intended; yet since her passing through the same cannot be without the favour and friendship of heretical authority, it were neither wisdom nor policy, but apparently prejudicial to the catholic church, to acknowledge the safety of her life, and enjoying of her estate, to the favour of heretics. As also if she perish, (which is now most likely,) it cannot be but very scandalous and infamous to his catholic majesty. Because he being, after the queen of Scotland, the nearest catholic that is to be found of that blood royal, shall ever be subject to the false suspicion and calumniation of leaving and abandoning that good queen to be devoured by her competitors, for making the way more open to his claim and interest.”

These secret intercepted letters make it evident how privy this queen of Scots was to this conspiracy against the state, and how fierce for overthrowing the whole government thereof by violent methods, to be used by the pope and Spain, whatsoever became of her. And we learn the title that king pretended to this crown, as next heir catholic to that queen. And how earnest these English fugitives were, forthwith to set upon this enterprise: and that queen also of the same mind; (guided, as it seems, by some prognosticators;) confidently averring, that unless they made haste, and began their business against England the next spring, they should see an extreme and general overthrow of their whole cause, never again to be repaired and set on foot in their days:” as in her letter.

CHAPTER 21.

Parry executed for treason. A cardinal’s letter to him. His speech at his execution. His account of his condition and quality, by himself given: false. Solicits to be master of St. Katharine’s; or for a deanery,,&c. Some account of him for some years past. Lives abroad. His letters from Paris, Venice, and Lyons. His intelligences from abroad to the lord Burghley. Comes home. He flies abroad again: and why. Prayers appointed upon Parry’s treason, to be used in the queen’s chapel, and in parliament: order of prayers for Winchester diocese.. Parry’s bold letter to the queen from the Tower.A nephew of Parry’s executed.

THE notorious treason of William Parry, a doctor of the civil law, (of whom something before,) was now discovered, and execution deservedly done upon him. Our historians shew us what it was; namely, to kill the queen, as she was riding abroad: and how he had encouragement for doing the fact from the pope; one of the cardinals, named cardinal di Como, assuring him of the pope’s allowance and absolution, as of a highly meritorious.act, in his letter dated from Rome, January the 30th, 1584. The very original whereof, in Italian, I have seen among the papers of the lord Burghley, then lord treasurer; being the pope’s plenary indulgence and pardon of all his sins. And it being so remarkable a piece of history, I might set it down from thence: it was superscribed, Al signore Guglielmo Parri.

Beginning, Mon signore, la santita, &c. The cardinal’s whole letter ran thus in English, as I find it translated in one of our historians; which I cannot but set down, being so instructive of what I have afterwards to add of this matter. “Sir, His holiness hath seen your letter of the first, with the certificate included, and cannot but commend the good disposition and resolution which you write to hold toward the service and benefit public. Wherein his holiness doth exhort you to persevere, and to bring to effect that which you have promised. And to the end you may be so much the more holpen by that good Spirit which hath moved you thereunto, he granteth unto you his blessing, plenary indulgence, and remission of all your sins, according to your request. Assuring you, that beside the merit that you shall receive therefore in heaven, his holiness will further make himself debtor, to acknowledge your deservings in the best manner that he can; and so much the more, in that you use the greater modesty, in not pretending any thing. “Put therefore your most holy and honourable purposes in execution, and attend your safety. And to conclude, I offer myself unto you heartily, and do desire all good and happy success. From Rome, the 30th of January, 1584.

At the pleasure of your signorie, N. CARDINAL OF COMO.” Holinshed, in his Chronicle, hath preserved divers particulars concerning this wretch and his treasons; taken from a book printed soon after his death. As, 1. A true and plain declaration of the horrid treason practised by him against the queen’s majesty; and of his conviction, and execution for the same, the 2d of March, 1584. 2. Edmund Nevyl (his sworn fellow conspirator) his declaration, subscribed by his own hand. 3 . The voluntary confession of Parry. 4. A letter of his to her majesty after his condemnation. 5. Another to the lord treasurer, and the earl of Leicester. 6. A letter of Will. Creichton, a Jesuit, to sir Francis Walsingham, concerning Parry’s application to him, with this case of conscience, Whether it were lawful to kill the queen. 7. Cardinal Como’s letter to Parry; certifying him of the pope’s pardon and indulgence, and encouragement to do the fact. 8. The manner of his arraignment. But leaving the reader to the historian for these, I shall relate divers other remarkable passages out of this man’s letters, or otherwise.

Notwithstanding his crime was so notorious and evident, this traitor had the confidence, at the place of his execution, to deny it, and to boast his loyalty. A report of whose speech at that time I have seen among the lord treasurer’s papers, endorsed by his own hand. And is as follows: “That he was brought hither, not to preach, but to die; and to avow his own innocency, which he had declared at the bar after his judgment, and would there seal it with his blood. His offence, he confessed, was twofold. The one in being reconciled to the church of Rome, (whereof he was a member,) both at Milain and Paris, contrary to a positive law only. The other in entering conference with his kinsman and friend, (as he took him,) Mr. Nevyl, and in concealing what passed between them. Which he did upon confidence of her majesty. To whom he had before bewrayed what he had been solicited to do. Being charged with cardinal Como’s letter by Mr. Topcliff,” [one emloyed in those days in discovering and prosecuting papists;] “and that therein he had promised to destroy her majesty; and was from him, as from the pope, animated thereunto: O! Mr. Topcliff, said he, you clean mistake it. I deny any such matter to be in the letter: and I wish it might be truly examined and considered of. “The sheriff requiring him to cease to purge himself, since the law had passed against him; O! Mr. Sheriff, said he, give me leave to speak; for this is my last farewell to you all. I die a true servant to queen Elizabeth: for any evil thought that ever I had to harm her, it never came into my mind; she knoweth it, and her own conscience can tell her so. God save queen Elizabeth; for a more gracious princess and sovereign was never any. I avow it before you all, and seal it here with my blood. I die guiltless, and free in mind from ever thinking hurt to her majesty. And I know her to be the anointed of God; not lawful for any subject to touch her royal person. If I might have my life, nay, if I might be made duke of Lancaster, and have all the possessions belonging thereunto, yet I could never consent to shed the least drop of blood out of the top of any of her fingers. “Mr. Treasurer [sir Francis Knowles] demanding of him, what he could say of the proceedings in law against him; he answered him, the same to be most just and honourable, pleading still his own innocence of mind; and charged Mr. Treasurer to tell her majesty, as he was a true counsellor, that he died her faithful servant; and prayed for her safety. I know her, said he, to be the anointed of God; and therefore not lawful for any man to lay violent hands on her. She is a most gracious lady, full of goodness, full of mercy.

And therefore to you, catholics, I speak it, serve her, obey her, honour her, and reverence her. She will never harm you. She hath said it, she hath vowed it: nay, she hath sworn it to myself, that while you continue her dutiful, subjects, she will never trouble any of you for your conscience. It is true, it is true, I tell you all for your comfort. “His guiltiness being urged by Mr. Treasurer, Oh! said he, I pray God, queen Elizabeth do not find, that in taking away my life, she hath killed one of the best keepers in her park. “Being exhorted by a preacher, standing by, to be sorry for his sins, to pray to God for his mercy: I will, said he and so said the Lord’s Prayer in Latin, with other private prayers by himself. The people there cried, Away with him, Away with him. The preacher again called on him to believe in the merits of Christ. Oh! said he, I do acknowledge there is no salvation but only in the free mercy of Christ. “After this, a pause being made of his execution, he said, he had written to the queen and council, who was lawful successor to the crown of England. That place was not fit to name the party. [Mary queen of Scots he meant, no doubt.] It sufficeth her majesty, and the council knoweth it; and their title whom he had named to them was just and lawful. “Some more time he spent in excuse of himself, to the effect aforesaid; and so was turned from the ladder; and after one swing was cut down: when his bowels were taken out, he gave a great groan.” There is a letter extant of Parry’s to the queen; but the letter he here spake of to the queen and council, concerning the lawful and right heir to the crown, I do not meet with it.

The condition and quality of this unhappy man may be better known by what account he gave of himself to the lord treasurer Burghley: who had asked some questions of one Lewis, his countryman, concerning him.

Which Parry coming to the knowledge of, was ready enough to give answer thereto himself, in a letter to that lord, dated Aug. the 2d; which he writ for very truth, and upon his poor credit, as his words were. His letter was in this tenor: “It may be, your lordship, desirous to know me throughly, or willing to answer for me upon some occasion, may be contented to see this much. Howsoever it be, I will not lose this advantage to trouble your lordship. Our surname of Parry is but, as it were, yesterday. The family known in Flintshire by the name of Bethels.

We bear for arms, ar. a chevron between three boars’ heads, sable, tusked, or. For antiquity there is no Flintish man can say more. The Vths ancestor best remembered, and next (above my father) was Ithel Vaughan, and was one of those that did homage to the prince at Chester, 29 E. 1. as appeareth in D. Powel’s book, f. 383. And so of these trifles sufficient.”

In a paper enclosed was as followeth: “I was born at Northhope, within the lordship of Inglefield, and county of Flint. My father, without question, a poor gentleman, was of no greater fortune than to be (as many gentlemen of that country were) of king Henry’s guard, and appointed to attend upon queen Mary, while she was princess. My mother was a Conway, descended of the house of Bodrythan, in Flintshire. My father had thirty children: whereof fourteen by his first wife, and sixteen by my mother. He died about the 8th of the queen; of the age of 108 years. His land was very small; his best living was a lease of his parsonage of Northope. Wherewith he commonly maintained seven or eight at that school. “My first fortune was to marry, in Carmarthenshire, one Mrs.

Powel, widow, daughter to sir William Thomas. My second fortune was to marry the widow of Mr. Ri. Heywood, an officer in the king’s bench, of good wealth. My state at this time, by my ill husbandry and liberality, is no better than these. I have 20l . land in Flintshire, of my own purchase. My wife hath 80l . yearly: whereof I have not handled penny for some years past. For unthriftiness I can truly say, that diceing, carding, hawking, or hunting, did never cost me 20l . The greatest cause of my charge hath been these, beside my trouble and travail: I do maintain at Oxford two of my nephews; whereof one is, or within few days will be, of the ministry. I do maintain one in France, one in London, and two at a country school in Flintshire. I have also maintained wholly, for these ten years at least, a poor brother, his wife, and a fifth son. What I have given, and do give weekly, to the relief of twelve poor folks in Northope, let other men report.”

And hence he took his opportunity to solicit this lord in this manner: “All this, my best lord, is as true as the “Lord liveth. Help therefore, I beseech you, or else you shall shortly see me and all these to fall at once. For truly they shall not lack, while I have. God bless you, and send us his grace.”

This is the character he gives of himself unto the lord Burghley. But there was another account given of him soon after his death, printed by C.

Barker, the queen’s printer; which his vain boasts of himself and his pedigree gave occasion to. For so that tract was prefaced. “That forasmuch as Parry, in the abundance of his proud and arrogant humours, had often, both in his confession and letters, pretended some great and grievous causes of discontentment against her majesty and the present state; it shall not be impertinent, for better satisfaction of all persons, to set forth, simply and truly, the condition and quality of the man; what he was by birth and education, and in what course of life he had lived.”

And then the relation of him begins: That he was one of the younger sons of a poor man, called, Harry ap David, that dwelled in North Wales, in a little village called Northope; and kept a common alehouse: which was the best and greatest stay of his living. That his mother was the reputed daughter of one Conway, a priest, parson of a poor parish called Halkyn, &c. That in his childhood he was noted, by such as best knew him, to be of a most villainous and dangerous nature and disposition. That he often ran away from his master, one Fisher, in Chester, that had some small knowledge in the law; who was often taken and brought to him again. That his master caused him many times to be chained, locked, and clogged, to stay his running away. Yet all was in vain; for at last he ran away quite from his poor master, and came to London to seek his fortune. That his good hap was, after his service in several places, to be entertained in a service above his deserts; where lie stayed not long, but shifted himself divers times from master to master. And then began to forget his old home, his birth, and education, and aspired to great matters, and challenged the name and title of a great gentleman, and vaunted himself to be of kin and allied to noble and worshipful; and left his old name, Ap Harry, and took upon him the name of Parry, the surname of divers gentlemen of great worship. And because his mother’s name by her father, a simple priest, was Conway, he pretended kindred to sir John Conway: and so thereby made himself of kin to Edmund Nevyl. What he had with his wives he soon consumed with his dissolute and wasteful manner of life. And when he had possessed himself of his second wife’s wealth, he omitted nothing that might serve for a prodigal, dissolute, and most ungodly course of life. His riot and excess was unmeasurable. He did most wickedly deflour his wife’s own daughter, and sundry ways pitifully abused the old mother. But this lasted not long; his proud heart and wasteful hand had soon poured out old Heywood’s wealth. And then he fell again to his wonted shifts, &c. This, and much more, is related there of him.

And in these shifts that he made to help his necessities, one was his application to the queen and some friends at court. And St. Katharine’s by the Tower being now void of a master, he put in strongly for it. And thus I find him addressing to his supposed friend, the lord treasurer, (to whom he had given such a good character of himself, in a letter written in May this year.) “Good my lord, pardon my importunity, so much warranted by the hardness of the time, and my secret contraries. The. particulars enclosed, [viz. the account of himself mentioned above,] favourably delivered by your lordship or master secretary to the queen, would undoubtedly remove all doubtful conceits of me in religion and duty. That were a small matter with the queen to avow my service with the credit of an hospital. Your earnest request to Mr. Secretary to further it, for your sake, to the queen’s majesty at this instant, will surely serve the turn.” And whereas another stood candidate for this mastership at this time, thus he added,” That he could not think it possible for Mr. Roukby, or any of his coat, to adventure more than he had done in her service. I would to Christ her majesty would command any further possible trial of me.”’ He proceeded, “That Mr. Secretary told him, that he thought the queen meant to give him a pension: that St. Katharine’s was in truth no other upon the reckoning: and yet, God knows, added he, there is a marvellous difference between the one and the other, in opinion and credit.”

Concluding, “Remember me, my dearest lord, and think it not enough for a man of my fortune past, to live by meat and drink.

Justice itself willeth, it should be credit and reward.” [Such was his vainglorious value of himself.] Your lordship’s faithfullest and most bounden, W. PA.” But in short, he obtained neither pension nor St. Katharine’s; this being given to another. Which neglect he resented.

I find him yet at London in September, undiscovered; soliciting business with the lord treasurer, for others as well as for himself. Particularly for sir Philip Hoby, governor of the Isle of Wight, under some trouble at court: whose loyal manner of proceeding, as he wrote, gave him good hope, that all should go well with him, by that lord’s honourable means and furtherance: that he was fully acquainted with his state, and daily occupied in settling such matters for him as might most import him in profit and credit. And that he would attend his lordship’s return from the court, to know his pleasure. And then concluded in a word for himself, “That in the mean time it should please his lordship to commend him as a fit man for a deanery, provostship, or mastership of request; it was all he craved. And so he prayed God to preserve his good lordship.” Dated from London, the 3d of September. For the rest of his story, and end, I refer the reader to our historians.

It may not be amiss to look back some years upon this false man, and his course of life, in his travels abroad; in the correspondence he held with the lord treasurer. Which I shall do from divers of his letters, written by way of intelligence to the said lord, pretending great loyalty.

After the queen had given Parry his life, condemned for an act of burglary, (committed on Mr. Hugh Hare, of the Inner Temple, breaking into his chamber, with intent to rob him,) he went abroad out of England; his great debts, by his extravagancy, growing heavy upon him. He had obtained some favour of the lord treasurer. To whom he mightily addresses himself.

And that lord, upon the protestation of his loyalty to the queen, and promises made of information from time to time, of what the queen’s rebellious subjects abroad were doing; and who and where they were. So that the treasurer gave him some countenance, and, as it seems, some pension. But he was false all the while, notwithstanding divers letters which he sent from foreign parts to that lord, and while he was beyond seas, at Venice, at Siena, and Rome, and Paris and Lyons: yet once or twice returning home for a time. And in those parts he played his tricks, in correspondence with Jesuits and English fugitives: and consulting with them in behalf of catholics, and for restoring the Romish religion in England: and still keeping in with his lord here at court, by his frequent fraudulent letters of intelligence; and always, as opportunity served, recommending the queen’s popish subjects abroad to favour.

He had been at Rome and Siena; and was returned into England anno 1577. And newly now come home, he gave the lord treasurer notice that he was ready to give him information according to certain instructions given him by the said lord. And now being in London, writ him a short letter, “That being wearied with his long journey, he deferred his attendance upon him until his coming to court: and spake of his having in his letters, both from Rome and Siena, advertised his lordship of some such matters as he had heard and seen in those parts:” [that is, probably, the treacherous practices of the English fugitives, and others against the queen and state of England.] “And how most desirous he was of his lordship’s good favour; upon hope to be able to do him. some such service as he never intended to do, or offered to any before that time.”

In the year 1579, I find him again fled hence, into France. And from Paris he writes to the lord treasurer, in excuse of his sudden departure; (to avoid, as it seems, his creditors.) “That as the manner of his departure out of England might in reason leave cause of offence behind him, so necessity, and his demeanour on that side the sea, might, and he trusted would, crave pardon for him. The rather, as it might please his lordship, for his dutiful mind, and poor good-will, long favour, and protection. And having, since the death of his late good lord and master, the earl of Pembroke, never served or followed any besides her majesty, whose faithful servant and subject he would ever be found to be; he hoped his lordship would not resist his humble suit, grounded upon no greater warrant, than his desire to deserve well of him by such service as he should be able to do his lordship hereafter.”

And then goeth on in these flattering, hollow words: “Good my lord, pardon my plain nature, if I seem at any time less ceremonious than your greatness or my duty do require. And be assured to find in me all plainness and truth.”

And no less than six other letters he wrote to the above-said lord in the next year from Paris, (where he was privately reconciled to the church of Rome,) still requesting that lord’s favour, and offering his service for intelligence: writing thus, “That he was emboldened to lay before his lordship the service of such an one [meaning himself] as studied daily, how and in what sort he might best and most acceptably discover his readiness to honour and serve him, &c. And that it added to his crosses, that it was told him, that his departure, and demeanour there, [at Paris,] had bred some offence at home.” And in another letter thence, put into the queen’s ambassador’s pocket, he signified, how his long or short abode there depended upon his good or ill speed in the service intended and mentioned in his letter.

And because there were suspicions and jealousies of his integrity and protestations of his loyalty; therefore, in the month of May, the said year, 1580, he addresseth another letter, to this tenor: “That the name and title of a true subject had always been so dear unto him, that he could not but hold him and his religion for suspected, that practised any thing against her majesty. Whose government and fortune had been no less comfortable to all good men at home, than strange and fearful to her enemies abroad. And that backed with his prayer, God preserve her from the one, and defend her from the other.”

Adding, “That he had heretofore purposely written some ordinary letters to his lordship, that thereby he might, without suspicion, write to him still. And thus long deferred to look carefully into any thing, until he might be settled, and better acquainted with some men’s proceedings on that side: and chose this way of sending, as best assured, and would continue it, if he might understand his service to be acceptable to her majesty, and pleasing to his lordship.

And that he found his credit and favour to be such with the best of the English and Scottish nations in Rome and Paris, (by the hope conceived of his readiness and ability to serve them,) that he doubted not in few months to be well able to discover their deepest practices, if the same may be nourished with her majesty’s charge, to be bestowed, as occasion should serve, in trifling gifts (rather of pleasure than price) and friendly entertainment: the true manner whereof should always appear to his lordship. That some in court had heretofore sought to draw him into this course. Which as he refused then, so making a show of his pretended purpose to move that lord’s belief, would forswear to follow, if it were not his pleasure to embrace of, and like it, in him. And then solicits his favour again, Good my lord, begin to look favourably upon me, and I will end in doing you service.”

He was frequently in his letters to that lord a solicitor for the English papists beyond sea, fugitives, and some of them pensioners of the Spaniard: pretending for them their true loyalty to the queen: and therefore that they might have favour shewn them. Such were the Ropers, John and Thomas: whom he recommended to the treasurer, “for their readiness and ability to serve his lordship: well worthy his good opinion and countenance.” In another letter he writ very favourably of Thomas Copply, commonly called lord Copply: who had that title given him by the French king; and was pensioner to the king of Spain. This man had promised great service to the queen in those parts. And a second letter, addressed to that lord in his behalf, imported, “That if his former letter, touching that lord Copply, proved serviceable unto her majesty, and profitable without offence to him, he should think himself very happy to have adventured thus far for such an one, as was very likely to be found, by his deserts hereafter, worthy her grace’s and his honourable favour. The necessity of the time; his credit, heretofore in England; his long services well entertained abroad; joined to the earnest and constant speeches of his dutiful desire to serve her majesty, if the same were taken in time, did put him out of doubt, that her majesty should have good cause to thank your lordship for so seasonable recovery of so necessary a subject. And that he sued for no greater privilege than many a true and faithful subject did daily enjoy. Land, liberty, and reputation should undertake for his good demeanour.” This Copply was a busy man abroad under the king of Spain, who had also given him an honourable title, viz. Grand master of the Maes, &c. and had sent him out a commander at sea, to make prize both of the English and Netherlands ships. And so very obnoxious to the queen. And this was the man Parry now recommended.

In the month of July, 1580, I find another of his letters to the same lord in behalf of the rebel, the earl of Westmorland, to this purport: “That if the most humble submission of the infortunate earl of Westmorland might, by his lordship’s means, be made plausible to her majesty, (his life and liberty once reserved,) he was ready, with great repentance of his error and fault, committed in his youth, to fall at her majesty’s feet.” And then adds his argument for the same favour to be shewed the earl: “I know not,” as he subjoined, “whether the reclaiming of desperate men doth agree with our state and policy. And yet it is daily seen, that the king, Christian and catholic, do it: yea, sometimes with advancement.”

I find him returned into England in the year 1580. And having had the favour to be the queen’s sworn servant, he writ another letter to his presumed patron, the said lord treasurer, in September. And therein brings commendations from Cavalcanti, (whom he calls sir Guido Cavalcanti,) an Italian merchant, trading in London in the reign of king Edward; and who by his diligence and abilities was made use of in messages from that king to France; and was so serviceable an instrument in good offices to the kingdom, that a pension was settled upon him for life, as our historians relate. Parry comes acquainted with him in Paris. Now concerning so memorable a man in our English history, we may have leave to insert what we find of him in Parry’s letter; viz. “That he was desired by sir Guido Cavalcanti to deliver his lordship his very humble commendations, and to tell him, that, his gout and other griefs greatly increasing, he was advised to remove to some warmer climate, for the recovery of his health. And therefore, desirous to depart in the grace and good favour of his majesty, he meant to come over into England for the winter: and so to depart in the spring for Venice: if he thought it, in this busy time, might stand with his lordship’s advice and liking. Of whom always and very often he had a very thankful and honourable mention. That he did mistrust that he had some hinderers of his credit with her majesty, and did not stick to name whom he suspected. That he thought his pension inferior to his deserts and service to this crown: having spent so many years in journeys to and fro, much more than might have bought such a living. But that as he and his name had lived under and served this state above eighty years; so, howsoever his fortune served him, he would die a faithful servant unto her majesty; and, in the mean time, bring up another Cavalcanti, to succeed him in devotion to this country.”

And then the writer proceeded to other matters. “ That discretion willed him not to be.too busy with his pen, lest at length it proved loathsome. But, as he hoped, it would not dislike his lordship that he moved the same for.so honourable a gentleman, so would he take heed how he troubled his lordship with any trifles.” And so, to shew his loyalty, he informed what he understood in Paris: viz. First, “That Julio Busini, an Italian, known to his lordship, now living in Paris, and following Cavalier Giraldo, late ambassador in England, for Portugal, was, as he had great cause to suspect, a busy dealer in English practices. That he writ very often to the Cursini’s. And that coming one day to his chamber, he found him deciphering of a letter, which that morning he had received out of England. That by chance he [Parry] fell upon a paper enclosed, [by him in his letter,] which, he said, he knew to be his hand; and believed that it did serve to decipher the other, being very close, well writ, and of that very kind.” And then added, “It may be such a cipher might come to his lordship’s hands. And therefore he thought good to send him this for trial.”

Further, “That he had divers speeches with the French ambassador: who seemed to deal plainly with him in whatsoever was greatest and most important. And comparing his discourse with some such as he [Parry] had had with the archbishop of Glasco, the bishop of Rosse, and Thomas Morgan, of late, he found them (for the queen of Scots) very like, and in effect the same: and that yet he knew the archbishop of Glasco to be made a stranger to many things, whereunto some others were privy. That he had rather, that his simple opinion of these matters should grow to his lordship upon question at his pleasure, than trouble the same with all he had heard.”

And then he falls in with his flatteries of the lord to whom he writ all this. “That he did receive no small comfort and contentation, that it was his good fortune to honour and love his lordship, of whom both catholic and protestant, on this side and that side, had in this latter time (for the best and greatest part) spoken much honour and good.” And then addresseth in these words: “Truly, my lord, it cannot be, that you do know in what estimation you live, &c. I would be very glad that it might please your lordship to give me leave to wait upon the same at your next going to the court, that I may do my duty to her majesty, sithence I am her poor servant sworn. In the mean time, and ever, I will honour, love, and serve your lordship, as my best friend, father, and lord.”

But Parry’s creditors, when he came home, were so sharp upon him, and especially Hare, (the same that he had once robbed by breaking into his chamber,) that he was glad to flee again out of England. But before he went, he tried his friends to be bound with him for that debt to Hare, which was 600l. But the former sureties thought fit to withdraw themselves out of danger. But he found other sureties for that debt: and likewise for the peace, to be bound with him in the king’s bench for 1000l . Who were sir John Conwey and sir George Peckham, knights. In these straits, he again earnestly applied to the lord treasurer. To whom he laid open his circumstances.

In the year 1582 I find him in Venice, writing to the abovesaid lord informations and intelligences. Such as these. “That it had been told him in great secret, (though he might not avow it,) that the queenmother [of France] lay in the wind, and watched to give our queen a mate, [i. e. her son, the duke of Anjou,] and would undoubtedly do it, if her majesty did not look well to her game. That they heard of great and daily preparations for the sea, in Naples, Spain, and Portugal. But not that don Antonio’s fortunes could serve him to offend the king catholic. That it was judged but a very slender policy, that we, having no ambassador in Spain, did still entertain the Spanish ambassador [viz. Mendoza] in England. Where, he feared, there was so much to be done for money. That many were of opinion, that it were a matter of less difficulty for us to continue the ancient league with Burgundy, than to continue our intelligence with France. With whom, for five hundred years, he did not flnd that we had any long peace. And out of doubt he was, that we had very mighty enemies in France to our peace. That our traffic to the Levant could not but be dangerous, and full of adventure for our merchants, so long as we stood upon doubtful terms with Spain, &c. That the prince of Orange was thought now to lie in more danger than ever; and that he shall not long escape, if practice may prevail.” [But it was not before two years after, that this bloody practice took effect, that is, in the year 1584; so long and implacable was the malice of this good prince’s enemies.] In the same letter he mentioned a book printed at Rome, and dedicated to the cardinal S. Sixti, entitled, De Persecutione Anglicana. “That it had raised a barbarous opinion of our cruelty.” Adding, “That he could wish, that in those eases it might please her majesty to pardon the dismembering and drawing.”

And concerning sir Richard Shelly, formerly lord prior of St. John’s, now a fugitive in Venice, he added, “That he was desirous to return, and professed very great services; if he were not disquieted for his conscience.”

This was written from Venice the 4th of May, 1582. No name subscribed.

In the year 1583 we find him at Lions, and then at Paris. His letters writ thence we have given some account of before. In 1584 he returned again into England, when and where he ended his wretched life, after he had the honour once to sit in the parliament house.

Upon the discovery of this so horrid treason against the queen’s life, and the present apprehension of danger from that implacable faction of papists at home as well as abroad, suitable prayers were composed, printed, and appointed to be used. Whereof one was used in the queen’s chapel, entitled, “A prayer for all kings, princes, countries, and people , which do profess the gospel; and especially for our sovereign lady, queen Elizabeth.

Used in her majesty’s chapel, and meet to be used of all persons within her majesty’s dominions.” Another prayer composed now, and used in the parliament house upon this occasion, had this title: “A prayer and thanksgiving for the queen: used of all the knights and burgesses in the high court of parlia ment. And very requisite to be used and continued of all her majesty’s loving subjects.” There was also a third prayer framed, and used in the parliament house only. Which prayers being scarce now to be met with, I think worthy to be preserved; and therefore may be found in the Appendix.

There was an order likewise of prayer and thanksgiving to be used in the diocese of Winchester: which was called, An order of prayer and thanksgiving for the preservation of the queen’s majesty’s life and safety: to be used of the preachers and ministers of the diocese of Winchester, upon the discovery of Dr. Parry’s treason. Which, I suppose, was compiled and set forth by Cowper, the bishop. First is set down the direction, how the minister was to use the order: viz. The next Sunday after his receiving it, he was to make a sermon of the authority and majesty of princes. And in the end of the sermon he shall set forth, and declare, the brief notes of the confession and wicked purpose, conceived by Parry, to have murdered the queen: animated thereto by the pope and cardinals. And then the extract of Parry’s treason follows, being his voluntary confession.

And lastly, he was to say a prayer for that purpose. And then to be sung or said the twenty-first Psalm.

And thus one of the good bishops thought fit to call his clergy and diocese to a due and public acknowledgment of God’s goodness in this great deliverance. The prayer having several historical remarks, as well as a devout spirit in it, I insert; and was as follows. “O eternal God and merciful Father, with humble hearts we confess, that we are not able either by tongue to utter, or in mind to conceive, the exceeding measure of thy infinite goodness and mercy towards us, wretched sinners, and towards this our noble realm and natural country, not many years since: when for our unthankful receiving of the heavenly light and truth of thy gospel, we were justly cast into thraldom and misery, and thrust again under the kingdom of darkness. So that our consciences lay groaning under the heavy burden of error, superstition, and idolatry: even then, even then, O Lord, thou didst vouchsafe, of thy great goodness, not only without our desert, but far beyond our hope and expectation, to preserve for us thy faithful servant, our gracious prince and sovereign queen Elizabeth; and to save her from the jaws of the cruel tigress, that then sought to suck her blood, and to work to us perpetual tyranny and bondage of conscience. Thus thou didst, O gracious Lord, undoubtedly, that she might be to this thy church of England a sweet and tender nurse; and that this realm, under her happy government, might be a blessed sanctuary and place of refuge for thy poor afflicted saints in these dangerous days, persecuted and troubled in many countries for the profession of thy gospel. Yea, and that our benefit and their comfort might be the more assured, thy divine providence, from time to time, hath many ways mightily and miraculously preserved and kept her from the crafty, cruel, and traitorous devices of her bloody adversaries, and the deadly enemies of thy gospel: which with barbarous cruelty had sought to extinguish the light thereof by shedding her majesty’s most innocent blood. “But this thy gracious goodness and mighty providence never so apparently shewed itseft at any one time, as even within these few days; when a traitorous subject, never injured nor grieved by her, but sundry times holpen, relieved, and countenanced, far above his state and worthiness, had of a long time retained a wicked and devilish purpose; and often sought occasion and opportunity to lay violent hands upon her royal person, and to have murdered her. But still the vigilant eye of this blessed providence did either prevent him by some sudden interruption of his endeavour, or by the majesty of her person, and princely behaviour towards him, did strike him, so abashed, that he could not perform his concealed bloody purpose. And at the last this wretched villain was by thy means disclosed; and his own tongue opened to conless his detestable and wicked intent. For this thine inestimable goodness towards us, O heavenly Father, with humble hearts and minds we thank thee, and bless thy name for ever and ever. For assuredly, if thou hadst not been now on our side, as the prophet saith, the whole floods and waves of wickedness had overwhelmed us, and we had been sunk into the bottomless pit of infinite and unspeakable misery. “We beseech thee therefore, O Lord, that thou wilt bless us so with thy grace, that we may be tightly and truly thankful to thee, that is, not in word only, but in deed also, daily studying to frame our lives according to the direction of thy holy word, which thou hast sent among us. And that her majesty, thus feeling the mighty hand of thy providence fighting for her safety, may more boldly and constantly with an heroical spirit stand in the protection and defence of thy blessed church, which by thy word thou hast planted amongst us.

And lastly, that the cruel spirits of Antichrist, that seek the subversion of the gospel, may by the hand of thy justice feel what it is to set to sale for money the infinite blood of thine anointed princess; which thou hast prepared and set up to be the nurse and protector of thy truth. Grant this, 0 heavenly Father, for Jesus Christs sake, thine only Son, our Saviour. To whom, with thee and the Holy Ghost, be given all honour and glory, world without end.”

There was also another prayer composed upon this occasion, to be used, as it seems, in the churches. The copy whereof in manuscript was sent to the lord treasurer for his review; and having some insertions of his pen in some places: it is large; and containing a grateful sense and acknowledgment to Almighty God for his wonderful favours to the queen, and therein to the whole kingdom, I have preserved in the Appendix. It bore this title: A prayer of thanksgiving for the deliverance of her majesty from the murderous intention of Dr. Parry.

What the thoughts of the court were upon the queen’s escape of this intended assassination of her, may appear by what the great statesman lord Burghley writ to sir Nic. White, his correspondent in Ireland; who had been inquisitive of that lord about it.

His words in his letter, dated in May, were these: “The matter whereof you writ, which, as it seemeth, hath stirred upon your spirits, is, I doubt not but by public writing, better known afore this time, than I think it was at the time of your writing: I mean the attempt of that unfortunate wretch, Parry.

God therein (as in many more, both known and unknown) hath shewed his singular favour and privilege to the person of our sovereign gracious lady.

For continuance whereof, we all, that enjoy the benefits which he denieth to the most part of all other nations round about us, are most bound to obtain of his mercy by prayer and pleasing of him.” This was dated from the court at Greenwich.

But before I have quite done with Parry, I cannot but make mention of his voluntary confession, writ to the queen herself from the Tower, a little before his execution. Which though it be set down in a tract, called A true and plain declaration of Parry’s treason, &c. and from thence entered in Holinshed’s Chronicle; yet being much curtailed there, and shortened somewhere in sentences, and somewhere in whole periods, I think the whole letter may deserve to be preserved: which I have done in the Appendix; as I transcribed it from Parry’s own minutes. I will give here an instance of a sentence or two, omitted in the printed letter: “Give some ease to your catholic subjects. Remember the rest of my letter, and you shall find, that God will bless you, foreign princes esteem you, and your subjects obey you. The indignities passed between your majesty and the king catholic are many: you have disquieted his state, maintained his rebels, and do bear with such as have robbed him and his subjects. Many merchants are undone. Some bad humours pleased, and yourself dishonoured,” &c. Many such sentences, and instructions therein given to the queen, containing his judgment in state-matters occurring at that time wherein she was concerned, and his advice and counsel, suggested to her with such authority, as though he had been her lawgiver, or at least one of her chief privy-counsellors; namely, instructions and counsels concerning the kings of Spain and France, and the queen of Scots, and the Roman catholics her subjects: for whom he interceded in a kind of threatening way, if she favoured them not. For her glorious title of supreme governor, he bade her forget it, as vain and false; which neither Luther nor Calvin, nor the catholic world allowed her; and even the puritans smiled at. For all these and divers other his confident expressions used to her majesty, I refer the perusing thereof to his letter in the Appendix, as above directed.

To all this that I have collected concerning this Parry, I subjoin the mention of another villain of that name, and his relation, who was a robber and murderer; and at length taken and executed at Oxford, about the latter part of queen Elizabeth’s reign. Of whom Dr. George Abbot, (afterwards archbishop of Canterbury,) in his book against Dr. Hill, gives us this remarkable account: That he was taken and convicted with one Richardson for a murder. And besides many other villanies done in England, and beyond the seas, he once robbed upon the highway, and murdered a drover, carrying with him some good store of money. He with his said fellow were afterwards taken, and prisoners in Oxford; where the said Dr. Abbot was with them, to visit and instruct them. When he observed, that it much grieved his fellow Richardson, then being in company, that Parry had slain the man; and his conscience, as he reported to Abbot and others, could in no sort be appeased about the fright and remorse thereof. But Parry bade him not to dismay himself; but prepare as soon as he could to fly after him into Ireland: for thither the principal murderer was hastening.

And from thence they would travel to Rome; where he had been with his uncle, Dr. Parry, before; and knowing the fashion of the place. And there he undertook to get a pardon of his holiness; and all should be as well as if it had never been. This Parry told Abbot, that he had been a page to a cardinal in Rome, an attendant on the duke of Guise, who was slain by the commandment of Henry III. of France, and of guard to the duke of Parma.

And therefore, as Abbot concluded, he might well be supposed to have known popish fashions. And for certain he lived a Romanist, and so professed himself at the time of his execution.

CHAPTER 22.

Dangers from papists in Cheshire and Lancashire. Creiton, a Scotch Jesuit, from Rome; taken: and examined, Popish books; writ upon the execution of Jesuits. Books in answer thereto. Proved that they were traitors by the statute of king Edward III. Dr. Whitaker’s application to the lord treasurer for the mastership of St. John’s college, Cambridge: his letters. Letter of lord Burghley to king”s college, in behalf of Mr. Cowel. Winchester college in danger, by means of forged writings. Dr. Bilson the warden’s good service. Remarks on several persons. Richard, suffragan of Dover.

Manwood, lord chief baron. Daniel Rogers. John Fox’s request for his prebend. Hurleston of Cheshire. Sir Edward Stradling. John lord Russel. Sir Philip Sydney. Emanuel Demetrius. WHAT reason there was now to have a strict hand over papists at home, as well as a watchful eye on those abroad, that which hath been related above will shew; and this hint will in part suggest; taken from a letter of the earl of Leicester, being now in Chester, to the lord treasurer Burghley; relating the insolency of the papists in Cheshire and Lancashire, (who had been favourably handled of late,) in these words: “There is great need to hold the favourable hand toward the papists of this country, [as] some had unseasonably moved there might be.] You will, not believe what harm it hath done; and how bold they be, I have written somewhat to Mr. Secretary; but at my coming [home] I will tell your lordship more.” And then mentioned one Barlow, whom some protestants of Lancashire had wrote their letters for, because of his age and infirmities, that he might be removed to some more liberty. And then adds; “My lord, he is the most arrogant that lives, not only in his religion, but in his lewd and naughty speeches openly, whensoever he is called. [i.e. before the ecclesiastical commissioners.] I am sorry to write it, but there is great cooling of protestants in those parts. And it is most true, and no marvail,” [meaning, while so many seminaries were harboured there.] The danger of the kingdom appeared further by Creiton, a Scotchman, and Jesuit. Who had been at Rome, and transacted for a great sum of money to be procured and sent into England for the Scots queen; and had dealing with Morgan, the Scots queen’s agent, and the Guises in France. But he was taken, by the diligence of secretary Walsingham, with divers letters also, discovering what they were doing. From which, and the knowledge obtained thereby, and the informations therein, the secretary drew up divers questions to be put to the said Creiton. Which will serve to open his treason.