CHAPTER 15.

A motion for peace with Spain. Deliberation thereupon. The lord treasurer delivers his judgment. A treaty begun with the duke of Parma’s commissioners. The articles propounded to Parma: broke off. The Spanish invasion. Consultation thereupon. Intelligence of the fleet from Spain. The queen’s preparations. Public prayers appointed. The Spanish forces. La felicissime armada, so termed.

Account of the Spanish forces in their books. The deist of this fleet.

News printed of the overthrow of the English. Friars aboard the Spanish fleet. Litanies used for the success of their fleet. The English nation at first in a dreadful consternation. A pasquil concerning the Spanish fleet set up at Rome. Their deist and miseries in Ireland. Sir Francis Drake’s letter from aboard of the Victory. Killigrew, ambassador, his letter to the States at this juncture. Rogers, ambassador in Denmark, his service there. King Philip’s words when the bad news was brought him. Public thanksgivings. The queen comes in triumph to St. Paul’s. A thanksgiving -prayer used. Exhortation to the people of England to be upon their guard. The cause of the queen’s taking up arms.

WE now proceed to the next year, viz. 1588, the wonderful year, as it was commonly and deservedly called, with respect to this nation especially.

Two weighty matters now lay upon the queen to be managed. The one was a treaty propounded to the queen by the duke of Parma, governor of the Netherlands, for a truce, in order to a peace between her and the king of Spain. And the other, the preserving herself and kingdoms from the intended invasion of the Spaniard.

Concerning the former, when it came into mature deliberation before the queen and council, in December the year before, and suspecting the motion was not sound at bottom, the greater care was taken how they proceeded, to go upon sure grounds; and particularly, not to leave those of the Netherlands, whom she had taken into her protection, to the Spaniard’s mercy. And in this weighty case the lord treasurer gave his judgment: which I find among his papers, written by himself; therein shewing what he thought advisable and safe to be done in the managing of this business.

This paper, writ by so wise and ancient a statesman, will deserve to be here transcribed, sent to the council (as it seems) in his absence by reason of his gout or some other cause. And was thus endorsed by his own pen: “To be considered what were meet to be done to procurea good peace. December 14. “ First , That a peace is most necessary, no man can deny. “ Secondly , That the obtaining of it cannot be without a treaty. “ Thirdly , There are requisite to that treaty these circumstances: “ First , A place convenient with surety.

Secondly , a cessation of arms during the treaty, as well in Spain as in the Low Countries.

Thirdly , An assent for commissioners for the States, either to treat for themselves, or that the queen’s majesty may treat for them.

Fourthly , That articles between the queen and the king of Spain to be such as may make a clear and an assured peace; without leaving such scruples and occasion of quarrels as hath been, for the queen’s subjects to be free from the inquisition.

Fifthly , That the people of the Low Countries, whom her majesty hath defended, may not be impeached hereafter for any thing done; but that they may enjoy their liberties and freedoms, and have the use of their religion, openly now professed in their churches: for the enjoying whereof they have all this time stand to their defence.

Sixthly , That her majesty may be duly answered of such sums of money as by contract with the States she ought to have.

Seventhly , That this may be contracted with the king of Spain, as hath been heretofore for the Low Countries with the duke of Burgundy: that is, to have the towns both of England and Low Countries bound to keep the peace, as in former times hath been.

“OBSERVATIONS UPON THE POINTS AFORE REMEMBERED.“

First , If it might be treated on in England, it were convenient and reasonable to be demanded for these causes. “England is without men of war and hostility. And so meeter to treat of peace. That reputation also requireth, that considering the queen’s commissioners to come from her person, ut a latere principis. The other come not so directly from the king; but are named by the duke of Parma, who is but a subject to the king of Spain. The commissioners of the Low Countries may come as safe from Dunkirk to Sandwich, Dover, or Canterbury, as they of England may to any place of the Low Countries. “ Secondly , The cessation of arms cannot be so soon in Spain as in the Low Countries; yet if the duke will avow that he hath power to covenant for it, and will send to Spain by post for it, it may be hoped to follow. “ Thirdly , It is requisite to hasten the answer from the States. And if they will obstinately refuse, yet her majesty may treat for herself. And in the mean time it may be hoped the States will assent. Her majesty also may by indirect means see how the States may be provided for, for their religion: which, if it cannot be obtained with surety, her majesty may protest to the world the just cause of breach. And so in like manner provide how the States may become more able to defend themselves. And her majesty also may percase make herself stronger; especially by procuring surety of Scotland; and by procuring further means to help her majesty to maintain her wars. “ Fourthly , If such covenants may be made betwixt the towns of both parts as hath been in former times, whereby may more assurance be hoped for of continuance of the liberties of the Low Countries, and conservation of peace with England. “ Fifthly , If the people whom the queen hath defended, and who also themselves have always persisted to have the use of their religion, for that purpose continued their defensible wars, may not enjoy that liberty for which they have continued their wars; then may her majesty justly refuse the peace; and wanting that special matter for which she hath attempted to defend them. And well may it be avowed to the world, that if the king shall refuse that, and so dispeople those countries of such subjects, her majesty may certainly look for the like peril from the king of Spain out of the Low Countries, that in her protestation published she did notify to the world to be the cause of her yielding to them her defence. “ Sixthly , Her majesty’s contract with the States may be avowed lawful, as a contract for a debt, whereunto they may lawfully bind themselves. “ Seventhly , That examples are extant of like contracts and bonds between the kings of England and the dukes of Burgundy, and of the abilities and towns of both sides. Which at this time is as necessary as ever was in any former time.”

For the treaty, commissioners were afterwards sent by both parties, and met at a place near Ostend. Those on the English side were divers honourable persons, as the earl of Darby, lord Cobham, sir James a Crofts, comptroller of the queen’s household, Valentine Dale, a learned civilian, and master of requests, and some others. They began their treaty in April, and continued arguing all the summer; in show rather than in reality on Parma’s side.

And after long delays and little done, Crofts, one of the queen’s commissioners, (who was very desirous to compass so good a purpose as peace, and to reduce all former quarrels to an amicable conclusion,) went privately of his own accord to the duke himself at Brussels: and there shewed him the terms required on the queen’s part, the sooner to have his answers. Which terms he drew up himself, and comprised in divers brief articles. And because these articles give light into the purport of this commission, and do not appear in our historian, this is the sum of them, as I transcribed them from a volume in the Cotton library.

ARTICULI A JACOBO CROFTO MILITE, PARMENSI PROPOSITI, IN PACIS TRACTATIONE.

“I. That the king [of Spain] his commission [by whose authority the duke had set on foot this commission] might be seen. “II. For a cessation of arms. “III. Treaties and intercourses to be restored. “IV. Correspondency for mutual traffic, [in the kingdoms and dominions of both princes.] “V. How the English travelling in the king of Spain’s dominions should be used in case of religion. “VI. To make an ajmnhsti>a of things done by the English. “VII. A concurrence to be put in action concerning Holland and Zealand; by what means to bring them to the obedience of the king. “VIII. A particular and general pardon. “IX. Toleration in religon as far as the king of Spain may grant with a safe conscience.”

But in fine, the treaty was broke off; intended in truth only for show, on Parma’s and Spain’s part, to hold the English in hand till the Spanish fleet was ready. So that in August, when both fleets were upon the seas, the queen’s commissioners came home, being conducted safe by Parma’s order to Callais: but Crofts was called into question for that journey of his to the duke of Parma, and his business there; and not having sufficient order for so doing, by the earl of Leicesters accusation, (perhaps upon some private displeasure,) he was cast into prison, though the articles were approved by the other commissioners, and agreeable to the tenor of the matters to be treated on.

Now next we come to see what great cause there was for the queen and her council and parliament to be watchful against the malice of papists: who had stirred up the pope and the king of Spain against her in the invasion with their (supposed) invincible armada, as they vainly called it.

The vast preparations for this grand expedition, the number of ships, seamen, soldiers, ammunition, the histories published in other countries, as well as our own, will tell us. Some further particulars whereof, with other matters of remark relating thereunto, I shall add, to illustrate this critical emergence of this queen’s reign, as I have met with them, both in more public as well as more private papers of state, concerning this formidable armada, with the absolute defeat of it: which I shall here communicate, the rather, to shew the signal providence of God to this kingdom in this notable juncture.

But before this enterprise against England was actually undertaken, the fleet now ready, the king of Spain entered into a deep consultation with his counsellors, whether it were more expedient to invade England or Holland.

And the resolution was for England first. This notable argument, with the reasons thereof, afterwards came abroad, and was published in a book Politicarum Dissertationurm. Beginning thus; quando stupenda illa classis regis catholici in procinctu stabat, in qua disputatur, quonam ejus convertend, sit impetus; i.e. That in the year 1588, when that amazing fleet of the king of Spain was in a readiness, it was concerted whither the force of it should be turned.

The discourse; Tanta hodie est Hispaniarum regis potentia, &c. “Such at this day is the power of the king of Spain, so strong his armies, so prepared for war, so fresh his glory newly added to his empire by Portugal; that nothing but what is signal, and worthy the grandeur of so great a majesty, seasonable to the present time and occasion, is expected from him.”

The resolution was, That England was the country that should be invaded rather than Holland first. And for this divers political reasons were urged.

The heads whereof were these that follow. 1. That it was easier to conquer England than Belgium, that is, Holland. 2 . The Dutch being malecontents were not to be provoked. 3. England, how powerful heretofore, and how at this day. 4. The weakness of England in comparison of Spain. 5. England wanted ships and forts; and also horses, and all other warlike preparations. 6. The English desirous of novelty. 7. The English hate the queen. 8. The English want only to offend, [i.e. to rebel in other terms.] 9. England began to decline. 10 . England destitute of captains for war: needy of money. 11. The power of king Philip. The naval strength of the catholic king. 12. Assistance of French and Scots. 13. The honour and glory of this expedition. 14. In England many catholics favouring the king. 15. England, as inclinable to the catholic religion. All these reasons were discoursed upon at large.

As to that head particularly, viz. The honour and glory of the expedition, thus the argument was managed: “That which in this deliberation must be considered in the first place, that respect is to be had in this matter, of honour and just cause of it. Since it is first the part of the catholic king to defend catholic faith and religion. That he be certainly persuaded in this confidence, that there will be no impediment that can retard this attempt of his, that is Divine praised subnixum, i.e. underpropped with the Divine safeguard: for weak and vain are human counsels and aids which oppose themselves to the will of that Supreme Arbiter. But besides these pretensions that the catholic king hath to this kingdom, the account of his duty and office, that he can undertake no worthier expedition in his own or ancestors’ name, who are called catholic; for this reason he shall not only on most just causes obtain the possession of the kingdom due to him, but shall gain to himself the immortal glory of his name above all other kings that ever were; namely, so ancient and famous a kingdom joined to Spain.”

Another argument, in relation to the catholics in England that favoured the catholic king; it was said, “There were very many of that sort that were on his side. And who knows not of what concern it is to have friends and favourers among very enemies? The destruction of Cauna sufficiently shewed this, whereby the Roman army was almost quite overthrown. Nor indeed is any place so fortified which may not easily be subdued, if within by the citizens, and without by the enemy, the fight must be managed. But in England are many who are addicted to king Philip; and in his cause will do what they can. And that was proved by three reasons. 1. King Philip’s clemency. 2. The English as yet inclinable to the catholic religion. 3. The mighty hopes of gain.

For the confirmation of this, it was said, that the catholic king doth not only himself abound in wealth, but in all his empire hath numberless gainful offices, as well secular as ecclesiastical. And that he hath most ample opportunities to be grateful to those that deserve well of him. And that it will be easy for him to draw the minds of the English to him; and to catch others with the prospect of some rich rewards.”

And to prove the inclination of the English to the catholic religion, thus this politician proceeded: “We know that England at this day is torn away from the bosom of the holy church, not by any inveterate or natural infection, but by the error rather, and blindness of Henry VIII. who suffered himself to be carried away by his lusts; so that he made no account omnia miscere, i.e. to put all in confusion. But if we look upon the nation of England itself, it is indeed evident, that from the most ancient times it hath been the most observant of the catholic religion. But if we consider the present state, we shall find it driven into this precipice, not by their own will and desire, but by the madness of the said king. Now if a view of the time be truly taken, this plague of infidelity may be looked upon as yet fresh, and the wound not yet skinned over. Nor are there many years since Mary obtaining the crown, the English were returned to the ancient catholic faith; and so openly shewed, that their minds were blinded with no other thing than by the drowsy lethargy that held the minds of kings bound and oppressed. And how can it be possible that the English should not be catholics for a great part, since either they or their fathers certainly were born and educated in this most holy faith?”

Then for the argument, Angli novarum rerum cupidi, thus it was argued; “That certain it was, that the study of novelties was inserted, as it were, by nature in the English. For that if any read the history of that people, he should find seditions, conspiracies, treasons, and the like, had fixed, as it were, a dwelling-place for themselves in that island.” And then examples were produced; adding, It would be infinite to relate all such matters. Whence it appeared, how easy soma confusions or disturbances might arise in that kingdom; especially, if men, of themselves desirous of novelty, and given to tumults, do see an armed adversary before their doors. To whom they (if for no other reason, at least out of fear of punishment for rebellion) will undoubtedly join themselves of their own accord.”

To that argument, Angli reginam oderunt, thus the same zealous statesman enlarged; “That since all, for the most part, of the English bore heavily the queen’s rigorous rule; as who, not only ruling with small prudence and moderation, but also inhoneste vivendo, raised up against herself the hatred and indignation of her subjects daily more and more; why is it, that we should not believe they will willingly cast off such a yoke, occasion offering? For though the people shew a certain singular observance towards that queen in their outward gesture and countenance; yet if any look inward, he shall find a bitter poison of hatred towards her, in the inmost recesses of their hearts. So that such words openly often, not only among the great ones, but among the common people, are tossed about, that since the queen was born in unlawful wedlock, she cannot hold the kingdom in prejudice of the true heirs, and against the statutes of the kingdom. Wherefore there is great hope, if the catholic king do arm against the queen, that the subjects will attempt somewhat remarkable for her destruction. Since so commonly it is seen to fall out, that the people, pricked forward by hatred, or some other affection, will snatch at any occasion of destroying whom they hate.

So the Tarentines, weary of the rule of Caius Liber, their prefect, received the Carthaginians into their city in his very sight.”

These were the deliberations of the Spanish council, as full of falsehood as malice, to stir up the king, forward enough of himself, to determine this ambitious purpose. But now to see how it Succeeded.

In the beginning of July, news was sent to the court by a gentleman, who had it from a captain named Gilbert Lee, lately come from the coast of Spain, and arrived at Portsmouth; and gave this information. “That upon the 25th of May, after their computation, there departed out of Lixbon for England an 160 sail of small and great ships, viz. 4 galleys, 4 galliasses, 30 hulks, 30 small ships, the rest armadoes and gallions. In the same fleet there are 30,000 footmen, beside mariners. Which fleet arrived in the Groine, all, saving the hulks. Which hulks are yet missing. The vice-admiral of the whole fleet is dead. And the sickness increaseth in the fleet. The general, being the duke of Medina, hath written to the king, to know his pleasure for the proceeding in his voyage. The fleet lieth within the Groyne in three several roads, three leagues from one another. And he said, that if there had come but fifty sail of ships, by reason of the sickness, and being so dispersed, they might have burnt them all. There is a preparing for a second fleet in Lisbone; which shall likewise come for England. “The king of Spain and the Turk have concluded a league for a certain time. This news he learned from three several ships, which he stayed; and that upon the coast of Biskay. In one of them this news was confirmed by several Spanish letters, directed from Antwerp. One that is part merchant and passenger in a ship that is here now, saith, that he will affirm, upon the loss of his life, that all this is true. This ship came from Bayon about twenty days past, and saith, he left all this whole fleet in the Groyne, saving the 30 hulks that are missing, wherein all his horses be. Since which time, he saith, they have had no southernly wind, whereby the fleet could well come out of the Groyne, until these three or four days. And upon the receipt of the king’s answer, they were presently determined to come for England. He saith also, that his soldiers and gentlemen that come in this voyage are very richly appointed; assuring themselves of good success. Insomuch as they might take up any wares, to repay it upon the booty they would take in England. “The duke of Parma did send a ship from Dunkirk to Lisbon, wherein there was an ambassador and fourscore gentlemen. Upon whose arrival the fleet departed presently. There was a report there, that the duke of Parma was come with his forces out of Flanders, and entered the Thames, and had taken London without any resistance, whereupon they were about to make bonfires. “The Englishmen that be in Spain do report very foul speeches of her majesty; and they and the Spaniards desire but to set foot on land, and all shall be theirs. He said, they made a just account to be received in Scotland. “He saith also, that he met with 25 sail of Frenchmen upon the coast of Biskay, which came from Lisbon. And after some conflict between them, and hurt done on both parts, they departed; and whither they went, he knoweth not. “I asked captain Lee, whether he saw my lord admiral at sea, or no, and he saith, he saw none of the fleet.” To this paper the lord treasurer set the date, viz. 5 Julii, 1588.

The state saw well the mighty preparations of arms and shipping that were ready to come down upon them. And the active queen made the best provision she could to receive them. And in order thereunto, one of her first cares was to get the nation in arms; especially those countries that bordered upon the sea. I have seen the queen’s letters to this purpose to the marquis of Winchester and the earl of Sussex, for Hampshire, writ in the month of June; now when already the Spanish fleet appeared upon the seas. “She first took notice to them of their former diligence in their lieutenancies, that her subjects in those parts might be ready in arms to defend themselves and her kingdom against any such attempts.

And the directions she gave she found so well performed by them, that she could not but receive great contentment thereby; and likewise for the great willingness of the people, generally shewing thereby their great love and loyalty. That she accepted it most thankfully; and acknowledged herself most bound to Almighty God, that it had pleased him to bless her with such loving and dutiful subjects. “And that finding the same intention now of invading and making a conquest of the realm, now more and more detected and confirmed; and an army being put to sea for that purpose, which she doubted not nevertheless, through God’s goodness, should prove frustrate; she thought good therefore to require them forthwith, with all the speed they conveniently could, to call together the best sort of gentlemen under their lieutenancy, and to declare unto them these great preparations and arrogant threatenings, now burst forth in action upon the seas: wherein every man’s particular state in the highest degree would be touched in respect of country, liberty, wives, children, lands, lives, and (which was especially to be regarded) the profession of the true and sincere religion of Christ.

And to lay before them the infinite and unspeakable miseries that would fall out upon any such accident and change. Which miseries were evidently seen by the fruits of that hard and cruel government holden, where such change happened, &c. “That she expected therefore, on this extraordinary occasion, a larger proportion of furniture, both for horsemen and footmen; thereby to be in their best strength against any attempt whatsoever: to be employed, whether about her own person, or otherwise. And the number she required them to signify to her privy-council.

Assuring herself that Almighty God would bless their loyal hearts borne towards their sovereign.” The whole letter, whereof these are but some short minutes, deserves to be preserved; and so it may be found in the Appendix.

Nor was this all the strength she expected from her subjects in the several counties, but she required moreover the highest rank of them, her nobility, to provide themselves, and their servants and dependants in like manner, with horses and armour, to be ready to repair, upon summons, to the queen, for defence of her person. And to this purpose letters were addressed to them from the lords of the council by her command. The minutes whereof, as I transcribed them from the lord treasurer’s own pen, were as follow. “Although we doubt not but your lordship heareth daily the reports made from the parts beyond the seas, what great preparations of forces are made, as well in Spain as in the Low Countries; and that in common judgment of men the same may be intended against the estate of this realm; yet because in the directions given these late years through the whole realm, for mustering, arming, and training of all persons for to bear armour, there hath been no special directions given, to require any nobleman to prepare himself with any furniture for the war for himself, his servants, and tenants; but that her majesty did certainly suppose that it was the natural disposition of the nobility without direction, to be armed, both for themselves, and for furniture of horsemen and footmen, according to their ability: “Therefore we, that have cause, by our calling in the service of her majesty, to have a more certain knowledge, than by common reports, what preparations are already made in the parts beyond the seas, very likely to the offence of this realm; for the defence whereof, considering that her majesty hath very providently ordered that her people in all parts of her realm should be in readiness under captains and leaders; and that it is the part of wisdom that her majesty’s person should have, in such a time of danger, a special army to resort to her person; to be directed by her majesty where cause shall require; in which service none are more meet to be trusted than her nobility: we have thought it not impertinent to this purpose, to impart thus much to your lordship, as one whom we know her majesty doth trust. And therewith do require your lordship to take it for an argument of special love to your lordship in advertising you of the premises. And in regard thereof we do not doubt, but that your lordship, with all the speed you can possible, will be furnished with armour and weapon meet for your calling, and of your servants and able tenants, that are not already enrolled in the general musters of the county, as special trained persons, to make as many horsemen as you can, both for lances and light horsemen. And for the more increase of horsemen, for want of sufficient number of great horse or geldings, we think your lordship may do well to increase your number, if you shall provide able men with petronels upon horse of smaller stature. “And your lordship being thus furnished, (as we hope you will,) we think her majesty will make good account of you among other noblemen, to repair to her person, when you shall be called. And your lordship shall singularly content us, to let us know by your letter, as soon as you may, what shall be the numbers which your lordship shah account to have furnished; and of what condition for this service. Whereupon we may, according to the good-will we bear you, impart the same unto her majesty.”

The queen also, to strengthen herself in this emergence, took up great sums of money of her city of London, which they lent her readily; each merchant and citizen according to his ability. And so did the strangers also, both merchants and tradesmen, that came to inhabit there for their business or liberty of the protestant religion. In all to the sum of 4900l. Whereof, among the strangers, John Houblon was one; (of whose pedigree, no question, is the present worshipful spreading family of that name;) who lent for his part 100l.

And together with all other human means, orders were issued throughout the nation for public prayers on Wednesdays and Fridays weekly, in all parish-churches, to be used, for deliverance and good success. And an office was composed for that purpose. And a citation went forth to summon the clergy of the city of London to meet: when a strict charge was given them for the due observation thereof. For so I find in a diary of one of the city ministers, viz. “That being called together, they were required to be zealous in prayers and almsgiving; namely, on Wednesdays and Fridays; and to stir up the people thereunto. And proper homilies to be read for fasting, praying, and almsgiving.”

Other particulars concerning prayers enjoined on this occasion may be read in the History of Archbishop Whitgift’s Life.

One of these prayers deserve to be recorded, in eternal memory of this imminent national danger; entitled, A Prayer, to be delivered from our enemies; which I take out of the book then set forth, called, A form of prayer, necessary for the present time and state. It ran as follows: “O Lord God of hosts, most loving and merciful Father, we thy humble servants prostrate ourselves before thy Divine Majesty, most heartily beseeching thee to grant unto us true repentance for our sins past; namely, for our unthankfulness, contempt of thy word, lack of compassion toward the afflicted, envy, malice, strife, and contention among ourselves, and for all other our iniquities.

Lord, deal not with us as we have deserved; but of thy great goodness and mercy do away our offences; and give us grace to confess and acknowledge, O Lord, with all humble and hearty thanks, thy wonderful and great benefits, which thou hast bestowed upon this thy church and people of England, in giving unto us, without all desert on our part, not only peace and quietness, but also in preserving our most gracious queen, thine handmaid, so miraculously from so many conspiracies, perils, and dangers; and in granting her good success against the attempts of our enemies. For the which so wonderful and great benefits, we humbly beseech thee to stir up our dull minds to such thankfulness, and acknowledging of thy mercies, as becomes us, and as may be acceptable unto thee. “We do instantly beseech thee of thy gracious goodness, to be merciful to thy church militant here upon earth, many ways vexed and tormented by the malice of Satan and his members; and as at this time, as it were, compassed about with most strong and subtle adversaries. And especially, O Lord, let thine enemies know, and make them confess, that thou hast received England (which they, most of all for thy gospel’s sake, do malign) into thine own protection. Set, we pray thee, O Lord, a wall about it, and evermore mightily defend it. Let it be a comfort to the afflicted, an help to the oppressed, a defence to thy church and people persecuted abroad. “And forasmuch as thy cause is now in hand, we beseech thee to direct and go before our armies, both by sea and land. Bless and prosper them; and grant unto them, O Lord, thy good and honourable success and victory; as thou didst to Abraham and his company against the four mighty kings; to Joshua against the five kings, and against Amalek; to David against the strong and mighty armed Goliah: and as thou usest to do to thy children, when they please thee. We acknowledge all power, strength, and victory to come from thee. Some put their trust in chariots, and some in horses; but we will remember thy name, O Lord our God. Thou bringest the counsel of the heathen to nought, and makest the devices of the people to be of none effect. There is no king that can be saved by the multitude of an host; neither is any mighty man delivered by much strength. An horse is but a vain tiling to save a man. Therefore we pray unto thee, O Lord; thou art our help and our shield. “O Lord, give good and prosperous success to all those that fight thy battle against the enemies of thy gospel. Shew some token continually for our good. That they who hate us may see it, and be confounded. And that we, thy little and despised flock, may say with good king David, Blessed is the people whose God is the Lord Jehovah, and blessed are the folk whom he hath chosen to be his inheritance. These, and all graces necessary for us, grant, O heavenly Father, for Jesus Christ’s sake, our only Mediator and Redeemer.”

This we may call a prayer of faith, in regard of the strong hopes of success to be granted to this kingdom professing the gospel; which accordingly happened.

And the queen had good reason to make all the provision that possibly she could against this mighty force, both by land and sea, that was coming with so much fierceness against this land; and reckoning themselves sure of a conquest by reason of their vast and (supposed) invincible strength. Which the Spaniard, the more to advance his glory and terrify his enemies, had caused to be known abroad in all languages, not only in Spanish, but in Latin, Italian, French, and Dutch, excepting English. That written and printed in Spanish shewed distinctly all the preparations of ships, their burdens, and men belonging to them: written, as it seemed, in a bravado, and confidence of victory. For they called it, The most happy armada; bearing this title; La felicissima armada, que el rey Felipe nuestro senior mando juntar en el puerto de la Ciudad de Lisboa en el reyno de Portugal; en anno de mil e quinientos y ocenta y ocha. Hecha por Pedro de Pas Salas. Which book nevertheless soon came into the hands of the lord treasurer Burghley. In which book, in divers places, I have seen notes added by the pen of that nobleman, soon after the defeat: as, what captains were taken or slain, or what ships were sunk, or taken, &c. Another copy of this Spanish book J. Stow, the historian, saw in the hands of the worshipful Mr. Anthony Radcliff, alderman of London, as he writ in his Annals, under that year, upon occasion of sir Francis Drake’s taking the great galleon, being of 1150 tons. Wherein was don Pedro de Valdes, one of their generals, as he found in that book.

But this book soon came out in English, translated from the French, and printed this year by J. Wolf, a noted London printer. Whence it may not be amiss to take some notes, that we may the better observe and wonder at a superior power interposing and overruling, on England’s behalf, at that perilous time.

The book translated bore this title; A discourse of that armada which the king of Spain caused to be assembled in the haven of Lisbon, in the kingdom of Portugal, in the year 88, against England. The which began to go out of the haven the 29th and 30th of May. The translator was one Daniel Archdeacon. Where, in the preface, the translator observed, “How that Spain had published his preparations, not to the queen, but to all besides ourselves, in Italian, Spanish, Dutch, French; and still by them thereby to discourage us.” For thus he tells the world:

He hath many huge ships, so many thousands of armed men, such multitudes of munition, as no man could deliver us out of his hand.

As if he cried out, (with Rab-shakeh to the Jews,) Let not England deceive you: for it cannot deliver you out of my hand. Nor let Elizabeth persuade you to trust in the Lord; saying, Doubtless the Lord will deliver us, and not give us over into the hands of the king of Spain:” as the writer aptly useth the words of Rab-shakeh sent by Sennacherib to good king Hezekiah, and his people, in such a strait as England and queen Elizabeth now was in.

In this book thus translated is set down (according to the Spanish copy) “the number of galleons, ships, pinnaces, zabres, galliasses, galleys, and other vessels, which were assembled in the river of Lisbon; whereof was chief and general the duke of Medina Sidonia; together with the burdens of them, the land soldiers, mariners, munitions, weapons, artillery, powder, and other furnitures for war which they brought, and for what time the said munitions shall serve.”

It would be too prolix to enter the particulars here, but too remarkable to be wholly omitted, as it is, I think, by our historians. And therefore I have comprised the sum of it shortly from the Spaniards themselves in their said book: see the Appendix. Hence it appears that fleet consisted of 130 ships, of 57,868 tons, 19,295 soldiers, 8450 mariners, and 2088 slaves; besides many other lesser vessels of attendance.

And further, for their surer success, their ships were furnished with abundance of friars, and religious men of the several orders of St. Francis, St. Dominic, &c. and of the society of Jesus, to the number of 180· And there was a Latin litany, called Litaniae, composed and printed for the prosperous issue of this expedition, to be used for a week together; each day having its distinct office. And moreover, for further good fortune, and to speed the better, their ships had each their tutelary saints and guardians; as St. Martin, (in which ship the captain general was,) St. Philip, St. James, St. Anne, St. Mary, St. Christopher, &c. By whose names all their ships were called.

But concerning the foresaid Litany, (which I found among some authentic papers of that time, brought over hither, or found perhaps in some of their ships,) I cannot but take some particular notice. It bare this title; Liranive et preces pro felici successu classis catholici regis nostri Philippi adversus Anliae haereticos, verae fidei impugnato I will give some brief account of it, and the prayers there framed against us, as heretics; as being the pretended grand cause of our threatened destruction. See the Appendix.

The mighty intent of this fleet (and so it was published in some of their books, and that not improbable) was, not to make a conquest of England only, but of the whole isle of Great Britain. And that from the Spaniards printed description of that armada. Wherein were specially named such a number of noblemen, princes, marquises, condes, and dons, that were called adventurers without any office or pass. And that such another number of men also, named captains and alferez, without office, and called entertenedos. As all those being in no service in the armada might be well presumed to have come with intention to have possessed the rooms of all the noblemen in England and Scotland; and those preparations for invasion, as shewn in their said books printed, were so grand and extraordinary, containing the particular long description and catalogue of their armada, together with a mass of all kind of provisions, beyond measure, as sufficient in estimation to be able to make a conquest of many kingdoms and countries; as a catholic, unknown here, wrote to the Spanish ambassador at Paris.

In what a dreadful consternation the whole nation was now, upon this hostile appearance on our seas, and our weak strength and opposition, in comparison with them, is lively set forth in a book of one of our bishops soon after. “Oh! my good brethren and loving countrymen, the view of that mighty navy of the Spaniards is scarce passed out of our sight; the very terrible sound of their shot rings as it were still in our ears: when the certain purpose of most cruel and bloody conquest of this realm is confessed by themselves, and blazed before our eyes, [in their books printed and dispersed ;] when our sighs and groans, with our fasting and prayers, in show of our repentance, are fresh in our memory; and the tears not washed from the eyes of many good men.”

But upon that grand defeat, the bishop represents England in another view: “When the mighty Work of God, and his marvellous mercies in delivering us, and in scattering and confounding our enemies, is bruited over all the world, and with humble thanks renounced by all that love the gospel, our Christian duty requires, for joy and thanksgiving, that we should be seen yet lifting up our hands to heaven, with thanking minds, setting forth the glory of God, and, with Moses and the Israelites, singing praises unto his name, and saying, The Lord hath triumphed gloriously; the horse and his rider, the ships and the sailors, the soldiers and their captains, he hath overthrown in the sea. The Lord is our strength; the Lord is become our salvation.”

For notwithstanding the prodigious strength of this Spanish army, consisting of such vast numbers of galleons and galleasses, and ships of great burden, replenished with such crowds of armed men, for landing and invading this country; all was but an arm of flesh: and in short, after divers engagements by sea, were utterly overthrown, and glad to fly away by the Orcades, on the north of Scotland, in their shattered ships that were left; till, after infinite hazards, shipwrecks, and losses in those seas, some of them landed on the north parts of Ireland.

Our historians are very brief and defective in their relations of the said ill success and dreadful shipwrecks and miseries of that fleet, that happened to them in those northern parts. Which may deserve to be supplied. Which therefore I shall do from the epilogue of a letter sent from one in England to De Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador in Paris; a copy whereof was printed in English soon after. It related, “How that famous fleet was driven out of our seas to the further north parts of Scotland, and driven by tempests beyond the isles of Orkney, a place above 60 degrees from the north pole; an unacquainted place for the young gallants of Spain, that never had felt storms on the seas, or cold weather in August. And about those north islands their mariners and soldiers died daily, by multitudes, as by their bodies cast on land did appear.” But I leave the whole relation of these their miseries to be read in the Appendix.

Upon the scattering and disappearance of this mighty fleet, this writing was fastened up to posquil in the city of Rome, to be read by all; as though the pope were in great concern (as no doubt he was) for the fleet’s flight:

Pontificem mille annorum indulgentias largiturum esse de plenitudine potestatis suae siquis certo sibi indicaverit, quid sit factum de classe Hispanica; quo abierit; in coelumne sublata; an ad tartara detrusa; vel in aera alicubi pendeat; an in aliquo mari fluctuet.

The forces that got on shore in Ireland, after some brisk skirmishes, were defeated, and beat by a much less force of the queen’s there. A particular account whereof I do not find in our historians; and therefore I shall also give some relation of it, sent to the queen by the governor and her officers there, in the month of September, soon after the action: which was to this tenor: “By other advertisements of the 14th of September, it is certified to the lord deputy of Ireland, from the earl of Tyron, being at his castle at Dungannon, that upon intelligence brought to him of the landing of certain Spaniards in the north of Ireland, he sent two English captains, with their bands, towards them, to the number of an hundred and fifty; who found them at sir John Odognerty’s town, called Illagh; and there, discovering their number to be about six hundred, did that night encamp within a musket-shot of them; and about midnight did skirmish with them for the space of two hours. In which skirmish the Spanish lieutenant of the field and twenty more of the Spaniards were slain, besides many that were hurt. “The next day following they did offer skirmish again to the Spaniards. Whereupon they all yielded. And so, as prisoners, were carried to Dungannon to the earl: who meant to send them to the lord deputy; being judged to be men of good value; and one thought to be a man that had some great charge and conduct of men for many years. Whereof the lord deputy will give knowledge, as soon as they shall be brought to Dublin.”

Then follow a list of the ships and men sunk, drowned, and taken upon the coast of Ireland; namely, 17 ships, and 5394 men. For the particulars I refer the reader to the Appendix. To which I shall add from the same paper Spain’s loss of ships and men in the coast of England; namely, 15 ships, and above 10,000 men, in a particular list: that we may, as it were, in one view, see England’s never to be forgotten deliverance, by the signal hand of God against that insulting, cruel prince, king Philip.

Many of these Spaniards, thus distressed, and taken in Ireland, were brought over prisoners into England; committed under custody to Bridewell in London: where we find them in September the next year.

Concerning one of these I make a remark by the way. One Giles Corit, of Brittany in France by birth, belonging to the sea, putting in at Lisbon when the Spanish navy was there ready to sail for England, was compelled to leave his ship, and to go with them in that unhappy expedition; (on this occasion getting up all the seamen they could possibly lay their hands on.)

This man at this time endeavouring to obtain his liberty, got a testimonial from Cyprian de Valera, a great Spanish officer, (now, as it seems, in custody,) who testified concerning this man as is aforesaid: and withal, that he was a poor sailor, an old man, and had a wife and three children, and was sick: and that all this account he [the said Cyprian] had from the relation of all the Spaniards that were with him. And this he testified the l3th of September, 1589, under his hand, Cyprianus de Valero.

In this grand decisive action, some particular information two letters will communicate, written at that very juncture by two men of eminence, the one sir Fra. Drake, from on board his ship the Revenge, and the other sir Henry Killigrew, the queen’s ambassador, then with the states of Holland.

In Drake’s letter, which was written to the lord treasurer, dated June 6, he shewed how the queen’s fleet then at Plymouth was in every moment’s expectation of the Spaniard; and that when they were in sight, what courage and bravery appeared in the English, however prodigiously great the enemy’s navy appeared: that a skipper of an hulk, that gave them the first notice of them, could not number them, but supposed them to amount to 150 or 200 sail: and that the lord admiral stood so well affected for all honourable service, as assured his followers of good success, and hope of victory. And so ending with his prayers, not doubting of the enemy. But take the letter, as I offer it from the very original. See the Appendix.

Concluding piously, “That he daily prayed to God to bless her majesty, and to give them grace to fear him. For so should they not need to doubt the enemy, although they were many.”

When the fleets were in face of one another on our seas, and some engagements passed between them, (wherein one of the enemy’s great ships was destroyed near Calice,) Killigrew, the queen’s ambassador in Holland, thought it necessary to excite the States now to assist, and particularly to be ready, and to watch the duke of Parma, who with his forces was going to carry aid from Dunkirk, and to join the Spanish fleet: and when he returned was like to attack some of their towns. For this purpose Killigrew, being now at Leyden, despatched a letter, dated Aug. 3, to Van-der-Myle, president of the States at the Hague, wherein (with the preface of Illustrissime Domine) he acquainted him, “that coming to Leyden, narratum est a quodam, qui se intra biduum Caletis profectum, &c. it was told him by one [probably his spy,] who but two days past came from Calice, that the Monday before, there was a terrible fight between her majesty’s fleet and that of Spain; when, he said, he saw one great galliass taken, although he thought the ship itself perished, but all the goods carried off:” [this was the vessel wherein don Hugo de Moncada was slain, and 686 men besides perished.] “And that it was done within a gun-shot of Calice: that the same person further informed him, that on Wednesday following, her majesty’s commissioners [who were the earl of Derby and others, that had been sent to treat with Parma about terms of peace in show] “came all safe to Calice, in orderto their coming home. On which account, that now all treaty of peace being broke off, the ambassador beseethed Vander Myle, that the States would hasten with all diligence the sending away the letters to her majesty which were that morning read in their council. And added, that all those forces which went aboard at Dunkirk, in order to strengthen the Spanish army, were landed again by order of the duke, as reckoning it not safe to go from shore, the English fleet being so near. And that this was matter, the ambassador said, he doubted not, sufficient to admonish him [the said president] how necessary it was, that Ostend and Berghen [two strong places, being garrisons held by the English] should be provided for. Wherefore he earnestly entreated his excellency, that he would persuade count Maurice to solicit the states of Zealand, that there be sent in time to those cities provisions, and other necessaries for their aid.”

Concluding in these words: “In which things, as I require, most confident in your pains and industry; so I would you should be persuaded, that in the like case I shall never be wanting to serve you. Farewell. Dated from Leyden, Aug. 3, 1588.”

And this warning of the ambassador was not without ground: for the duke of Parma, soon after his departure from Dunkirk, made use of his forces, and set upon Bergen, and laid close siege to it; but was several times beat by the English garrison there. Insomuch that he brake up the siege after the loss of 400 men, as our historian tells.

The queen had another ambassador now at the court of Denmark, viz.

Daniel Rogers; who, by his prudence, stopped. an hired fleet of ships going from that kingdom to advance the power of the Spanish navy with greater numbers; for as it had joined with it ships from Naples, Sicily, Venice, so more strength was endeavoured to be procured from this country. But the said English ambassador, upon knowledge thereof, seasonably applied to that court to forbid the departure of those ships for that purpose, as being a violation of the good friendship between the two kingdoms. This transaction I choose to give in the words of the said ambassador, in his letter writ in August to the lord treasurer. “There were certain who had received commission from the king of Spain to serve him with certain ships, mariners, and soldiers upon the seas: which being invited with great stipends, thought they might so do. But being advertised of his matter, as they were ready to depart, I complained unto the governors [of the king, now a minor], declaring, how far the attempt of such men was against the leagues which were between the crowns of England and Denmark, and nothing conformable unto the sincere friendship which had been between her majesty and the king their master. Upon this complaint of mine, although the parties pleaded their privileges, the governors took severe order, that neither they, nor any other of the subjects of the crown of Denmark or Norway, or appertaining to the dominions of the king, should, either at this present or hereafter, serve against her majesty.”

It would be worth knowing how this haughty king Philip took the first news of the English conquest of his invincible armada. Our historian, in the Life of Queen Elizabeth, writes, that he bore it patiently, and thanked God it was no worse. But it is otherwise more probably told in a paper, written by a fugitive gentleman that lived in those times, namely, Anthony Coppley; being his Declaration of practices against her majesty’s person and government. “That he saw it writ in a letter out of Spain to a Spaniard in Flanders to this effect: that when news of the disgrace of the king’s late armada, or fleet, was brought unto him, being at mass at that very time in his chapel, he sware (after mass was done) a great oath, that he would waste and consume his crown, even to the value of a candlestick, (which he pointed unto, standing upon the altar,) but either he would utterly ruin her majesty and England, or else himself and all Spain become tributary to her. Whereby, as he gathered, it was most evident, that his desire of revenge was extreme and implacable towards England.”

But his priests could have told him the reason why be Was no more successful in that expedition against the heretics in England. “That it was a visible judgment on the Spaniard, for not expelling the Moors out of his country. For God would never make use of the Spaniard to reduce heretics to the bosom of the church, so long as they suffered so many Mahometans apostates to live among them:” as it is told us in the History of the Expulsion of the Moriscoes out of Spain.

Upon the first news of this wonderful deliverance and victory, the kingdom was filled with joy, and a sense of gratitude to God; and that expressed by special offices to be used in all the churches of the nation. The first notice given of it in public was, as I find, on the 20th of August, when Nowel, dean of St. Paul’s, preached at the Cross a sermon of thanksgiving, the lord mayor and alderman present: moving them and all the auditory to give praise and thanks to God for the great mercy. Again, Sept. 8, being another and chief day of thanksgiving, the preacher at St. Paul’s Cross moved the people to give God thanks for the late wonderful overthrow of their enemies, the Spaniards. There was then openly shewed eleven ensigns, being the banners taken in the Spanish navy; and particularly one streamer, wherein was an image of our Lady, with her son in her arms: which was held in a man’s hand over the pulpit. The same banners the next day were hanged on London-bridge towards Southwark. Again, November 17, was another day of joy celebrated, as well for the queen’s accession to the throne, as also for the said victory: when Cooper, a very learned and worthy bishop of Winchester, was appointed then the preacher at the Cross. At which assembly her majesty was to have been present; but, upon some occasion, she came not: and so her coming was deferred till the Sunday following. The 19th day, being Tuesday, was kept holyday throughout the realm, with sermons, singing of psalms, bonfires, &c. for joy, and thanksgiving unto God for the overthrow of the Spaniards: and the citizens of London then appearing in their liveries, and had another sermon at St. Paul’s Cross.

But November 24, being the Sunday following, the queen, (attended upon by her privy-council, the nobility, the French ambassador, the judges, the heralds, with noise of trumpets,) sitting in a chariot like a throne, made with four pillars, dragon with four white horses, came to the cathedral church of St. Paul’s; and joined in the thanksgivings there made, and heard the sermon, made by Pierse, bishop of Sarum, her lord almoner: and then returned through the church to the bishop’s palace, and there dined.

There was a prayer and psalm, appointed to be used duly in the parishchurches on this joyful occasion: and as there was a prayer to be said for God’s assistance of the queen’s forces, and their good success when they went out, and to lie continued while they were abroad, which was set down before; so the prayer and thanksgiving for the happy issue may deserve to be repeated and preserved here, as an eternal record of God’s goodness and England’s gratitude. It was as follows: “We cannot but confess, O Lord God, that the late terrible intended invasion of most cruel enemies was sent from thee, to the punishment of our sins, our pride, our covetousness, our excess in meat and drink, our security, our ingratitude, and our unthankfulness towards thee for so long peace, and other thine infinite blessings continually poured upon us; and to the punishment of other our innumerable and most grievous offences, continually committed against thy Divine Majesty: and indeed our guilty consciences looked for, even at that time, the execution of that terrible justice upon us, so by us deserved. But thou, O Lord God, who knowest all things, knowing that our enemies came not of justice to punish us for our sins committed against thy Divine Majesty, (whom they by their excessive wickedness have offended, and continually do offend, as much or more than we,) but that they came with most cruel intent and purpose to destroy us, our cities, towns, countries, and people; and utterly to root out the memory of our nation from off the earth for ever. And withal wholly to suppress thy holy word and blessed gospel of thy dear Son our Saviour Jesus Christ. Which they, being drowned in idolatry and superstition, do hate most deadly; and as likely only for the profession of the same, and not for any offences against thy Divine Majesty, or injuries done to themselves. “Wherefore it hath pleased thee, O heavenly Father, in thy justice to remember thy mercy towards us; turning our enemies from us, and that dreadful execution which they intended towards us, into a fatherly and most merciful admonition of us, to the amendment of our lives, and to execute justice upon our cruel enemies; turning the destruction that they intended against us upon their own heads. For the which the same thy most gracious protection, and all other thy graces, without our deserts, continually and most plentifully poured upon our church, our queen and realm, and people of the whole land, we beseech thee, add and pour also the grace of gratitude and thankfulness into our hearts; that we never forgetting, but bearing in perpetual memory this thy merciful protection and deliverance of us, from the malice, force, fraud, and cruelty of our enemies,” &c.

Soon after this notable exploit of the English arms, and deliverance from their late danger, the kingdom was still upon their guard, for fear of their implacable enemy, the ensuing year. And for this purpose a well-disposed gentleman of the queen’s household set forth, An earnest exhortation to the queen’s majesty’s subjects: to stir up the minds of all faithful subjects, to defend their country in this dangerous time from the invasion of enemies. And as it is added, faithfully and zealously compiled by Anthony Marten, sewer of her majesty’s most honourable chamber. I take notice of it here as a notable discourse, shewing and justifying the queen’s proceedings in her making war with Spain, soon after the defeat of their armada. “Wherein, as the author writ, they would not seem to war with a woman, but to prepare so invincible a force against her, as might devour her and her whole kingdom in a day, without any war at all.

But He, as he proceeded, that sitteth above casteth out the counsel of princes, and bringeth their devices to none effect: he hath destroyed their forces, and sunk into the sea their huge and strong vessels.”

And then going on, he gave some particular and remarkable relation of this fortunate expedition. “When the greatest princes in Christendom had with one consent conspired with the see of Rome to make war upon all the professors of the gospel, and to reduce them again to their abominable idolatry, or else to destroy them, that their name should be no more remembered upon earth; but especially perceiving the queen’s majesty to be most zealous of the truth, and the principal pillar on whom the church of Christ did depend; they devised many ways to deprive her of her life and kingdom. Come, say they, this is the heir; let us slay her, and the inheritance shall be ours. Then her majesty, knowing from whence the chief cause of their malice proceeded, and that the matter most of all claimed the glory of God, and next unto that the life of her own self, and of infinite thousands of her subjects; she hath since that time taken into her possession (though not the hundredth part of that which she might, and hath been offered her) [viz. by the oppressed in the Low Countries,] yet some part of her enemies’ weapons, as was lawful for her to do, for the better defence of her kingdom, and more safety of the church of Christ: since without those helps she had no safe way to defend herself. [That is, taking the government of those countries upon her.] Yet have these things been done of her majesty with such deliberation, advisement, and long protracting of time, as it might be evident unto all the world, that she sought nothing more, than to have her enemies, by some means or other, reconciled unto her, before she would enter into any new occasion for her own defence. And undoubtedly, but that it so much concerned the cause of God, and the kingdom of her ancient allies; all which she was bound to defend, when she took upon her the imperial crown; and that she saw, that if she did take whole kingdoms from her enemies by violence, they could never have been enraged more against her than before: she would rather have lost a thousand lives in her own person, than have touched any thing that should offend her neighbours, or might seem to belong to another. But when she saw that no other means would prevail: when her highness saw the Turks, Jews, and infidels were suffered to live quietly among them, without compulsion of conscience, but her poor subjects brought into servitude, unless they would submit their souls to the power of Antichrist: when for a most courteous entertainment of all their subjects within her dominions, all hers among them were either made galley-slaves, or else brought within the compass of their cruel inquisition: when neither her own friendly letters might be received as they should, nor her messengers of account regarded as they ought: finally, when they had decreed, that no faith was to be kept with us, and made us worse than infidels, because we have fled from their superstition, and followed the sincere faith of Jesus Christ: “Then her majesty, with all princely courage and magnanimity, began to stretch forth her power, to defend the cause of God and her own right. And these be the strong causes of their tragical dealings with us. Awake now therefore, my countrymen; pluck up your spirits, &c.”

This pious and well disposed writer, with his exhortation, had composed a suitable prayer to be used on this occasion; which was read, during this dangerous season, at the queen’s chapel, and elsewhere. Which I have thought not unworthy to be preserved among our records in the Appendix.

CHAPTER 16.

The Spaniards, after their overthrow, spread lying reports of their victory. Books thereof printed in Spanish. One entitled, Advice from London. Sir Francis Drake’s narrative of this engagement.

Don Pedro de Valdes taken prisoner by Drake. His examination: and ransom. His letter from Brussels sent to the queen. His complaint to her concerning his ransom to be paid to sir Francis Drake: the lords answer in the queen’s name. The queen’s preparations against the next year. Requires a loan of her subjects. The council’s letters to the lords lieutenants of the counties for that purpose. Don Antonio offers articles to the queen.

Reports at Rome, that the queen was taken, and to be sent to the pope. Triumphs there for this false victory. Intelligence from Rome, and other places abroad, of the king of Spain; and his purposes against the kings of Scotland and Navarr. A sessions of parliament. Bills brought in. Speeches made for and against them.

Declaration of the house of lords to her majesty, to assist her. BUT now let us look on the other hand, and see how the enemy behaved himself after this mighty disappointment, and what course was thought fit to be taken, upon this their miserable overthrow and defeat.

Their next care was to impose lies upon the world, to conceal their shame, and the disgrace of their proud king. For they studiously gave out nothing but glory and victory in their news. Such a relation was written and printed in Spanish, of their great success against the English fleet, and against the lord Howard of Effingham, lord admiral, and sir Fra. Drake, rear-admiral.

And this news was pretended to be sent from the chief city in England, viz.

London, soon after the action, to the Spanish ambassador, resident at Paris.

This pamphlet was brought from Flanders to England by a Spaniard, who had removed himself and family, about this time, hither: and being soon translated into English, was as followeth, with this title; “Advices from London, which our ambassador, resident for our king in Paris, received. “By news from London of the 26th of August, it is certainly known by persons of credit, that the queen’s admiral general was arrived in the river of London with don. 25 or 26 ships, without his admiral [ship] that he went forth in: the which was taken by our admiral St. John. And it is public in England, that to cover the loss of his said ship, he gave out, that he had changed shipping for one that was swifter of sail, the better to follow our armada: being notwithstanding certainly proved, that he saved himself in a boat, when he lost his ship; and that Drake was either taken or slain. The very same was confirmed by the way of Holland by a pinnace of theirs. And from Amsterdam, that the queen had commanded, upon pain of death, that there should be no speech of her navy: and that there was great sorrow in her kingdom. And that she had 30,000 men in field, between Dover and Margate, very raw soldiers. And that the catholics, perceiving her navy to be spoiled, had made a mutiny. Which caused the queen to go in person into the field. And they affirm for most true, that there is no ship or boat of ours carried into England, more than the ship of don Pedro de Valdes.

And that our armada was gone for Scotland; where they had taken a port, called Trepena Euxaten.”

There were also other Spanish letters stuffed full of lying intelligence, writ in September and December: which were brought into England by the foresaid Spaniard, and put into English. Which may be found in the Appendix.

The chief instrument of these vain and false reports, and the studious spreader of them in print, was don Bernardine de Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador in France; and who particularly was the publisher of the victory of Spain. Of whom one of our writers at that very time thus charged him: “That he was so impudent, or at least so blindly rash, as to disperse in print, both in French, Italian, and Spanish, most false reports of a victory had by the Spaniards, even when the victory was notable on the part of England, and the Spanish vanquished. Warning him henceforth to beware, not to be so hasty of himself, nor yet to permit one Capella, who was his common sower of reports, to write these false things for truths.”

But a truer and brief relation of this engagement, and the success on the English side, sir Francis Drake, who himself was a great captain in this fleet, gave soon after, being penned by himself, upon the vainglorious, false reports of the Spaniards. “That they were not ashamed to publish in sundry languages, in print, great victories in words, which they pretended to have obtained against this realm; and spread the same in a most false sort over all parts of France, Italy, and elsewhere, when shortly after it was happily manifested, in very deed, to all nations, how their navy, which they termed invincible, consisting of 140 sail of ships, not only of their own kingdom, but strengthened with the greatest argosies, Portugal caracks, Florentines, and huge hulks of other countries, were by 30 of her majesty’s own ships of war, and a few of our own merchants, by the wise, valiant, and advantageous conduct of the lord Charles Howard, high admiral of England, beaten and shuffled together, even from the Lizard in Cornwall, first to Portland; where they shamefully left don Pedro de Valdez, with his mighty ship, from Portland to Calice; where they lost Hugo de Moncado, with the galleass, of which he was captain: and from Calice, driven with squibs from their anchors, were chased out of the sight of England, round about Scotland and Ireland; where for the sympathy of their religion, hoping to find sucour and assistance, a great part of them were crushed against the rocks; and those other that landed, being very many in number, were notwithstanding broken, slain, and taken. And so sent from village to village, coupled in halters, to be shipped into England, where her majesty, of her princely and invincible disposition, disdaining to put them to death, and scorning either to retain or entertain them, they were all sent back again to their countries, to witness and recount the worthy achievements of their invincible and dreadful navy. Of which the number of soldiers, the fearful burden of their ships, the commanders’ names of every squadron, with all other their magazines of provisions, were put in print, as an army and navy irresistible, and disdaining prevention. With all which their great, terrible ostentation, they did not in all their sailing round about England so much as sink or take one ship, bark, pinnace, or cockboat of ours: or ever burnt so much as one sheepcote of this land.”

That don Pedro de Valdez, spoken of before, was sir Francis Drake’s prisoner; and after some years imprisonment here in England, paid a round ransom to him, before he had deliverance, and liberty granted him by the queen to return into his own country. While he was detained here, he was often under examination concerning the Spanish fleet, and the king’s purpose and design, &c. And in order thereunto a great number of articles were drawn up, (which I believe were done by the lord treasurer,) containing questions, whereunto he was demanded his answers. As, who had the king’s commission? How many were counsellors to the general by that commission? If the general should miscarry, who should succeed in his place? Who the admiral general was? Concerning the king’s sending a commission to the duke of Parma, to treat and conclude a peace with England? What opinion was had of the king of Scots, or any of his realm, to join with this enterprise, or to favour it? What opinion was had of landing in Ireland? How many places they had information of to land in England; and what succours promised to be had here? Whether any promise was made to have rebellion stirred in England, and in what places?

Several questions concerning the duke of Parma: as, what power was thought to come with him; and upon what occasion the king writ a particular letter to him? But I had rather transfer this whole paper, both questions and don Pedro’s answers, to the Appendix.

I shall only set down the last questions, (whence we may gather what was designed in this invasion.) “What determination was there for the proceeding against the queen, and the nation of England? To which don Pedro only answered warily, That he would not touch that string. “How would they have known rise catholics from the protestants? “To whom in the land should favour have been shewed? “Who should have had the title to this crown? “Whether should the nation have been ruled by the rulers of the English nation, or the government changed?”

By which state questions, it may appear evidently what was to be looked for from Spain, had their fleet prospered, and their army landed in this kingdom: as, that a fearful massacre would have followed of protestants every where; only catholics secured by some particular distinction made, to know them. The queen must have been not only deposed, but undergone some direful usage. New rulers, that were strangers, to be set over the nation. And the ancient government and constitution overturned.

The foresaid Spanish commander remained here three or four years; and now paying, or being bound to pay for his ransom, and of two captains under him, and other charges, the sum of 3,500l to sir Francis Drake, (whose prisoner he was,) he took his leave of the queen and court, and so departed for Brussels: having been very courteously and respectfully entertained while he remained here; and so he confessed and reported to his friends, when he was gone; and professed himself ready to do all good offices between the queen and Isis king: writing thus to the lord treasurer soon after his coming to Brussels, according as his Spanish letter translated ran, viz. “That coming to that court [at Brussels] he found in it the conde Defentez, who was a great lord, and his very friend: for it was years ago that they knew one an other: and signified unto him with what good entertainment he departed out of that kingdom, and the great favour he found with her majesty, and the great ones of her highness’ council. He told him also, how his excellency, [meaning the lord treasurer, to whom he was writing,] at his departure, offered him to receive his letters in good part, if he wrote to him; and recommended him to procure with his king all the good offices he might when occasion offered. To the end that this kingdom and the kingdom of Spain might return to the ancient friendship and league that it was wont to have: which, as he added, he then offered unto his excellency, as he was agent, to do his part the best he could, as he should spy steps open, that he might treat thereof without losing the least occasion. And promising, for the effecting of this, he would be always ready to give his excellency account thereof; so that he would shew him the favour to answer his letters, which should be for his service. And that in so doing, as he added, he had an intent to follow it earnestly, as he was bound.” This was dated from Brussels, March 21, 1593.

About a week before, he also addressed a letter to the queen, in acknowledgment of his favourable dealing in her kingdom, and by herself for his liberty; beginning with these words, as they were translated from the Spanish: “I well acknowledge the goodness that your majesty hath done for me, in suffering me to have my liberty: for the which I am so thankful, that all the days of my life I will have it before my eyes to do your majesty service, so far forth as my small power sufficeth,” &c.

But there was another reason why don Pedro made this address to her majesty; which was a complaint against sir Francis Drake for his very unjust dealing with him in taking such a sum of money for his ransom, when there was formerly an agreement (to which, he said, the queen herself condescended) for the exchange of one Mr. Winter (a prisoner under the Spaniards) and him, as he related it in his letter to her; viz. for the payment of 3,550l. of which sum Winter was to pay 2,500l, and De Valdez was bound for the other 1,500l. whereas the burden of the whole payment now was laid upon him. It is too long to relate the matter as represented by him.

It is certain, that soon after don Pedro’s being taken, an endeavour was used to get his liberty, by an exchange for him with an English gentleman that had been taken going by sea into France, and was now a captive under the duke of Parma in Flanders. His name was Edward Winter, son or relation (as it seems) of sir William Winter, sometime the queen’s agent, or John Winter, the famous sea-captain. The matter was transacted between some of don Pedro’s friends and Winter, who was held in some closer restraint by the Spaniard, that he might be the more willing to get his liberty, and obtain this favour from the queen. Winter hereupon sent two of his servants to the English court; especially, their terms with him being, not to grant him his liberty, unless by such exchange. And the report went, that the queen was inclined thereto. But in truth she would not yield to it. And why, the ensuing letter from the lords of the council to Mr. Winter will shew, (and is worthy inserting here,) by me transcribed from the lord treasurer’s own minutes. “Where, by two of your servants, named Thomas Hall and William Meredith, we understand, that you arc there retained prisoner; and that in a very strait manner, without yielding to you any reasonable composition for your ransom, or rather none, unless that don Pedro de Valdes, a principal captain in the king of Spain’s army, on that side, here prisoner in England, may be put at liberty for you; and that they which pretend interest in you affirm, that there hath been an intention here for the queen’s majesty to yield thereto; whereof because we never heard of any such disposition in her majesty, but thought the information thereof to be untrue, we moved her majesty to know her opinion therein; who for answer said, That she never meant to yield thereunto, nor (to avoid an evil example) to suffer such an unequal change to be made, could in honour assent thereto: for she said, as we know it also to be true, that don Pedro was a principal captain, and a general of a squadron, of the great squadron of the ships of war of Andalouzia armed, brought to have invaded this realm. Of which attempt he was also a principal; yea, almost, as is reported, the only persuader of the king of Spain to adventure that enterprise. And besides, that he was a person, that beforetime had charge as a general on the seas: and therefore a man far exceeding for action, value, and credit, you, Mr. Winter; whom we know never to have had charge at all in any martial service, but to have lived as a private person. And now, when you were taken, had no direction to serve, but that resolutely of your honest desire intended to pass into France to see the manner of service there; and by contrary winds and tempests was driven from Depe, where you meant to have landed: and thereby taken, and sold over to the Spaniards. In which case, reason and good usage of war required, that you might have been, as a private man, being no captain, delivered upon some reasonable recompense to your taker; as many hundreds of Spaniards, yea, many that have had good charge in the late wars, and have been known to have been of honourable families, have been put to liberty upon small ransoms, and very many for no other charge but for their diet. “And these things thus considered by her majesty in conference with us, she commanded us to signify thus much to be shewed to such as with whom you are to compound for your liberty, which we know by no better means to do than by this our writing to yourself: which- you shall do well to shew where you shall think meet: for to that end we have written this our letter, by her majesty’s express command, in the French tongue; not doubting, but that when seignor Mount Dragon, in whose custody you are, shall see the same, being a nobleman, of good wisdom, and of long experience in the wars, as any now liveth in those parts, he will further your speedy delivery upon reasonable conditions; for your degree, and for the quality of the manner of your taking, without giving credit to any informations that have been given; [viz.] that for your delivery don Pedro should be delivered: which was never meant, nor with any reason ought to be accorded; having respect to so great a difference of your persons, your actions, and estimation for martial service; although her majesty indeed is very desirous of your delivery, as of a gentleman to be favoured, both for your own sake, and for your father, that served her majesty very worthily of long time.”

We have seen how exceeding diligent the queen and her council were in their preparations against Spain; and how successful (by the blessing of God) it proved in the event. But she counted not herself secure after that signal conquest late obtained; but like a wise and provident prince judged it necessary to make provision still against any future attempts, which she was apprehensive of from that malicious and haughty king. And therefore, in order to get in a readiness arms and men against any danger of invasion, having pretty well exhausted her treasure, borrowed money of her subjects, as she had done before upon like occasion: and which she promised faithfully to repay again, as she had done always before in the like ease.

And accordingly circular letters, dated December the 4th, were sent to the lords lieutenants of the counties from the lords of the council, for this loan, with directions for the raising of it: which being a notable letter, and giving such light to the state of the nation, and containing expressions obliging to the subjects, I will transcribe it here from the very pen of the lord treasurer, who best knew in what condition the treasury now was. “After our very hearty commendations to your good lordship, we doubt not, but both to your lordship, and also to others that have had any charge this last year in any part of government within this realm, it is manifest, how necessary it was that this realm was defended both by sea and land, in such sort as had been seen, against the common potent enemy, attempting to have invaded and made a conquest of the same. Wherein the queen’s majesty, with the assistance of God’s special favour, and by expenses of great treasures, which she had most princely reserved for the maintenance of the state of this her realm, hath received great honour to herself, to her people singular comfort and safety; and hereby her enemies repulsed with great losses, ignominy, and dishonour. “Yet nevertheless her majesty in her wisdom seeth it most necessary to make new preparations, for the strengthening of all her forces, both by sea and land, to serve to withstand the new attempts of the enemy this year following. Whereof she hath great cause to doubt, that he and his confederates, the enemies of the gospel, will spare no cost and labour, to renew, or rather increase his former forces. For which purpose her majesty is presently, not only of her own treasure, but other extraordinary means, to disburse great sums of money, about the repairing of her navy, or enforcing thereof by building and furnishing of divers ships of war, and with other great provisions of armour, weapon, ordnance, powder, and sundry other furnitures for the wars, and defence of the realm and all her subjects. “And for the more speedy help to this, it is thought by her majesty and us of her council, that presently means be made to provide some convenient sum of money by way of loan, or lending of her good and faithful subjects, as heretofore hath been yielded unto her majesty in times of less need and danger; and yet always fully repaid. And to this end we have thought meet by her majesty’s direction to commend the care hereof to your lordship, having charge by her majesty, as her lieutenant in the said shire; praying your lordship, that without any delay your lordship will consider, either by your own knowledge or with secret conference with some such in that shire, as you think to be well affected to this service, and are of knowledge to inform your lordship therein, how of each particular person, being men of lands, or of wealth in goods, such particular sums might be reasonably required by her majesty’s letters under her privy seal, in way of loan, in that whole county, her majesty might be assured upon her demand by her said letters to every several person, to have the total sum within that shire of ----- or rather more. “And to this purpose we require your lordship to consider of the number of all such as are known to be of sufficient livelihood and wealth within that shire, of whom you shall think her majesty may readily have by way of loan, only for the space of one whole year, such particular sums of 100s of pounds, or of half 100s of pounds, or at the least not under the sum of 25l. according as the abilities of the persons shall seem meet to yield. “And in this matter we require you to forbear none that hath any residence within that shire, being in your opinion able to satisfy this purpose. And yet if there be any person of ability, that is an officer to her majesty in any of her courts of record, or of her revenue, that hath any fee or yearly profit, by any such office, we require you to make a special note of such, with your opinion of the sums to be demanded. For that we are purposed, that if the sums noted by you upon them shall not seem to us sufficient for her majesty’s service, the same shall be by us assessed to such sums as we shall think reasonable. “And to conclude, we require your lordship, with all speed that you can, to enter into consideration hereof; and to send to us in writing the names and surnames, with addition of their dwelling-places, of all such as shall seem meet and able to make this manner of loan; so as the total sum above-mentioned, or a greater sum, may be duly had.”

And upon the strength of these sums raised, and the valour of the English by sea and land, with the blessings of God favouring them, what damage happened to that quarrelsome inveterate king Philip, and the havoc made at Cales the next year, and other places of his dominions afterwards, our historians relate at large.

And here falls in another address of don Antonio, the expulsed king of Portugal; of whose application to the queen for her assistance, we gave some account the last year. Who, soon after the signal overthrow of king Philip’s armada, took this opportunity to renew his motion to the queen for her aid to recover his kingdom. His proposals and terms offered were very large: which he thought fit first to propound to the lord treasurer Burghley, in a letter writ in the Portuguese language, all by his own hand, and subscribed REY [the king]. Which being translated into English, I found among that statesman’s papers, and shall here enter it as authentic: moving that lord to prevail with the queen (whom he styled his patroness) to accept them in his behalf as well as her own: declaring the particular advantages he was willing to agree and consent to, for the making a firm friendship and league with her. And these I rather set down, there being no mention made of them in our historian, but in general terms, don Antonio made the English great promises. “Most illustrious lord treasurer, considering the great love and zeal which your illustrious lordship hath twards your most serene queen, my patroness, and the common good of her realms, I resolve to beseech you to do me the favour to present to her most serene majesty the humble attestation of the will which I have to serve her, if God do me that favour to restore me to my kingdoms of Portugal, with the help and assistance of her serene majesty, as I have hoped in her greatness. So that your illustrious lordship being my Maecenas with her most serene majesty, you may present my poor but thankful offer to her. “I will never make peace, league, nor accord with king Philip, without her knowledge and her consent. Whensoever her most serene majesty shall make war, either offensive or defensive, with the said king, I will assist her with all the force and succour that shall be in my power. “The fleet of her most serene majesty and her subjects, which, with the leave and order of her majesty, shall make war with the same king, shall have free access to all the ports of my kingdom and dominions, both in Portugal, and in Africa and Asia, and in Guinea; and shall be treated and entertained in the same as her own natural subjects and brethren. And from thence they shall exercise all that hostility which they shall please to make against the same and the subjects. And they shall have provision and ammunition, which can come from the said parts, for her money, as to her own natural people. The English, which, with her serene majesty’s leave, shall go into Portugal upon the occasion of their merchandise and business, shall live there, and shall have a consul of her own nation, which shall be judge among them of all occurrences, as well criminal as civil, without my nation’s meddling with any of their matters. “When they shall make a house of contraction of the spicery of the East-Indies from Portugal, I will establish it in this kingdom of England. And for the service of her majesty they shall have a part of the sea for her best convenience through both these kingdoms. “To all strangers and merchants that shall assist in ships, plate, or other things necessary for the voyage, I will appoint, and gratify them according to the contracts which they shall make with me. “The English which shall accompany me, or upon some occasion shall be willing to live in Portugal, and all other my realms and dominions, shall have in their houses freedom to use the exercise of their religion particularly; and in no wise shall the inquisition have any superiority over them. “This, and whatever else shall seem good for the service of her majesty, I am ready to do upon this condition, That her most serene majesty may be served; and to grant reciprocally a friendship and a correspondent fraternity in the same articles. So as in my judgment I do esteem it may concern her service, as I shall treat by word of mouth with your illustrious lordship, or with her majesty here, and when she shall be served. “And further, I beseech her most serene majesty, that she will command all her subjects by an inviolable law, that between them and my subjects there may be a perpetual and reciprocal friendship and concurrence, that in nowise may be exposed or troubled by sea nor by land. Which thing will be the occasion of perpetual union. “Most illustrious lord, I beseech your lordship to excuse the trouble which I may chance to give you with these ill composed lines, since the occasion of them was the most sincere will which I have to her most serene majesty; and in the mean time commending me to the good favour and grace of your lordship. “I beseech God to give you long and happy life. This I caused to be sealed, that your lordship may be more secure of my promise. From London, the 23d of October, 1588. REY .”

These articles, and the queen’s access to them, produced that noble expedition the next year, viz. 1589, under sir John Norris and sir Francis Drake, together with other private gentlemen, at their own charges, the queen lending them some of her ships, don Antonio being with them: when they assaulted Groyn, and took Penicha; the castle whereof surrendered to don Antonio. And afterwards sailed thence, and assailed Lisbon. All which I leave to our historian to relate.

And let me here insert an information brought into England, taken from an English gentleman in the Spanish service, that will shew what great reason the queen still had to stand upon her guard against Spain; shewing the resolution her implacable enemy had to set upon her the next year, or years, with greater strength and violence. I shall but transcribe the paper as I found it among the lord treasurer’s MSS.

“A DECLARATION OF ONE PITTS, THE 29TH OF JULY, 1589.“

The 14th day of July, 1589, there arrived in St. Maloes one Giles Billet, an Englishman, who then came from the court of Spain, as he said, bringing with him great store of money (as it was told me by a man of Vittore, called Henry de Geanes, a protestant) to buy victuals and munition for the Spanish king’s fleet, which he said comes for England this next year. “The said Billet further reported, that there are making ready twenty great ships at St. Androes for the said fleet. That sir William Stanley” [a notable traitor that had betrayed a strong town in Flanders to the Spaniard] is sent for out of Flanders to go in the said fleet. That the country of Spain hath given to their king millions of money towards the setting forth of the said fleet. That the king of Spain hath sworn, not to leave himself worth a candlestick that stood on the table, till he had been revenged of England. “He told further in my hearing, (saith the informer,) that if he might procure his further good-will in England, and have some matters of his ended, thereupon he would come for England, and would certify the council of such matters touching the Spanish king, as he would deserve well at their hands thereby. “That also the said Giles Billet doth speak very much of Mr. Richard Burley; and is in great credit in the court of Spain. And the said Mr. Burley was in the Spanish fleet the last year. And at his return home again, as before he had 20 crowns a month, he hath now 40 crowns a month.”

This informer Pitts added, “That the said Billet had been at the court of Spain three years, and seemed to have been a merchant.

And that at his arrival at St. Maloes he came ashore in mariner’s apparel; and the next day he went in his silk and satin very brave.

And said, that before his return to Spain he was to go to Newhaven,” [to gather undoubtedly more ships and forces thence, or to assist in the holy league.] Let me add the following memorial of this Spanish victory, vainly blazed over the world: that when it was known to be but a false report, and the truth came to be known as far as Rome, some discourse happened there about it between two persons, one an Englishman, whether a traveller, or a spy, rather; and the other, whose name was Joh. Dutche, and formerly had been of the queen’s guard, but. now advanced to the honour of macebearer to cardinal Allen at Rome.

Of which place under the queen he would glory, that his dame of England (for so he always termed her majesty) did often say, that Dutch, her ancient servant, was the only pilgrim she had beyond the seas.

The occasion of their acquaintance was, that this traveller had a chamber in the house where this officer of the cardinal inhabited. What the particulars of some of their discourses were, this person gave intelligence afterwards to the lord treasurer, as I find them among that counsellor’s papers. Some of these I shall briefly rehearse.

The gentleman and this Dutche being together in company on St. Peter’s eve at Peter Montauro, (where, they say, that apostle was martyred,) to behold the fireworks that night discharged from the castle St. Angelo, they fell into talk of the overthrow of the Spanish armada, and of the king’s losses sustained in that attempt. When Dutch told him, that he had heard the cardinal say, that the king gave great charge to the duke of Medina, admiral of his armada, and the rest of his captains, that they should by no means harm the queen, when taken, [as if they had been sure of her and victory beforehand:] and that after they had taken her, to look well to the custody of her; and that the duke, as soon as might be, should convey her to Rome, [to be brought as it were in triumph there,] that the pope might dispose of her as it should please him. And what the pope should have done to her, besides the putting her into the inquisition, we are left to guess.

At another time, being together at a certain place between the castle of St. Angelo and St. Peter’s, where there was a great number of fine pictures hanging up, (belonging to some great painter,) of emperors, kings, queens, and other noblemen, and women, (all done by some great Italian painter.)

Among the rest was the present king of Spain, and next him happened to be placed sir Francis Drake; who had made himself famous through the world for his valour and notable successes against the king, especially his late armada. At the sight of this, the cardinal’s macebearer was enraged with many passionate Italian words, as an insufferable indignity offered to that great catholic king. And this was not all, but notice was immediately given by him to the cardinal at the palace; and a messenger despatched back to put Drake’s picture down; though the painter himself out of fear presently did it; and notwithstanding came to trouble about it. It is well if Drake were not now burnt in effigy.

This intelligencer also observed, how the picture of queen Elizabeth was not extant among all this show of kings and princes, being not permitted at Rome that honour, to have so much as her picture there publicly seen.

He related also from the said Dutche, that at the first news of the invincible armada brought to Rome, there had been a great triumph there, for the taking of her majesty and subduing this realm. And that the said English cardinal then made a great feast, and invited to it all the English, Scots, and Irish then at Rome.

Other informations this gentleman gave of discourses he had heard at Liege and Lisle in his travels; namely, concerning the king of Spain, and his counsels and counsellors; what his purposes now were, and what designs were now in hand concerning Scotland. That meeting with Dr. Marshal, a Scotch Jesuit, at Liege, he told him, that king intended to invade Scotland, in order to oblige the king of Scots to bring in the catholic religion in that land. And of his going against the king of Navarr, a protestant king, for the settling a catholic king in France. And that for these purposes Spain depended upon great sums of money from pope Sixtus; but that his death prevented. What talk likewise he met with abroad concerning the wisdom and policy of the queen’s lord treasurer and other of her council; and of their advantage over the king of Spain and his counsellors, in regard of their quickness and expedition of their business, and secret carrying on of their designs and purposes. Whereas the council of Spain gave out now what they would do a year hence, &c.

All these are but brief hints of this notable paper, which must not be deprived of a room in the Appendix. The whole whereof there I have transcribed from the original.

And having told so much of the enmity between Spain and England, the queen being still on the defence, before I go off from this bright part of her history, it will be worth shewing the justice of her proceedings against that injurious king. And that I shall take from a paper found among the MSS. in the Cotton library. Which paper I verily believe was of the lord Burghley’s own composing; one very well acquainted with the case from the very beginning. It was occasioned from a railing libel against the queen with respect to her dealing with king Philip, and her assistance given to the Low Countries. The particular transactions all along between both princes will receive much light hence. And it bare this title, Proceedings between Spain and England. This paper being somewhat long, I choose to dispose of in the Appendix.

In this dangerous time the parliament (that had been prorogued) was thought necessary to be called together again; chiefly about the Spanish quarrel; the queen watchful, and her council prudently standing on their guard, in the prospect of so implacable an enemy as that king. And however successful she had hitherto been against him, a large subsidy was therefore thought necessary to be raised of her subjects for this purpose, to serve against him, not only the next year, but some years after: that they might not be surprised if unprovided. The subsidy required was for fifteens and 10ths, payable for four years, the 20th of November yearly.

Two subsidies likewise in four years, the 12th of February yearly, for the better provision ready against the Spaniard. This bill was brought in the 17th of March; disgusted by many; and what was spoken against it by some of the members, I collect from an authentic paper among the lord treasurer’s MSS. One of them had these expressions: “As all honour and reverence is to be given to the first founders and furtherers of any laudable or profitable art, science, or custom; so are the first forgers of any new, unnecessary, or snaring law or custom, most justly to be reproved of all their posterity. “If a benevolence should be demanded hereafter, it would be ranch less by reason of this subsidy,” [so large in respect of so many years payable.] “I find only two cases which may necessarily impel us thereto. The one, our sovereign’s commandment. The other, a desperate, or at least dangerous estate of our commonwealth. Which cannot by any other means be relieved. “It was well said of Seneca, Bis dat, qui cito dat. So it was well said of another in the inflicting of punishment, that dilatio poenae is duplicatio poenae. And of another, that the irrevocable sentence of death being pronounced, it is misericordiae genus, cito occidere.” “Hen. III. a parliament was called, to let the commons understand the king’s need of money for discharge of his debts, and to require their aid towards the said debt. But denied of the commons. For that that demand was greater than had been accustomed. “Hen. VIII. the spirituality granted half their revenues, payable in five years. Of the commons was this demanded by the cardinal Wolsey, and furthered by the speaker, sir Thomas More, 4 shillings in the pound for goods and lands; or in a gross sum, 800,000l .

Committees were sent to the cardinal, to entreat him to persuade the king that he would accept a less sum. He answered, That he would rather have his tongue plucked out, &c. The parliament notwithstanding agreed to a subsidy of 12d. in the pound, for all under 20l. 2s. from 20 to 50. and 3s. above 50l. The commons threatened them, not to grant 4s. lest they could not go home in peace. “Fuage, fumage , or chimnage denied to king Edward III. Seeing it is tributum, and not impositum. Seeing it cannot be subsidium, because it is not opportunum Malorum sensus accrescit die leve est miseriam ferre ; perferre grave, “Samuel tributum pro poena Israelis proponit .” [Bythat word meaning a continued yearly tax.] “Poena apud inferos ideo miserrima, quia perpetua . If the invasion hold not, yet the money to be paid. Id justissimum est, quod necessarium. “Pia sunt, quae civibus imperantur tributa, sine quibus civitas ipsa funditus sit interitura. “Mutuum jam a subditis accepturm.” [Meaning the loan that the queen had already taken of her subjects, to enable her against any sudden attempt of the enemy.] “Cum Hannibal Italiam bellis vexaret, senatus nova tributa subditis imperari noluit. Nihil enim hostibus nos prementibus jam periculosum ........ mutuum quam tributum, melius, &c.” The many more grave sentences and allegations, from ancient writers, produced by this learned member of the house, I omit, only setting down the words with which he concluded: “Principis divitias in subditorum opibus consistere debere singulorum opes divitiae sunt civitatis. Cic. “Diuturnitas temporis efficere potest, ut quod pernicioso more et exemlo inveteravit, potentius ipsa lege dominetur.” These are but some short, imperfect collections of this member’s speech, taken, as it seems, by some then present in the house. But I have met with the whole speech against this double subsidy. The argument whereof was, Whether it were necessary or convenient at this time to tender unto her majesty such a subsidy to be paid in four years, in respect of any necessity thereof: but this spoken with all the deference and obedience imaginable towards her, in these words: “That if it were a charge imposed upon them by her commandment, or a demand, proceeding from her by way of request, he thought there was none among them all, either so disobedient a subject, or so unthankful a man, in respect of the inestimable benefits which by her and from her they had received, which would not with frank consent, both of voice and heart, most willingly submit himself thereunto, without any irreverend inquiries into the causes thereof: for that it was continually in the mouths of them all, that their lands, goods, and lives were at their prince’s disposal.”

I have transcribed the whole speech from the original copy of him that spake it, as appeared by interlinings anti corrections in some places of it: it is somewhat long, but wise and learned, and seemingly loyal, and gives some account of the present state of England, as of Spain. And therefore I give it a place in the Appendix.

I shall also mention another bill, that more nearly concerned religion, which caused much arguing; namely, brought in against strangers and aliens, that came from abroad, from Flanders, France, and other countries; generally such as were exiles for their religion, and came into these parts to avoid the cruel persecution inflicted upon them on the account of their adhering to the protestant religion. And here they lived very thriftily, and followed their trades, their occupations, and traffic, for their livelihood. But this disgusted many English traders, complaining thereof as prejudicial to their calling and business; especially the retailers. One who had spoke for the passing of this bill against the strangers, in behalf of our own country, concluded with these words, (having rehearsed all the degrees of conjunction and society:) Omnes omnium charirates una patria complexa est; i. e. All the instances of charity that can be shewn to others, charity to one’s country comprehends them all.

Upon which words another member, who spake next, thus descanted: “That the very name of his native country and nation was so pleasant to his ears, and so delightful to his heart, that he was compelled to subscribe to that which had been spoken, &c. But that on the other side, when in the person of that stranger, he considered the miserable and afflicted state of those poor exiles, who, together with their countries, had lost all, or the greatest comforts of this life; and so lay subject and exposed to the wrongs and injuries of the malicious and evil affected ...... That the condition of strangers was, that they had multa hospitia, but paucos amicos; i.e. many harbours, but few friends: that he was moved with a hearty commiseration of them, and felt in himself a sympathy and fellow-suffering with them, &c. That as he had laid before them his affection to the party, so now he prayed he might with brevity lay before them his judgment. That the bill required that it should be enacted, That no alien born, and not being denizen, nor having served as apprentice seven years, should sell any wares by retail.

Whereupon he considered how it might stand with the grounds and foundations of all laws: which laws are the laws of nature and the laws of God. And secondly, with the profit and commodities of the commonwealth.”

For the management of these arguments I refer the reader to the speech, which he shall find in the Appendix, as I transcribed it from an original paper; wherein will appear the hearty love and hospitable spirit the nation had for these afflicted people of the same religion with ourselves: for this bill against them did not pass. At the end of the said speech are added several wise and weighty sentences in Latin, in favour of the strangers; spoken then, as it seems, in the house: which will be read there.

To which former bill against strangers was added another bill against their children; that they should pay strangers’ customs. But that also was dashed at the second reading.

There was another bill brought in, and laboured hard to be passed: which was against pluralities and non-residences: which was brought into the upper house March the tenth, And what the sum and contents of it was, I have from some minutes thereof taken by the lord treasurer under his own handwriting, whereupon we may depend. Thus endorsed “A SUM OF THE ACT AGAINST PLURALITY OF BENEFICES WITH CURE OF SOULS, AND NON-RESIDENCE. “The considerations. Maintenance of divine service. Preaching of the sacred word. The discharge of the duty of pastors. Increase of hospitality for the poor. The benefices and livings ecclesiastical may be employed to a greater number. “The act. If any person, having no benefice with cure of souls, shall hereafter take any benefice with cure, and after that shall take another with cure; or if any having, at the end of this session, one or more benefices with cure, shall accept another such benefice, then immediately after possession there his first shall be void; a dispensation to the contrary notwithstanding. And it shall be lawful for the patron to present. “2. All persons having any one benefice with cure of souls shall be resident upon the same. And if he have mo than one, he shall be resident upon one of them. If any person, not being in the queen’s service, keep not residence, but shall be voluntarily absent by the space of three months, at one or several times in the year, shall forfeit for every month over and above the three months, 10l . “3. If any person have at the end of this session mo benefices than one, he shall maintain, where he shall not be resident, one sufficient and able person, authorized to preach God’s word, and to instruct the people in the same, upon pain of 5l. for every month’s defect. “4. All dispensation against any provision of this act to be void. “5. Proviso for any person to take any two small benefices, with cure of souls, being of value 16l . within three miles.”

On the back-side of this paper the beforesaid lord transcribed, in favour of the said bill, certain passages out of some former synod, not mentioned; viz. “Sexta sessione cap. primo, monet, ut attendentes sibi, et universo gregi, in quo Spiritus San. posuit eos, regere ecclesiam Dei, quam acquisivit sanguine suo, vigilent: sicut apostolus praecepit, in omnibus laborem et ministerium suum impleant. Implere autem illud nequeunt, si greges sibi commissos, mercenariorum more, deserant; et ovium suarum custodiae minime incumbant, Certissimum sit, non admitti pastoris excusationem, si lupus oves comedit, et pastor nescit. “Vic. quart. sessio, cap. 17. Ecclesiasticus ordo pervertitur, quando unus duas ecclesias occupat. “Omne beneficium quamlibet [quantumlibet] tenue, jure communi requirit residentiam.” At the dissolution of this parliament, (which was near the beginning of next year, March the 29th, 1589,) there was a very loyal declaration prepared by the house of lords, to assist her majesty with their lives, lands, and goods in her quarrel with the king of Spain; which I shall the rather add here, being omitted in D’Ewes’ Journal, and of such remark It was drawn up by the lord treasurer Burghley, and thus endorsed: The heads of the declaration and offer to be made by the lords spiritual and temporal to her majesty, of their readiness to serve her majesty in this sort. To be delivered by speech of the lord chancellor. “Although upon great considerations appearing to them, of the mighty and resolute determination of the king of Spain, in making of open war against her majesty and the realm for God’s cause, and to extirpate the Christian religion in this realm; and especially upon the sight of the last year’s open invasion attempted against this realm, with intent to have conquered the same; the lords and the commons of the realm have willingly yielded to a kind of subsidy, though in their opinion not so sufficient to answer her majesty’s charge to be sustained as were requisite. Yet for a further manifestation and declaration of their most bounden duties, both towards the defence of her majesty and the realm against so mighty attempts, and also to offend her said enemy; they do offer, with all manner of duty and willingness to her majesty, that whensoever she shall find it meet and profitable for her realm to denounce an open war against the said king and his adherents, they shall be ready with all their power, their bodies, their lives, lands, and goods, to serve her majesty therewith, as well by offensive wars abroad, as defensive at home, against the said king and all his adherents.”

CHAPTER 17.

Contest between the church of Norwich and sir Thomas Shirley, upon pretence of concealment: a book drawn up, in order to agreement. The dean and chapter disallow thereof: and why. The dean’s application by letters to the lord treasurer. His complaint of the said patentee. Articles of agreement between them offered: but refused. The lord treasurer takes the case before him. The conclusion of it. Endeavours to get the archbishop of York’s house at London. His contest with the dean of Durham. This archbishop dies. His last will. His pedigree, and posterity. Some passages in his sermons before the queen, concerning the reformation, schism, spoiling the church of its revenues. Cooper, bishop of Winton, slandered by Marprelate. Vindicated. Endearour of obtaining long leases from the dean and chapter of Ely. Dr. Pern the dean, his letter thereupon. Scarebier, bishop of Norwich, condemns one for heresy. His letter to court for execution. The archbishop of Dublin, lord chancellor, commends sir W. Herbert for his promoting of religion in Ireland. AND now we turn to the church of England, and the religion professed therein, the main ground of all the forementioned malice towards the queen and kingdom. I shall begin with the church of Norwich. Between the dean and chapter of which cathedral church, and sir Tho. Shirley, and other patentees for concealments, there had been long contest: whereof divers things were related before under the year 1586, but it still depended. Yet it came so far, that Popham, the queen’s attorney-general, had drawn up a plat for establishing that church anew, with respect also to the benefit of the said patentees: which writing he sent to the lord treasurer, enclosed in a letter to him, importing, “that according to his lordship’s direction, he had sent a plat concerning the reestablishing of the church of Norwich: and that his lordship might please to reform it, and amend, as should seem best to him. Dated from the Middle Tempie, Jan. 24, 1586.”

But a new controversy arose from this book then drawn up, and that by warrant from the queen, for putting an end to that contest, under terms of agreement by both parties. But it seems it was not drawn after the manner accorded between them, chiefly on the church’s side. So that when the lord treasurer had sent a copy of the said book to Dr. Gardiner, the dean, who, having been a long time affected with the gout, and so not able to mind business, could not till now acquaint the said lord with his thoughts thereof. Which he did by his letter dated the 1st of October, from Norwich: shewing therein, how different it was drawn in many respects to what had been accorded between them. The tenor of the dean’s letter I will give, as communicating more light and knowledge into this matter. “That his gout holding him with so great extremity, almost an whole year together, (though with some little ease at sundry times,) he could not attend upon his honour, for the finishing of their longcontinued troubles for the lands of their cathedral church, &c. That in the mean time sir Thomas Sherlow [Shirley] had procured a warrant from her majesty to his honour and sir Walter Mildmay, to finish the same; pretending an agreement between them both, viz. sir Thomas and the dean. That in the meeting they had before his lordship at Tybalds, in August was twelvemonth, [viz. 1587,] in truth, my lord, (said the dean,) after divers meetings of our learned counsel, to obtain our quietness, we did agree upon these conditions; that the patentees, and all the interessed under them, should surrender up into her majesty’s hands their several pretended titles. And then her majesty possessed of the whole, her highness might he moved to pass a lease in trust to Mr. Fanshaw and Mr. Osborn, [that had places in the exchequer or treasury,] in trust of 600l. by year, of lands within the counties of Suffolk and Norfolk for 99 years. And the fermours in possession to have these assured over unto them, upon such of the patentees as to your honour should seem convenient. And her majesty likewise might be moved, newly to erect and to endow our said church with all our lands and liberties, which the prior and monks had in possession the 30th year of king Henry VIII. “But that contrary to this agreement, a book was drawn and engrossed without their privity, and sent down under Mr. Attorney his hand: and they [of the church] commanded by sir Tho. Shirley’s letters, either to surrender, or to send him an answer that they would not, that he might take another course.” He added, “that he had answered his two several letters; and he wished to God it would please his honour to call for the sight of them both: and he should perceive by them, what great cause they, poor men, [the dean and chapter,] had to complain for their church. Yet fearing that sir Thomas would not shew them, and would take some course secretly, that might tend to their prejudice, if not to their utter undoing, he was bold to move his honour by the bearer, Mr. Edmund Suckling, one of their prebendaries, to stand so much their good lord and honoured patron, as that nothing might pass to the hurt of their church, to the next term, or to such time as it should please his honour to command some of their company to attend upon his good leisure, &c. “And in the mean time he was bold to present to his lordship the copy of one of his said letters to sir Thomas, whereby he might understand the reason, wherefore they could not allow of Mr. Attorney’s book. Subscribing, Your honour’s for ever, as duty bindeth me, George Gardiner.” The sum of which letter to sir Thomas Shirley, now sent by the diligent dean to the lord treasurer to peruse, I subjoin; wherein he told sir Thomas, “That the book engrossed, which he had sent to him, in no point agreed with the book drawn at his [the dean’s] last being in London; and that as it varied much from their agreement, so it answered not her majesty’s gracious meaning in the warrant under the broad seal And that if the same should pass in that manner, it would not only be much prejudicial to himself, [sir Thomas,] but be a spoil, and undoing of their church and posterity. And therefore, that he should persuade himself, that the same would never be received of him, the present dean and chapter of Norwich, nor no act would be done by them by surrender, or other means for the strengthening and allowing of the same book. “Then he proceeded to let sir Thomas understand the gross faults escaped in that book, by following a charter of king Edward’s, too hastily hatched, and clouted together at the first, to the spoil of that church too. And lastly, adding, that where her majesty had referred the ordering of the whole matter to the right honourable the lord treasurer of England and sir Walter Mildmay, as two honourable personages most indifferent, they saw nothing done by them or either of their hands to the book. And then begged sir Thomas’s pardon, that they stayed in a matter of so great weight :” concluding with these words to him; “Assure yourself of me, that I am and always will be a faithful friend to sir Thomas Shirley, and stand to my agreement without wavering. Even so all the world shall not move me to violate one jot of duty that I owe to the church, to which I am bound by oath.” It was dated from Norwich, the last of September, 1588.

And as Dr. Gardiner had found Shirley a strange man before against the interest of that church for his own ends, so this stop of that book so drawn up gave great disgust to him, pretending that they were but so many trifles that were objected to the book. Therefore to give more perfect knowledge to the lord treasurer what his objections were, he hastened up one of the prebendaries to him with another letter, whereby he might understand how the matter proceeded upon this book sent to them to Norwich. This letter will more particularly open the complaint on the church’s side.

The import thereof was: “That he had appointed Mr. Castelton, one of their prebendaries, to attend his honour’s good pleasure with all convenient speed; and that, if he had been able any way to have travailed, he would (most willingly his own lame body) in this service; and would so soon as God should enable him: for that he could not see how the cause could receive any good end, unless somebody were present that could perfectly inform his honour of every circumstance, and how far the matter had proceeded hitherto: which none of their company could do beside himself, who had travailed so long as his body was able to undergo that travail: and that he had always found sir Thomas a very strange man to deal withal; promising much, but of a contrary mind to perform nothing; but seeking the perpetual overthrow of their church and posterity. “That the book he had sent down by his servant, one Gartwick, [drawn up for the settlement of their church,] razed and interlined, was by them of that church perused. And then the servant departed to his master with this answer, that they could not like of that book for those reasons which were contained in the letter sent him. “That hereupon he, the dean, received an angry letter from him; and withal Shirley returned him back his letter, wherein he had made those objections with truth and credit. Then (as the dean proceeded) let him say, [as it seems he did,] that they were but cavillations; and that his book could not be excepted against.” But the dean, uttering his different judgment of the book, writes thus: In the mean time it must remain a very vile book, penned for the utter undoing of our church, and most contrary to her majesty’s warrant and most gracious meaning: as I shall, [added the earnest dean,] by God’s help, most plainly prove before his face. And I know, that all he can object against our church are indeed mere cavillations, and matters of no moment. “That yet to procure their peace, they were content to yield some things, and a large benefit unto him. Concluding, that he and all his company most humbly prostrated themselves at his honour’s feet; beseeching the same, as the only patron of their church, now miserably distressed, to deliver them from the extremity that sir Thomas imagined against them. And so with the remembrance of their humble duties,” &c. This letter was dated Octob. 4.

This, and what follows, may be worthy recording for the church of Norwich’s grateful remembrance of that dean, and his good service to it.

Now what the terms of agreement between the church and the patentees were, which was mentioned above, and which the dean so much insisted upon, and the present book now offered them to subscribe, and so varying from, I have entered in the Appendix; being a paper signed by the dean himself, thus endorsed; Articles of agreement between the dean and chapter and the patentees, drawn up by the attorney and solicitor, and offered to the dean; and shewing on what terms he accorded.

Upon the abovesaid complaint of the dean to the lord treasurer, of this book, so injurious to their church, and his earnest appeal to him, to judge between both parties, that lord took it upon him according to their desire.

And thereupon gave order, that the dean, not being by reason of sickness able himself to come up, should send some of their body to transact their business before him. Whereupon in the month of November, two of them, viz. Castleton and Suckling, had commission from the rest so to do. With whom the careful dean sent another letter to that lord, with warrant under their chapter’s seal to prosecute the cause of their church: and by the advice of his lordship, and some other learned in the law, to finish the matter; having found hard measure (as he signified) from the patentees; divers of their church-lands sold away for ever; and one parcel sold to five several persons; some violently entered upon without payment of rent or ferme: one had paid none since the controversy began: the houses within the cathedral church offered to sale; or money taken beforehand, &c. And after a relation of all this, they did most humbly beseech his honour, that they might seek for succour under his wing. The whole letter I have thought worth preserving among the other papers of note in the Appendix.

And having brought matters thus far, the good dean deceased the next year, viz. 1589. And soon after, this long suit seemed to come to an issue and conclusion: nothing wanting to be done but the decision of the lord treasurer, the differences between both parties being compromised; sir Tho. Shirley petitioning the said lord for the same, both parties agreeing upon the points. I refer the reader to the state of the case now drawn up briefly, and the patentees’ petition at the end. See the Appendix. And so he seems to have a lease granted him for the foresaid dean’s and chapter’s lands for 99 years.

As I have related several historical remarks of Sandys, that eminent confessor, bishop, and archbishop of this church, so I shall join to the rest one or two more, which fell out this year, which put a period to his holy life. A hard demand or request was made to this archbishop of York; which was not the first time such uneasy applications were made to him, for the impairing of his bishopric. It was required, that by lease, or some other way, he should part with his episcopal house, situate in London: which, I suppose, stood there where now are York Buildings. This request (for so he called it) had been made to him by the queen herself, in behalf, as it seems, of some of her courtiers or noblemen: but he then declared unto her his unwillingness to do such a wrong to his church, and which would be also such a lasting reflection upon him and his memory. And being now in his diocese, the request was again renewed: but he was resolute not to yield: yet writ his mind to his friend, the lord treasurer, thinking, that some words of his to the queen, in representing his resolution tenderly, she might pass it over without much displeasure towards him. His letter, wrote in the month of June, (which seemed to be one of his last letters, for he died the next month,) was in these words: “As for my house at London, a thing most unreasonable is requested of me. I cannot well desire your lord ship’s help herein; yet one word of your lordship to her majesty would do me much good. I cannot in conscience yield that request. I remain resolute. I am only to entreat your lordship to be a means, that I may so do without offence unto her majesty. Yet her highness’ speech unto me touching the selfsame matter hath been such, that I am fully persuaded her majesty will not deal against me in it.” And then making a sad reflection hereupon, used these words: “These be marvellous times. The patrimony of the church is laid open, as a prey, unto all the world. The ministers of the word, the messengers of Christ, are become contemptibiles omni populo, and are esteemed tanquam excrementa mundi. This was foreshewed, and in our time performed. It may be feared God hath some great work in hand: for this ignominy is done unto himself, &c. Dated from Southwell, the 1st of June 1588.

Your lordship’s most bound, E. Ebor.” More is said of this matter in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift.

Yet another trouble vexed this good archbishop now at the latter end of his life; namely, a contest between Toby Matthew, the dean of Durham, and him. What the cause was I know not, whether it were concerning the visitation of that church, or somewhat else, uncertain to me. But the archbishop seemed to have the right of the cause; and the dean put to shifts in maintaining his. But in this discord he addressed himself to the said lord in these words: “My honourable good lord, sundry great wrongs are offered me, &c. What manifest wrongs the dean of Durham offereth me, and by what indirect dealings he proceedeth against me, with a big mind to maintain a bad cause, and what shifts and delays he useth, that his evil cause come not to trial, this bringer, your servant, can declare unto you.” And the archbishop might the rather betake himself to this lord in this difference between the dean and him, the deanery having been chiefly obtained by his interest with the queen on his behalf. And so he gratefully professed to the treasurer soon after he became dean, to be always sensible of his favours. And so in a letter to him, he promised, “That if any defect should happen at any time in him in the discharge of that duty, and coming to his lordship’s ear, he beseeched him to make him know it; and promised to be reformed by his authority, and directed by his wisdom.”

This archbishop died the 10th of July this year, and was interred in the choir of the collegiate church of Southwell, in Nottinghamshire, under a fair monument, with the effigies of his children kneeling round the sides of it. The picture of which monument remains in a visitation book in the Heralds’ Office. The epitaphical inscription thereon may be found transcribed at length in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift: which will explain his extraordinary character. But his last will and testament will further discover, from himself, the holy and divine, the pious and humble spirit of this excellent prelate: which inclines me to let the Christian reader (that desires to look on the good bishops of that age) to be acquainted with it. It will shew us what his thoughts were of the reformed religion and church established among us, and of some rites and usages therein, and of the differences among the professors of the gospel on that account. But being somewhat long, I leave it to be read in the Appendix; being an authentic copy of it, taken by the pen of an exact person.

The archbishop’s stock and family (which was from St. Bees in Cumberland) was ancient and worshipful; and the collateral branches spread into the counties of Darby, Lancaster, Bucks, Worcester, and Kent.

He was second son of George Sandys, and Margaret, daughter of Dixon, of London; married Cecilia, daughter of Thomas Wilford, of the county of Kent, knight. His children were, Henry, the eldest; William, his second son, knight. His third son was sir Samuel Sandes, of Ombersley in the county of Wigorn, knight, who married Mary, daughter of Colpeper, of the county of Kent, who had Edwin Sandes, knight, and a numerous issue. Other sons of his were, George, and Miles of Wilberton in the county of Cambridge, in the Isle of Ely, knight and baronet. Besides daughters, Hester and Bridget.

A young brother of our archbishop was Miles, of Latymers in the county of Bucks, esq. clerk of the crown to queen Elizabeth, and died 1601; and left sir Edwin Sandes, his son and heir; dubbed in Ireland for his good service there.

Of this family of Sandes sprang William Sandes, knight, first lord Sandes of the Vine, in the reign of Henry VIII. who was camerarius hospitii regis, i.e. chamberlain of the king’s household. Besides, of the same family were collaterals numerous.

The archbishop’s education was in St. John’s college, Cambridge, where he proceeded master of arts; and was afterwards proctor of that university, and vice-chancellor; and was preferred to be master of Katharine-hall there; as appears by a catalogue (still remaining) of learned men, benefactors, &c. of the several colleges, given in to the queen by that university, when she honoured them with her presence; which was in the year 1564; and of the fellows of that house.

And now for a farewell of this venerable archbishop, I will leave, for a memorial of him, some periods of a sermon or two, preached upon some special occasions. And the rather because they will tend to enlighten the history of the English church in those times. In one of them, preached before the queen, he thus described the reformation, with the queen’s influence therein. “Our gracious governor laboured most earnestly to cleanse this ground, [i.e. the vineyard of the church of England,] and to purge it had caused the stones to be picked out, brambles and briers to be pulled up, all rubbish, and whatsoever was hurtful, to be removed; the den of thieves to be dispersed; buyers and sellers of popish trash, monks, friars, mass-mongers, with like miscreants, to be hurled and whipt out; the stumbling stones of superstition, the baggage of men’s traditions, with all monuments of idolatry, to vanish, and popery to be cast out of the house of God and vineyard of the Lord: so that the field of God is cleared, the vineyard cleansed, the church purged; ready for the seed to be sown, and the vine to be planted. And all this without resistance or tumult. It was the kingdom of God, and it was marvellous to as many as considered it.”

And then concerning the queen’s hand in this reformation, thus he went on: “Our skilful householder, our wise governor, hath planted in this our vineyard neither thorns nor thistles, but the true vine, Christ, growing in the hearts of the elect. This vine hath been diligently watered with the dew of God’s truth sincerely preached; it hath been cherished with the sacraments reverently administered according to his will. It hath been under-propped with the countenance of authority, and defence of zealous Christian magistrates, pruned with the two-edged sword of God’s Spirit, working by the ministry of his servants; who with the sweet promises of the gospel have reared up the drooping branches overburdened with sin, and the sharp threatenings of the law; have cut off those lascivious wild boughs of wickedness. No flock better fed, no people more instructed, and vineyard in the world more beautiful or goodly to behold,” &c.

For a further account of this church, and the discipline and government of it, take it in these his words: “This vineyard so prepared, this vine so planted, watered, and underset, hath also been strongly hedged and fenced with godly laws, of good discipline; to put back all enemies, to punish all transgressors, to bridle the unruly, and to keep men in order, that the church of God may live in all tranquillity, with all piety and honesty. No church under heaven more enriched with treasures and gifts of God.”

The blessings and benefits accompanying this church are thus further described: “The ground where this vineyard is planted hath brought forth many goodly and pleasant grapes. The gospel hath chased away walking spirits. It hath cast out devils, banished much ignorance and blindness; put horrible blasphemy in manner to flight; utterly cleansed that sink, the Stews;” [a place near London, of open wickedness and uncleanness;] “made vain and filthy songs less current than they have been in former times, and caused sin to be more shunned. But one pleasant grape, especially the gospel, the word of reconciliation, hath brought forth; and that is, the sweet fruit of peace; peace towards God, and peace among ourselves .....

The God of peace hath done this for us, to our singular commodity and benefit; that he hath given peace in our days. England never had so long tasted the like.”

His dissuasive from schism, for some rites used in this reformed church, ran in these words in another sermon preached before the queen: “And here we have to praise God, that in public doctrine touching the substance of religion, we all agree in one truth; we all build upon one foundation, Christ Jesus, slain and offered up for our full redemption, according to the doctrine of the scriptures. So much the greater pity is it, that there should be such dissent in matters of small importance, rites and circumstances. That by contentions in such things the course of the gospel should be hindered, Christ’s adversaries strengthened, and his church offended. The ministry cannot be well executed without her rites: which rites are left indifferent to every policy. So that they be not disagreeing to the word so that they tend to edification; so that they be seemly, and according to decent order. “Be it granted, that some rites upon some considerations might be bettered or omitted; yet can I not say, neither any man, I suppose, can prove, that any thing is set down to be observed in the church, wicked, or contrary to the word. It were scarce wisdom, when as in many years a beautiful and a costly house is builded, if a window be set a little awry, or some small eyesore do appear, in respect thereof to disturb the whole house, to pull it down, and lay it flat with the ground: for every change being so full of peril, surely these great alterations, upon light advice, these new commonwealths, howsoever they be shadowed with the pleasible name of reformation, yet in seeking (for undoubtedly this is sought, and that by many) to have the patrimony of the church divided, mangled, and impaired, they threaten the utter overthrow of learning and religion. For take any livings, at which this axe especially striketh, and ye take away learning, and ye overthrow teaching. Take away teaching, and what shall become of the church of Christ. Where there is no vision, there the people cannot choose but come to decay. “There is no state (no, not the state of a prince excepted) to whom fear, honour, obedience, and tribute is due, that may more rightly challenge a competent and sufficient living than the ministers of the word of God. They seem to have put out the very light of nature in themselves, who repine at the reasonable maintenance of them that minister before the Lord in these sanctified labours: for who doth plant a vineyard, and doth not eat of the fruit thereof? or who feedeth a flock, and eateth not of the milk of the flock? Mark how the scriptures, both in the law and in the gospel, do beat upon this point. In the law it is said, Thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the ox. Doth God take care for oxen? No, his care is for us. For our cause it is, that he hath said, The labourer is worthy of his hire. For our cause he hath ordained, that they which preach the gospel should live of the gospel. He had a care of his church. And therefore gave charge, Let him that is taught in the word, make him that taught him partaker of all his goods. This is large, yet but reasonable. For if we have sown unto you spiritual things, is it a great matter, if we reap your carnal things? Is it much to make us partakers of all your goods? &c. It was foreseen, no doubt, by the Spirit, how God’s portion should be pinched; how the ministers of the word should be contemned; how injuriously men, in these last uncharitable days, would seek for the havoc and spoil of the church.”

This moved this most reverend man, now he was preaching before the queen, (who wanted not for solicitation for such injuries,) in so large and ample sort to speak of maintenance and honour due to the ministers.

Adding, “That if any were slow and wretchless ill doing his office; if there be any idol shepherd, that feedeth himself only, and not his flock, let him be reformed or removed. But for the fault of a few, that the whole state should be subverted, and the patrimony of the church of Christ spoiled and devoured, it were very hard. No prince nor people, Christian or heathen, would ever consent to such a thing without sacrilege.”

And returning to the differences then among those of the same reformed church, he concluded thus: “Well, as we are at unity in substance of religion, so God grant, that at length in these things also we may agree, and be as one, even as becomes the congregation of Christ: which is a society, linked and knit together, not sundered by division, nor rent in pieces by variety of opinions and judgments.”

Thus this good archbishop spake his mind concerning such as endeavoured to impoverish the church and the ministers of it, as it had been before in the times of popery by impropriations; as he fell in another sermon upon the need of preachers in those northern parts of the kingdom, using these words: “The mother city of the realm [London] is reasonably furnished with faithful preachers: certain other cities, not many in number, are blessed too, though not in like sort. But the silly people of the land otherwhere, especially in the north parts, pine away and perish for want of this saving food; they are much decayed for want of prophecy. Many there are that hear not a sermon in seven years, I might say safely seventeen. Their blood will be required at somebody’s hand. “And why doth the country want preachers? The people pay tithes of that they have. Therefore there must needs be sufficient to maintain them. If things were well ordered, this sequel were good.

But the chiefest benefices were by the pope long since impropriated unto monks; which devoured the fruits, and gave a silly stipend unto a poor sir John to say mass. And as they left it, so we find it still. Where livings were not impropriated by the pope, there they are for the most part so handled, that patrons maintain themselves with those tithes which the people give; and ministers have that which the patrons leave. To take from them that live idly and superstitiously in the church, they plead it to be lawful, because those unprofitable members were unworthy to enjoy the fat of the earth. But when abbeys were taken up, and other profits gone, now, as greedy cormorants, they seize also upon the church of Christ. It is not fit, forth, [say they,] that men sanctified unto heavenly things should be over-encumbered with these earthly commodities. And therefore, even of great devotion, and as they will ease the church of these her burdens, &c. Thus, by men that cannot stand without the fall of the church of God, all means are invented to beggar the ministry. A device, no doubt, of Satan, and a practice of his imps, to cause a famine of the bread of life, by starving the ox that should tread out the corn, and to withdraw God’s people from seeking the Lord, by weakening and discouraging such as should guide them in the way of life.” Thus did the zealous archbishop represent publicly these wrongs to the discouragement of the ministry; and which he himself had felt and struggled with.

To proceed to what I have to add concerning some others of the episcopal order falling out this year. One of these Was Cooper, formerly bishop of Lincoln, now of Winchester. Somewhat of whose character we here take notice of, by occasion of a base unworthy slander of him by Penry, the author of Martin Marprelate, a book levelled against the bishops; who in one of his scurrilous libels had much undervalued this bishop’s learning and good abilities; and, “that he was a very dunce, and not able to defend an argument; but till he came to the pinch, he would cog and face it out,” &c.

The good bishop being thus openly in print abused, thought fit, in a seasonable book by him set forth about this time, thus modestly to give some account of himself in these words: “That as for that reproach, he would not much strive with them.

That he had not used, he thanked God, to vaunt himself of great learning, neither did he disdain to be accounted unlearned of these men; who many years since contemned bishop Jewel as a man of no deep learning; and even of late days could say, that Erasmus was no divine. But (the said bishop subjoined) that his prayer was, that the small measure of knowledge that it pleased God to give him in the continuance of fifty years’ study, might be employed to the glory of God and the benefit of his country. That it was known forty-five years since, that he was master of arts, and student of divinity, and disputed in that faculty. That since which time he had never been drawn from the exercise of good learning. And that this was his greatest comfort, that Since he was a young man in Magdalen college in Oxford, he had been brought up in the love of the gospel; and was reasonably able to confirm his conscience, and repress his adversary, not only by the holy scripture, but also by the writings of the ancient fathers, and the best authors of this age, since the renewing of the gospel; as, he said, he had many honest and learned men witnesses, then alive.”

During the vacancy of the rich bishopric of Ely, there wanted not applications to the queen, and some of her court, for some of the revenues of it upon long leases. As there was one letter the last year obtained from the queen to the dean and chapter for Ashley, esq. a servant of her majesty, for the manors of Dunnington, Thriplow, and the parsonage of Hinckston; which letter of the queen’s was accompanied with another from secretary Walsingham: so again this year the lord treasurer sent his letter to the said dean and chapter of Ely for the lease of Wentworth, belonging to them, upon lives, for one Medley, a famous chymist, and retainer to that lord; which they could not grant by their statute; and being their patron, and high steward of their church, they hoped he would not require it of them.

And what the occasion was, Dr. Perne the dean and chapter’s letter ensuing will shew; importing, “That they had received a letter from him in behalf of William Medley, his lordship’s servant, for the renewing of his lease of the manor of Wentworth, for three lives, whereof he had already two in being. They prayed him to understand, that about four or five years past this Medley, with two or three others of their tenants, having leases belonging to their church for many years to come, and they finding the imperfection and insufficiency of their said leases, for want of words of their incorporation, they made suit to take the same for the term of three lives: which thing they [the dean and chapter] willingly consented unto, in respect of their many years to come; but which lease, for three lives they never granted to any other tenants before. That many other of their tenants, by this example, sued for three lives. The inconvenience whereof they found so great, and so prejudicial to their successors, as immediately after those new grants they made a decree, with the whole consent of the chapter, not to make any grant above the term of one and twenty years, which thing was so ordered at the first erection of the dean and chapter by the prince’s commissioners.”

And this being their case, they addressed to that lord in these words: “That herein, if it might please his lordship to stand their honourable good patron, for the firm maintenance of that necessary order and decree, for the good preservation of their church, they and all their successors should acknowledge themselves no less bounden unto his honour, than they and their successors were, for the obtaining of her gracious grant and confirmation of all such their lands as were intended to be given by her majesty’s noble father, their gracious and honourable founder. And so praying his honour to have due regard therein.” This was signed by Andrew Pern, the dean, and seven of the prebendaries.

Scambler, bishop of Norwich, was employed this year in a very irksome business, required by his episcopal office: which was the summoning of an heretic in his diocese to his court; whose opinions were found so vile and horrible concerning Christ, that the bishop was forced to condemn him for a stubborn heretic. His name was Francis Ket, master of arts, and seems to have been a minister. The bishop acquainted the lord treasurer with what he had done, in a letter dated from Norwich, October 7; viz. “That he had lately condemned for heresy Francis Ket, M. A. whose blasphemous opinions he had thought good to acquaint his honour with; and referring to his wisdom the speedy execution of, he being so dangerous a person.” And accordingly (as it seems by order from court) he was burnt at a place near Norwich, as our historian Stow writes, for” divers “detestable opinions against Christ our Saviour.” But what those particular opinions were are not set down: nor do I find the former letter of the bishop wherein they were specified: perhaps so vile and wicked, that it was thought best to stifle and burn the paper. It is likely he was some Arian, or of the family of love.

And as I do not use to omit Irish church matters, when in my collections I meet with them, so here may fall in a remark of an archbishop of Dublin, lord chancellor of Ireland. There was a letter of his wrote this year to the English court. The occasion this: The queen had disposed of the forfeited estates of her great Irish traitor, the earl of Desmond and his complices, which were vastly great, consisting of an infinite number of acres of land in many or most of the counties of that kingdom. Those to whom the queen had granted these lands were persons of honour and quality of the English nation, and that had done good services in that rebellious kingdom. But these estates, together with many privileges, were granted them upon certain conditions. The queen’s great purpose at this time was the peopling of the county of Munster, and furnishing it with inhabitants from England that were protestants; that popery and rebellion might at length cease, or be diminished in those parts. And the gentlemen on whom the queen had bestowed these estates undertook the doing of it. But what success they had in this undertaking is out of my way here to relate; though there wanted not informations and complaints to the court of these undertakers, (as they were called,) and those concerned in the lands and the bounds thereof.

But one of these undertakers was sir William Herbert, knight, (which gives the cause of my mention of this Irish affair.) The queen had granted him in the county of Kerry, 13,276 acres of land, to the yearly rent of 221l . and upwards. He was a gentleman of good desert in this charge, and had been at pains and cost to promote the queen’s good ends there; and being now ready to go for England, he took with. him (and perhaps to clear himself of some misinformations against him) his character to the lord treasurer from the said lord archbishop of Dublin. Which ran to this tenor: “That this gentleman, sir Will. Herbert, having purposed to return into England, he thought it fit to acquaint his lordship with his good endearours there [in Ireland]. That he had in all his proceedings held a very orderly and commendable course; regarding especially the planting of religion as the chiefest means to prepare that place to the consideration of their duty to her majesty, and obedience to her laws. Herein (God blessing his great care and industry) he had so much prevailed, as in few places in that kingdom there was the like reformation. That his being there had been both chargeable and troublesome to him: which he regarded not so much, as that he was given to understand, that some things, contrary to his good meaning, were aggravated against him there; especially that which concerned the lady Denny; [the wife or widow of sir Edward Denny, who partook of some of the queen’s grants aforesaid.] Which he had dealt in no otherwise than a discreet and wise gentleman. For, perceiving that some things, either by evil advice or open stomach, were done, not only in disgrace of his authority, and the rest of the justices, but very hurtful to the common good, they sent an ordinary process, yet advisedly qualified, with a private letter to her ladyship; whereby they declared, that there was no necessity of her appearance; but that she might send her agent instructed.”

And then, in favour of that gentleman, adding; “Surely, my lord, both in this and in all other his proceedings, he hath great temperancy and steadiness. And now, if he might receive deserved countenance, he would do her majesty great good service in those parts: and so, wishing with his heart that his faithful and honest dealings might be free from all crosses there, he humbly recommended him to his lordship’s honourable favour: whereby, as he perceived by himself, he greatly depended. Dated from Dublin, the 17th of March, 1588. Subscribed, Your honour’s humbly at commandment Ad. Dublin. canc.”

CHAPTER 18.

Popish books. The pope’s bull brought in and dispersed: to encourage the invasion intended. Cardinal Allen’s books. Bennet, a priest; his penitent letter to the earl of Arundel for a false information against him. Sir Tho. Tresham’s protestation of allegiance. Francis Blount, a catholic at Paris, desirous to come home, writes to the queen for the liberty of his religion. A case of conscience propounded by some catholics, whether they might take up arms under the Spaniard against the queen; resolved by a priest at large. Divers lists of priests, and other English catholics, at home and abroad. Englishmen, pensioners of the king of Spain.

A proclamation against the bringing in the pope’s bull; and other popish books: such to be punished by martial law.

Now to take some view of the enemies or disaffected to the established church, both papists and protestant schismatics.

Popish books flew abroad this year, in order to the great design now on foot. The chief writers as well as transactors on that side were, Allen, made a cardinal by the pope for his deserts that way, and Parsons, a Jesuit. One of this cardinal’s books set forth this year, or hereabouts, was a large explanation of the present pope’s bull, published at Rome; which I will briefly mention, and then shew how the cardinal backed it with his own comment and explanation. This bull had more severity than that of his predecessor’s, Plus Quintus, that came forth near twenty years before, that excommunicated the queen; as I have from the copy of a letter sent hence to Mendoza at Paris, by one of that sort here, “whereby the queen was accursed, and pronounced to be deprived of her crown; and the invasion and conquest of her realm committed by the pope to the king catholic, to execute the same with his armies both by sea and land; and to take the crown to himself, or to limit it to such a potentate as the pope and he should name.”

This bull was followed by a great number of copies of an English book, printed at Antwerp, sent into England even when the navy of Spain was daily looked for. The original of which books was composed and writ by the abovesaid cardinal in April, called by himself the cardinal of England, to add the greater authority to his book: which was so violently, sharply, and bitterly written, “yea, (said the writer of the letter to Mendoza,) so arrogantly, (charged by the adversaries,) falsely, and slanderously, against the person of the queen, against her father king Henry VIII. against her nobility and council, as in very truth he was heartily sorry to perceive; that so many good men of his religion were offended therewith: that there should be found in one, accounted a father of the church, who was also a born subject of the crown, such foul, vile, irreverent, and violent speeches, such ireful and bloody threatenings, of a queen, of a nobility, yea, and of the whole people of his own nation.” This was the account of the cardinal’s book by one of themselves. And, to subjoin what many of them thought of the cardinal himself, “That he was very sorry to report the general evil conceit of those unordinate and unadvised proceedings of this cardinal; of whose rash choice to such a place the world spake strangely.”

But besides Allen’s former book, he had also prepared another, ready to be published, intended for the service of the Spanish invasion. It was printed in English, and should have been presently divulged, if the Spaniards could have set footing in England this year. Meteran, in his history, hath preserved it; and there it may be seen and read word for word: I will give some account of it from Dr. Geo. Abbot, in his book writ against Dr. Hill. “Among other matters are these. The queen is called the pretended queen, and the present usurper. She must be deprived of the administration of the kingdom. She is an heretic, a schismatic: usurping the kingdom against all right; as for other causes, so because she had not the consent of the great bishop of Rome. That she moved the Turk to invade Christendom. She had set at sale, and made a market of laws and rights. Some of her facts make her uncapable of the kingdom. Some others make her unworthy of life.

That therefore pope Sixtus V. had renewed the excommunication against her, and deprived her of her title and pretences to the kingdom of England and Ireland, and declaring her illegitimate, and an usurper, and absolving all her subjects from the oath of fidelity to her. And then he charged all persons to withdraw their aid from her; that worthy punishment might be taken of her. And that they join themselves with the duke of Parma. Also, it was proclaimed lawful to lay hands upon the queen; and a very great reward was promised to them that did so. And a safe conduct was then given to as many as would bring a warlike provision to the Spanish camp; and to all who would assist that enterprise, the pope doth by indulgence give full pardon, and plenary remission of all their sins,” &c.

On all these words, and the cardinal’s approbation and assertions of this bull, Abbot deservedly made this reflection “That this shewed the mind of the lewd cardinal against the prince, that his disenglished, wolfish desire was, that the natural place of his education should have been in the everlasting bondage of the Spaniard.”

Nor were these all the books that this malicious, unnatural Englishman wrote against his queen and country, but others were set forth by him before: which I shall here take leave to add, as we have them reckoned up by Parsons the Jesuit; and from him mentioned by the abovesaid Dr. Abbot. 1. An Answer to the English Justice. 2 . The Defence of the Twelve Martyrs in one year. 3. The epistle allowing sir Will. Stanley’s delivering up of Deventer to the Spaniard. Of which place he was governor for the queen. 4. A Declaration against her Majesty and the States, in the year 1588.

Which was the same taken notice of afore.

Some brief account of each of these books I shall give from our forementioned author, Abbot, in his controversy with Hill. In the first of these books there is a protestation of James Layborn delivered, who was executed at Lancaster; viz. that he took two exceptions why the lady Elizabeth was no queen. One, by reason of her birth: the other, for that she was deprived by the pope. That this was first related by Sanders, De schismate Anglicano, lib. 3. and repeated again by Allen: that, as occasion should serve, it might be imitated by other papists. And the whole treatise, however it seem to be more closely conveyed than ordinary, is forged with pestilent calumniations. Of the same nature is the whole subject of the second book; penned on purpose to direct men’s affections from the state. “The third was a little pamphlet, short; but not short; maintaining the treasonful act of sir William Stanley, by many an unchristian censure and most slanderous imputation. As for example, that our country is fallen into atheism. That the queen’s confederacies were only and always with Christ’s enemies. That the wars of the English in the Low Countries were sacrilegious wars, and of an heretical prince. And that all the acts in this realm, since the queen was excommunicate, and deposed from royal dignity, were void.

Therefore she could denounce no war; neither might her subjects there serve her, when a prince was become an open rebel to the see apostolic. And he wished, that the rest of the English would do as they with sir William Stanley did. And that the English took no quarrels in hand, but for the dishonourable defence of rebels, pirates, and infidels.” Upon all these gross imputations thus Dr. Abbot descanted: “That wicked man [the author] made no conscience to stain his whole country with horrible defamations. I would hear any secular [priest] in the world, that could excuse this cursed fellow, [of the Jesuitical order.]” To what hath been said of Allen, I shall subjoin a remembrance of one Bennet, another busy priest, (as well as some others of that religion,) that occurs within this year. The said priest, with some others, (as sir Tho.

Gerrard and William Shelly,) had given information against Philip earl of Arundel, (privy to a popish plot carrying on in favour of the Scots queen.)

As that upon that earl’s motion to him, he had said a mass of the Holy Ghost for the good success of the Spanish fleet. But not long after, Benet, hoping to pacify the earl, accused himself for what he had said, in a most penitent and sorrowful letter to him, as a false accusation of him, and most earnestly bewailed his frailty in so doing: and with very passionate words expressing his sorrow, and begging the earl’s pardon, revoking all what he had declared before. The earl had endeavoured to take off all the evidences that had been brought against him by the former witnesses; and particularly Benner’s. To weaken whose evidence, he described him as a man of doubtful and slippery credit, and had confessed things contradictory. But the suggesting of Bennet’s letter to the earl might have proved more serviceable to him. Which letter our historian saith nothing of. But I conjecture this letter of remorse, whether real or pretended, was either intercepted, or rather sent to the lord treasurer to take off Bennet’s evidence. For I find it among the said lord treasurer’s papers. “Therein he bewailed to the earl what he had done. That upon his knees, before God and all his angels, and before all the world, with a most penitent, rent, and afflicted conscience, craved mercy and forgiveness for the great offence he had committed against his honour, in his [Bennet’s] late troubles and confessions That with many fair speeches and allurements, together with great weakness of body and mind, he was stricken with such astonishment and maze, that he confessed every thing that seemed to content their humour; (which he perceived not at first;) altogether tending to the earl’s ruin.” But I leave the whole letter to be read in the Appendix: which may be depended on as the original, being endorsed by the treasurer’s own hand.

Yet among the catholic gentry there were some better affected towards the queen. Here follow notice of two such persons: the one a knight, and the other a gentleman of worth. The one, by a protestation, professing all allegiance and loyalty to her majesty; and the other, who had been abroad in travel, now by another well-penned letter to the queen, desiring to return safe home to his country, and to enjoy the liberty of his conscience in the exercise of his religion.

The former was sir Tho. Tresham. Who was now under confinement in the Isle of Ely. Where he had conference with the dean, Dr. Perne, and Dr. Legg, another learned man of Cambridge; from whom he seemed to have been satisfied, and confirmed in his allegiance and duty to the queen. And to give assurance of his fidelity and sincere. obedience to her, he wrote a protestation, and signed it with his hand; with this sentence prefaced:

Appendat me in starera justa, et sciat Deus simplicitatem meam. The endorsement of the protestation was: “The humble protestation of my allegiance to her majesty, exhibited by me unto Mr. Dr. Peame, dean of Ely, and Mr. Dr. Legg, vice-chancellor of Cambridge: authorized by the lords of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council to receive the same of me, sir Thomas Tresame, knight, prisoner in the palace of Elye. “In the simplicity of my heart, I do unfeignedly protest before the majesty of Almighty God, that queen Elizabeth is my undoubted sovereign lady and queen, de jure et de facto. That her highness also is supreme governor of this realm of England, and all other the dominions belonging to the crown of England, as of all her subjects within the same. Among which, I acknowledge myself her highness’ native loyal subject. Whereby I am religiously bounden in Christian duty, either readily to do or humbly to endure her sacred highness’ will: and for no cause whatsoever to be stirred to lift tip my hand against her majesty, God’s anointed; but in all readiness defending her royal person from violence, and preserving this realm and all other her highness’ dominions from invasion, against all persons without exception; be it prince, pope, or potentate whosoever, or under what colour or pretext soever the same shall be attempted: I offer and avow myself to serve therein in person, and to spend my lands and life in so just and honourable a quarrel. “Finally, if any shall attempt to murder, wound, or hurt her majesty, my righteous and reverenced gracious lady and queen, that I in true subject-wise will, to my uttermost might and ability, prosecute such wicked wretch to death. In faithful testimony of all and every the preraises I have written this with my own hand; and thereto subscribed my name: most humbly beseeching the A1mighty to preserve this realm, and all other her majesty’s dominions, and particularly her excellency, in all felicity, long time to reign over us, to his good will and pleasure, and to the unspeakable content of us all, her faithful subjects. Who wisheth otherwise, God turn their hearts, or else shortly send them shame and confusion. Elye, October the 22d, 1588.

Whose hand and heart herein agreeth, Thomas Tresame.” The other gentleman I spake of before, who seemed to be of loyal principles, though a Roman catholic, was one Francis Blount, a gentleman of quality; who had gone abroad without leave in order to travel, and perhaps to avoid dangers incident to those of the religion at home. And some informations were brought to the court, while he was abroad, that created some jealousies of him. But being now at Paris, and minded to return into England, the Spanish fleet being in motion, he addressed a letter to the queen for her leave to return, and to enjoy the liberty of his religion; especially since she protested to oppress none merely for their conscience; and that he was not of the principles of some that had lately been justly executed; and was ready to do her all service to his utmost.

But take his letter, which ran in this tenor; dated July 24. “To the queen’s most excellent majesty. Although, most renowned sovereign, when I consider what just occasion your highness hath to be offended with some catholics of your own country, in respect of their misdemeanours towards your majesty’s person and fame, I may be therefore afraid, being a catholic, to approach now your dominions, much less your grace; yet when I do search the secret corners of my conscience, and find that none, whom the law justly executed, or now have in prison, have, can, or may charge me, either to be privy or to consent to any such fault; I may therefore, your accustomed clemency considered, and a number surmounting me in fault, (although in vocation my inferiors,) be induced to hope for the like mercy; the rather, seeing your merciful majesty hath protested to hurt none for their conscience. Which protestation of so just and merciful a prince may be a sufficient warrant to any loyal subject. But when I consider the watchful care of your grave council, together with the severe, sharp laws made against catholics, and impossibility for any to avoid the danger of them, travelling through those countries where I have been, I can no less do, than humbly to beseech your majesty’s merciful pardon only for rude faults, as of myself I shall voluntarily confess. By the granting of the which, as it shall be a manifest testimony that your magnificence desireth not the punishment of poor catholics for their zeal and profession, but for their sins and vices, so shall your highness bind me to extend all my powers and senses to the utmost to do you all honour and service, according as duty bindeth me, whensoever I shall be employed. “Thus most humbly prostrating myself before your majesty’s merciful feet, to hear of some answer agreeable to so royal and merciful a queen, which I nothing despair of, seeing my confession shall manifestly declare my most humble heart and contrition.

Which with the mightiest was always accepted.”

This leads me to a notable tract writ in Latin, by one Wright, a priest of the Romish religion; occasioned by a desire of some English abroad of the same religion to resolve them in a case of conscience, viz. Whether it were lawful for catholics to take up arms for the king of Spain against the queen, and England, their native country? the said question being propounded some years after the defeat of the Spaniard in 1588, when another attempt against England was resolved upon. The answer was in the negative: and the reasons for English subjects to take up arms under the Spaniard learnedly disproved. The writer (whose name is endorsed on the back-side by the lord treasurer) seems to be the same with Wright, alias Dobson, an English priest of the college of Doway; as I find in a list of English priests beyond the seas. Which makes this loyal discourse the more worthy to be taken notice of; and to shew that some of the English catholics abroad could not come into those Spanish measures.

It is a MS. which I have seen among the lord treasurer Burghley’s papers, (and I believe was never printed,) with his own hand on the back-side thus writ; Argumenta cujusdam papistae, nomine Wryght. It began with these words: Petierunt a me, &c. “That certain English catholics asked of him, when they saw war hung over England and Spain, to which part especially they were bound in conscience to adhere; since it was concerning the queen and the kingdom; whether they might defend the part of England, and by any manner and way, as they were wont, to set upon the Spaniard, to offend and overcome him.”

For the resolving of this question, he first laid down the reasons that moved this doubt; and inclined the catholics on the part of Spain, and some propositions on which depended the knot and the resolution thereof. The discourse is large, and intermixed with many matters historical between the two kingdoms and the queen and king Philip. Which therefore I leave translated into English in the Appendix.

When so much danger happened by papists about these times to the queen’s safety, and quiet and peaceable state of her kingdom, a careful eye was had over her popish subjects, and how they stood affected: and several lists were taken all over the nation of the names of such persons under these ranks; namely, of such as were recusants in England or abroad: whether gentlemen, ladies, seminary priests: whether at liberty, or in prison, or in what foreign parts, as at Rome, Rheims, Doway, Paris, &c. such as by their own confessions were guilty of treason or felony: such as were reconciled: again, the names of such as were reconciled to the pope before the statute, and refused to take the queen’s part: also, such as refused the oath of the leet, and said, that they would not take the queen’s part against the pope’s army. Another list was of persons only recusants.

Whereof account was given in one of the volumes of my Annals. The persons under these various characters, contained in divers lists of them, taken in the years 1587 and 1588, may be found in the Appendix.

These certificates of English subjects of the Romish religion brings on the mention of such English, who, for pretence of the liberty of their religion, took shelter under the king of Spain; and were entertained in Flanders, and other places, as his soldiers: and had pensions yearly allowed by him for their subsistence and service. These I find, Aug. 1, 88, (now the great invasion of England was entered upon, and in action,) had granted them a general liberanca: which was a bill of assignation to receive their pension monies: which was three months’ pay apiece. But their paymasters used such crafty delays in the matter of payment, that if they had not special favour, (as was writ by one that had been a fugitive himself, and knew the state of the English fugitives under that king,) it would be six months after the grant thereof (do what they could) before it would be further signed, and in condition for them to demand their money. And till October, in the year 1590, this author saith, he was sure they had not received a penny.

And how long they stayed afterward without it, he knew not. Their necessity was great. They followed the duke of Parma (the governor of Flanders under the king of Spain) from town to town, importunately requiring payment. But especially they never left Cosmo, the duke’s secretary, in quiet. Who, to rid himself of their troublesome importunacy, addressed them to Baptista Spinola, a banker dwelling in Antwerp, giving them his letter, and sending the same by one Henry Haslewood, requesting him to relieve these distressed English gentlemen, and to buy their liberanca. Which he doubted not they would sell good cheap to his profit.

The whole sum was 10,000 crowns, which Cosmo promised him should be allowed him, and passed in the reckoning which he had with the king.

Haslewood, in the name of the rest, offered him the said sum for crowns. But Spinola utterly refused the same, saying, he would not take it for 2000. And withal, he desired he might not meddle with the king: wishing that he had not meddled with him so much. So that they were fain to return poor and penniless. And did in that instant live in so poor and pitiless a sort, that truly it was a grief to see it, said the writer of this passage. And he added, that he knew a gentleman that sold his part there, amounting to 24l . for 3l . I leave others to make observation hence of the generosity of this rich king towards these fugitives; and of their miserable condition who had changed their loyalty to their natural prince, and had yielded it to an implacable enemy to her and their country.

And what sort of evil and maliciously disposed persons some of these pensioners were, will appear by the speeches of two of them, famous for their treachery in betraying certain places in Flanders to the Spaniard, viz.

Stanley and York: as I take it from an account given of them by one in those times, and a fugitive, and what checks they received from Spaniards with whom they conversed. That Verdugo, hearing sir Will. Stanley with passion transported into violent speeches against his country, wished him to use moderation: and that though he had offended his country, his country had never offended him. And the other, viz. Rowland York, at dinner one day with count Charles of Mansfelt, at his house in Brussels, beginning to use unbecoming speeches of the queen, was commanded of the count to hold his peace: praying him thenceforward to be better acquainted with the customs of that table, which did not give any man privilege to speak unreverently of princes.

And besides open wars and secret conspiracies, there was another method the Romanists made much use of, for the promoting their purposes, to infect the people of this land; and that was by books dispersed in the nation, from Rome, and other places abroad: serving to instruct and persuade their party; and more and more to disaffect them, and to excite them to make disturbances, and to confirm them in their dangerous practices. Insomuch that it was thought necessary to set forth a severe proclamation this year against bringing books from the see of Rome; that so coming thence they might have the stamp of his holiness’s authority and infallibility: which was enough to make them believe and undertake any thing. These that were thus prohibited were as well traitorous as threatening books and seditious libels, as pope Sixtus his bull particularly; (whereof notice was taken before :) and likewise against dispersing, uttering, or keeping of them, and that under penalty of martial law.

In this notable proclamation, the queen first declared the wicked enterprises of the papists against her life and kingdom. “That considering with herself how mercifully A1-mighty God had by the space of many years preserved her highness’ most royal person, and this her realm and other her dominions, against divers and manifold most dangerous practices, as well of the pope and other foreign enemies, as of sundry disloyal, rebellious, and traitorous persons, being natural-born subjects of this realm; who had not ceased, by all possible means they could devise, to compass the destruction of her, and the utter ruin and overthrow of this state and commonwealth: for the effecting whereof, they had contrived and laid sundry complots, not only for the invasion of the realms by foreign enemies, but also to move and stir up rebellion at home, by withdrawing her subjects from their loyal and due obedience, and by preparing them to betray their own natural country; and most unnaturally to join with foreign enemies in the spoil and destruction of the same. For which ungodly and wicked purpose (as it had evidently appeared, and been fully proved) so many Jesuits and seminary priests, and other persons of like quality, had, by direction of the pope, been of late years sent into the realm. By whom and their adherents sundry false, slanderous, and seditious rumours and reports (tending wholly to move the people’s hearts to discontentment and offence) had been commonly bruited and given out; and divers seditious and traitorous libels, books, and writings had also by them been published and scattered abroad: “Whereupon her majesty, perceiving, in her princely wisdom, the dangerous consequences of such malicious and traitorous purposes, had heretofore by several proclamations noted the same to her loving subjects; forbidding thereby the publishing, having, or keeping of any such seditious libels, books, or writings within her realms or dominions. And her majesty now finding that the malice, as well of the pope and other foreign enemies, as of her rebellious and traitorous subjects, living in the parts beyond seas, was more and more increased; and that they had been of long time secretly levying and preparing great forces and armies to invade this realm and other her majesty’s dominions, with purpose to put the same in speedy execution by all possible means; thereby utterly to overthrow her most happy state and this flourishing commonweal, and to subject it to the proud, servile, and slavish government of foreigners and strangers: and having also certain intelligence that Sixtus the Fifth, now pope of Rome, had of late published and set forth a most malicious and detestable bull or libel against her majesty, and her most gracious and peaceable government, and against all loving, dutiful, and faithful subjects; and that sundry other most false, slanderous, and traitorous libels, books, and pamphlets were also lately contrived, written, and printed by divers seditious and traitorous persons, with purpose to be in cover and secret manner dispersed through this realm: wherein they did not only go about, with most false and abominable lies, to slander and dishonour her majesty, and the present most happy and quiet state and government, but also, by subtile and pestilent persuasions, to withdraw her highness’ subjects from their due obedience; and to excite and stir up the people to take arms against God and their sovereign, and to join with the foreign enemies; and so to betray and yield themselves, their parents, kindred, and children, and their religion and country and commonweal, to be subjects and slaves to aliens and strangers. “That therefore her highness thought good to admonish her loving, good, and faithful subjects, to continue in humble fear and service to Almighty God, in their loyal and dutiful obedience to her majesty, and in their faithful readiness to defend themselves and country against all foreign enemies and rebellious traitors whatsoever; and she doubted not, but God’s merciful goodness, (upon which she had always and did only depend,) with the strength which God had given her, to withstand their malice, and to preserve her good subjects and her realms and dominions from all dangers. “Nevertheless, lest any of her people should be seduced, or their simplicity abused, by the false persuasions or malicious surmises contained in the said infamous and slanderous bulls, libels, books, and pamphlets, she did, by this her majesty’s proclamation, straitly charge and command, that no person whatsoever should convey, carry, or bring into any of her majesty’s realms and dominions any of the said bulls, or any transcript or copy thereof, or any the said libels, books, pamphlets, or writings; nor should in any wise disperse or utter any of the same: and that all such persons, to whose hands such bulls, or any transcript or copy thereof, or any of the said libels, books, pamphlets, or writings, either had come, or should hereafter at any time come, presently with all convenient speed, without shewing the same to any person, send or deliver it to some one of her highness’ privy-council, if any such were within twenty miles; or if it were above that distance of twenty miles from the court, then to the lieutenant, or to his deputy, of the same shire, for the time being, where the party shall be that had or should have any such bull, or any such transcript or copy thereof; or any such libel, book, pamphlet, or writing. And that the same lieutenant, or his deputy, to whose hand any such bull, or any such transcript or copy, should come, should without delay, and with all convenient speed, safely send the same to the lords of her majesty’s privycouncil.

And that every person, to whom any such bull, or any transcript or copy thereof, or any such libel, book, pamphlet, or writing, should be hereafter delivered, offered, or shewed, should immediately apprehend and put in safe keeping the party so delivering, offering, or shewing the same, if he were in power or able so to do. To the end that every such offender might be forthcoming, to be speedily proceeded upon, and punished for the same offence, according to the tenor of this her majesty’s proclamation. Or, for lack of such ability, should with all convenient speed disclose the name, or dwelling-place, or place of resort, of the party so offending, to some justice of peace of the shire, where any such offence should be committed. Who should thereupon immediately cause the party so offending to be apprehended, and put in safe keeping, as aforesaid. “And her majesty’s further pleasure and express commandment was, that if any such person should wittingly and willingly offend in, or touching the bringing in, dispersing, uttering, or malicious having or keeping of any such bull, or of a transcript or copy thereof, or of any the said libels, books, or pamphlets, contrary to this her majesty’s proclamation; that every such offender should with all severity be proceeded against and punished, according to the martial law, by her majesty’s lieutenants, or their deputies, by direction from the same lieutenant in that behalf, within the several limits and precincts of their commissions of lieutenancy; and should suffer such pains and penalties in that behalf, as by the said lieutenants, or their deputies, by such direction as is aforesaid, or any of them within their said limits and precincts, should be inflicted upon them. And that thereupon also the goods and chattels of every such offender should be confiscate and forfeited to her majesty. “And for the better execution of this present proclamation, her majesty did not only grant and commit full power and authority to all and every her lieutenants and their deputies, having such direction as was aforesaid, but also hereby straitly charged and commanded them, and every of them, to proceed against the offenders aforesaid with all diligence and severity, according to the said martial law. And further granted by these presents, that none of her said lieutenants, or their deputies, be any wise impeached, in body, lands, or goods, at any time hereafter, for any thing to be done or executed in the punishment of any such offender, according to the said martial law, and the tenor of this her highness’ proclamation, any law or statute to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. “And for the better discovery of the said offences, and the speedy apprehension of such traitorous, seditious, and wicked persons, as after admonition given by this her highness’ proclamation should presume maliciously and wilfully to offend against the same, her majesty straitly charged and commanded, as well all her said lieutenants and deputies, and every of them, as all and every her judges, sheriffs, justices of peace, mayors, bailiffs, and all other her officers and ministers, and good and loving subjects; that they should with all care and diligence, in all places, (as well exempt as not exempt,) inquire and search for all such bulls, transcripts, copies, libels, books, and pamphlets; and for all such persons whatsoever, as should bring, publish, disperse, or utter any of the said bulls, transcripts, &c. and them to apprehend, and put in safe keeping, that they might be speedily proceeded against for the said offences, according to the martial law, as is aforesaid. “And her majesty was pleased, that all such persons as Reward. should apprehend or detect any such offender against this proclamation, whereby the said offender might be forthcoming to be proceeded upon, and to receive punishment according to the quality of the offence, shall have the moiety of all the goods and chattels of the said offender, which should be so apprehended or detected by them. And in case any sheriff, mayor, justice of peace, or other public and inferior officer, or any other to whom it should or might appertain, should be found remiss or negligent in the due execution of this proclamation, then the said party so offending was to be brought before the lords and others of her highness’ privycouncil, to receive punishment for the remissness and contempt, as should appertain to the nature and quality of the same offence. “And finally, her majesty, of her most gracious, merciful disposition, hereby signified to all her loving subjects, that her will and pleasure was, that neither they nor any of them should be molested, troubled, or impeached for any offence heretofore past in the receiving or having of any of the said bulls, transcripts, copies, libels, books, or pamphlets: so as they do deliver the same, according to the effect and true meaning of this proclamation; and so as it appeared that they were no authors, bringers in, setters forth, dispersers, or maintainers of the same bulls, transcripts, &c.

And her majesty willed and granted, that this her proclamation should be a sufficient warrant to all her said lieutenants, and all their deputies, and all and every her judges, sheriffs, justices of peace, ministers, and officers, and all other her loving subjects whatsoever, to proceed in the due execution of the premises, according to the tenor of the same proclamation. “And that therefore her majesty’s will and pleasure was, that the same should be made and published under the great seal of England. Given at her highness’ manor of Greenwich, the first day of July, 1588, and in the 30th year of her reign.”

CHAPTER 19.

Scoffing and railing books of puritans. Martin Marprelate. He is brought bette the ecclesiastical commission. A false report he had spread of the bishop of Winton. His abusive book against Dr. Bridges. Dr. Bancroft’s sermon of the jus divinum of episcopacy.

Penry’s confutation. Dr. Raynolds judgment of that point; upon the motion of sir Fra. Knowles. Examination of some concerned in Marprelate’s press: their confessions. Secret conventicles: discovered. Their worship and opinions. Another sort of sectaries: allow dissimulation. The same practised by papists.

SUCH of the queen’s protestant subjects that laboured for a new reformation of this church, both of the government of it by bishops, and of the divine service by the Book of Common Prayer, did at this time mightily bestir themselves, by publishing divers books and libels full of scurrilous language and slanders, chiefly against the hierarchy: but those of Martin Marprelate made the greatest noise.

Some account of these malicious printed tracts and pamphlets I shall give in the words of an eminent bishop then living: “That at that very time, (when the nation was thanking God for their deliverance from the Spanish armada,) that even then they saw in men’s hands and bosoms commonly slanderous pamphlets, fresh from the press, against the best of the church of England; and that they heard at every table, and in sermons and lectures at private conventicles, the voices of many, not giving thanks to God, but scoffing, mocking, railing, and depraving the lives and doings of bishops and others of the ministry; and contemptuously defacing the state and government of the church, begun in the time of that godly and blessed prince, king Edward VI. and confirmed and established by our most gracious sovereign -----That there ere of late time, even within a few weeks, three or four odious libels, against the bishops and others of the clergy, printed, and spread abroad almost in all countries of this realm, so fraught with untruths, slanders, reproaches, railings, revilings, scoffings, and other intemperate speeches, as, he thought, the like was never committed to press or paper; no, not against the vilest sort of men that have lived upon the earth. And such a prejudice this was to the honour of this state and government, as never was offered in any age. The author of which called himself Martin Marprelate.”

These books were so full of sedition, and tending so professedly to the overthrow of the established government of the church, that a letter was writ from the lord chancellor and lord treasurer to the archbishop of Canterbury, with the assistance of some others of the privy-council, to search for the authors and abettors of them; as giving great provocation to the queen and state. Of this Marprelate I have given a large account in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift. And thither I refer the reader.

Only of John Penry, the chief that bore the name of the author of those slanderous books, being so infamous, I shall add one or two more notices, as I met with them. When Penry was brought before the ecclesiastical commission, where sate the archbishop of Canterbury, Cooper, bishop of Winchester, and other bishops, they objected to him one of his assertions in his book, that readers were no ministers; meaning such of the clergy as did not or could not preach, but only read the holy Scriptures, the Homilies, and other good books, appointed to be publicly read to the people when there were no sermons. This, Penry asserted in his book, was not preaching the word: and so the ordinary means of salvation was wanting, which was the word preached. And that upon this saying of his, it was reported, that the abovesaid bishop should say, that this was next door to an heresy. This matter thus did Penry abusively relate in a book that he afterwards published: “That where he said, that the preaching of the word was the only ordinary way of salvation, the archbishop counted it a heresy, and that every mortal condemned it; Penry wrote, that this case stood thus: That he was brought in the year 87 before the commission ecclesiastical, where sate the archbishop, the bishops of London, Winton, and others; and by them was examined about his book.

That soon after it was reported by him, and the report spread, that the archbishop and the bishop of Winton had said, that something that Penry had said, viz. that preaching the word was the only means of salvation, amounted to heresy, or came very near it.”

Which was falsely reported and carried abroad. But Penry, to vindicate himself and his report, gave some account of that conference after this his customary, scurrilous manner. The discourse was about non-residence; which Penry had severely inveighed against in his Marprelate. “When the bishop of London then had asked him what he could say against such, he said, they were odious in the sight of God and man; because, as much as in them lay, they bereaved the people (over whom they thrust themselves) of the ordinary means of salvation; which was the word preached. That the bishop of London demanded of him, whether preaching was the only means of salvation. Penry answered, it was the only ordinary means. And confirmed it by three texts. Romans 10:14. How shall they hear without a preacher? 1 Corinthians 1:21. It pleased God by the foolishness of preaching, to save them that believe. The third place was Ephesians 1:13. In whom also ye trusted, after ye heard the word of truth. That the point being long canvassed, the bishop of Winton (whom he called his worship of Winton) rose up, and mildly, after his manner, brast forth in these words; I assure you, my lords, it is an execrable heresy. An heresy? said Penry; [as he relates his story ;] I thank God that I ever knew that heresy. It is such a heresy, as I will, by the grace of God, sooner leave my life than I will leave it. Then the bishop said, I tell thee it is an heresy; and thou shalt recant it as an heresy. Then said the other, never so long as I live, God willing. And adding, that he was weary to hear his grace so absurd.”

It is pity it was not related what the archbishop and bishop had said more at large in this matter, to explain their words; since all this account given by Penry and his brethren was tossed about in speeches and common talk against them. But the bishop of Winton thought fit, in a book writ by him about this time, thus to vindicate himself from this slander, by relating the truth. “That he should say, that preaching of the word to be the only ordinary way to salvation, was heresy; this he never thought nor spake, either then or at any other time of his life. And that in that controversy Penry had spoken things so strange and so obscure, that he seemed to attribute that effect to the preaching of the word only, and not otherwise used, by reading it.” [For indeed one of this man’s doctrines was, that readers were no ministers.] “And that being urged by the question, by occasion of reading the scripture in churches, his answer was such, as he evidently shewed himself not to mean, that that effect of salvation could not be wrought by hearing of the word of God read; with some other words, giving suspicion of worse. And then indeed he [the bishop] rose, not out of his place, (as this honest man did carp,) nor spake in such choleric manner as was pretended. But that he quietly said, My lord,” [speaking, as it seems, to the archbishop, then in the commission,] “this is not far from heresy.”

Thus the bishop more truly represented himself and the case. I have not yet done with Marprelate: which gave such high offence to the clergy especially, that it received answers by some of them; but to their cost, if railing and foul language could move them. One of these was Dr. Bridges, dean of Sarum. Who soon, by Marprelate and his club, had a whipping reply given him, which will appear by the title-page: which I will here set down, for the peculiar style of these men. “O! read over Dr. John Bridges : for it is a worthy Work. “Or, an epitome of the first book of the right worshipful volume, written against the puritans, and the defence of the noble clergy, by as worshipful a priest, J. Bridges, presbyter, priest, or elder, Dr. of divilite, and dean of Sarum. Wherein the arguments of the puritans are wisely prevented; that when they come to answer Mr. Doctor, they must needs say something that hath been spoken. “Compiled for the behoof and overthrow of the parsons, fickars, and currats; which have learnt their catechisms, and are past grace.

By the reverend and worthy Martin Marprelate, gentleman. And dedicated to the confocation-house, &c. Printed oversea in Europe, within two furlongs of a bouncing priest. “It is dedicated to the right puissant and terrible priests, my clergymasters of the confocation-house, whether fickers-general, paltripolitans, or any other of the holy league of subscription. The date he gives his epistle is, anno pontificatus vestri quinto;” [meaning the archbishop Whirgift, who had now, an. 1588, been five years removed to the see of Canterbury ;] “and I hope ultimo Of all the English popes: by your learned and worthy brother, Martin Marprelate.”

This book of Dr. Bridges is of the more account and just esteem, having been perused by the archbishop himself before it was sent to the press.

Who himself gave this commendation of it; viz. “That he knew the sufficiency thereof caused these men thus to storm; as not being able otherwise to answer it. Which made them so bitterly to inveigh against his person. And therefore, Si insectari personam deploratae causae signum est, (as it is indeed,) istorum causa est deploratissima.”

In this book thus Martin threatened the bishops: “That he would make open war against them, unless they would agree to let the puritans alone. That he intended to work their woe two manner of ways; first, to watch them at every half turn; and whatsoever they did amiss, he would presently publish it. That they should not call one honest man before them, but he would get their examination, and publish it. That he would place for this purpose a young Martin in every diocese, to take notice of their practices.

And rather than he would be disappointed of his purpose, he would place a Martin in every parish. And in part of Suffolk and Essex, he thought it were best to have two in a parish. Secondly, that all the books he had in store already of their doing should be published.”

His books he pretended were many. And what they were are mentioned elsewhere.

These books of Marprelate, so severe upon the bishops, and their very order and superiority in the church of England so maliciously inveighed against, gave occasion to a sermon in the chief auditory of London, namely, at St. Paul’s Cross, preached by a very learned divine, Dr. Rich.

Bancroft, chaplain to the archbishop; and so (likely) by some order from him. The purpose of this sermon was to prove the jus divinum of episcopacy, with a refutation of those scurrilous libels against them of that dignity; and withal disproving the new discipline. But those of the puritan party could not away with it; who were of another opinion, holding that bishop and priest were equal, and of one and the same order.

His sermon was grounded upon this text; Beloved, believe not every spirit, but try the spirits whether they be of God; because many false prophets are gone out into the world. 1 John 4:1. The forwardest that set himself to confute this sermon was our busy Penry. Who first began to answer it more briefly, to be answered more fully and largely by others afterwards. His book was to be, A brief discovery Ode the untruths and slanders against the true government of the church of Christ, contained in a sermon preached, &c. The sum of this sermon, under divers heads, I will repeat from this writer’s own pen, as I find it. Whereby we may in part know what this learned sermon was, that had not a few angry opponents. “There be many nowadays who do affirm, that when Christ used these words, Dic ecclesiae, he meant thereby to establish in the church for ever the same plot of ecelesiastieal government, to be erected in every parish, which Moses, by Jethro’s counsel, appointed in Mount Sinai, and which after the Jews did imitate in their particular synagogues.” And again, shewing how they affected a Jewish church-government: “They had, say these men, in their synagogues their priests: we must have in every parish our pastors.

They their Levites we our doctors. They their rulers of their synagogue: we our elders. They their Levitical treasurers: we our deacons. Again; this form of government they call the tabernacle which God hath appointed; the glory of God, and of his Son Jesus Christ; the presence of God, that place which he hath chosen to put his name there; the court of the Lord, and the shewing forth of God’s glory. “Again; where this ecclesiastical synod is not erected, they say, God’s ordinance is not performed; the once of Christ, as he is a king, is not acknowledged in effect; that without this government we can never attain to a right and true feeling of Christian religion, but are to be reckoned among those who say of Christ, We will not have this man to reign over us.” Again, in the same sermon: “There was never ancient father, I think, since the apostles’ time, that did thus expound that place, Matthew 18. Besides, there hath been a diverse government from this used in the church ever since the apostles’ time. And these men do confess, that this government of God, before the council of Nice, began greatly to decay: and that since the said council it was never heard of in the world, until these their times. [And for this he alleged Cartwright.] A very strange matter, if it were true, that Christ should erect a form of government until his coming, and that the same should never be once put in practice for the space of 1500 years; or at the least, to take them at their best, that the government and kingdom of Christ should then be overthrown, when the divinity of his person, the honour of his kingly authority, &c. was established at the council of Nice.” All these paragraphs were taken by Penry out of that sermon, in order to confute it.

I shall say nothing more of this Penry, surnamed Marprelate, but only mention a clause or two in his epistle to his reader; shewing what his and his party’s opinion was of the bishops that then were. “They seem at this day to have greater liberty to wound the church than any they had since the beginning of her majesty’s reign. They make use of the time and the opportunity which they have gotten, to keep the truth and the church in their bondage. He spake of murdering tables set up against them by these tyrants; [meaning, I suppose, the ecclesiastical commission.] The Devil indeed hath within these twelve months shewed himself to be grievously wounded in their [the bishops’] persons: because he hath raged so mightily, as this 32 years [since the queen came to the crown] his fury was never seen so great against the truth as at this present.”

More of this answer to Dr. Bancroft’s sermon is related elsewhere.

Among others that took displeasure at this sermon was sir Francis Knowles, a courtier, and treasurer of the queen’s household: who, upon this sermon of the superiority of bishops, thought fit to send his letter to Dr. John Raynolds, a learned professor in divinity, and head sometime of Corpus Christi college, Oxon, putting the said question to him, and to take Bancroft’s assertion into his examination, and communicate what his judgment was therein; and in short to confute it.

This letter will be found in the Life of Archbishop Whirgift; and therefore I here omit it. But the judgment of Dr. Raynolds, in his answer to sir Francis, may deserve to be here added: the original whereof I have seen thus endorsed by the known hand of the said knight: The 19th of Septemb. 1589. Mr. D. Raynolds’ answer to two points of Dr. Bankrout’s sermon. It was as followeth: “Albeit, right honourable, I take greater comfort in labouring to discover and overthrow the errors of Jesuits and papists, enemies of religion, than of ministers of the gospel, and brethren, professing the true faith of Christ; yet seeing it hath pleased your honour to require me to shew mine opinion of some things, which certain of these maintain and stand in, I thought it my duty, by the example of Levi, who said of his father and mother, I regard him not, nor acknowledged he his brethren, to declare the truth without respect of persons. That of the two points of Dr. Bancroft’s sermon, that your honour mentioneth; one, that he seemeth to avouch the superiority which bishops have among us of the clergy to be of God’s own ordinance, though not by express words, yet by necessary consequence. In that he affirmeth their opinion, who impugn that superiority, to be heresy. Where in I must confess, that he hath committed an oversight, in my judgment,” &c.

And then at last, modestly concluding this point, he used these words: “That he had signified his opinion of the point which his honour had specified in Dr. Bancroft’s sermon. Which yet if he or any did prove that he had erred in, or took him otherwise than he ought, he should be very willing (by God’s grace) to correct; remembering the apostle’s lesson, that the spirits of the prophets are subject unto prophets “The latter point is, concerning that, as he affirmeth, that St. Jerom saith, and that Mr. Calvin seemed, on his report, to confess, that bishops have the said superiority ever since the times of St. Mark the evangelist: of which point I think as of the former: sith neither Jerom saith it; neither doth Calvin seem to confess it on his report,” &c. The discourse is very large and learned, with the sense of many of the fathers, and particularly concerning the heresy of Aerius, with allegations of canons and councils; too long for the room I have. And at last the Dr. concluded in these words: “So for this present I recommend your honour to the grace and mercy of Almighty God; who always bless, preserve, and prosper you and yours. At Queen’s college in Oxford, Sept. 19.

Your honour’s in Christ at commandment, John Rainoldes.” This letter, with some other tracts of that learned man, was printed in the year 1641.

Among the papers of the said sir Fra. Knolles, I must add another of the same subject, viz. against the superiority of bishops jure divino, both in the ancient and modern church of Christ. Which paper he delivered himself this year to the lord treasurer Burghley; out of that courtier’s zeal, as it seems, to the queen’s supremacy, lest it might be lessened by that superiority. This paper being not long, and so much now a controverted point by the puritans, I leave to be read in the Appendix. It begins with some allegations of St. Hierom; and then of some more modern writers, as Calvin, Musculus, Beza, &c.

But I have not yet done with Marprelate; whose books gave occasion to this controversy about bishops. Upon the letters from the court abovesaid, and the diligent search thereupon made, many persons were taken up, and afterwards so effectual an examination made, both of the secret printingpress, and of the printers, and likewise of the persons at whose houses both were harboured and concealed, that at length all was discovered and came to light: as also were certain private conventicles, where these Martinists and the like sort of sectaries met together for religion; and what their way of worship and doctrines were. Of all which I shall give some particular relation from certain curious MSS. sometime belonging to sir John Puckring, the queen’s sergeant at law, concerned in these inquiries, and one of the commissioners appointed for that purpose: being the best and most authentic account of these matters, and a great part thereof originals: kindly communicated to me by a known worthy person some years ago.

I proceed therefore to relate the examination taken of the printing-press and the books there printed, and also of sir Rich. Knightlcy, knt. John Hales, Roger Weekson, or Wigson, at whose houses that press was brought; as likewise of John Penry, the chief author, Rob. Walgrave, the printer, Humfrey Newman, alias Brownbread, cobbler, the disperser, and others. For these examinations, as they were found in the said sergeant Puckring’s papers, and taken at Lambhith in the month of February, 1588, being somewhat long, I refer the reader to the Appendix.

Among these papers was another set concerning the secret conventicles of these sectaries, now discovered: and what was found upon examination concerning them and their doctrines at those meetings: which I shall insert; having this endorsement: Certain wicked sects and opinions, an. Eliz. 31. 1588, 1589, taken from the confessions of some of them; the manner of the assembly of the secret conventicles: together with some collections of their opinions. “In the summer-time they meet together in the fields, a mile or more. There they sit down upon a bank. And divers of them expound out of the Bible so long as they are there assembled, “In the winter-time they assemble themselves by five of the clock in the morning to the house where they make their conventicle for the sabbath-day, men and women together. There they continue in their kind of prayers, and exposition of scriptures, all the day. They dine together. After dinner, make collections to pay for their diet. And what money is left some one of them carrieth to the prisons, where any of their sort be committed. “In their prayers one speaketh, and the rest do groan and sob, and sithe, as if they would wring out tears. But say not after him that prayeth. Their prayer is extemporal. “In their conventicles they use not the Lord’s Prayer, nor any form of set prayer. For the Lord’s Prayer, one, who hath been a daily resorter to their conventicles this year and an half on the sabbathdays, confesseth, that he never heard it said among them. And this is the doctrine of the use of it in their pamphlets: To that which is alleged, that we ought to say the Lord’s Prayer, because our Saviour Christ saith, When you pray, do you say thus, &c. we answer, he did not say, Read thus, or Pray these words. For that place is otherwise to be understood; namely, all our petitions must be directed by this general doctrine. Neither can we gather, that there is set down all Christ’s words, but rather a brief sum of doctrine. Taught in one of their writings; taken from Smith of Blackfriers. “For the use of set or stinted prayers, as they term it, this they teach, that all stinted prayers, or said service, is but babbling in the Lord’s sight, and hath neither promise of blessing nor edification: for that they are but cushions for such idle priests and atheists as have not the Spirit of God. And therefore to offer up prayers by read-rig or by writ unto God is plain idolatry. “In all their meetings they teach, that there is no head or supreme governor of the church of God but Christ; and that the queen hath no authority to appoint ministers in the church, nor to set down any government for the church, which is not directly commanded in God’s word. “To confirm their private conventicles, and expounding there, they teach, that a private man, being a brother, may preach, to beget faith; and now that the office of the apostles is ceased, there needeth not public ministers; but every man in his own calling was to preach the gospel. Taught in another of their writings, taken from the foresaid Smith. “To come to our churches in England, to any public prayer or preaching of whomsoever, they condemn it as utterly unlawful: for that they say, as the church of England standeth, they be all false teachers and false prophets that be in it. Their reason is, for that our preachers, as they say, do teach us, that the state of the realm of England is the true church, (which they deny.) And therefore they say, that all preachers of England be false preachers, sent in the Lord’s anger to deceive his people with lies; and not true preachers, to bring the glad tidings of the gospel. And all that come to our churches to public prayers or sermons, they account damnable souls. Taught in one of their fond pamphlets. “Concerning the authority of magistracy, they say, that our preachers teach, we must not cast our pollutions out of the church, until the magistrate hath disannulled the same: which, they say, is contrary to the doctrine of the apostles, who did not tarry for the authority of the magistrate: they say, our preachers teach that we must not put the discipline of the church in practice till the magistrates begin. And therefore our preachers be false prophets: for that we ought to reform without the magistrate, if he be slow: for that they say, the primitive church (whose example ought to be our warrant) sued not to the courts and parliaments, nor waited upon princes for their reformation. When the stones were ready, they went presently forward with their building. Whereon they conclude against all our preachers thus: That you might enjoy this world’s peace, you care not to make Christ attend upon princes, and to be subject to their laws and government. Taught by one of their pamphlets in another writing taken from Roger Jackson. “Touching the Book of Common Prayer, this is their doctrine: Let the great pregnant idol, that Book of your Common Prayer, which is so full of errors and abominations, be examined. At every part thereof, when they have railed, calling the collects therein heretical, thus they conclude of it: Neither can the cunningest of you make the best part of it other than a piece of swine’s flesh, an abomination to the Lord. Neither can the persuasion of your conscience either justify your worship or clear or satisfy others.

Taught in the pamphlet taken from Roger Jackson: confessed in Mr. John Dove’s examination, a master of arts, who was at one of their conventicles. “Those that have been of their secret brotherhood, and, seeing their errors, do fall from them, and submit themselves to be partakers of public prayers and hearing of God’s word with us, they condemn as apostates. And they say it is a greater sin to go to our churches to public prayers, than for a man to lie with his father’s wife. “And when as one of late forsook their conventicles, they sent for him; and when he gave them many reasons why he could not hold their opinions for good, as namely, that they rejected the Lord’s Prayer. That they were dissemblers; in that two of them had a deed of gift of all their lands, to deceive the queen: and a number of other reasons which he alleged to them. When they saw they could not win him, they gave him over to the hand of Satan, till he should submit himself to the church again. And they all kneeling, he that gave that sentence made a prayer, to desire God to ratify that censure against him. Confessed by Love, who is the party whom they so used, and by Mr. Dove, who was present at this action, &c. “They hold it unlawful to baptize children among us, but rather choose to let them go unbaptized. As in summer 1588, a child of theirs, being twelve years of age, was known not to have been baptized. And when the poor infant desired often that it might be baptized, she said it was born of faithful parents, which was enough for it. Which child was by the chamber of London caused to be publicly baptized at a sermon made for that purpose the last summer. And the mother ran away for fear of punishment. It was the widow Unyon, one of their chief conventiclers. This child was baptized in the church of St. Andrew Wardrobe. “It cannot be learned where they receive the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper. And one, who never missed their meeting place a year and an half, confesseth, that he never saw any ministration of the sacrament, nor knoweth where it is done. “For marriage, if any of their church marry together, some of their own brotherhood must marry them. As of late a couple were married in the Fleet.”

Another sort of dissenters from the church there was in these times: and they were such as could agree and come in outwardly with this or any other denomination of Christians, keeping their opinions privately to themselves. These were some of the family of love. These I mention here, meeting with a sermon of archbishop Sandys, preached before the queen this year, or near it; wherein he thus described them: “That they were men, who for commodity could transform themselves into all colours and conditions, and in open show profess any religion, inwardly keeping their false hearts to themselves: which practice the family of love had lately drawn into a precept, and had newly broached it, as saleable doctrine, that men need not openly to be of any religion whereby they might endanger themselves. That it was good Christendome to lie, swear, and forswear, to say and unsay to any, saving such as were of the same family: with whom they must only use all plainness, and keep their mysteries secret from all others to themselves.” Of these men thus the archbishop gave a further account, proceeding thus in his sermon: “That they might do any thing to avoid affliction; and they had scripture for that purpose. Your bodies are the temples of the Holy Ghost. You may not suffer God’s temples to be touched. As fitly alleged, added the preacher, as scriptum est by the Devil.”

This dissimulation occasioned the archbishop to mention another sort of men, though of a different religion, yet were allowed upon occasion to dissemble too. And that warranted by his holiness of Rome; which matter I cannot omit. “In a paper, (they are the archbishop’s words,) which of late came from the pope, as a token to his dear children, there were printed the five wounds of Christ, with this poesy, Fili, da mihi cor tuum, et sufficit; that is, Son, give me thy heart, and it sufficeth. Whether his holiness did mean thereby to allow dissimulation or no, I will not define. His practices are mystical, and his brood is so throughly framed in this way, that they seem to take the pope’s emblem in no other meaning. That they halted on both sides. They served all times, and turned with all winds; and by professing such a religion, they shewed themselves plainly to be of none. That they had double hearts; one for the prince, another for the pope; one for Christ, and another for Baal; one for a communion, another for a mass. These dissembling wolves put upon themselves sheepskins to deceive withal. Now they are mild and gentle; flattering, and promising all loyalty to the prince, conformity to government, and consent to religion. But if the times should turn, they would turn off the sheep’s coat, and play the wolf in his right kind. They would shew their ravenous nature by their cruel deeds. Then would they fill their bellies after which they now thirst. They would find swift feet to shed the blood of innocents.” (And then concludes with a suitable prayer against dissemblers.) “From the mouth of the lion, O Lord, deliver us.”

CHAPTER 20.

Digby a senior fellow of St. John’s college, Cambridge, expelled.

Appeals to the visitors. Restored. Dr. Whitaker, master of that college, to the lord Burghley hereupon. Digby popishly affected.

The earl of Leicester’s letter to the archbiship of Canterbury in this cause. Hickman of Bene’t college cxpelled: and why.

Restored. The foundress of Sidney Sussex college. Her will.

Bainbrig and Johnson, of Christ’s college, cited before the vicechancellor for their sermons. Their protestations. The heads to their chancellor.

Now to gather up what I find of remark transacted this year in our universities.

There was one Everard Digby, a senior fellow of St. John’s college in Cambridge, who was observed to be popishly affected, and to have taken opportunity, both in his sermons and conversation with several of the house, to speak favourably of the Romish religion; and some of the scholars had left the college and gone over to that church, and particularly one Smith, moved thereunto by his means, and was guilty of divers other misbehaviours in the college. Dr. Whitaker, the master and fellows, took occasion upon his breach of college statute, (which was nonpayment of commons,) the penalty whereof was expulsion, to discharge the college of him; which accordingly was done by the president and seniors, and afterwards declared by the master. But how the said Digby had appealed to the lord Burghley, high chancellor of that university, and the archbishop of Canterbury, both visitors, (before whom he had so fairly represented his case, and they willing favourably to interpret the said statute,) and by an order from them was required to be readmitted, hath been at large related elsewhere. But Dr. Whitaker notwithstanding declined, or at least delayed this order; yet with all due respects and submission. And for what reasons he had so proceeded, and in vindication of himself in the course he took, there are certain letters of his extant to the said lord, which will give much light in this matter. Which letters from so learned an head of the university, and the queen’s public professor of divinity, deserve the more regard. I shall therefore give the contents thereof from the originals.

Upon the chancellor’s order for the restoring of Digby, the proceeding against him as not regular, (as the said lord had judged, according to the report made to him,) the master addressed to him in this tenor: “That he professed to be ready to shew all obedience to him: but beseeching his honour not to think, that in this proceeding he had dealt upon any malice, which assuredly he had not done; but understanding at his return to the college, how Mr. Digby, for his contumacy against a statute, had received three admonitions, and taking counsel with his good friend Dr. Byng, (a learned civilian, and one of the heads of that university,) whether they were lawfully given; and that being advised by him, both in this and other points that then were in question; and certified, that Digby had incurred the danger of the statute: and that further he being urged by his oath to ratify an act lawfully done, he had condescended to his deprivation, thinking that he had no just reason to stay him from so doing, especially being so assured that he might lawfully do it. And furthermore, considering how unprofitable a member he was in the college; having also a benefice abroad, and never almost coming at it.”

The lord treasurer had communicated to the archbishop of Canterbury these proceedings of the college with Digby’s objections, and desired his grace’s judgment therein; who did not approve of that they had done; and so in a letter he had signified with his reasons to the said lord; who thought it convenient to despatch the said letter to Dr. Whitaker. That so understanding what answer he could make, he might be the better enabled to make a final decision of this controversy. Accordingly Whitaker sent that lord his answer to those reasons in vindication of what they had done.

And then went on, using these words to his lordship: “Beseeching his honour for God’s sake to examine his answers, which had truly and sufficiently satisfled all the said objections, not in his opinion only, but also Dr. Bynge’s, who perused the same, and (to confess the truth to his honour) penned them himself; he trusted upon sight thereof his honour would find, that Digby was lawfully deprived, and that he would not consent to his restitution: which, as the master suggested, would be a great wounding of his government in a man that was so untowardly disposed: who had also but that morning both privately and publicly charged him, [the master of the college,] in his honour’s name, (as he said,) to accept him as fellow. That his answer to him, both privately and before the seniors, was this, that in all dutiful obedience he submitted himself to their honours, [the vlsi-tors,] and to the authority of their visitation: but that he had sent their honours an answer to all those reasons alleged in the letter, and had desired to hear further upon the perusing thereof. And that whereas he [Mr. Digby] had appealed to the visitors of their college, he would accept him willingly, if, after they had considered his answers, they should consent to his restoring.” He added, that if any thing in his said answer were not proved sufficiently, “he desired but only that some might be appointed for the further hearing of it. And that if he justified not both the admonitions and all other requisite points, he would give over quietly the whole cause. “In the mean time (as he concluded) I beseech your honour, stand my honourable lord in this case, upon whom alone in this earth I most rely, and suffer me not to be overborne by Mr. Digby and his manners, to my discredit and confusion greatly. And thus he humbly took his leave. From St. John’s, the 13th of April, 1588.”

In another letter to the said lord, Whitaker thus informed him against Digby’s return to the college. “That the peaceable government of the college should be utterly overthrown, if Digby’s suit might prevail Yea, the state of the whole university was such at that present, that his cause being heard, if he were relieved and restored by superior authority, it would not be an easy matter to restrain the insolency of a number with whom he had to deal in that college, and other colleges too much replenished, [meaning with popish affected persons.] Papistry at this time had secretly increased in Cambridge; and particularly in that college, as appeared since his [Whitaker’s] coming into it. And among others Digby, a man notoriously suspected; and one that by confession of some had given encouragement to papists in their opinions in that house. Besides, a man continually scandalous, as he said he would declare to his honour. “That for these respects he was willing to have the very extremity of the statute to pass against him; which yet was not without advice of Dr. Byng, one of their visitors. And such commissioners were appointed to hear Digby’s cause as he most desired: which made Digby boast at his return, [from London, where the -cause had been heard,] that he was restored in statu quo: and that he had presumed to come into the hall, and to sit down at dinner, not only as fellow, but took the place of the president; and this, added Whitaker, was such an affront unto him, that he had declared to be non socius should sit down in the president’s place; that if this were allowed, it were good for him to depart, and leave both college and university.”

But notwithstanding the master’s letters and endeavours to the contrary, after some months, Digby was actually restored. But how the said master resented it, he expressed in another letter to the said lord: “Malice to Digby he bore none, as God knew, who only was kardiognw>sthv. Neither did he seek any revenge of himself at his hands, having, he trusted, learned Christ better than so. But only propounded in this act the glory of God and the good of that society; and that, as he was persuaded at the first, not only of his own mind, but of others, that he might justly declare the sentence of deprivation against him. And so, notwithstanding any thing that had been objected, he was persuaded still, and would not otherwise once have opened his mouth in the cause. Wherefore he humbly beseeched his honour to look into this cause, that did so narrowly concern, not only the good government of that worthy college, but the good estate of the whole university. That he must and willingly did refer it to his honourable consideration. He asked nothing in respect of himself, and desired only to retain his favour That it was a common cause that made him to deal as he had done. Wherein, if he should be assisted by his honour, he should humbly praise God, and doubted not the whole university should have cause, for his honour. If otherwise, he should submit himself to God’s providence and his honour’s determination.” This was dated June 1.

Let me here insert a letter from a great man at court in Dr. Whitaker’s favour. After this business between Dr. Whitaker and Digby had been sufficiently heard, examined, and determined, the earl of Leicester thought fit to interpose a letter to the archbishop of Canterbury against Digby’s abiding in the college. That though by his and the lord treasurer’s decree he was restored to his fellowship, yet that it might be provided that so dangerous and troublesome a fellow might be soon discharged the college, or lose his seniority. The letter ran in this tenor: “My very good lord, whereas there are very strong and credible informations, that this Digby is a very unsound and factious fellow, I am to make a new and earnest request unto your grace, that seeing matter hath been so deliberately and thoroughly heard, that you may not undo it, you will limit this Digby some short time of stay in that college. So that he be gone within a quarter of a year.

Whereby neither this your grace’s action shall be undone, and the college shall be disburdened of a lewd fellow, which disturbeth the government, and hath empoisoned their youth. Your grace may very well know, that this matter should not so far be urged but for religion’s sake: which must needs receive a blow, if such a fellow remain among them. Or if you shall deny me this request to appoint him this time to go away, and to depart; yet I will trust, that you will grant me thus much, so to receive him, that he be at last removed out of the seniority, that he may have the less strength to do harm. I assure your grace he is a very naughty fellow, from divers instructions which I have received of honest men: which may not here be commenced against him without prejudice of their places which do commence them. Thus trusting that he shall lose, for his demerit, either his fellowship or seniority, I bid your grace right heartily farewell. From Wansted, the 6th of May, 1588.

Your very loving friend, R. Leycester.” This Everard Digby is supposed to be the father of sir Everard Digby concerned in the gunpowder plot. But the unsoundness of this Digby’s religion, and his insolent carriage in the college, with other informations concerning him, are at large declared in a paper sent by Dr. Whitaker to the lord Burghley; shewing that lord the causes in vindication of his proceedings, and moving him thereunto: as, that he was vehemently suspected, upon great presumptions, to be of corrupt religion: that he preached a sermon at St. Mary’s, wherein he so commended voluntary poverty, that Dr. Fulk, preaching in the same place, confuted him shortly after. But see this paper transcribed from the original in the Appendix.

Such another case happened this year in Bene’t college in the same university, when a fellow, named Hickman, was expelled that house by the master, Dr. Copcote, and five of eight fellows, being the majority of the fellows then resident. His fault was, that he was proud, idle, contentious, that studied not, and contemned such as did, contrary to some statute of the college. This prosecution seems to have been made by the master and his party of the fellows; who bore an ill-will indeed to him, occasioned by his opposing the election of the said master this year. But Hickman making his complaint first to sir Francis Walsingham, the queen’s secretary, on whom he had some dependence, the matter at last came to the chancellor of the university; who referred the consideration thereof (depending upon the meaning of a college statute) to the archbishop. In the Life of whom some account was given of this business. To which I add, that when the college, upon this appeal, was required to give the reason of their thus dealing with Hickman, the master and the five fellows gave it in a letter to their chancellor in these general words: Quem approbatorem domicilii nostri literarii olim habuimus te nunc ejusdem conservatorem fore speramus et defensorem. Itaque cognosce, quaesumus, vir nobilissime, non nos Anthonium Hickmanum, sed leges nostras, quae fastum ubique et otio erudito immicos detestantur, ejecisse.

Qui ut semper cum nobis dum vixit, tutum eorum qui literis operam dant recessum, concordiam, contemptui habuit. The sum of which words was, That not they, but their laws had expelled him; who, while he was among them, made but a matter of contempt of the retirement and concord of those that followed their studies.

But this was too general a charge against Hickman to enable the chancellor to judge of the justice of his expulsion; who should have had the very words of the statute laid before him, which they seemed not to care to do.

But Hickman transcribed the said statute at length, for the pretended breach whereof they had so proceeded against him; and sent it up to that lord, with these words: “The statute of our college, whereby the master and five of the fellows claim authority to proceed to my deprivation. And having de facto deprived me, refuse to yield a reason thereof to any other superior judge.” Quod si publica turpitudinis nota eorundem sociorum sive scholarlum aliquem involverit, aut in ipsa domo praedictorum aliquem, grave scandalum fuerit suscitatum, vel adeo impacificus, et dyscolus erga praefatum magistrum et socios, seu jurgiorum aut litium creber suscitator extiterit, seu de haeresi, perjurio, sacrilegio, furto, rapina, homicidio, adulterio, vel incontinentia superlapsu carnis, notorie defamatus fuerit ita quod per socios dictae domus, statuto sibi termino per magistrum, se purgare non possit, dicta sus-tentatio omnino subtrahatur, et ipsa sicut ovis morbida, quae totum gregem inficit, a dicta domo juxta discretionem magistri, et majoris partis societatis praedictae, penitus ex-cludatur; nec alicui e domo praedicta sic ejecto actio competat contra maglstrum, &c. agendo, appellando, conque-rendo, &c.

In short, Hickman’s case, notwithstanding any thing in the abovesaid statute to the contrary, proved so fair, that he had the judgment of two learned doctors of the law, Hammond and Forth, in his favour. But it was not before three years after, viz. the year 1591, that he was restored to his fellowship; when Dr. Some, vice-chancellor, and some of the heads, viz.

Goad and Whitaker, gave a letter to their chancellor in that behalf. And he was restored, Dr. Jegon being now master of that college.

Frances, countess of Sussex, relict of Thomas Ratcliff, earl of Sussex, died March the 9th this year; who was the foundress of Sidney Sussex college in Cambridge. And meeting with an authentic copy of her last will, wherein is related this her noble and Christian benefaction, shewing her pious desire for promoting religion and good learning, I shall here transcribe it, in memory of her, beside the monumental memorial of her in Westminsterabbey.

Which college accordingly was begun to be built anno 1595. “Also where sithence the decease of my said lord, the earl of Sussex, I have, in devotion and charity, purposed to make and erect some good and godly monument for the maintenance of good learning; and to that intent have yearly gathered and deducted out of my revenue so much as conveniently I could; I do therefore now, in accomplishing and performing of the same my charitable pretence, what with the ready money which I have so yearly reserved, and with a certain portion of plate, and other things which I have purposely left, will and ordain, that my executor shall bestow and employ the sum of 5000l . over and besides all such my goods, as in my present will remain unbequeathed, for the erection of a new college in the university of Cambridge, to be called, The Lady Frances Sidney Sussex college; and purchasing some competent lands thereunto, to be annexed for the maintenance of the master and of ten fellows, and twenty scholars, students there, according to the laudable customs of the said university; if the 5000l. and remainder of my said goods unbequeathed will thereunto extend.

And if the said portion of money and goods shall not be thought by the judgment of my executors to be sufficient for that purpose as to erect and found a new college in my name, for the maintenance thereof, as I before intended, then my will and mind is, that my said executors, by their best advisement and good discretion, shall bestow and employ the said sum of 5000l. for the enlarging the college or hall called Clarehall in the said university of Cambridge; and for the purchasing of some such lands, clear of incumbrance, as the residue of the said money will or may purchase by their best endeavours, to be annexed to the said college or hall for ever, for the maintenance of so many fellows and scholars, to be kept and maintained there, as is now used; as the same livings and lands so purchased will conveniently maintain and keep, according to the or dinary rate and allowances now used and appointed in the said university; which college or hall from thenceforth perpetually shall be named, Clare and lady Frances Sidney Sussex college or hall; and the scholars and fellows, which shall be placed there in my name, to have and enjoy such and like liberties, customs, and privileges in the same hall, as others the fellows and scholars there in every respect. And whatsoever my insufficiency of knowledge hath omitted for the orderly and strict directions of the proceedings herein, I refer and commit to the further discretion, knowledge, and advisement of my said executors; by whose care, and with the assistance of others my well and godly disposed friends, my special will herein may be speedily and truly performed, established, and done. “Requiring the earl of Kent principally, and the rest of my said executors, with the assistance of my said supervisors and assistants before named, for God’s cause, and in discharge of their consciences, to execute and accomplish this my present last will and testament in all things, and with all convenient expedition, according to my intent and meaning, even as they will answer it at the dreadful and last day of judgment before the throne of God’s divine majesty, where the secrets of all hearts shall be opened and revealed.”

There were two fellows of Christ’s college in the said university, viz.

Cutbert Bambridg and Francis Johnson, disciplinarians, that this year came into trouble and restraint for certain tenets and doctrines preached and published in their sermons at St. Mary’s, reflecting upon the church established, and containing some dangerous positions: which they were both cited by the vice-chancellor and heads; and divers articles framed out of their sermons against them. To which they were required to answer upon oath. But they refused so to do: and were both thereupon committed to custody, Jan. 23. Some account whereof was given elsewhere, to which I refer the reader; but I shall further enlarge this university concern, with the consequences and proceedings, which stuck a great while before the heads, and afterward removed to a superior cognizance. Upon the demand of the heads, why they refused to give their answers to those articles before mentioned, they made these three protestations.

I. That we do from our hearts reverence your authority set over us by God.

II. We refuse not an oath, as thinking it simply unlawful upon all occasions.

III. That we are not afraid nor unwilling to acknowledge and defend that which we openly taught, if any man shall impugn it, or charge it to be unlawful, or unlawfully done.

The next time they were called before the heads, (which was March the 13th,) they made another protestation, besides those they made before; namely, That their only stay was, that in this their case, having preached publicly, they might not be constrained under their own oaths to give matter of accusation and proof against themselves, if any crime were committed, it being contrary to the word of God and law. But to continue a further relation of this remarkable university occurrence:

The next day of their appearance (which was April the 18th, 1589) they made this protestation, that if the oath offered in this their cause could be shewed to be warrantable by the word of God and law, they were always ready to receive it.

By this time the cause between these preachers and the heads was sent up to the lord Burghley, their chancellor. And soon after, at another appearance, they, hoping for some advantage to themselves by this superior judge, made these two protestations more. First, that they were ready, if they might be suffered, to come before the lord treasurer, their honoured chancellor, (which they thought they might do in this case, not infringing their privileges,) to clear themselves of the matter informed to his honour concerning their sermons, and the whole carrying of themselves in this case: or else, if they could not do it, they refused not to suffer any condign punishment. And further, secondly, if any there would charge them with the same things wherewithal his honour had been informed, or with any thing in their sermons, they did there offer sufficiently to answer it by themselves, or by witnesses, or else to suffer any punishment due unto them. Arid that this they were ready to answer, according to their honourable chancellor’s letter, which required their answer simply, not mentioning an oath. All these protestations were registered.

And then this was their case, as they stated it: “After a sermon required by duty, and made at the wonted time in the public and ordinary place, and in the hearing of the known and usual auditory of the university and town, consisting of many hundreds, who are able to satisfy of the matter delivered at that time: for the judge in searching of what was spoken in the sermon ex mero officio to these, by extorting the preachers by oath, so as only out of his own confession under oath to matter of accusation and proof of his own crime, (if there be any by him committed should be drawn,) we take to be against the word of God and the law established in this realm.”

To which I might subjoin the resolution of Dr. Bynge (a learned civilian, and one of the heads) to three questions started upon this case.

I. Whether the judge might proceed ex officio, or no?

II. Whether the judge may begin with the answer of the party principal before he proceed to convince him by witnesses?

III. Whether the judge may compel the party to answer on the oath?

The affirmative to which questions he learnedly proved.

The case being now before their high chancellor, the heads stood firmly in requiring the oath to be taken; and the two fellows as stoutly refusing to do it. And both the heads and those fellows had addressed their letters to him.

Who gave his letters again to the heads by way of advice, and what his thoughts were concerning their dealing with and proceeding against them, and that they, the fellows, should not be dealt rigorously withal. To which they answered, “that they dealt with them in civil and courteous wise, with offer of conference, as of intent to persuade, not to force them.” But when they had kindly communicated to Bambrig and Johnson the tenor of that lord’s letter, they took advantage thereat, and made their construction of it, that his lordship would not have them sworn at all; because there was no express mention of receiving their answer upon oath. The heads, upon this interpretation made by these men of that lord’s advice, sent up certain messengers to wait upon him with their letter to acquaint him herewith.

And because these fellows stood so much upon it, they took it to be their duty not to conceal this from him, and attended his lordship’s further pleasure therein. This was the sum of their letter, that they might more perfectly know his mind concerning administering the oath. Signed by Nevyl, vice-chancellor, Perne, Still, Tyndal, Copcot, Bynge, Preston, heads. In answer, the chancellor wrote plainly concerning their proceedings, that it seemed to be a very hard course taken by them; meaning, by detaining them so long in prison.

Whereupon in their next to him, “they acknowledged it so to have been, if they (the vice-chancellor and heads) had not first assayed by all good and gentle means to prevail with them. But that when they saw they were wilfully bent to withstand their government, and that others, who in like case had been before produced for accusers, were afterwards, not only by private speech, but also public reproaches, very injuriously dealt withal; and knowing that whatsoever they pretended to the contrary, that in this case they should do nothing but according to law, both established by her majesty, and likewise to be justified by the word of God: that they thought they were bound, as in convenience and equity, so in discretion and duty, thus to proceed.

And the rather they had been induced thereunto by reason of some speeches, uttered by themselves, and other their adherents, (of whom they said there was no small number,) that it might be, that God had herein revealed that unto them which he had not done before unto any others; and that that which had been long before in darkness should now by them be brought unto light; and that there was hope that this action of theirs should reform the abuse, not only of this, but of other places, where had been and was the like proceeding. The which, as they added, if it were an abuse, as they would be glad, with all their hearts, of due reformation; so when the same belonged not unto them, but was to be done by more special authority, they thought it their parts not to suffer any example (there in that place especially) so prejudicial. And found by experience of this one dealing, that the same had done no little good in their university. For that since that time some stirring tongues had been very quiet; who before spared neither state, nor persons of the greatest honour and merit, living nor dead. “We had much rather, our very good lord, (as they proceeded,) have concealed these matters, than thus to have discovered them, but that we be verily persuaded, that they, together with their complotters, do practise hereby, not only the alteration, but subversion of our government; thereby to procure unto themselves liberty without controlment; (when they know how hard and odious a matter it will be upon every such occasion to enforce accusers;) to speak what they list, and against whom they list. And therefore, as your honour hath been ever heretofore very careful for the suppressing of such contentious persons, and maintenance of peace and all good order amongst us, so at this time, and in this particular, which doth so highly concern us, both in the public cause and our own private credit, we do nothing doubt, but that your lordship will allow of our proceedings. And that not only, but also assist us by further authority, as shall seem good unto your honour’s wisdom. “In the mean season they acknowledged themselves most bound unto his honour for the concealing of his mind in this matter from them; because they found them to be persons of that disposition, who took encouragement by any countenance that could be given them. And thus sorry they had this occasion to trouble his honour; resting herein upon the knowledge of his further pleasure; and humbly took their leaves. Dated from Cambridge, the 4th of May, 1589. Subscribed by Nevyle, vice-chancellor, Tyndal, Legg, Preston, Bell.”

I give the whole letter, that the knowledge of this university controversy, carried on by the disciplinarian faction there, might the better appear. But two heads, Dr. Goad and Charier-ton, openly, and one, viz. Whitaker, privately, protested against these proceedings.

The cause at length was laid before divers civilians of the greatest note, for the use and information, as it seems, of the chancellor; and what the judgment and decision of SO many learned men was, take in their own words, and signed with their hands, as I have it from an original; and therefore may deserve a place here. Upon their due weighing of the case drawn up by Dr. Bynge, and his opinion thereupon, and the fellows’ answer thereunto, together with the resolution of divers doctors of the Arches, all laid before them, they writ thus: “Having advisedly perused all the premises here set down, notwithstanding any matter we have here seen, we are of opinion, that the parties here are bound by law to answer upon their oaths.

And we find it harder, in our learning, to give a good reason of doubt, than to yield any other resolution, though there preceded in such a case neither special accusation nor denunciation.” Signed by Bar. Clerk, dean of the Arches, Aubrey, Drury, Jones, Lloyd, Stanhope, Forth.

In short, these two fellows, however refractory they had been to the heads, were afterwards brought to give account of their sermons, that made all this stir; and to answer to certain doctrines or expressions therein that gave the offence, and which were comprised in certain articles that had been offered them by the heads. These their answers were probably sent by them to the chancellor upon his desire. And they may be found transcribed in the Appendix. The perusal of which will serve to let in more knowledge of these men’s troubles.

Bambrigg was at last restored to his college: for I find him fellow there an. 1590. But Johnson’s fortune was severe; as his temper and principles were more dangerous: holding our archbishops and bishops antichristian: a Brownist. I find him a prisoner in the Clink an. 1593.

CHAPTER 21.

The death of the earl of Leicester. Some remarks of him. The lord Burghley’s meditation upon the death of his lady: her benefactions: her learning. An English gentleman, viz. sir Edward Kelly, in Germany, reported to have found the art of making gold; invited by the queen into England. The lord treasurer’s letter to Dyer, to persuade him. His learning, and deserts towards England.

Made a baron by the emperor. By his order is seized. AMONG matters personal and domestic that occur this year, these following may be inserted.

The beginning of September put an end to the life of the great earl of Leicester, master of the queen’s horse, and lord high steward of her household; and had enjoyed many other high places and honours, being the queen’s favourite: of whom much is told in our histories of the times of queen Elizabeth, and concerning him several relations have been made before in these Annals. His disease was occasioned by cold rheums, which troubled him about the beginning of this year. For remedy whereof he seems to have repaired to Buxton well in Darbyshire, then in great request.

And so he writ in a postscript to a letter of his, in April, to the earl of Sussex, whose seat was in those parts: “My lord, I doubt I shall be driven to come this year to your bath at Buxton. I have this year been troubled with colds and rheums, that was never troubled with them before. I had rather try this remedy than other physic.”

Our historian writes that he died of a continual fever. And his notable character (none of the best) he gives at large.

I shall insert a note or two more of him here. He often had the misfortune to lie under the queen’s displeasure, though he were so great a favourite.

But he had these humble, self-debasing appearances, that he soon recovered her favour again. And thus he once told the lord Burghley, in a letter, what he found by his own experience; God be thanked, her blasts be not the storms of other princes, though they be very sharp sometimes to those she loveth best.” This he wrote anno 1572.

He was a great receiver of suits; thinking thereby to render himself gracious unto the people. And herein he made great use of the said lord treasurer, in forwarding such requests of suitors to the queen in his absence. His last letter written to that lord was dated from Maydenhead, August the 27th, (not much above a week before his death,) being gone then from his house in Wanstead in Essex, towards his seat, Kenelworth, but dying in an inn before he came thither. The business of which letter consisted of a request to him, in behalf of sir Robert Jermin, to be moved to the queen. As almost all his former letters to that lord commonly imported; namely, for preferring one or other of his friends, or allies, or dependents. Whereby he strengthened his own interest by getting so many of his own creatures preferred.

When he wrote this letter he little thought he was so near his end: for he was then very well; and his death was sudden; and supposed by some to be brought about by some unlawful arts. He went away into the country in haste. And made an apology in his said letter, that he took not his leave of his lordship at his departure: hoping, as he added, to see his lordship ere long again. And this openeth another remark concerning his end.

There was a strange passage of a conjuration used about the death of the said earl; whether to procure it, or some foreboding of it, I leave to the judgment of the reader. But the matter (however secretly done) came at last before the privy-council. The occasion of it was the imprisonment of sir James Crofts, knt. comptroller of the queen’s house, and one who had been employed in her service abroad, and one of her commissioners the last year, sent over to treat of a peace with the duke of Parma’s commissioners: when going somewhat beyond his commission, (as was told before,) was committed to custody when he came home, chiefly by means of Leicester, who was his enemy; and so Crofts remained. But his son, (Edward Crofts,) grieving for these sufferings of his father, applied himself to one John Smith, a famous conjurer, expecting some deliverance for his father by his art, by bringing death upon the earl. For which he was brought upon examination before the lords; and what that was, take his own confession, as I transcribed from the original. “Being examined concerning the earl of Leicester’s death, he saith, that after his father, sir James Crofts, was committed, this examinate came home to his own house at Charing-cross; and lamenting, said unto Smith, and Pilles’ wife, that he and all his were undone, except he had help. And Smith said, he would do what he could. And willed this examinate to give him the names of all the council; which he did. And Smith promised to tell him who were his father’s enemies. And did after tell him, that the earl of Leicester was his great enemy. Within two or three days after, Smith, walking up and down by this examinate, made a flirt with his thumb, and bade him be of good comfort; for the bear is tied to the stake, or muzzled; whether, he doth not remember. And in what manner or sort the earl was dealt withal, he doth not know. “That Smith told him, that his father should not remain in prison a full month. And that this examinate should be the man that should obtain the warrant for his delivery; and so he did.” Then follows Smith’s examination taken, and of some others, upon the same conjura- tion; which I leave among the records in the Appendix.

Of the death of Mildred, a very pious and learned lady,wife of the lord Burghley, notice must be now taken. And meeting with a meditation of that lord, (retired from court,) writ by him propria manu, occasioned by her death, in memory of so singularly excellent a woman, I shall here leave it to posterity, transcribed from the original. “There is no cogitation to be used with an intent to recover that which never can be had again; that is, to have my dear wife to live again in her mortal body; which is separated from the soul, and resteth in the earth dead; and the soul taken up to heaven; and there to remain in the fruition of blessedness unspeakable until the general surrection of all flesh: when, by the almighty power of God, (who made all things of nothing,) her body shall be raised up, and joined with her soul, in an everlasting, unspeakable joy, such as no tongue can express nor heart can conceive. “Therefore my cogitation ought to be occupied in these things following. I. To thank Almighty God for his favour, in permitting her to have lived so many years together with me; and to have given her grace to have had the true knowledge of her salvation by the death of his Son Jesus, opened to her by the knowledge of the gospel; whereof she was a professor from her youth. I ought to comfort myself with the remembrance of her many virtuous and godly actions; wherein she continued all her life: and specially, in that she did of late years sundry charitable deeds; whereof she determined to have no outward knowledge while she lived.

Insomuch, as when I had some little understanding thereof, and asked her wherein she had disposed any charitable gifts, (according to her often wishing that she were able to do some special act for maintenance of learning, and relief of the poor,) she would always only shew herself rather desirous so to do, than ever confess any such act. As since her death is manifestly known now to me; and confessed by sundry good men, (whose names and ministries she secretly used,) that she did charge them most strictly, that while she lived they should never declare the same to me nor to any other. “And so now have I seen her earnest writings to that purpose of her own hand. The particulars of many of these hereafter do follow.

Which I do with mine own handwriting recite for my comfort in the memory thereof: with assurance, that God hath accepted the same in such favourable sort, as she findeth now the fruits thereof in heaven. “I. About years since she caused exhibitions to be secretly given, by the hands of the master of St. John’s in Cambridge, for the maintenance of two scholars. For a perpetuity whereof to continue, she did cause some lands to be purchased in the name of the dean of Westminster.

Who also in his own name did assure the same to the college, for a perpetual maintenance of the two said scholars. All which was done without any signification of her act or charge to any manner of person, but only of the dean, and of William Walter of Wymbleton: whose advice was used for the writing of the purchase and insurance. “II. She also did, with the privity of masters deans of Paul’s and Westminster, and of Mr. Aldersey, being free of the Haberdashers in London, give to the company of the said Haberdashers a good sum of money: whereby is provided, that every two years there is lent to six poor men of certain special occupations, as smiths, carpenters, weavers, and such like, in Romford in Essex, 20l. apiece; in the whole an 120l. And in Chesthunt and Waltham, to other six like persons, twenty mark apiece; in the whole 80l.: which relief, by way of loan, is to continue. “III. By the same mean is provided for twenty poor people in Chesthunt, the first Sunday of every month, a mess of meat, in flesh, bread, and money for drink. “IV. And likewise is provided four mark yearly, for four sermons, to be preached quarterly by one of the preachers of St. John’s college.

And these distributions have been made a long time (while she lived) by some of my servants, without giving me knowledge thereof. Though indeed I had cause to think that she did sometime bestow such kind of alms; but not that I knew of any such order taken for continuance thereof. For she would rather commonly use speeches with me, how she was disposed to give all she could to some such uses, if she could devise to have the same faithfully performed after her life. Whereof she always pretended many doubts. “And for that she used the advice of MM. deans of Paul’s and of Westminster, and would have her action kept secret, she forced upon them some fine pieces of plate, to be used in their chambers, as remembrances of her good-will for their pains. “She also did four times in the year secretly send to all the prisons in London money to buy bread, cheese, and drink commonly, for four hundred persons, and many times more, without knowledge from whom the same came. She did likewise sundry times in the year send shirts and smocks to the poor people, both in London and at Chesthunt. “She gave also a sum of money to the master of St. John’s college, to procure to have fires in the hall of that college, upon all Sundays and holydays, between the feasts of All-Saints and Candlemas, when there were no ordinary fires of the charge of the college. “She gave also a sum of money secretly towards a building, for a new way at Cambridge to the common schools. “She also provided a great number of books. Whereof she gave some to the university of Cambridge; namely, the great Bible in Hebrew, and four other tongues. And to the college of St. John very many books in Greek, of divinity and physic, and of other sciences. The like she did to Christ’s Church and St. John’s college in Oxford. The like she did to the college of Westminster. “She did also yearly provide wool and flax, and did distribute it to poor women in Chesthunt parish; willing them to work the same into yarn; and to bring it to her to see their manner of working. And for the most part she gave to them the stuff freely, by way of alms.

For she caused the same to be wrought into cloth, and gave it to the poor, paying first for the spinning more than it was worth. “Not long afore her death, she caused secretly to be bought a quantity of wheat and rye, to be disposed among the poor in time of dearth: which remained unspent at her death. But the same confessed by such as provided it secretly. And therefore in conscience so to be distributed according to her mind. “April the 9th, 1588. Written at Collings lodge by me in sorrow, IV. B.”

Another paper of the said lord’s writing contained his advice to the dean of St. Paul’s before his sermon to be preached at her funeral. Which was as follows: “April 21, 1589. I am desirous to have it declared, for the satisfaction of the godly, that I do not celebrate this funeral in this sort with any intention thereby, as the corrupt abuse hath been in the church, to procure of God the relief or the amender of the state of her soul; who is dead in body only. For that I am fully persuaded, by many certain arguments of God’s grace bestowed upon her in this life, and of her continual virtuous life, and godly death, that God, of his infinite goodness, hath received her soul into a place of blessedness; where it shall remain with the souls of the faithful, until the general day of judgment, when it shall be joined with her body. And with that persuasion I do humbly thank Almighty God, by his Son Christ, for his unspeakable goodness towards the salvation of her soul: so as I know no action on earth can amend the same. “But yet I do otherwise most willingly celebrate this funeral, as a testimony of my hearty love which I did bear her, with whom I lived in the state of matrimony forty arid two years also, without any unkindness, to move separation, or any violation of matrimony at any time. “Further, this that is here done for the assembly of our friends is to testify to the world what estimation, love, and reverence God bears to the stock whereof she did come, both by her father and mother: as manifestly may be seen about her hearse, by the sundry coats of noble houses joined by blood with her. Which is not done for any vain pomp of the world, but for civil duty towards her body; that is to be with honour regarded, for the assured hope of the resurrection thereof at the last day.”

The learning as well as piety of this lady appeared hence; that with the great Bible in Hebrew and other languages which she presented to the university library, she sent an epistle written in Greek with her own hand; which I have seen. She used for her prayers and meditations a small pocketbook in Latin, richly bound, entitled, Psalmi seu precationes Johannis episcopi Roffensis. To which book of devotions she set her own name thus, Mildreda Cicillia, 1565.

I cannot but add what account was had of this lady in the times wherein she lived, by the character that was given of her not long after her death by the translator of the history of France, in his epistle dedicatory to two such great learned court ladies, the one the lady Anne countess of Warwick, and the other the lady Katharine baroness Howard of Effingham. Where, speaking of the accomplished ladies then about the queen, for piety and learning, he subjoined; “That no ways he might here pretermit in this list the famous religious and learned lady, flower of her family, [a daughter of sir Anthony Cook of Guidy-hall,] provident mother, blessed in her posterity, Mildred baroness of Burghley; who, besides her knowledge in the Latin letters, (wherein of a subject she excelled,) such were her studies, exercises, and continual meditation in the Greek doctors of the church, (especially Basil, Cyril, Chrysostome, and Naziansen,) as a chief reader in that tongue (Laurence by name) had confessed unto him, that, in his judgment, she equalled, if not overmatched, any, in whose profession most was to be required. Neither were these excellent parts of hers only theorical, but still put in practice, like another Dorcas, full of piety and good works, as without any ostentation or xivodiEia; besides her readiness in soliciting for poor and distressed suitors unto her dear lord, (the auntientest counsellor of Europe, pater patriae, pillar of the state, &c.) in her lifetime setting, on her own charge, so many poor on work; her exhibition to scholars, liberality to universities, bountiful to exiled strangers, and most abounding charity every quarter to all the prisons about London, had manifestly declared.”

And such was her fame, particularly for learning, that Chr. Ockland, an eminent grammarian, made choice of her to dedicate a Latin heroic poem, called Elizabetha, to her; printed first an. 1582; in these words: Ad praenobilem et in primis eruditam faeminam, utriusque literaturae, et Graecae et Latinae, peritissimam dnam. Milderedam, dynastae Burghlaei, magni Angliae thesaurarii, conjugem laudatissimam. Beginning, Graecia virginibus doctis inclaruit olim, Quarum scripta manent hodie, &c.

O nymphae, vos O illustres dico sorores Quatuor, ante alias tibi sed Mildreda colenda Attribuo primas, &c.

There was an English gentleman, called sir Edward Kelly, now or late at Prague, in the parts of Germany, that was confidently reported to have, as we say, the philosopher’s stone; and by a certain Powder, by his hidden art prepared, by transmutation of baser metal, to make gold and silver. The fame of this person made the queen, and others of the court, earnestly endeavour his return into England; especially since Mr. Dyer, an agent, as it seems, of the queen in that country, that knew him well, had assured the lord treasurer of his skill obtained thereof by his great study, and of his desire to come and pay his service to the queen· Letters had passed between them for this purpose. And the queen had appointed that lord to write to the agent to prevail with Kelly to come over, with assurance of all respects, and an honourable reception from her. For when he had been moved by Dyer, upon the queen’s invitation, to go into England, some there were (that had no mind he should) had thrown doubts into his head of the danger he might incur of trouble, if he went. To take off this scruple from Kelly, that lord, in a letter to the said Dyer, gave him all assurance to the contrary, and that from the queen herself; whose word might be taken, being so virtuous, so noble, and so honourable a princess. And so he was desired to acquaint that knight; to remove any such jealousies out of his mind. He proceeded; “That there were indeed some in England that spake against him, as pretending to do a thing impossible; and others had said, that some such there had been, that pretended to that skill, that proved but cheats. But that they at the court had a more honourable opinion of him. That his coming would now especially be seasonable to her majesty, being now ready to encounter the king of Spain, that was advancing towards England with his mighty preparations. And so Kelly might be very instrumental, by his admirable art, in rescuing his native country from that imminent danger.”

At the conclusion of his letter, he desired Dyer, for the fuller satisfaction of the queen, “to obtain from Kelly, to be sent over to the queen, a very small portion of that powder, which he used in his art, to make a demonstration to the queen: on sight of the perfection of his knowledge. Or, that if he [the lord treasurer] might have his wish, to send, for a token to her majesty, such a portion of it, in a secret box, as might serve, for a reasonable sum, to defray her charges that summer for her navy.”

All this and a great deal more did that letter of the lord treasurer contain; which in respect of the curiosity of the subject, and eminency of the person, I could not but give it a place in the Appendix.

What belief the queen and court indeed had of this gentleman’s extraordinary skill is uncertain; but the important reasons that moved them to draw him into England were, his singular parts and abilities in learning, experience in foreign courts and dominions, and his good deserts to his native country. This I gather from a secret letter writ the next year to secretary Walsingham, by D. Dee, (probably the famous astrologer of that name,) who was now abroad in some place in the Low Countries, and gave the secretary intelligence of affairs. Wherein, among other things, he spake of sir Edward Kelly with much honour and deference, for his informations sent from abroad, out of his favour to the English nation in these critical times. And that as he [D. Dee] had understood divers things of dangerous consequence against the good state of his native country from divers, so particularly from Mr. Edward Kelly: “One who, of all the strangers and inhabitants of that city, [whence D. Dee now wrote, perhaps Antwerp,] was the sharpest witted, the greatest understander of all occurrents general, yea, of very secret purposes of divers great ones; the best languaged a; one heretofore employed in consultations between the orders of both parties; [Spain, and those of the Low Countries;] one who had been tried courageous in their first bickerings against the Spaniard at Antwerp; and one who seemed to have observed [of those innovations in the Low Countries] the beginnings, proceedings, and errors, political and military, committed on divers parts. Adding, that this man’s counsel he had required upon his own grave declaration of such matters before specified, by way of familiar discourse, as they now and then visited one another.” And that Kelly had shewed him, How, in his judgment, with her majesty’s royal honour and indemnity, the unquiet and alienated minds of this common and inferior sort of people might receive consolation assured, and be recovered to due love and fidelity to her majesty; and also the heads (called the states, or orders) might be reformed: so as finally these provinces first might find and account themselves happy under her majesty’s government royal.”

This period of a private letter to secretary Walsingham will let in some light to the character of this man, and of the desire that was had of his return into England. I add the honour this English gentleman had abroad. Living at Prague in Germany, he was known to the emperor, who made him a baron. For thus did D. Dee signify in his aforesaid letter: “Mr. Edward Kelly, now in most favourable manner created a baron of the kingdom of Bo-hernia; with the grant of a coat of arms; as I have seen in a large seal, being a lion rampant with [the lion of England,] in a bordure, with the year on the seal, viz. 1573, and a motto round it.” I do not find, notwithstanding the aforesaid honourable and earnest invitation given him by the English court, that Kelly came into England. And indeed it appears, that he was not long after put under custody by the emperor. And that, as it is likely, to hinder his journey. But this will deserve a more particular relation; which I am able to give from a letter of an English merchant, as it seems, at Frankford, to Mr. Edward Wotton, an eminent gentleman and courtier in England; wrote in the year 1591; viz. That he was seized by a private order from the emperor (the cause concealed) in April the said year, several great officers coming to his house in Prague for that purpose; and where Mr. Dier was with him: but he, without acquainting any one person in his house, on a sudden conveyed himself away with all secrecy; and so escaped for two or three days: till being searched for and pursued, was afterwards taken, going, as he pretended, only to visit his patron, the earl of Rosembergh: and so he was committed prisoner to the castle. This was surprising news in those parts; especially towards a personage that had been so highly valued, and ennobled by the emperor himself. And various conjectures were made of the reasons that moved him to proceed in this manner. It was at first generally thought, that the invitation (whereof some pretended to have seen the letter) of his return into England occasioned it.

Other causes thereof were talked of. As though it were some crime intended to be committed against the emperor’s own person. Some, that it was upon account of a great debt of 32,000 dollars, which he owed to two merchants in Colen, with whom he traded for jewels. But that could be no cause; for that he was known to be well able to discharge that debt, being rich in money and lands. And to the emperor he owed nothing, nor ever put him to any charge; except for coals and houseroom, [for his employment in his chymistry.] Another reason given out for this his surprising apprehension, and that one of the chief, was, that the emperor having been troubled a great while with a throbbing in his heart, which caused him soon to fall into a swoon, and seemed to be a distemper hereditary, sir Edward Kelly had distilled an oil for his use in that case. But some of Kelly’s enemies being by, persuaded the emperor that he other reasons of this dealing with this man, were reported about. All which, with the several circumstances of his being taken, and further remarks of him and his misfortune, I leave to be read at large in the aforesaid letter.

But to bring together something more of this famous English chymist, and the high esteem the queen had of this her subject; she despatched an agent, one Webb, in the year 1591, on purpose, with her letters to the emperor in Kelly’s behalf. And he had also letters of credence, and instructions for his demeanour in this affair. And that he should get all the information he could from Mr. Dyer; who still (and, as it seemed, under restraint) remained there: for whom also was part of his message. The instructions were as follow; which I transcribe from the lord treasurer’s own hand: “You shall have her majesty’s letter to the emperor’s majesty, to the duke of Saxe, the elector, and to the landsgrave van Hesse, and a general salve conduct for you to all princes and states, to permit you to pass safely through their dominions. When you shall arrive on the other side the seas, you shall endeavour yourself to understand the truth of the country report made of Mr. Edward Dyer’s stay or arrest; and accordingly thereto you shall direct your journey towards him. And if he shall be stayed in Prague, or in any other place in Bohemia, or elsewhere, by the emperor’s commandment, you shall do the best you can to give him knowledge, that you are sent to him by her majesty, to procure his liberty and return. And for that purpose to let him know, that you have her majesty’s special letter to the emperor’s majesty; which you shall, if he so will, carry to his majesty, and solicit his delivery.

And therein you shall use such reason to the emperor in defence of Mr. Dyer’s cause, as he shall inform you to be meet. “But if Mr. Dyer be not arrested by the emperor, but shall be stayed in any other place in the territories of any other prince of the empire, as the duke of Saxe, or the lantgrave; then you shall do as the letters to them directed. Or if he be out of their jurisdiction, yet you shall consider, either in your own judgment, or from knowledge had from Mr. Dyar, whether you shall seek a mandate from the emperor from her majesty’s letters, or from the favour of the duke of Saxe, or the lantgrave. Both which, her majesty is well assured, will further her majesty’s request. “You shall also inquire diligently where sir Edward Kelly is arrested, or for what cause; whereof there are divers reports. Some, that he is arrested at the suit of some to whom he is indebted in a sum of xxv thousand crowns. Some, that the emperor hath made him a prisoner for abusing of his majesty, with profession that he could multiply gold, and found therein to have deceived many. By some, that his intention was secretly to have come into England, and here to have served her majesty with his science: and that by malice of the pope’s nuncio, or the Spanish ambassador, or otherwise by the emperor; as unwilling to have her majesty benefited by him with his science. And so in doubtful sort the reports are made: whereof you seek to inquire the truth. Whereof none shall better inform you than Mr. Edward Dyar. If there be any other Enghshman stayed with Mr. Dyar, you shall do your best to recover their liberty. And as soon after your arrival in Germany you shall understand the truth of Mr. Dyar’s state, you shall advertise hither.”

CHAPTER 22.

Books this year set forth: some relating to the Spanish invasion: some puritanical: with answers to them. An Exhortation to the Queen’s Subjects to defend their Country. Answer to certain Spanish Lies. Certain Advertisements out of Ireland. Elizabetha triumphans. The Coronation of David. Penry’s Supplication: and his Appellation to Parliament. His Epitome. A godly Treatise against the Puritans. An Admonition to the People of England. An Answer to ten frivo1ous Reasons set down by the Rhemists, translators of the New Testament from the vulgar Latin. Disputatio de sacra Scriptura, contra hujus temporis Pa-pistas; imprimis Robertum Bellarminum, Jesuitam, &c. by Dr. W. Whitaker, regius professor ode divinity in Cambridge.

THE Spaniards’ invasion of England, and the new reformers’ endearours to promote their discipline, gave occasion to the writing and publishing many books this year. Whereof these that follow were some of the chief.

An exhortation to stir up the minds ode all her majesty’s faithful subjects, to defend their country in this dangerous time, from the invasion of enemies. Faithfully and zealously compiled by Anthony Marten, sewer of her majesty’s most honourable chamber. Meliora spero. This book I have mentioned before; and therefore I shall only add a period taken thence, to shew the strain of the writer. “They [the Spaniards] for the greediness of a kingdom; for despite they bear to our religion; for vainglory, pride, and presumption; for maintenance of the pope’s kingdom; against God, against his word and troth, against our blessed queen; against all reason, conscience, and humanity; do offer all this violence unto us. And we, on the other side, in defence of ourselves, our native country, our anointed prince, our holy religion, our own Jesus Christ, his holy word and sacraments; against very Antichrist, and all the pillars of his church, and against those that have cursed and indighted the kingdom; do withstand the injury done unto us. “We that have done so valiantly at other times, when the quarrel was but for money, or other small matters, is it possible but we should be much more forward now in so great and weighty causes?

When had ever England so just a cause to fight as now? When did we ever more infinitely feel the mercies of God than now? When had we ever a more loving prince to her subjects than now? When were ever any subjects more obedient to their prince than now?

When were there ever so many lusty and gallant gentlemen to defend the realm as now? When were we at any time better acquainted with the sleights and cunning of our enemies than now?

When had we more skill in martial actions and trainings than now?

Finally, when had ever our enemies more unjust cause to deal against us than now? and we more lawful cause to defend ourselves than now? And therefore, when should we ever have greater hope of victory than now? “If ever therefore ye bear any affection to your country; if ever any love to religion; if ever any obedience unto a good and natural prince; if ever you would venture your lives for your fathers and mothers, your wives and children, or best deserving friends, &c.; if ye have any comfort in the promises of Christ Jesus; if you have hope to receive salvation by his merit; and as ye will answer before God at the coming of his Son: now shew yourselves like men, courageous and forward, prompt and willing to do all the parts of Christian soldiers. Let neither the greedy desire of money, nor the lewd consuming of riches, nor the wanton excess of apparel, nor the superfluity of meats and drinks, nor the costly buildings, and curious trimming of houses, be any hinderance to so honourable actions.”

Another book bare this title; “An answer to the untruths published and printed in Spain, in glory of their supposed victory, achieved against our English navy, and the right honourable Charles lord Howard, lord high admiral of England, &c. sir Francis Drake, and the rest of the nobles and gentlemen, captains and soldiers, of our said navy. “First written and published in Spanish, by a Spanish gentleman, who came hither out of the Low Countries from the service of the prince of Parma, with his wife and family, since the overthrow of the Spanish armada: forsaking both his country and Romish religion. As by this treatise against the barbarous impiety of the Spaniards (and dedicated to the queen’s most excellent majesty) may appear. Faithfully translated by J.L.”

As the author had dedicated this his book to the queen, so the translator (whose name was James Lea) made his dedication of it to the right honourable Charles lord Howard, baron of Effingham, knight of the most noble order of the garter, and lord high admiral of England, &c. In his epistle he acquainted that lord with the occasion of his said translation; namely, “That lighting upon a Spanish book dedicated to the queen, containing an answer against certain untruths, published and printed in Spain, he noted, that virtue could not but be praised even by a late enemy, (though now reconciled,) a stranger, nay, a Spaniard; forced by truth itself to defend the worthiness of our English nobility against his own countrymen. And that he could not, but for the benefit and farther encouragement of his country, publish his work in English. That as the Spaniard, setting out such hyperbolical trophies of their conquests, sought by such praise to encourage their nobility, it behoved us not to be stained with ingratitude; but to publish the prowess of such worthy men, as still with their blood painted out the worthiness of their resolutions. Among whom his honour had the chiefest place, as high admiral of so victorious a fleet; and performed in his own person such honourable service.”

The running title of this book was, An answer to certain Spanish lies. For the design of the book was to expose the palpable falsehood of divers intelligences sent to Spain, and to the Spanish ambassador in France, of the mighty victory the Spaniard had gotten over the English fleet. Which news and advices were writ several times in the months of August and September. Accounts of which have been given before. And because Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador in Paris, was the promoter and divulger of these false reports, the author thus addressed himself to him in the beginning.

I marvail, good sir, to see a man of so noble a lineage, and no less endued with gifts of nature than others, should have your ears so opened, to hear the rumours and lies which the scoffing and gibing flatterers do write you.

And I wonder not so much in that you credit them, as at the speed wherewith your honour doth write them. Your honour writeth to Spain, that it is a matter most true, that the lord high admiral was come, running away with 25 or 26 ships, unto London; and that he had lost his ship that was admiral; and that Drake was prisoner: and that this was written for a matter most certain by persons of credit from London,” &c. Another book of this subject was, The copy of a letter sent out of England to don Betnardine de Mendoza, ambassador in France for the king of Spain: “Declaring the state of England; contrary to the opinion of don Bernardine, and of all his partisans, Spaniards and others. “This letter, although it was sent to don Bernardine, yet, by good hap, the copies thereof, as well in English as in French, were found in the chamber of one Richard Leigh, a seminary priest; who was lately executed for high treason, committed in the time that the Spanish armada was on the seas.”

Thus the writer, beginning his address to Mendoza; My lord ambassador, though at the time of my last large writing to you of the state of this country, and of our long desired expectation of succours promised, I did not think to have had so sorrowful an occasion of any second writing, as now I have of a lamentable change of matters of estate here: yet (as he proceeded) he could not forbear (though it were with as many sighs as lines) to advertise him of the truth of their miserable condition, as now to him, and others of their party, the same appeared to be. That by comparing of all things past in hope, with the present now in despair, his lordship, who had the principal managing to that time of all their causes, both here [in England] and there in France, between the king catholic assisted with the potentates of the holy league, and all his countrymen [the English] that had professed obedience to the church of ome, might now fall into some new and better consideration, how their state, both for themselves at home and their brethren abroad, now at this present fallen, as it were, into utter despair, might be revived, and restored to some new hope, with better ssurance of success than had happened hitherto. “For which purpose he had thought it necessary to advertise him in what manner this country [of England] then stood; far otherwise than of late both they at home and others abroad made account of.

That he [Mendoza] knew how long they had depended in firm hope of a change of the state of this country, by the means of the devout and earnest incitations of the pope’s holiness, of the king catholic, and of the potentates of the holy league, to take upon them the invasion and conquest of this realm; and by his [Mendoza’s] assurances and firm promises they were, now of a long season past, persuaded, that the king catholic had taken upon him the same glorious act; and thereof from year to year they looked for the execution; being continually fed and nou-fished from him to continue their hope; and sundry times solicited by his earnest request and persuasion, to encourage their party at home, not to waver, but to be ready to join with the outward forces that should come for this invasion That until this last spring they were in despair: at which time he advertised them with great assurance, that all the king’s preparations, which had been making ready three or four years together, were then in full perfection, and, without fail, would that summer come into our seas, with such mighty strength, as no navy of England or of Christendom could resist or abide their force. And that to make the intended conquest sure, the same should have joined to it the mighty army which the duke of Parma had made ready, and kept in readiness in the Low Countries, to land: and so both by sea and land this realm should be invaded, and a speedy conquest made thereof. And that there would be a strong party in this realm to join with the foreign force.” After this manner did that Spanish ambassador in Paris raise the expectation of the papists in England. “But, alas! (as it follows,) and with a deadly sorrow, we must all, at home and abroad, lament our sudden fall, from an immeasurable high joy to an immeasurable deep despair: and that so hastily fallen out, as, I may say, we have seen in the space of eight or nine days in this last month of July, which was from the appearance of the catholic great navy upon the coast of England all our hopes, all our buildings, as it now appeareth, but upon an imaginary conquest, utterly overthrown, as it were with an earthquake: all our castles of comfort brought to the ground; which now, as it seemeth, were builded but in the air.” Then he proceeded to tell Mendoza how the catholics began to doubt of their cause; and to attribute this ill success to the hand of God. “That he was astonished what he might best think of such a work, so long time in framing, to be suddenly overthrown, as by no reason could proceed of man, or of any earthly power, but only of God. And thereupon many English catholics misliked of the pope’s way of reformation by force. That the untimely publishing of the intended conquest, before the Spanish navy was ready, did great hurt: that the hearts of all sorts of people were inflamed against the Spaniards’ vaunting to conquer England.

The writer of this letter took notice, with dislike, “of a new bull, (which he had seen,) lately published at Rome, by the pope’s holiness, with more severity than others of his predecessors. Whereby the queen here was accursed, and pronounced to be deprived of her crown, and the invasion and conquest of the realm committed by the pope to the king catholic, to execute the same with his armies both by sea and land; and to take the crown to himself, or to limit it to such a potentate as the pope and he should name. And secondly, there followed a large by sending hither a number of English books printed in Antwerp, even when the navy of Spain was daily looked for; the original whereof was written by cardinal Allen: [who styled himself the English cardinal.] Which book was so violently, sharply, and bitterly written against the person of the queen, against her father king Henry VIII. against all her nobility and council, as in very truth (as he added) I was sorry to perceive so many good men of our own religion offended therewith: in that there should be found in one accounted a father of the church, who was also a born subject of the crown, such foul, vile, irreverent, and violent speeches, such ireful and bloody threatenings of a queen, of a nobility, yea, of the whole people of his own nation.”

The letter is continued with account of the preparations made by the queen against the Spaniard, and her mighty success. To this pass came all Mendoza’s zeal against England. Which divers of these English catholics, upon the ill conclusion of these threatening projects, reproached him with.

Another book of this subject now came forth, bearing this title: “Certain advertisements out of Ireland, concerning the losses and distresses that happened to the Spanish navy, upon the west coasts of Ireland, in their voyage intended from the northern isles beyond Scot. land towards Spain.”

This book relates from day to day, beginning at the 7th of September, and so on for some days, the losses of ships and men, the wrecks and miseries, and the persons of quality and others taken on that coast. And then follow examinations of several eminent persons in that fleet, that were taken and saved, according to the reports sent from Ireland. Whereof one of the examined was John Anthonio de Monona, an Italian, son to Francisco de Monona, pilot of the ship called Sancta Maria de la Rose, of a thousand tons, cast away in the sound of Bleskey. “Who, examined the 11th of September, said, that he and the rest parted from the English fleet, as he thought, about the coast of Scotland. And that at that time they wanted of their whole fleet four galleys and seven ships, and one galleass, which was the captain galleass. And there were then dead, by flight and by sickness, eight thousand men at the least. Where he left the duke [admiral], he knew not, but it was in the north seas, about 18 days sithence. That he saw then no land; and therefore could name no place. But they severed by tempest. That the duke kept his course by the sea. They drew toward land, to find Cape Clere. So did divers other ships; which he thought to amount to forty ships. And with the duke there went five and twenty.”

He informed further, “That two ships were sunk upon the coast of Scotland, by reason of shots received from the English ships: the one called St. Matthew, of 500 tons; wherein were drowned 450 men: the other ship a biskey of St. Sebastian, of 400 ton; wherein were drowned 350.

And the ship wherein he was, called S. Maria Rose, of one thousand tons; wherein of 500 there escaped but himself. In which, of principal men, there were drowned these principal men following: the prince of Ascule, base son to the king of Spain; captain Matuta, captain Convalle, a Portugal, and the captain of the said ship; there were more of note of Castile: the general of all the fleet of Guipusque, called don Michael d’Oquendo; and twenty other knights and adventurers upon their own charges.”

And being examined, what ordnance, wines, or other matters of moment was in the ship here cast away, said, “There were fifty great brass pieces, all canons for the field, twentyfive pieces of brass and cast iron, belonging to the ship. Also there was in her fifty tons of secke; in silver 15,000 ducats; in gold as much more; much rich apparel, and plate, and cups of gold.” There were seven other examinations taken of several persons of note in that fleet, (which I omit, being too large to set down here,) which give a particular account of those losses and disasters. At the end of this tract is added a list of the ships and men sunk, drowned, killed, and taken upon the coast of Ireland in the month of September. The number of men amounted to 5394; ships 17. Which may be found before in the Appendix.

Another book of this subject now also appeared, entitled, “Elizabeths triumphans. Containing the damned practices that the devilish popes of Rome have used ever silence her first coming to the crown: by moving her wicked and traitorous subjects to rebellion and conspiracies: thereby to bereave her majesty both of her lawful seat and happy life. With a declaration of the manner how her excellency was entertained by her soldiers in her camp royal at Tilbury in Essex: and of the overthrow had against the Spanish fleet. Set forth, declared, and handled by J.A. Post victoriam gloria. The author dedicated this his work, To the right worshipful, endued with all singularity, Julius Caesar, Dr. of the civil law, chief judge of her highness’ honourable court of admiralty, and one of the masters of the requests to the queen’s most excellent majesty: shewing his patron, that the intelligence of the commonness of ballads, with books to this purpose, caused him to publish this his work; truly and effectually declaring the wicked attempts of the devilish pope, with his damned adherents practised, rather than to let such broken tales, told in plain ballads, express the unspeakable acts and wondrous overthrows had against the pope, by this our royal queen, and her (by this made famous) island.”

Subscribed Ja. Aske. It is all in blank verse, and begins thus: I write not of the labours (passing strange) Which Jove’s base son with wondrous fame achiev’d Ne of the acts, the never dying acts, That English kings have done long time ago; But all my drift is to declare the deeds, The famous deeds that this our sacred queen Performed hath, since Sol hath past the signs Just thirty times with those his shining lights, &c.

This heroic poem contains a most particular description of the expedition against Spain both by sea and land; and chiefly of the camp at Tilbury, of the queen’s coming thither, and of her acting, speeches, and behaviour there, more than any other history of that subject, I think, extant.

There came forth likewise this year a book, called, “The coronation of David. Wherein, out of that part of the history of David that sheweth how he came to the kingdom, we have set forth unto us what is like to be the end of these troubles that daily arise for the gospel’s sake. By Edm. Bunny.” Who was an eminent divine and writer in Yorkshire. The book is dedicated to the right honourable Henry earl of Huntingdon, knight of the most noble order of the garter, and president of her majesty’s council, in the north parts established, and lieutenant-general of her majesty’s people and forces there. In his epistle the writer made a remark, “of the dangerous, strange, and unnatural practices against the queen, tending to the overthrow of them all; and of late, that God had threatened them with hostility and foreign invasion, and with the worst that a proud and idolatrous and an insolent people was able to do. Wherein he had not clean forgotten them, [the English nation,] but in the midst of those threatenings had hitherto used great mercy towards them.”

These assaults upon this protestant kingdom, professing the gospel, and queen Elizabeth, the great defender of this faith, and the continual troubles raised to overthrow it, gave occasion to the writing this book; the author observing “the great broils at that day raised in these parts of Christendom against the gospel of Jesus Christ; and like to continue; because new and fresh troubles did continually follow hard upon such as had gone before:” comparing their present condition to the storms in the lake of Gennesareth; “when the wind and the sea did both together seem to conspire against that bark wherein Christ was with his disciples, for to have drenched and drowned them; the wind [i.e. the pope] stirring and raising the sea; [i.e. the Spaniard;] the sea getting up and growing rageous, and both together furiously beating with all their might on the seely vessel Even so now also, ever since it had pleased the Lord to vouchsafe them the gospel again in so plentiful manner, all the people and states of the world had bent themselves against it.”

So that the purpose of this book of the Coronation of David was to shew the state of the reformation of religion, or the gospel, under the history of David, and his troubles, and the happy issue of them. “That for the comfort and instruction of those that were so possessed with fear, when tyrants so threatened, and made such preparations, he had made choice of that part of the story of David.

For seeing David was a figure of Christ, and such as was the state of Christ here on earth, such also must be the state of the gospel, whensoever it is sent to us; how great resistance for a time it findeth; and how, notwithstanding, it is most sure to prevail in the end.”

So that the contents of the author’s discourse were, That as David was grievously persecuted before he could attain to the kingdom, so it hath been, and yet is, with the gospel of Christ. And that as David was afterwards brought first to one part of it, and then to the whole: so the gospel, being in such manner advanced as it is already, is therein also as likely to be further advanced. But yet that we are to await the goodness of God in such a course as David did. Divers examples brought of the like works of God, and applied to our comfort. And lastly, there is a prayer to that end, going upon the whole story, all taken out of David’s Psalms.

Puritans writ divers books this year against the archbishops and bishops with much bitterness; as condemning, the present government of the church by such· The titles of some of these tracts are mentioned by Camden in the Life of Queen Elizabeth: viz. Martin Marprelate; Minerals; Diotrepkes; A demonstration of discipline, &c. Concerning which thus the said Camden writes; “That in these libels they belched forth most virulent calumniesious taunts and reproaches in a scurrilous manner; the authors thereof Penry and Udal, ministers of the word, and Job Throgmorton, a learned man, and of a facetious and gibing tongue.”

This Penry, the chief of them, framed a book, called, A Supplication to the parliament now sitting; and another, being his Appellation to them, in regard of himself, falling into trouble for the former book.

From his Supplication I collect these passages. “That God would, it was to be feared, enter into judgment with the whole land, and make his sword drunk with blood, &c. for establishing such institutions [meaning, episcopal government] as were directly against his majesty’s revealed will.” Penry sets forth his undertaking in these words: “I do, for the discharge of my duty and conscience toward the Lord, his church, my country, [Wales,] and the whole estate of the kingdom, taking my life in my hand, testify unto you [the parliament] before the majesty of God, &c. that our dumb ministers, that the calling of our lord bishops, archdeacons, commissaries, and all other remnants of that sacrilege, brought into the church by that Romish strumpet, and now remaining in Wales, are intolerable before the Lord. The truth whereof I do briefly make known by reasons following; and offer to prove them more at large, even upon the peril of my life, against our four lord bishops, [i.e. of Wales,] all their chaplains, favourers, and wellwishers; whether in either of the two universities of this land, or in any place elsewhere soever.” Take his threatening too; speaking to the parliament: “Truly for mine own part, God aiding me, I will never leave the suit, though there should be a thousand parliaments in my days, until I either obtain it at your hands, or bring the Lord in vengeance and blood to plead against you for repelling his cause.”

Once more; these were his thoughts of convocations. “If indeed the convocation-house were such as it ought to be, viz. a synod of sincere and godly learned ministers, wherein matters of religion were determined of according to the word and cause of God heard without partiality; then indeed were it their parts to set down, for the direction of the parliament, such things as were behooveful for the glory of God and the good of the church. And the parliament, by their direction, according to the word, ought to enjoin all the ministers and people whatsoever should be thus enacted by the civil state. And if the convocation-house were such an assembly, then were it not lawful for the parliament to establish any thing in the matter appertaining unto the pure worship of God among their people, but that wherein they should be directed by the advice of the church governors. But you should not permit them to enact what they would by their own authority; especially, their decrees being now as they are, to the ratifying of corruptions, and to the continuance of ungodly callings within these dominions.

Small hope there was to be conceived of reforming the abuses of the church, if the redress be committed unto that meeting. And that they of the honourable court of parliament were to understand, that the convocation-house condemned this cause of Christ, then in hand, before it was heard; and that their own endea-vours, who were there met, was, how to prevent him [Christ] from bearing rule in the church by his own laws. For that it was well known, that all of them had banded and linked themselves together, to maintain the corruptions of our church.”

And then, for bringing the cause of religion before the parliament, he addressed himself to the parliament after this manner: “When you say that you may not deal in matters of religion, because the determinations of that cause is referred unto the bishops assembled in the con-vocation-house; which in their canons are to provide and see that the church be not in any decayed state; do you not thereby think you rob yourselves of your own prerogative and liberty, and take order, that the church without controversy may be starved and spoiled?”

This Supplication, containing all these expressions, and many more, so reflecting upon the present government of the church established, awakened the bishops, and the commissioners ecclesiastical, and particularly the archbishop; so that diligent search was ordered to be made for the author and his said books. And at length he was taken, and the books too. And then, being in hold for some time, soon after took the confidence to write his own vindication, thus entitled: The appellation of John Penry unto the high court of parliament, from the bad and injurious dealing of the archbishop of Canterbury, and others of the high commission. “Wherein the complainant, humbly submitting himself and his cause unto the determination of this honourable assembly, craveth nothing else, but either release from trouble and persecution, or just trial.” This he writ when he absconded, being searched for by the said ecclesiastical commission, the ensuing year, 1589. In this Appellation he thus declared himself, and what he had done.” “That in the 29th year of her majesty’s reign, the Lord vouchsafed to use him as an instrument to motion the parliament, holden by prorogation, in the cause of God’s truth; not known unto the archbishop, or any others of the ecclesiastical commission before.

That his suit then that he made to the parliament was, that the gospel of Christ might in a saving manner be made known and published among the inhabitants of Wales, his dear and native countrymen. That the equity of this petition he mani-rested in a public treatise, allowed to be printed by public authority. And the Supplication, together with the printed treatise, was preferred by a worshipful gentleman, himself a member of the house: That the parliament shewed no disliking thereof, though they sinned in the careless respect they had thereto. “But (as he went on in his Appellation) the archbishop and his associates [the commission] thought the enterprise to be intolerable. Their dislike of the petition they did not conceal, but presently despatched their warrants, to call in the printed books; and to make inquiry for the author. And that the books, in number about 500, to- gether with himself, were fastened upon by the wardens of the stationers, accompanied with the pursuivant. And that thereupon, being carried before the high commissioners, he was (as he said) for enterprising the former action, charged by the archbishop’s own mouth, not only to be a factious slanderer of her majesty’s government, but also to have published flat treason and heresy in his said treatise. That he was threatened very bloodily, and reviled in a most unchristian sort, with earnest protestation, that they wondered how he durst solicit the parliament in that petition.” And then he makes this reflection: “See the cursed and outrageous profanation of these, whom the Lord in his just judgment had given over to withstand the mighty power of the word.”

He went on to relate what further happened to him: “That he was kept twelve days at his keeper’s utmost peril.” And after a month’s imprisonment he was delivered without examination: and so was released. But he soon drew more troubles upon himself. “Because” (as he gave the reason) “he saw himself bound in conscience not to give over his purpose; and as it pleased the Lord to increase his care in seeking the good of his countrymen, so his adversaries augmented their fury and rage towards him,” (as he styled the care of the commissioners ecclesiastical,) “in sending an officer to search for him as far as Northampton, where his abode then was with his printing-press. Where his writings were seized, but him they found not.”

And then, after some further narration of this business, he (thinking by this means to escape the danger of the ecclesiastical commission) appealed to the parliament in these words: “That he did in most dutiful sort make this his just appellation from the archbishop of Canterbury, and the rest of his colleagues in commission, unto the honourable and high court of parliament.”

The Epitome was one of the books set forth by Martin Marprelate, writ against Dr. Bridges, who had printed something against him and his party.

To which Epitome he set this fantastical title, in scorn and derision of his adversary; Oh! read over Dr. John Bridges: for it is a worthy work: or, An epitome of the first book of that right worshipful volume writ against the puritans, &c. Of this book I have taken notice before.

Some books also on the other side in justification of the church government; as this for one, writ by Some, a learned doctor of divinity, of Cambridge: which bore this title; A godly treatise, containing certain questions, moved of late in London and other places, touching the ministry, sacraments, and church. Written by Robert Some, D.D. His preface to the reader will inform us what adversaries he is to deal with; and the contents, what subject he is to treat of against them. He tells the reader, “There were two sorts of recusants in this land; the one popish, the other anabaptistical. They gave out, that we have no ministry, no sacraments, no visible church. These, that other sort of men, laboured of two diseases. The one was great pride, the other gross ignorance. Their pride appeared in their behaviour, which was void of humility. Their ignorance in their arguments: which hung together as a sick man’s dream.”

The table of such points as were contained in this treatise followed. “1. A godly prince may and ought to compel his subjects (if any refused) to the external service of God. 2. A godly prince may not suffer any religion, but the true religion, either publicly or privately, in his dominions. 3. Able teachers ought to be provided (so much as can be) for the churches. 4. The teachers of religion must have maintenance. 5. Almighty God blesseth those kingdoms with peace, which promote and embrace his religion. 6. The child of God is not polluted, though he be present at and partaker of the public prayers, sacraments, &c. at such time as wicked men are present at and partakers of them. 7. They which were baptized in the popish church, by popish priests, received true baptism, touching the substance of baptism. 8. They are the sacraments of baptism and the holy supper, which are delivered in the church of England by unpreaching ministers. 9. The godly are not polluted which receive the sacrament at the hands of an unpreaching minister. 10. The church of England is the visible church of Christ.”

Under these heads Dr. Some, the author, contended with those of Penry’s puritan sect, that held against those points.

The same author (upon some answer of Penry) published the same year “A defence of such points in Dr. Some’s last treatise as M. Penry hath dealt against. And refutation of many anabaptistical, blasphemous, and popish absurdities, touching magistracy, ministry, church, scripture, and baptism, &c. contained in M. Penry’s last treatise.” The occasion of this defence the author tells the reader: “That having published a short treatise, May last, it pleased one M. Penry to examine one part of it, and (as another Aristarchus) to censure it. That his book was sent him, and he viewed it, and found strange things in it. That advice was given him not to vouchsafe an answer; because Penry was very ignorant, and his treatise very silly and corrupt stuff. But that certain reasons induced him to take some pains about it. As St. Paul vouchsafed in God’s cause to deal with Demetrius and Alexander. And because many had been misled by his absurd fancies. And that he was personally both charged and challenged by him. That Penry’s book was a fardle of gross errors: that none accounted of it, but such as were of the fantastical crew. That Calvin, Beza, &c. men of excellent learning, were cast off by him, even in those weighty causes wherein they shook hands with all the churches of God. That the question between them was not whether ignorant men might either enter into or continue in the holy ministry; (for his resolution was negative, that they ought not:) but the question was, whether such as were and are baptized by popish priests and ignorant ministers had and did receive a sacrament; and whether the godly communicant is polluted by receiving the sacrament at the hands of unpreaching ministeers. That the most famous men and churches were peremptory for him, and against Penry, &c. “And that his reader might see clearly and feel sensibly Penry’s gross errors and anabaptistical fancies, he had set clown in a table divers strange particulars. Which if they seemed hard and rough hewn, blame M. Penry: for they came out of his forge.” And then concluded with his prayer, “That the Lord would give us grace to see and know our ignorance, to be truly humble, to grow in godly knowledge, and not in anabaptistical and blasphemous fancies.”

Dated from London, Sept. 19.

To this I add another book in vindication of the hierarchy of the church against Martin Marprelate and the rest of the slanderous libellers. And that was, An admonition to the people of England. “Wherein are answered, not only the slanderous untruths reproachfully uttered by Martin the libeller, but also many other crimes by some of his brood objected generally against all bishops and the chief of the clergy; purposely to deface and discredit the present state of the church. Seen and allowed by authority.”

The author of it was the learned and right reverend Cooper, bishop of Winchester; who himself had been unworthily misrepresented and wronged by them. Let me give an extract or two out of his epistle.

He tells his reader, “That he was not ignorant what danger he drew upon himself by this attempt to answer the quarrels and slanders of late time published in certain libels against the bishops and other chief of the clergy of the church of England. Men saw the eagerness and boldness of their spirit that were the authors of them. They [the bishops and clergy] tasted already the bitterness of their tongues and pens. The raging fury of their revenge upon all whom they mislike, themselves dissemble not, but lay it down in words of great threatenings. And therefore he expected all the hurt that venomous, scoffing tongues could work against him. And how could he hope to escape it, when the saints of God. For in the course of their whole . libel, when they spake of Peter, Paul, and the blessed Virgin, &c. whom others justly call saints, their phrase in derision was, sir Peter, sir Paul, sir Marie.”

He asked, “What the cause was, why they [the bishops] were with such spite and malice discredited? Surely, because, as the duty of faithful subjects bound them, (living in the state of a church reformed,) they endeavoured to preserve those laws which her majesty’s authority and the whole state of the realm had allowed, and did not admit a new platform of government, none could tell by whom. That the reasons that moved them so to do were these two. First, that they saw no proof brought out of the word of God, that of necessity such form of government ought to be. Secondly, that by placing of the same it would bring so many alterations and inconve-nieneies, as, in their opinion, would be dangerous to the prince and to the realm. Some of which inconvenieneies he had in this treatise laid down.” Some of the contents of this seasonable treatise are these: “1. An admonition to beware of the contempt of the bishops and other preachers. 2. The ends which the enemy of the church of God respecteth, in working their discredit. 3. Answers to the untruths and slanders uttered in Martin’s late libel against the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of London, Rochester, Lincoln, and Winchester. 4. The causes why the bishops desired to maintain the present state of the government of the church: and what ineonveniencies they feared, upon the alteration thereof, would come to the state of the realm. 5. Answer to certain general crimes objected to all the bishops without exception.”

I cannot omit one period more of this excellent book, as it respects the fresh deliverance of the kingdom at this very time; and how unseasonably such libels were now uttered, under the reigned and fond name of Martin Marprelate. “Oh! my good brethren and loving countrymen, what a lamentable thing is this, that even now, when the view of the navy of the Spaniard is scant passed out of sight; when the terrible sound of their shot ringeth yet, as it were, in our ears; when the certain purpose of most cruel and most bloody conquest of this realm is confessed by themselves, and blazed before our eyes; when our sighs and groans, with our fasting and prayers, in show of our repentance, are fresh in memory; and the tears not washed from the eyes of many good men; when the mighty works of God, and his marvellous mercies in delivering us, and in scattering and confounding our enemies, is bruited over all the world, and with humble thanks renowned by all them that love the gospel; when our Christian duty requireth, for joy and thanksgiving, that we should be seen yet still lifting up our hands and hearts to heaven, and with thankful minds setting forth the glory of God; and, with Moses and the Israelites, singing praises unto his name, and saying, The Lord hath triumphed gloriously; the horse and the rider, the ships and the sailors, the soldiers and their captains, he hath overthrown in the sea: the Lord is our strength; the Lord is become our salvation, &c. that even now, I say, at this present time, we should see in men’s hands and bosoms, commonly, slanderous pamphlets, fresh from the press, against the best of the church of England, &c. What unthankfulness is this! What a forgetting of our duty towards God and towards our brethren! What a reproach to our profession of the gospel!”

But notwithstanding this Admonition, and all that the author had writ in vindication of the pious bishops and their government, it stopped not the pens of these abusive malecontents; but soon fell foul upon bishop Cooper, and this his book, with the like scurrilous titles to their libels against him, as they used to do. As, Work for a Cooper. More work for a Cooper, &c.

This year also came forth, “An answer to ten frivolous and foolish reasons, set down by the Rhemish Jesuits and papists, in their preface before the New Testament , by them lately translated into English. Which have moved them to forsake the original fountain of the Greek; wherein the Spirit of God did endite the gospel, and the holy apostles did write it; to follow the stream of the Latin translation: translated we know not when, nor by whom. With a discovery of many great corruptions and faults in the said English translation; set out at Rhemes.”

The author was Edward Bulkely: who dedicated this book to the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham, knt. chief secretary to her majesty. To him he declared the chief reason of publishing his book; “For that it was thought the said translation and the annotations had seduced some, and confirmed others in error; and many did not a little glory of them. And that as some had already in part discovered the absurdity of the annotations, so this, he trusted, might sufficiently shew the weakness of those reasons, and corruption of that translation.”

The reasons urged by the Rhemists why they translated the old Latin text, and not the Greek, were, “First, because it was so ancient, and used in the church of God above 1300 years ago. And that it was the common received opinion, that it was that which St. Hierom afterward corrected according to the Greek, by the appointment of pope Damasus: and consequently, that it was that which St. Augustin commended and allowed of, in an epistle to St. Hierom. And that it was that which for the most part had been used in the church’s service, expounded in sermons, alleged and interpreted in commentaries, &c. And the council of Trent had declared and defined this only, of all other translations, to be authentic,” &c. All these learnedly confuted by this author.

Another part of this book contains, A discovery of corruptions in this Rhemish New Testament. And this divided into three parts. 1. Such places as be diverse and contrary to the Greek. 2 Places wherein words and sentences be omitted; expressed in the Greek. 3. Places wherein be superfluities; viz. words and sentences, which do abound, and be not in the Greek: and the Greek text approved and justified by the testimonies of ancient translations in the Spanish tongue and Arabian.

Then he gave “A catalogue of abundance of strange words and affected phrases, which the Jesuits in this their English translation had used; first, to shew their fine eloquence, to move their readers to admire them.

Secondly, to make the scripture dark, and hard to be understood of the unlearned people. And lastly, for that they would as much dissent, and as little agree with us, as they might.”

As for example, such words as these: supersubstantial, loaves of proposition, pasche, day of azymes, parascheue, syndon, victimes, holocausts, refertory, exprobrated, impudi-cities, make obsecration, supererogate, Paraclete, indurated their heart, contaminated : and abundance more such like obscure words.

The last business of the author of this good book was to lay before the reader many places of scripture, and likewise out of the ancient fathers; shewing, “How requisite and profitable it is for all men diligently and reverently to read the word of God.” And this, to oppose what the Rhemists had asserted in their preface, viz. “That it was neither necessary nor profitable to have the holy scripture in vulgar language, to be read and heard of all people. And that the godly and faithful might be stirred up to the daily, diligent, and reverent reading of them. That they might thereby daily more and more increase in the knowledge and fear of God.”

To which books I add the disputations concerning the sacred scriptures, against Bellarmine and Stapleton, Jesuits, by Dr. Whitaker, public professor of divinity in Cambridge, and master of St. John’s college there.

Printed at Cambridge this year. The title whereof was, Disputatio de sacra scriptura, contra hujus temporis papistas; imprimis Robertum Bellarminum, Jesuitam, pontificium in collegio Romano, et Thomam Stapletonum, regium in schola Duacena controversiarum professorem. Sex questionibus proposita, et tractata, a Gulielmo Whitakero, theologiae doctore, ac professore regio, et collegii D. Joannis in Cantabrigiensi academia magistro.

The questions were: 1. De numero canonicorum librorum scripturae. 2. De editione authentica scripturarum, et versionibus, sacrisque vernaculis. 3. De authorirate scriptural. 4. De perspicuitate scripturae. 5. De interpretatione scripturae. 6. De perfectione scripturae: contra non scriptas traditiones.

The epistle dedicatory is writ to Cecil, lord treasurer Burghley, and chancellor of that university.

AN APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL PAPERS OF STATE, RECORDS, LETTERS, &C.