NUMBER 1.

A letter of the lord treasurer Burghly to sir Henry Unton, the queen’s ambassador in France, upon that king’s requiring more forces of the queen. [The beginning of this letter is imperfect.] My lord ambassador, I make account at this time the earl of Essex, my 1. general, is arrived at the camp for the ...... Diep upon Friday last, and so did also our companies And I wish that I have heard at this present by a report thither from Diep, that the French king had won mount Katharine ......

Your last letters reporting the conference had with you there in that court by the French king, and sir Roger Williams being present, hath been somewhat unpleasant unto her majesty, though she findeth no fault therein in you. For the whole contents of the negotiations have been expressed at very large length by the king’s letters unto her majesty, and also to her ambassador here; who hath delivered the same to her majesty. And after the same well weighed by her, she hath made answer by writing in a letter of some length, (the copy whereof I do send you,) and therefore mean to make no recital. But am by her majesty commanded to require you to deliver it to the king. And though you shall not use any speech to him in her majesty’s name, as it were to participate the contents of the letter, yet you may briefly, after the delivery in thereof, and the king’s perusal, say, That you are very sorry, that the time, both on his part and the queen’s, be so unseasonable, as neither her majesty can yield to his demands, nor he obtain that whereof he hath need.

And yet to deal plainly with you, her majesty hath great cause to suspect, that the report of the king’s weakness of his forces there made with good advantage for him. For sir Roger Williams coming from the king with letters of credit at his last being here, made another manner of report of the king’s forces, by particular denomination of all sorts, both French and strangers, treble to the number of the king’s allegation for very footmen.

And as to the point, that the king maketh doubt of the leaving of the siege to fight with the duke of Parma, we here have good intelligence, that the duke of Parma is not yet in person come from Bruxelles; neither are his forces with the duke de Main Lorrain; and the Italians not so great by a third part as the king’s comptroller’s report was. And it may be the duke of Parma will not be able to bring his army so far as Roan for lack of victuals, considering he is to come through a country already spoiled and hurried by the Reisters. And besides, if S. Catharines should be won before the duke can come near with his army, the town of Roan may be with a small number blocked up, and the king have sufficient forces to withstand the duke of Parma’s assailing, when he shall have comen so many miles in march to encounter with the French king.

These, and such like suppositions, not altogether improbable, have moved her majesty to think the peril of the king not so great as he hath pretended.

Which also I wish may prove to be true. But however it is, in truth, the time is not proper to levy new numbers in England at this time of the year, [the depth of winter,] especially to be transported by sea; and impossible to be sent thither in time. For that if the king recover not Roan before two months, there is no hope to gain it for many respects.

Her majesty sendeth sir Thomas Leighton thither of especial trust to advise the earl in the actions. And hath commanded the earl by her own letters.

And if the king should depart from Roan to go to fight with the duke of Parma, the earl should not go with him by any persuasion.

I wish you could come to understand of the truth of all the king’s forces; whereunto I cannot prescribe you how to obtain. But by their quartering and encamping, I think it most easy to be known, by some men of judgment that might there use the same And thus having no other thing at present, I wish and hope shortly to hear some good news of the fort of S.

Katharines; whereof I make such account as the old proverb is, Dimidium plus toto. From the court at Whitehall, this 12th of December, 1581.

Your assured loving friend, W. Burghley. [NUMBER 1] Mr. Rafe Lane to the lord treasurer; advice upon occasion of the expulioon of king don Antonio out of the kingdom of Portugal ; and what use the queen might make of him to annoy king Philip.

Dated March 7, 1580. MOVED of zele to her majesty’s safety and service, and MSS. Burg. of dutiful affection to your lordship, I humbly offer unto your lordship the consideration of a plot, touching the reported state of king Antonio to her majesty for aid. The due execution whereof can in no sort prejudice her majesty either in honour, peril, or charge; and may, with her majesties restraining of the same, many ways get advantage, and most singularly guard her majesty in this doubtful time, from many inconveniences, with the favour of the Almighty. My firm persuasion wherein, and the importance of the same, being used in time, make me bold to break it, and willing only to your lordship to impart it, humbly craving favourable acceptance of my poor good meaning therein. And thus it may please your lordship to understand it. 1. That the said king, don Antonio, crave of her majesty leave underhand, at his own charge, and of ready pay to her, 5000 soldiers of her majesty’s subjects, and a fleet answerable, as well for fight, as for portage of all kind of munition and victuals. But that this levy be made altogether by her majesty, and altogether in her majesty’s name, in shew for the reformation of Ireland. And therefore that no shew in the world be made for any intention touching the said king. 2. That the king do in like secret manner covenant with her majesty, that if during this his preparation in England, and before the fleet here be ready to leave this coast, the Spanish king, or the pope’s powers, do fortune to arrive upon any of her majesty’s dominions, that then the said prepared power, at the charge of the said king, shall be employed indeed and mostly in her majesty’s service, against the invading Spanish, or popish forces wheresoever. And her majesty for the use of that his levy in her own particular service, to bear only the one half of the charge of the same. So that her majesty will, in consideration thereof, be pleased to covenant with the said king, don Antonio, that her highness will declare herself absolute for him against the Spanish king, if it shall appear that the said Spanish king be in a confederacy against her majesty with the pope. 3. But if the said English fleet shall be ready to depart hence before the coming abroad of the pope’s fleet from the coast of Spain, then the said English fleet to go directly to the coast of Spain; where, with the grace of God, they may so employ themselves, that the Spanish king shall have little need to spare any of his own forces from his own defence nearer home, and within his own pretended realms. 4. Thus by diverting the Spanish king’s forces from the shew of itself, in the eye of her majesty’s subjects at her own doors, her highness shall daunt the courage of any rebellious mind, that otherwise, at the appearing of an enemy in sight, will easily be stirred to mischief. Beside the avoiding of many other dangers, that an invasion, though never so weak, doth draw with it of ordinary. All which shall be at a stranger’s charge. Which otherwise her majesty may have good cause to do at her own charge, if she will be afe at home; and if in the mean while her enemy assail her majesty, as is aforesaid, she shall be the more in readiness ither to defend her self, or offend those that would offend her herein. 5. But all the difficulty of this action, next the king Antonio’s provisions of ready pays, (without the which nothing can be done,) resteth chiefly and only in the close keeping so much of the intention of this said levy as shall concern the said king, don Antonio. 6. And therefore, as her majesty, with the only advice and administration of one counsellor above, may, if it please her, within two months, make up this supply without further trouble to any one of the rest of the honourable board: so if her majesty shall be pleased to lay that charge upon your lordship, and that without the privity of any other, it will without all doubt, with the blessing of God, every way serve for notable turns for her majesty; what plots or packs soever, either abroad or at home, are made or meant against her majesty. And the meaner men in shew, though not in skill, shall be used in this preparation; who need not to know any other pretence.

Then, sir, I think, the better and the more close will the service be carried and covered.

I protest unto your lordship before the Almighty, that as yet no other creature living, but only your lordship, knoweth any part of this plat.

Neither have I so much as once conferred with any about the same, more than yesterday with Mr. John S. John; who coming to visit me at my lodging, by chance told me of the earnest suit of king don Antonio his ambassador to her majesty for an English aid; and his earnest entreaty, that her majesty would declare herself against the Spanish king in that action.

Which I imagining that her majesty would hardly be brought unto, notwithstanding the said Spanish king has hostile intention to her majesty, made apparent to all the world; I thought in this my simple, humain conceipt, my most dutiful meaning to her majesty, most humbly to present to your lordship only.

And if your lordship shall find, that her majesty may hereby in a sort be served, I will upon word from your lordship by Mr. S. John’s means find a mean, that the said king don Antonio’s ambassador shall be himself a mover of this matter, if he like of it, both to her majesty, by his only mediation, and privity of that council, whose only service therein her majesty will be pleased to use: which can be none other but your lordship only and alone. The 7th of March, 1580.

Your lordships most humble and ready at commandment, Rafe Lane.

NUMBER 2.

Lord Burghley, lord treasurer, his judgment, upon a consultation of the queen and council, concerning a fleet to be sent to the Azores islands, under sir Francis Drake, to assist don Antonio, expulsed his kingdom of Portugal by Philip king of Spain.

Digested under certain questions, with answers to each.

Articles to be considered of for the voyage of sir Francis Drake to the sea, with the ships to serve don Antonio, king of Portugal.

I. FIRST it seems convenient, that seeing the 6th of ugust the Tercera was in the possession of the said king, it is no offence to any treaty or league with the king of Spain, to permit any her majesty’s subjects to serve the said king Antonio, to maintain him in possession thereof: for that her majesty is not bound to take knowledge of any other right that kings have, but as their possession yieldeth knowledge.

II. There is no treaty or league between the crown of England and the crown of Spain for the kingdom of Portugal, nor for any isles or countries possessed by Portugal. So as it is no offence to any league in any subject of her majesties, to do any service in or upon any of the territories, isles, or Indies, possest heretofore by Portugals.

Hereupon for a matter of league, her majesty may perreit sir Francis Drake to serve the king Antonio to maintain that he possesseth, or to recover any thing taken from him, whereof he was, as a king, possessed.

The second question is, What is convenient or expedient for her majesty to do in the case, and what may be contrariwise inconvenient?

For the first, it is profitable and convenient that the islands of Azores, and other territories of Portugal, were rather in possession of don Antonio than in the king of Spain, for many over-apparent causes.

For the second, these difficulties are to be remembred. First, if the French king will not judiciously deal for don Antonio, as her majesty should do, the peril might be too great for her alone to provoke the king of Spain.

And also, without the help of the French king, her majesty’s aid, without it be very great and royal, cannot suffice to procure restitution to king Antonio, to the kingdom of Portugal; which must be the end of his action; or else to invade the isles, or to keep the possession of some part, and not of all, will be but a perpetual war and charge: which ought to be considered of in the beginning.

Whereupon the French king with good assurance is to be plainly understood, before any great action be enterprized by her majesty’s subjects, to offend the king of Spain, by seeking to invade any portion of the Portugal territories, being in the king of Spain’s possession. But to maintain the possession of king Antonio in any thing held for him seems reasonable, and may in justice be maintained. But how the king of Spain will interpret the action against her majesty will rest in him.

For the second difficulty it may be said, that this voyage may give cause to the king of Spain to arrest all the queen’s subjects, their goods and ships, within his power.

Whether it be better to stay the merchants fleet thither this year; wherein by conference with the merchants may be understood what damage shall ensue to her majesty for her customs, and to her realms and subjects. Or whether, in respect of the money in the queen’s majesties hands, it may be thought that the king of Spain will not attempt the arrest. Or whether our merchants cannot by little and little recover that they have need of, without conveying into the king’s dominions a great number of ships, mariners, or goods, to the power of the king’s arrests.

Questions presently arising upon these preparations. “I. Whether the voyage shall procede before the queen be assured that the French king will join with her majesty for defence of the action, in case the king of Spain shall offer any violence for the same to the queen’s subjects; as by arrest, or by invasion of any her countries, or by giving support to Scotland, to offend her? “It was from the beginning concluded, No. “II. What manner of assurance shall the queen require, or shall admit to be sufficient to warrant the voyage to be attempted? “It is reason to have either the French king’s letters, or the writing of such as he appointeth to confer with Mr. Walsingham to accord thereto: and Mr. Walsingham to deliver the like. “III. What shall be done with this great preparation? “Either they must continue as they do; which is at about 20l. the day or more, by the uncertainty of Mr. Outred’s unknown charge at Hempton [Southampton]. Or secondly, There must be some diminution of men. Or thirdly, Three ships and a bark might be sent to the isles to do service there, where Drake and Hawkins assent, and think thereby great service may ensue. And in this case the rest of the ships may be reduced to a smaller charge; and yet remain in readiness upon knowledge from France. Or else the whole preparation to be sold. The victuals to merchants trading voyage: the munition, &c. reserved for her majesty. “Or lastly, The whole to procede as they are in readiness: so as it may be accorded how the charge shall be born at their coming thither. For which purpose Mr. Drake and Hawkins say, that it is meant afore Mr. Secretary went, that supposing the charge to be in this sort: 5000l . by the queen’s majesty to Mr. Secretary, to be accounted the money of king Antonio; 2000l . to be Mr. Secretaries; the rest according to 6 or 7000l . to belong to Dr. Hawk and other adventurers. Upon this supposi- tion they would have that one half that should be won 6 from the king of Spare, of his fleet, or of his isles, should be answered to the king. Another half to be divided: “One quarter to tunnage of the ships, after 5s. the tun. “One quarter to the whole company. “And then half allowed to the king to be divided: “One part to the king himself. “One part to Mr. Secretary, and to Mr. Dr. and the other adventurers. “But here my opinion, the queen’s majesty for her 5000l . should be forgotten: for it were no reason that her majesty should have either payment of her 5000l . of the merchandize of the isles that should come hither; or else to have a portion, as Mr. Secretary, and Mr. Dr. and others should have. “Item, It is convenient that the 5000l . should be accounted for in the name of Mr. Secretary: for that her majesty at the lending thereof would not have it otherwise accounted; and yet Mr. Secretary to render to her majesty that should be allowed to him for it. “IV. What sir Francis Drake shall do, if the French king come into the action? “He may by commission from king Antonio justly do any service against any that will impeach king Antonio’s possession in the Tercera, or in any other isles. 2. He may attempt upon the Madera, or upon any other island that did belong to don Antonio, as king of Portugal. These services he may do without breach of league with the king of Spain.” “Objection . But by these only actions, neither shall the king Antonio be so profited, as shall tend to bring him to Possession of Portugal, or the East Indies: neither is it likely that by these his actions the charges shall be discharged of the preparation.

Answer . It is true. Therefore of necessity it followeth, that he must attempt to take any thing he can from the king of Spain, as his title to the islands of Canaries, or any island on Nova Spain, or in Peru.

Whereof followeth, that though he [sir Francis Drake] shall do this by king Antonio’s commission, who hath a just war against the king of Spain; yet if the king of Spain shall take this action, as maintained by her majesty, then shall it be at his will, as he shall find himself able to avenge it upon her majesty, by arresting and taking all her people, ships, and mariners, being in his country, and coming within his power. Item, He may give new support to Ireland, and relief to the king of Scots, to be an ill neighbour.

If the voyage procede not, the king Antonio ought to have the jewel in good reason. For he shall have nothing for his jewel. The preparations would be viewed and sold, and distributed. The loss to be borne. The king might have the jewel; or, upon some less jewel upon his own bond, have sold to him the four ships which he desireth, and the munition also, as shall be thought meet to be spared.

NUMBER 3.

A true answer to the articles exhibited by the bishop of Norwich, against sir Robert Jermin, sir John Higham, knights; Robert Ashfield and Thomas Badly, esquires, justices of the peace.

I. TO the first we say, That we countenance none but such as are lovers of God’s true religion, and dutiful subjects to her majesty. If he [the bishop of Norwich] shall press us in particular, we will particularly answer.

II. To the second we answer, That Coppin and Tyler, [who were dispersers of Brown’s seditious books; and afterwards the former executed for the same, anno 1583,] being committed to prison five or six years past and often convented before the judges of our assizes, so long as there was hope to do any good unto them by Christian persuasion and counsel, we were means unto the judges for their freedom. But when by experience we found, that neither our entreating, nor the often godly references and labours of divers learned and godly pastors (which we only procured) could any thing prevail, we gave them up to their froward wills; and became earnest suitors both to the bishop and judges, that they might be removed out of our prison for fear of infecting others. Which we could never obtain at the bishop’s hand. But he hath kept them here without offering them any means for their conversion; rather, as we presume, for stales to catch and endanger men with, than for any good intended to themselves or any other.

For remedy whereof we do humbly pray your lordship, that the bishop, according tO his office, may be ordered to take them to his prison at Norwich. And for the truth of this our answer, we appeal to my lord chief justice of England, [sir Christopher Wray,] and the master of the Rolls that now is: then judges of our assizes.

Baker, mentioned in that article, we knew not. [M. Paine, a baker, was mentioned by Day, in his letter to the bishop, to have been bound over by these justices.] III. To the third we say, That he and they who set down this article for the bishop (the articles indeed being compact at Bury, the bishop being at Ludham, which we pray your good lordship to observe) was much to blame to make the bishop a patron of unlearned ministers. For it was their pleasures only to be true in this, and in nothing else. For the bishop indeed hath not only favoured and countenanced those ignorant ministers which he found when he came, but added unto those of his own creation and ordination twice so many as any other bishop of this linde hath had in this, as we verily think. Yet to the point of the article we answer, that we never heard any other, neither do ourselves hold that an ignorant minister may not be tolerated. For daily experience sheweth, that we are present at the reading of the service appointed by authority. But we do heartily pray, that none might be now ordained, but such as are both able and apt to teach.

IV. To the fourth we say, That we cannot but mervail at the butt of these articles, that they durst offer unto your lordship a butt at Geneva psalms and sermons. [This article ran, that these justices were for nothing else but the Geneva psalms and sermons.] The Psalms were David’s and other holy fathers inspired by the Holy Ghost. The necessity of sermons your lordship knoweth. Surely we cannot but lament, that any, pretending religion and obedience to her majesty, should be so far carried as to utter such unchristian speeches, to the disgracing of so Christian and religious exercises so universally frequented in all her majesty’s dominions, being speeches proper to scoffers and professed enemies; and therefore in these articles the more insufferable.

But to the article. This Wodde was a very simple young man, whom divers religious persons of the town seeking to establish, thinking, by retaining of him, either that their old preachers should be troubled, or made less able to live; and so by that means to beat the ministry of the word quite out of the town, (as their purpose is even still.) We calling together all the inhabitants of that parish, remembring the usage or custom that the people of Burie, ever sithence the suppression of the abby, used to chuse their ministers; by which order the said Wodde was elected to that place. And so agreement was made for tryal of him until the Lady-day following: during which time, finding him utterly unable to discharge the place, about a fortnight before our Ladyday, warning was given him by like order of the parish to avoid at the day. Which because he refused, Mr. Badby, being a parishoner and justice of the peace in the town, advised him not to intrude himself into that charge, without the goodliking and approbation of the people, being then another prepared to serve: for the which the said Wodde, by the bishop’s and Mr. Andrew’s instinction, procured very unjustly the said Mr. Badby to be indicted as a disturber. And where he saith, that all the justices opposed themselves against him in the action; the truth is, that sir Robert Jermyn was then at London, and none of us which were present further meddled in this action, than that we thought we had both interest and authority. But when the bishop, both by his letters and his word, had declared himself to have interest to collate, neither we nor any other did stir further in that cause, either to the making of division in that parish or trouble to his lordship.

V. To the fifth we say, That the Angel is an ordinary place, where we meet for her majesty’s service, directed unto us by letters in commission or otherwise. And never have proceeded to the determination of any cause ecclesiastical; no, scarce to the hearing of any, the bishop only being of the quorum in the ecclesiastical commission. But if we did ever deal in any, it was by his assignment; as in the case of Gibbons justified adultery, who hath married a wife, the first husband yet living. Which yet remaineth unreformed, to the no little grief of many good men.

VI. To the sixth we confess, That the commonry was sometime there before us, for conference to join our authorities together in helping the good and punishing the wicked. Other troubles and complaints made against him by others for divers his abuses. But we say, that to our remembrances we never threatned to send him to the jayle if he came not presently unto us.

VII. To the seventh, Mr. Blare and the commissary have often used hard and unkind speeches one towards the other. But the matters heard before the high commissioners at London were compounded with the seeking and desire of the commissary. Mr. William Jermin, after the first falling out between them, (being five years sithence,) being earnestly required by sir Robert, never offered him violence or violent speech sithence. And as for further course of justice, he never denied it unto him, nor to any other to his knowledge. Neither did the commissary ever seek for further security at any other justices hand in the county. Which proved that he remained in no fear.

VIII. To the eighth we say, That we do not remember that we used any speech against him, unless it were in a case mentioned in the tenth article.

Upon the answer whereof we will refer to your lordship’s judgment, what cause we had by his false and unjust proceeding sharply to reprove him.

IX. To the ninth sir Robert Jermyn answereth, That to his remembrance he never delivered any such speeches, but professeth rather, that he hath often laboured the commissary to join authorities together, to the repressing of sin and wickedness. And sir John Higham thinketh, that both he hath said, that the commissary is no magistrate, (though he greatly vaunteth thereof,) and also that he may justify the same. For proof whereof he saith, that none, except the queen’s majesty, and such as hath jura regalia, can depute another to be a magistrate. Which he verily thinketh the bishop hath not, if the commissary were proper officer under him, as he thinketh he is officer under the archdeacon of Sudbury.

X. To the tenth we say, That we bound Dr. Day to his good behaviour.

And the cause we humbly beseech your lordship to note: for that it was pertinent to the eighth article. We understanding that he hath purposed to elect and swear certain questmen in Bury, which were suspect not to favour religion, devised by himself and his consort, on purpose to gall and annoy the preachers, ministers, and ho-nestest sort of the town, with their continual presentments; we understanding thereof conferred with the commissary, and shewed him the inconvenience likely to ensue of this his election. Besides, we told him that the law, in our opinions, should not bear a commissary to elect questmen, but that properly the choice rested in the minister and people of every parish. With which reasons of ours he seemed satisfied, and promised faithfully not to procede to election of them or any other without our privity; protesting, that of himself he knew not ten of the parish. Notwithstanding, in short time after, forgetting all duty and promise, as he was going to his court, to perform this action, we received intelligence, and sent for him; who promised to come presently. But before his coming he swore those men in that office, contrary to his promise before made unto us, and contrary to the cause for the which he knew we sent for him. And then he came unto us. And we not knowing what he had done, began again in good and loving manner to entreat him to forbear that election. He answered scoffingly, that he had done, and could not undoe.

Whereupon, for his untrue and unlawful proceding, not contented to break promise with us, but to scoff and scorn at it when he had done, one of us called him Jack, and bound him to his good behaviour. But we remember not the other hard speeches mentioned in the eighth article. And suspecting the election to be unlawful, and knowing divers of the said questmen to be backward men in religion, we charged them to be careful how they proceeded in that office. The one of them giving us such lusty answers at that time, we were enforced to bind him to further appearance.

XI. To the eleventh we say, That the same Mr. Philips, being brother to the commissary, made a sermon at Bury, wherein, for the most part, he was occupied in depraving the godly preachers of the town and country; comparing them to unbridled colts rushing through the whole hedge; and yet not so contented, called them vipers, serpents, stingers, and unsatiable beasts. Which sermon ended, and Mr. Badby aforesaid all the time being present thereat, finding thereby that he sought by all the terms he could devise to sever the hearts of the people from their faithful ministers, he sent his man to the said Mr. Philips, requesting him to come unto him for conference with him touching that sermon. Whereunto Mr. Philips asked the messenger, What token his master had sent to him, that he might know that he had sent for him? The messenger answered, By the token which he did wear was his master’s livery. And then Mr. Philips answered, He would speak with him another time: and so departed and went to dinner with Mr. Andrews at his house. Whereupon Mr. Badby sent the constable for Mr. Philips; who, together with Mr. Andrews and the commissary, repaired unto Mr. Badby. And then Mr. Andrews demanded of Mr. Badby, Wherefore he had sent for Mr. Philips? Who answered, That he thought he had not made a charitable sermon, but an undiserete. And therefore he would gladly have talked with him. And Mr. Philips very deridingly said to Mr. Badby, I thought you had sent for me to dinner, and my dinner was provided. Mr. Andrews promising of himself, offering, that if he would send him to prison, he and the commissary would be bound for him. Mr. Badby answered, He would take none of their bonds, but Mr. Philips’s own bond for his appearance the next morning before the rest of the justices. Which he did for preventing division, which he feared would ensue thereof, as in truth there did.

Thereupon the commissary (which sheweth the sermon to be a matter of set purpose) commanded Mr. Badby, that the same morning by the hour aforesaid, in which he had commanded Mr. Philips’s appearance, that he should be at the court. For which his non-appearance he was excommunicate. And after, on the Monday aforesaid, upon Mr. Philips’s appearance, we and divers others in commission, upon hearing the matter, both for the misliking of his sermon, for his very railing terms before mentioned, and for other his contemptuous demeanour, thereupon thought good, in discretion, to bind him for his appearance for further consideration in that cause, (the words aforesaid being set down under his own hand.)

And as touching the term in the article set down, sir Robert Jermyn saith, He remembreth he called him crazy merchant, because he craftily went about by certain questions to bring the answerers within danger of law. Mr. Ashfield, he saith, that upon the hearing of the whole matter, and understanding that he was and is beneficed at Bradly in Suffolk, and nonresident there, and had left his own charge, and had offered the unfitting terms before mentioned, he used these speeches: viz. “We are more troubled with these unresidented knaves than with all the country beside.”

And as for Mr. Blage, he alluded to plague, whereof Mr. Philips is most abiding. And yet at that time he said to Mr. Philips, I mean you, not a papistical Jesuit.And for that cause was called before the high commissioners: where the cause, as we are informed, took a full end.

And touching his further binding at the sessions for his behaviour, we say, That at the said sessions was present the lord North, and sundry other justices; where all matters being heard at full, and Mr. Philips answering very contemptuously and disdainfully, it was thought good, by the consent of the whole bench, to bind him to his good behaviour. Which cause hath been at large heard by the justices of assize.

XII. To the twelfth article, sir John Higham denieth, that he used the speech mentioned in the article, or any to that effect. But he well remembreth, that upon the disliking the parishioners of St. James’s in Bury had taken against Gyles Wodde their minister, he, the said sir John, for the ending of the cause with most quiet and peace that might be for that towne, persuaded with the said Wodde to give place to some other more fit for the parish, and to betake him to some more fit place for his weak gifts:

Wodde justifying himself to be sufficient for the place, because he could read the service established in the Book of Common Prayer. Then the said sir John answered, That if he had no better proof of his sufficiency than the reading of the service in the book appointed, that then a man might have a boy of twelve years old to do as much as he.

Thus we have truly delivered unto your lordship our answer to the bishops untrue accusations. The several matters whereof be some six, some five, some four, and the least of very near two years continuance. Which being both so old and so weak, do shew, that rather to discredit us with her majesty than to reform any amisses in us, his lordship hath put down these matters against us. But being so old, so weak, and so untrue, do decipher his too great malice rather to our persons than actions. We are therefore very humble suitors unto your good lordship, that not for our sake alone, but for the state of our country, which we serve under her majesty, we may enjoy that honourable favour which you have always shewed unto all men; that your lordship would become our petitioner unto her majesty, that now we have been called out of our country, and every street doth sound our disgrace, wrought by the bishop, that either we may receive the just deserts of our doings by due punishment, or, being cleared both in her majesty’s royal judgment and your lordship’s opinion, the bishop, for his bold and untrue suggestions, may be so censured, as we may, with the restitution of our poor reputation, attend with some good comfort upon our places. In the which we do desire no longer to live than we should be found very loyal and dutiful to our so gracious sovereign.

NUMBER 4.

John bishop of Excester to the lord treasurer Burghley; to favour his proceedings against one Randal, a minister in his diocese, of the family of love, holding dangerous opinions.

MY duty to your lordship remembred. For that I am advertised, that the lords of council had, and yet have earnest complaint made unto them against me, for my proceedings against one Anthony Randal, late parson of Lydford in my diocese; whom I justly deprived for his dampnable opinions and heresies. And after his appeal from me to the Arches, and from thence to her majesty’s delegates, I had my proceedings approved and ratified; yet for that your lordship may haply not be acquainted therewith, and also for your better resolution of my doings, and the saving of my credit with you, I thought it appertaining to my duty to send your lordship herewith a copy of his strange opinions truly exemplified. Which opinions he maintaineth obstinately at this present; and within these few days subscribed unto them again, in the presence of divers public notaries, as it may appear unto your lordship by this enclosed, the original remaining in my registry, as a perpetual testimonial against Randal.

And for that Randal hath many complices, and that hurtful sect, the family of love, beginneth to creep in this country, of the which company twenty are brought to open recantation in this cathedral church, and my proceedings against the rest would be much weakened if the untrue reports of Randal or his friends should be heard: in consideration of the premisses, I do beseech your lordship, that my sentence given against the said Randal, and ratified, as aforesaid, may have good countenance and liking at your hands. Which I request, not so much for mine own credit, as for the peace and quietness of God’s church; which, by means of Randal and his adherents, is very much disturbed. Thus fearing to be tedious to your lordship, I commend you to the protection of the Almighty. Excestre, the 6th of June, 1581.

Your lordships to command, John Exon.

NUMBER 5.

Minutes of a warrant to Edward Stafford, esq. for parsonages, chapels, guilds, &c. dissolved, concealed. [The insertions within crotchets are of the lord treasurer’s hand.]\parELIZABETH, by the grace of God, &c. To our trusty MSS. Burg. counsellor, lord treasurer of England, and to our chancellor of our exchequer and dutchy of Lancaster, &c. We let ye wete, that of our special grace and mere motion, we are pleased and contented, to give and grant to our well beloved subject and servant, Edward Stafford, esq. one of our gentlemen pensioners, a lease or leases for years, of all such parsonages impropriate, free chapels, guilds, chaun-tries, lay-prebends, colleges, and hospitals, relinquished, dissolved or escheated: [to which hospitals there have not been any poor belonging within these two and twenty years: for that we wish such rather to be restored than the lands to be converted to other uses :] and of all parsonages and vicarages whatsoever, which [have not incumbents, and] are without cure, by reason that the parishes are depopulated, and the churches thereof profaned, decayed, wasted, or defaced, with all their members, commodities, appendances whatsoever, which now been, continue, and remain wrongfully detained, withholden, or kept from us: and which of fight to me do or may belong or appertain, [by any title grown to our crown since the twenty seventh year of our noble father king Henry VIII.a] which hereafter shall or may be found or revealed, or [justly] challenged by the said Edward Stafford, his deputies or assigns, or any of them.

Yielding or paying therefore yearly unto us, our heirs and successors, during the said lease or leases, so much yearly rent, and after such rate as the same, or any part thereof, are, or have been valued at in our books of first be fruits and tenths, or in any other of our records b. And further, of our special grace, we also are pleased and contented, to grant unto the said Edward Stafford, as well the advowsons, presentations, nominations, and donations, of all and singular parsonages and vicarages being without cure, profaned, depopulated, decayed, wasted, or defaced, [in as ample sort to us as the same doth or may justly belong.] As also the advowsons, presentations, nominations, donations of all other parsonages and vicarages with cure, prebends, presentative and donative: which are concealed, wrongfully detained, withholden, or kept from us, by any manner of means whatsoever, of right do belong or appertain to our presentation, donation, nomination, or collation: to give, dispose, and present unto the same, so often as any of them shall fall, be, or become void, during the term of years, according to the true intent and meaning hereof. [In all which grants of the premisses, for avoiding of ancient titles that are doubtful, we do not mean, that the said Edward Stafford, or his assigns, shall have or inherit in any kind of the premisses, by any other fight or title due to us, but that which hath grown due to our crown from the twenty sixth year of the king our noble father.] Whereunto we will and command you, that you do from time to time from henceforth, [upon due information given unto you by the said Edward Stafford, or his assigns, of any said titles to any of the premisses, and whereunto you shall perceive that we ought to be entitled, cause to be made such and] so many books and writings as shall be requisite and necessary, to be past by us of the premisses or any part thereof, unto the said Edward Stafford, his deputies or assigns, for the aforesaid term of years: and for the new rent abovementioned, according to the true intent and meaning hereof; with a proviso to be contained in [all and every] our said grants, or letters patents, that if any variance, suite, debate, or controversy [by the claim or complaint of any person] shall happen to rise or grow in or about any of the premises, or concerning any manner of presentation, removing, or displacing of any preacher, minister, [or scholar,] parson, or vicar; that then the same [grants shall be suspended until such controversy, claim, or complaint] shall be heard and determined [by order of our laws, or otherwise in equity] in our court of exchequer, by you, the lord treasurer of England and chancellor of our exchequer for the time being, [for any matter belonging to the revenues of our crown: and by you, our chancellor of the dutchy, and our atturney there, for any cause, &c.] if the parties grieved shall require. And these our letters shall be your sufficient discharge for the doing thereof.

NUMBER 6.

Campion’s letter to the privy-council; offering to avow and prove his catholic religion before all the doctors and masters of both universities; and requiring a disputation.

In nomine Jesu, Amen.

RIGHT honourable, whereas I came out of Germany, and Boemland, being sent by my superior, and adventured my self into this noble realm, my dear country, for the glory of God, and the benefit of souls; I thought it like enough, that in this busy, watchful, suspicious world, I should, either sooner or later, be interrupted, and stopp’d of my course: wherefore providing for all events, and uncertain what shall or may become of me, when God shall happily deliver my body into durance; I suppose it needful to put this writing in a readiness, desiring your good lordships to give it the reading, and to know my case. This doing shall ease you of some labour; for that which otherwise you must have sought for by practice of wit, I do now lay into your hands by plain confession. And to the intent this whole matter may be conceived in order; and so the better understood and remembered, I make therefore all my points and articles directly, truly, and resolutely, opening my full enterprize and purpose.

I confess that I am (tho’ unworthy) a priest of the catholick church, and, through the great mercy of God, vowed now these eight years to the society of Jesus: and thereby have taken upon me a special kind of warfare under the banner of obedience, and have resigned all my interest and possibility of worldly wealth, honour, and pleasure, and other worldly felicity.

At the voice of our general provost, which is to me a warrant from heaven, and an oracle from Christ, I took my voyage from Prague to Rome, where our said father general is always resiant, and from Rome into England; as I must and would have done joyously into any part of Christendom or heatheness, had I been thereto assigned.

My charge is, of free cost to preach the gospel, to minister the sacraments, to instruct the simple, to reform sinners, to confute errors; in brief, to cry alarme spiritually against foul vice and proud ignorance, wherewith many my poor countrymen be abused.

I never had mind, and am straitly forbidden by our father that sent me, to deal in any respect with any matter of estate or policy of this realm, as those things that appertain not to my vocation, and from which I gladly estrange and sequester my thoughts.

I do ascribe to the glory of God, with all humility and your correction, three sorts of indifferent and quiet audience. The first before your honours; wherein I will discourse of religion so far forth as it toucheth the commonwealth and your nobilities. The second, whereof I make most account, before the doctors and masters of the chosen men of both universities; wherein I undertake to avow the faith of our catholic church by proofs invincible, scriptures, councils, fathers, histories, natural and moral reason. The third, before the lawyers spiritual and temporal; wherein I will justify the same faith by common wisdom of law, standing yet in force and practice.

I would be loth to speak any thing that might sound of an insolent brag or challenge, especially being now as a dead man to the world, and willing to cast my head under every man’s foot, and kiss the ground they tread upon: yet have I such a courage in advancing the majesty of Jesus my king, and such affiance in his gracious favour, and such assurance in my quarrel, and my evidence so impregnable; that because I know perfectly, that none of those protestants, nor all the protestants living, nor any sect of our adversaries, howsoever they face men down in their pulpits, and over-rule us in their kind of grammarians, and unlearned sort, can maintain their doctrine in disputation. I am most humbly and instantly for the combat with them all, or every of them, or the principal that may be found: protesting, that in this trial the better furnished they come, the better welcome they shah come to me.

And because it hath pleased God to enrich the queen my sovereign lady with notable gifts of nature, learning, and princely education, I do verily trust, that if her highness would vouchsafe her royal person and good attention to such conference as in the second part of my first article I have mentioned and requested, or to a few sermons which in her and your hearing I am to utter, such a manifest fair light, by good method and plain dealing, may be cast upon those controversies, that possibly her zeal of truth, and love of her people, shall encline her most noble grace to disfavour some proceedings hurtful to the realm, and procure towards us opprest more ease. Moreover, I doubt not but her noble counsellors, being of such wisdom [and religion, added in another copy] in causes most important, when you shall have heard these questions in religion opened faithfully, which many times by our adversaries are huddled up and confounded, will see upon what substantial grounds our catholic faith is builded, and how feeble that side is which by sway of the times prevaileth against us.

So at last, for your souls health, and for many thousand souls that depend upon your government, will discountenance error when it is betrayed, and hearken to those that will spend their best blood in their bodies for your salvation. Many innocent hands are lift up to heaven for you daily and hourly by those English students, whose posterity shall not die, which, beyond sea gathering virtue and sufficient knowledge for the purpose, are determined never to give over, but either to win you to heaven, or die upon your pikes.

As touching our society, be it known unto you, that we have made a league, all the Jesuites in the world, whose succession and multitude must over-reach all the practices of England, chearfully to carry the cross that you shall lay upon us, and never to despair your recovery, while we have a man left to enjoy your Tyburn, or to be racked with your torments, or to be consumed with your poysons. Expences are reckoned; the enterprize is begun: it is of God; it cannot be withstood. So the faith was planted; so it must be restored.

If these my offers be refused, and my endeavours can take no place, and I having run thousands of miles to do you good shall be rewarded with rigor, I have no more to say, but to recommend your case and mine to Almighty God, the searcher of hearts i who send us of his grace, and set us at accord, before the day of payment; to the end at last we may be friends in heaven, where all injuries shall be forgotten.

NUMBER 7.

A relation of the cruel burning of Richard Atkins, an Englishman, in Rome: put into the inquisition for disturbing the priest carrying the sacrament.

HE was set upon an ass without any saddle, being from the middle upward naked, having some English priests with him; who talked to him, but he regarded them not, but spake to the people in so good language as he could, and told them they were in a wrong way; and therefore willed them, for Christ’s cause, to have regard to the saving of their souls.

All the way as he went, there were four who did nothing else but thrust at his naked body with burning torches: whereat he neither moved nor shrunk one jot, but with a cheerful countenance laboured still to persuade the people: after, bending his body to meet the torches as they were thrust at him, and would take them in his own hand, and hold them burning still upon his own body; whereat the people not a little wondered. Thus he continued almost the space of half a mile, till he came before St. Peters, where the place of execution was.

When he was come to the place of execution, there they had made a device not to make the fire about him, but to burn his leggs first, which they did, he not dismaying any whit, but suffered all marvellous cheerfully; which moved the people to such a quandary, as was not in Rome many a day.

Then they offered to him a cross, and willed him to embrace it, in token that he dyed a Christian: but he put it away with his hand; telling them, that they were evil men to trouble him with such paltry, when he was preparing himself to God, whom he beheld in majesty and mercy, ready to receive him into the eternal rest.

They seeing him still in that mind, departed; saying, Let us go, and leave him to the devil whom he served. Thus ended this faithful soldier and martyr of Christ, who is no doubt in glory with his Master.

This was faithfully avouched by John Young, who was at that time, and a good while after, in Rome, in service with master Dr. Moorton; who seeing the martyrdom of this man, when he came home to his house, in presence of Mr. Smithson, M. Creed, and the said John Young, his servant, spake as followeth: “Surely this fellow was marvellous obstinate. He nothing regarded the good counsel was used to him, nor never shrunk all the way, when the torches were thrust at his naked body. Beside, at the place of execution he did not faint, or cry one jot in the fire, albeit they tormented him very cruelly, and burned him by degrees, as his legs first, to put him to the greater pain; yet all this he did but smile at. Doubtless, but that the word of God cannot but be true, else we might judge this fellow to be of God: for who could have suffered so much pain as he did? But truly I believe the devil was in him.”

On which words the writer makes this reflection: Behold, good reader, how they doubt among themselves. And because they will not speak against their master the pope, they inferr the mighty power of God upon the devil.

NUMBER 8.

Academiae Oxoniensis ad D. Burghleum Epistola gratulatoria. QUAM sit beata et faelix respub. literaria (illustriss. domine) quod te virum prudentia ornatum singulari, et summa praeditum authorirate, nacta sit patronum et defensorem; testis est, non illa modo Cantabrigiensis academia, quae in tuo patroeinio et tutela faeliciter acquiescit; sed et Oxoni-ensis nostra, quae nuper e turbulenta tempestate, prospero bonitatis tuae flatu cursum accelerante, in tranquillitatis portum devecta est. Nam cum academia nostra nihil habeat ad suam dignitatem tuendam, nihil ad pacem cam qua Musae delectantur stabiliendam utilius, privilegiis illis augustissimis et antiquissimis, quibus earn nobilissimi principes ad religionis, virtutis, bonarumque literarum propagationem donarunt, anxerunt, exornarunt: quodnam potuit ab honore tuo beneficium in eam majus, aut praestantis conferri, quam ut ope tua, solum ipsa privilegia graviter oppugnata, ab injuria honorificentissime vindicarentur: sed etiam ut vicecomes comitatus Oxoniensis, pro eo ac debebat et solebat, in eorundem non solum observationem, sed defensionem etiam et tutelam, sit semper in posterum juraturus? Quo sane singulari perpetuoque beneficio, cum satis exploratum habeamus, honorem tuum non minus esse de academia nostra tuenda studiosum, quam de tua Cantabrigiensi ornanda sollicitum, (sic enim non solurn reipsa ognovimus, sed perhonorifico procancellarii nostri sermone accepimus) aequum est, ut nos te majori fide, ardentiore studio, fideliore observantia, colamus et revereamur; quibus naturae tuae bonitate invitatis, tam benigne consulas; quam illis, quos suscepti muneris ratione adductus, amplecteris. Quare gratias habemus honori tuo et humillimas, et plurimas, et maximas, quod nobis studiisque nostris tam honorifice prospexeris; sanctissimeque pollicemur, nunquam nos ne Cantabrigiensibus quidem tuis, in te colendo, honorando, suspiciendo, et omni oflicii genere tibi satisfaciendo ulla re, ullo tempore concessuros. Deus Opt. Max. quite ad amplissimum honoris gradum evexit, et in excelso loco collocavit, ut gravissimorum negotiorum pondus et onus sustineres, ab omni periculo incolumem te conservet, novisque indies honoribus cumulet, ut tuo consilio et auxilio non solum academiae magis magisque floreant; sed politia etiam hujus regni, et ecclesia Dei, novis quotidie faelicitatis accessionibus augeantur. Oxon. 5° cal. Julii, 1581.

Illustriss. viro D. Guil. Amplitudini tuae deditissima, Burghleio summo An- Academia Oxoniensis. gliae thesaurario, et academiae Cantabrigiensis cancellario dignissimo.

NUMBER 9.

Exemplum chartae an. 29. Edwardi Tertii. Pro juramento vicecomitis. Touching the university of Oxon.

Ex rotulo cartarum de anno vicessimo nono regni reads Edwardi Tertii. Pro cancellar. et scholaribus, Oxon. ITEM, ad majorem securitatem et quietem studentium in universitate predicta pro perpetuo ordinamus et concedimus, pro nobis et heredibus nostris, quod quillbet vicecomes Oxon. qui pro tempore erit in receptione commissionis sue, juramentum prestet corporale, quod magistros et scholares universitatis Oxon. et eorum servientes, pro viribus ab injuriis et violenciis proteget et defendet, et pacem in univer-sitate predicta quantum in ipso est, faciet conservari, prae-fatisque cancellario et scholaribus, ad puniend. perturbato-res pacis ibm. juxta privilegia et statuta universitatis predicta, semper cum opus fuerit, prestabit consilium et juva-men, et ad privilegia, libertates, et consuetudines dict. uni-versitatis defendend. pro viribus opem feret. Et quod a vicecomite suo, et aliis ministris suis in com. predicto statim cum post susceptum officium ad castrum vel villain Oxon. declinaverit in presentia alicujus ex parte universitatis ad hoc deputandi consimiliter recipiet juramentum, ad quod ipsos ministros per eundem vicecomitem compelli volumus et arctari.

Hanc etiam formam jurandi volumus exnunc addi fortune juramenti vic. dicti loci in receptione commissionis suae prestari consueti. Ceterum quia super penis pro securiori conservatione pacis ipsius universitatis statuend. ac super aliis quae juxta submissiones predictas ad perpetuam praemissorum memoriam pie per Dei gratiam facere proponimus jam ordinare non possumus, variis et arduis negotiis prepediti, ordinationem hujusmodi nobis specialiter reservamus. His testibus venerabilibus patribus, Johanne archiepiscopo Ebor. Angliae primate, cancellario nostro Willielmo Winton. episcopo, thesaurario nostro, magistro Miche de Northburgh electo London confirmato, Henrico duce Lancastr. Willielmo de Bohun Northhampton. Richardo Arundel, Thma de Bello campo Warr. Rogero Marsh, Willielmo Sarum, Johanne de Vere, Oxon. comitibus, Galfrido de Saye, et Johanne de Greye, de Rotherfeild, senescallo hospitii nostri, et aliis, dat. per manum nostram apud Turrim London. vicessimo septimo die Junii, anno regni nostri Angliae vicessimo nono, regni vero nostri Franciae decimo sexto. Per ipsum regem.

NUMBER 10.

Sales of Edward earl of Oxford. And names of the purchasers. And his debts to the queen.

Lands. Purchaser ..

Mr. Skinner 1.Lanham 2.Camps 3.Fulmer Mr. Glascock 1.Wivenhoe 2.Bentley. 3.Baterswick 4.New-years farm Irael Amys 1.Tolebury 2.Northtofts 3.Skaths.

Mr. Hubbard 1.Stansted Montfitchets 2.Burnels 3.Bury Lodge 4.Benfield Bury Will Stibbing 1. Bumsted, alias 2. Bunsted Helion John Mabb 1. Over Geldam 2. Nether Geldam 3.Little Gelda, alias Yeldam Robert Plumbe 1. Yeldam hall? 2. Brownes barn 3. Pool Farm 4. Bovelay farm, and Bennets lands All these lands and manours the lord treasurer gave warrant for the extending them, July the 23, 1590.

Where the park and manour of Lanham was let for 100 marks per annum.

The manour of Fulmer, forty pounds per annum.

The manour of Camps, an hundred pounds per annum. Whereof Mr. Skinner was rated at four hundred pounds for his share.

Debts to the queen. Forfeitures, In the court of wards 11000l . that is, Forfeiture of covenants upon the livery, 4000l .

Upon his wardship, 3000l .

And other obligations, 4000l . odd hundred shillings more.

All this appeared on record.

More, sold to Roger Herlakendon, Coln Park, and a parcel of meddow, for 2000l .

The manour of Earls Coln, for 500l .

Coin Priory also.

NUMBER 11.

Thomas Sampson’s account of the conversion, and divers historical remarks of the holy life of J. Bradford, martyr.

I,WHICH did know him familiarly, must needs give to God this praise for him; that among men I have scarce known one like unto him. I did know when, and partly how, it pleased God, by effectual calling, to turn his heart unto the true knowledge and obedience of the most holy gospel. Of which God did give him such a heavenly hold and lively feeling, that as he did then know that many sins were forgiven him, so surely he declared by deeds that he loved much. For where he had both gifts and callings to have employed himself in civil and worldly affairs profitably, such was his love of Christ, and zele to the promoting his glorious gospel, that he changed not only the course of his former life, -as even his former study.

Touching the first: After that God touched his heart with that holy and effectual calling, he sold his rings, chains, brockets, and jewels of gold, which before he used to wear, and did bestow the price of this his former vanity in the necessary relief of Christ’s poor members which he could hear of, or find lying sick, or pining in poverty.

Touching the second: He so declared his great zele and love to promote the glory of the Lord Jesus, whose goodness and saving health he had tasted, that to do the same more pithily, he changed his study of the common laws: he went to Cambridge to study divinity, where he heard Dr. Martin Bucer diligently, and was right familiar and dear unto him. In this godly course he did by God’s blessing so profit, that the blessed martyr Dr. Ridley, then bishop of London, did as it were invite him and his godly companion, Mr. Thomas Horton, to become fellows of Pembroke hall in Cambridge. And after, the said Dr. Ridley called our Bradford to London, to give him a prebend in Paul’s church, lodged him in his own house there, and set him on work preaching. And besides, after preaching in London, and Paul’s Cross, and sundry places in the country, and especially in Lancashire, [being a native of Manchester in that county,] he preached before king Edward VI. in the Lent, in the last year of his reign, upon the second Psalm. And there in one sermon shewing the tokens of God’s judgment at hand, for the contempt of the gospel: as that certain gentlemen upon the sabbath day going in a wherry to Paris-garden, to a bear baiting, were drowned: and a dog was met at Ludgate, carrying a piece of a dead child in his mouth: he with a mighty and prophetical spirit said, I summon you all, even every mother’s child of you, to the judgment of God, for it is at hand. So it followed shortly after, in the death of king Edward. In which state and labour of preaching he continued, till the cruelty of the papists cut him off: as thou mayst read in the history of his life and death, by that faithful servant of the Lord Jesus, Mr. John Fox.

Indeed he had many pullbacks; but God still helped forward his chosen servant in that trade of life to which he had called him. In which he ran forward so happily, that he outrun me and others his companions. For it pleased God with great speed to make him ready and ripe to martyrdom.

But in all stops and stays he was mightily helped forward by a continual meditation and practice of repentance and faith in Christ, in which he was kept, by God’s grace, notably exercised all the days of his life.

Even in this mean time he heard a sermon, which the notable preacher, Mr. Latymer, made before king Edward VI. in which he did earnestly speak of restitution to be made of things falsely gotten: which did so strike Bradford to the heart, for one dash with a pen which he had made, without the knowledge of his master, (as full often I have heard him confess, with plenty of tears,) being clerk to the treasurer of the king’s camp beyond the seas, and was to the deceiving of the king, that he could never be quiet, till, by the advice of the same Mr. Latymer, a restitution was made. Which thing to bring to pass, he did willingly forbear and forgo all that private and sorry patrimony which he had on earth. Let all bribers and poling officers, which get to themselves great revenues in earth by such slippery shifts, follow this example; least in taking a contrary course, they take a contrary way, and never come where Bradford now is.

But besides this, Bradford had his daily exercises and practices of repentance. His manner was, to make to himself a catalogue of all the grossest and most enorme sins which in his life of ignorance he had committed, and to lay the same before his eyes when he went to private prayer; that, by the sight and remembrance of them, he might be stirred up to offer to God the sacrifice of a contrite heart, seek assurance of salvation in and by faith, thank God for his calling from the ways of wickedness, and pray for en-crease of grace to be conducted in holy life, acceptable and pleasing to God. Such a continual exercise of conscience he had in private prayer, that he did not count himself to have prayed to his contentation, unless in it he had felt inwardly some smiting of heart for sin, and some healing of that wound by faith; feeling the saving health of Christ, with some change of mind into the detestation of sin, and love of obeying the good will of God as appeared by this: he used in the morning to go to the common prayer of the college where he was; and after that, he used to make some prayers with his pupils in his chamber: but not content with this, he then repaired to his own secret prayers, and exercised in prayer by himself, as one that had not yet prayed to his own mind: for he was wont to say to his familiars, I have prayed with my pupils, but have not yet prayed with myself.

Another of his exercises was this: he used to make unto himself an ephemeris, or a journal, in which he used to write all such notable things as either he did see or hear each day that past. But whatsoever he did hear or see, he did so pen it, that a man might see in that book the signs of his smitten heart. For if he did see or hear any good in any man, by that sight he found, and noted the want thereof in himself; and added a short prayer, craving mercy, and grace to amend. If he did hear or see any plague or misery, he noted it as a thing procured by his own sins; and still added, Domine, miserere mei. He used in the same book to note such evil thoughts as did arise in him, as of envying the good of other men; thoughts of unthankfulness; of not considering God in his works; of hardness and unsensibleness of heart, when he did see other men moved and affected.

And thus he made to himself, and of himself, a book of daily practices of repentance.

Besides this, they that were familiar with him might see how he, being in their company, used to fall often into a sudden and deep meditation; in which he would sit with fixed countenance, and spirit moved, yet speaking nothing for a good space. And sometime, in this silent sitting, plenty of tears would trickle down his cheeks. Sometime he would sit in it, and come out of it with a smiling countenance. Oftentimes I have sitten at dinner and supper with him in the house of that good harbourer of many preachers and servants of the Lord Jesus, Mr. Elsing; when either by occasion of talk had, or some view of benefits present, or some inward cogitations, and those of his own, he had fallen into these deep cogitations. And he would tell me in the end such discourses of them, that I did perceive, that sometimes his tears trickled out of his eyes, as well for joy as for sorrow.

In all companies where he did come, he would freely rebuke any sin and misbehaviour which appeared in any person; especially swearers, filthy talkers, and popish praters. Such never departed out of his company unreproved. And this he did with such a divine grace and Christian majesty, that ever he stopt the mouths of the gainsayers. For he spake with power: and yet so sweetly, that they might see their evil to be evil and hurtful unto them; and understand that it was good indeed, to that which he laboured to draw them in to God.

NUMBER A copy of verses, set before a book of Martial Discipline; exciting the nation to exercise armes ; considering the present dangers from foreign enemies. By the author, T. Styward, generos.

AS wisdome wills us to regard what plagues in time do hap On such as seek for to be rockt always in pleasures lap: And neighbours harms bid us take heed, all perils to prevent; Lest careless sleep do dangers bring, and then too late repent. So, England, take thou heed in time, lest thou too soon do rue The wicked harms devis’d by foes; which shortlie may ensue:

If that regard of martial laws be had no more in price, And souldiers lore despised thus amongst the grave and wise. Behold! how foreigns are abus’d, that scorn’d this martial law; And are by warlike wights opprest, and brought to live in awe. Their goods, their wives, their virgins fair, are spoil’d and brought to thrall:

Misus’d before their parents face: such is their grievious fall. Cast off therefore your sluggish life; call horne your hearts agen: Let Venus pass; despise her laws: live now like valiant men, As heretofore your fathers did: whose acts each where did flow: From east to west, from north to south, as stories plainly show. Two books I have therefore set forth, to shew thee how to traine, To march, encampe, and battles make, with tables very plaine; Which tho’ they be not as I wish, accept them as they are: And thou shalt profit reap thereby, of policies of war, Whereby to shun the slights of foes; who hope but for a day, For to pervert this quiet state, if possible they may.

Regard therefore your countrie soil, your parents and your wives, Your children and your lands and rents; seek to defend your lives. And leave off pride and lustiness, your great and much excess, Your deintie fare, your costlie tale, your carpet wantonness. Prepare you horse and lance to field; for now the time is come: Take pike and sword in hand again: list now to sound of drum. Hark, how the trumpet warning gives, to haste us to the wars, That we our British soyle may keep from death and bloody jarrs. In haste prepare, ye English hearts, to tread this path aright; Which doth instruct a ready way to put our foes to flight. Thus shall we do our country good, and please the mighty God, Who hath, and will preserve us still from scourge of mighty rod. The zeal I owe to native soile, hath forct my simple hand, To publish this my slender skill, our enemies to withstand. Not seeking praise for any thing, nor yet aspecting gaines; I crave in lieu of my good will, thy favour for my pains.

Virtus vulnere vivit.

NUMBER Theodore Beza to the lord Burghley: presenting him with an ancient Pentateuch in six languages, towards the furnishing of the new library in Cambridge.

Illustri domino, domino Gulielmo Caecilio baroni a Burley, summo Angliae thesaurario, domino mihi summe observando. SIQUID pecco, illustris mi domine, amplitudinem tuam interpellans, teipsum paene accuses oportet, cui pietas et doctrina caeteraeque virtutes tantum in me salutandi tui desiderium jampridem accenderunt, ut accedente praesertim leo ctissimi juvenis, et vere ejggenou~v te kai< ejxo>cou affinis tui do-mini Antonii Baconi, cohortatione continere id amplius non potuerim.

Accedo vero ad te, occasione fretus, quam tibi injucundam non fore confido. Nactus nimirum quinque Mosis librorum exemplar, sive Constantinae in Africa, sire Constantinopoli, a multis jam annis excusum.

Quod mihi liceat ejxa>glwsson Arabica lingua nimirum, Persics, Graeca barbara, et Hispanica vetere, in usum Judaicarum syna gogarum, supra Haebraicam et Chaldaicam editum, appellare. Quod propter raritatem, et vetustam, ut ita loquar, novitatem, quam dignum mihi consecratione quadam videretur, tuae potissimum amplitudini mittendam existimavi.

Quod praesertim intelligam dignissimum sapientia praestantiaque tua monumenturn, id est, instructissimam bibliothecam abs te in inclyta Cantabrigiensi academia, cui summa tibi procuratio commissa est, apparari.

Peto igitur abs te, illustris mi domine, ut et audaciam hanc meam aequi bonique consulas, et istud qualecunque summae in te observantiae testimonium ac pignus non invitus accipias. Quod si abs te impetraro, singulari beneficio me abs te affectum existimabo: bene vale. Dominus Jesus magis ac magis tibi sanctisque consiliis tuis benedicat, teque quam diutissime suis ecclesiis incolumem servet. Genevae, viii. idus Decembris anno Dom. CICICLXXXI.

Illustri amplitudini tuae addictissimus, Theodorus Beza.

NUMBER 14.

Beza to the lord treasurer Burghley: moving him to procure the printing of that ancient hexaglot translation of the Pentateuch, likely to prove so highly useful to the Christian world. Gratiam et pacem a Domino. SPERO ad te pervenisse, illustris mi domine, Mosis illud quod vocant penta>biblon maxime peregrinis linguis aliquot expressum. Quod munusculum utinam tuae amplitudini tam gratum fuisse intelligam, quam est a me tibi prompta obnixaque voluntate missum; ut hoc quoque sacrae bibliothecae illi tuae, quasi augustissimo templo, consecraretur. Quod si tibi quoque in mentem veniret, mi domine, ut ilia saltem Persica et Arabica, et Graeca vulgaris, versibus adjectis Hebraeis, incuteretur (quod non ita magno sumptu Plantinus Antverpius confecerit) tibi persuasum esse velim, eam editionem et reipub. Christianae utilitatem maximam, et tibi privatim, immortalem celebritatem nomini conciliaturam. Qua de re ut cogitesne graveris, etiam atque etiam te rogo, &c. Genevae 10. Octob. 1582.

NUMBER 15.

Beza to the lord treasurer Burghley: to favour the request of the council of Geneva for a loan of money in their present distress, by the means of the duke of Savoy.

Gratiam et pacem a Domino.

ILLUSTRIS mi domine… Quiddam mihi, illa tua quae ab omnibus etiam externis certatim praedicatur, benignirate freto, amplitudinis nunc interpellandae tuae occasionem praebuit: quod etsi minus verecunde factum videri potest, tamen partim aequitas illa tua, partim ipsa, ut sperem, necessitas facile excusabit.

Quibus insidiis tentata, quibus viribus irapetita, quam ad-mirabiliter a Deo liberata haec civitas Genevensis hoc anno fuerit, istuc renuntiatum fuisse non dubito. Quae sit autem istius urbis situs opportunitas ab evangelii hostibus avidissime expetita (haec enim certe, quicquid in contrarium praetexatur, alios habet hostes, quam qui evangelio bellum (greek word- 199) indixerunt:) quantum denique in hujus urbis sit positum, satis etiam tibi perspectum esse puto. In hoc quidem certe rerum statu, quamdiu istud Helveticarum ecclesiarum propugnaculum et Gallicarum opportunissimum perfugium stabit, pontificii de concilii Tridentini, sire in Gallia, sive in his regionibus, executione, (qui verus est omnium istarum molitionum scopus) desperabunt. Nec, ut spero, nobis a tergo relictis, quicquam aperte, nisi forte Belgia (quod Dominus avertat) ab ipsis perdomita, trans mare aggredientur.

Amabo igitur, illustris mi domine, civitatis et ecclesiae, non male de caeteris meritae, et vestrae quoque aliquando gentis hospitae, causam in te agendam recipe: i.e. hoc illi praesta, ut in summa rei nummariae difflcultate versanti, et maximam hostium impressionem expectanti, sese, qua polles, apud serenissimam regiam majestatem authorirate adjutam fuisse, sentiat.

Memini quidera ego aliquando audire istuc renuntiatum, Genevam esse quorundam improborum receptaculum. Quae quum impudens sit calumnia, (quam sit sub cselo civitas in qua accuratiore cum examine peregrini recipiantur, vel jus severius dicatur) vestrates omnium ordinum homines, qui hanc rempublicam et scholam praesentia sua cohonestarunt, testes appello. Memini quoque infelicibus illic Marianis temporibus editum hic libellum a peregrino quodam vestrate, qui postea serenissimam pientissimae reginae majestatem offenderit. Sed cum libellum simul atque innotuit, et hujus ecclesiae judicio, et nostri magistratus authoritate, damnatum et suppressum fuisse constat. Ilia denique nonnulla rituum a’diaQ’ogwv diversitas, atque adeo nostrarum in ecclesiastica constituenda gubernatione sententiarum repugnantia, absit, ut animos in ipsius doctrinae consensu plane consentientes, scindat; neque obscurum esse amplitudini tuae potest, quam de rebus istis moderate semper et locuti simus et scripserimus rogati.

Quaeso rursum igitur, illustris mi domine, ut siquid fortassis istorum animo tuo insidebit illud totum seponas, et non indignam esse patrocinio tuo cam rempublicam existimes: in qua conservata merito non unum oppidulum, seal Christianas omnes, et Gallicas et Sabaudicas, ecclesias tibi maximo beneficio devinxeris. Quod quum te, perspectis istis, ultro facturum mihi pollicear, non committam, ut accuratiore utens commendatione, videar de optima voluntate tua dubitasse. Bene vale, illustris mi domine, Dominus Jesus, Deus ille et Servator noster, exauditis suorum gemitibus, rabiem Sathanae compescat; ecclesias suas adversus exteros ac domesticos omnes hostes, quam potentissime tueatur; amplitudinem tuam magis, ac magis donis omnibus cumulatam, quam diutissime conservet. Genevae, 10.

Octobr. 1582.

Illustri amplitudini tuae addictissimus, Theodorus Beza Quod alterius nunc manu ad te scribam, rogo te, mi domine, ut tremulae nunc meae et vacillanti adscribas.

NUMBER 16.

The syndics and council of Geneva to the lord treasurer Burghley: to promote their suit to the queen for a loan of money. Sent by Maillet, their messenger.

A monsieur, monsieur le baron Bourgley, grand trezorier d’Angleterre.

Monsieur, CEST une chose ordinaire, que ceux, qui sont en neces-site cherchent quelque soulaigement et assistance vers ceux, aus quelz Dieu a donne plus de moyens et commodites. Ce que nous disons, monsieur, dautant que vous aurez entendu les grandz maux et calamites, ou nous avons este reduitz depuys huiet moys en ca: ayans este primierement assailis par entreprises couvertes par monsieur le duc de Savoye, incite par les enemis de nostre religion. Puys apres ouvertement ayant son armee campe au tour de nous lespace d’environ cinque moys. Et jacois, que Dieu nous ayt preserves de ce mau, de nos enemis. Nous avons toute fois souffert de grandes incommoditez en nos biens, le plat pays estant gaste et destruict oultre la despense excessive, et surmontant nos moyens, que nous avons este contrains supporter pour nostre conservation.

Deux choses neantmoigns nous consolent. En primier lieu, que nous scavons; que nous sommes assaillis et persecutes a tort, et plus tost en haine de la religion, dont nous faisons profession, que non pas, qu’on nous puisse alleguer, que nous detenions les autres. Et d’autre part Dieu nous a tellement farorises, que plusieurs amys se sont presentes; et mesme employes pour nostre seccours; cognoissans bien l’equite de nostre cause.

Nous avons toute fois este reduicts en grande necessite a cause de nos petis moyens; tellement que nous pourrions difficilement resister a un second effort (dont toutefois nous sommes encoremenaces) sans l’aide et secours des plus puissans. Ce qui nous fait passer par dessus la consideration, qui nous pourroit autrement arrester cognoissant nostre petitesse pour nous addresser a la majeste de la royne, la suppliant de nous vouloir soulager en nostre necessite et nous eslargir de grandz moyens, que Dieu luy a donnee en abon-dances, en accommodant nostre publique de quelque prest deniers, permettant aussi sil se trouve de particuliers, qui veuillent user de liberalite enver nous, il leur soit permis soubs sa bonne volonte.

Et daut-ant, monsieur, que l’acces, que vous aves a sa majeste nous peut grandement servir, en cette affaire, ayans aussi este assures de l’affection que vous portez generalli-ment a ceux qui souffrent a tort, et en particulier que vous estes desplaisant de nos afflictions; nous nous addressons vous pour vous prier d’employer vostre credit envers sa majeste, a ce que nous puissions obtenir ce dont nous la requi-rons tres humblement. En quoy faisant, monsieur, vous vous obligeres de plus en plus une ville de Geneve, laquelle taschera de conserver la memoire d’un tel bienfaict, et la perpetuer a ceux qui viendront apres nous.

Aurest, le seigneur Maillet, nostre citoyen et conseillier en nostre grand conseil, qui nous envoyens express par de la, vous fera entendre au long l’estat de nos affaires, si vous plaist en estre informe par le menu.

Monsieur, apres vous avoir presente nos affectuenses recommendations, nous prions Dieu, quil vous accroisse de plus en plus ses dons et graces, et vous face jouir de longue et heureuse vie soubs sa saincte garde et protection.Ce sepfiesme Octobre, 1582.

NUMBER 17.

The answer of Dr. Beacon to the three reasons propounded by the bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, why he should not be chancellor of that diocese.

See the bishop’s reasons in the book, chap. ix. The answer followeth. TO the first , B. [Dr. Beacon] doth still hold the right of the patent [for the chancellorship] good, even as the bishop himself sets down the case; although touching B’s procurement of the condition is not truth. 2. As for the late pretended forfeiture of Non user, besides that it standethnot with the gravity, conscience, and profession of a bishop, it was directly contrary to his lordship’s faithful promise made to the master of the Rolls; at whose earnest request, upon the first riot committed, Dr. B. yielded to forbear: the rather, for that as well his lordship as the master of the rolls did assure Dr. B’s security of Non user, until further order taken. 3. To take so nice advantage, when the patentees, by order of that most honourable table, were necessarily to attend, wanteth judgment to consider with whom his lordship doth daily, and argueth small consideration of their most honourable care to supply his lordship’s former oversight and defect, for the publick good and peace of his church; even amidst their great and weightier affairs, to the bishop’s comfort and credit: if God’s judgments do not still blind his lordship’s eyes. 4. The bishop hath in all these devices rather encumbred and entangled himself, and bewrayed his unconcionable desire to supplant the patent, than obtained his purpose. Whereupon Dr. B. will stand under indifferent hearing and judgment of law. What those publick instruments are, and how authentical, upon the sight and scanning, will plainly appear. Whereunto Dr. B. referreth himself.

To the second; The patent remaining good and sound for his sufficiency in skill of law, it is either more than the bishop’s hard opinion and judgment can disgrace, with the testimony of the university, and the best learned of that profession, and his former services in other places do afford him: or else, but his own avouching it cannot receive further credit. Would to God, both the bishop and every man else were groundly furnished according to the profession of their calling. But thus much Dr. B. may truly say without offence; he dispatched one hundred sentences, without reversing, before his lordship was towards his bishoprick. And thus not altogether so rude a chancellor.

Touching B’s corruption, and hunting after bribes, whereby justice may be perverted; if his lordship mean since 1 was his officer, I answer, I never yet was suffered to intermeddle with his jurisdiction. And therefore need no further tryal. If his lordship mean in Norfolk and Sussex; to his lordship’s general plea, I can shew so sufficient a discharge for both, as that he could do me no greater pleasure, than bring me into question. And to any particulars his son in law, or others, have lately hunted out, I am most ready and desirous to answer.

The favouring of such as are enemies to the queen’s proceedings, when other slanders will take no hold, is commonly informed against the best subjects, and lovers of the gospel, by the professed enemy, and fained friend. Dr. B. thus answereth for himself to this point; That he did always, according to his duty, execute her majesty’s laws: making yet, in discretion, much difference between the enemy and friend to her majesty’s estate, so far as it pleased God to give him grace. As for Marberie, B. never knew the man, before the very day he was convented before his lordship at Litchfield, nor saw him since. And although his lordship, upon long and publick conference before many, grew into so great liking of Marberie’s answers to all points then moved, that he not only offered him his license to preach within his diocese, but also wished him S. Michaels in Coventry: promising him to certify the lords of the council of his well satisfying his lordship in those points whereof he was unjustly charged. Yet B. in love and desire the man’s gifts might be profitable to the church of God, so prest him in reasoning, that his dearest friends, there present, and hearing, thought well of his lordship, were greatly in dislike of Dr. B. And therefore in publick assembly at home to seem so plausible, and so bitterly severe here, is scarce answerable to the sound, constant resolution of a bishop: and to charge a man so heinously now of so dangerous matters, whom his lordship in publick audience did so greatly comfort then, (the time being one and the same,) savoureth not of that Christianity whereof bishops should be fathers and nurses; especially when it tendeth to the unjust accusation and prejudice of another.

To the third; B. is the bishop’s deadly enemy. And therefore, though he had right, and were fit, yet not to betrusted. For B. defaceth the bishop in every place. Where manifest wants and blemishes in private dealings and publick government do proclaim open discredit, there a man may lament, cannot deface. B. calleth the bishop beast. What beast (but that the judgments of God are above reason, in besotting mens understanding and senses sometimes) would call an honest gentlewomans good name in question, who throughout her whole life was never noted with any suspicion of lightness; bewraying thereby a bitter desire of revenge, and a foul corruption and usage of a sensual man? And although his lordship’s letters, written unto her with his own hand, April 15, 1580, to Lewys, [a town in Sussex,] doth apparently justify the oath so solemnly, with such execrations before the lords denied, yet what is scelus sceleri addere, if this be not, to recompence so great an untruth with so heinous a slander?

Otherwise, perjured men, knaves, horeson knaves, are not to be justified.

If his lordship hath simoniacally laid hands upon ministers; or by excessive encroaching, where law directeth service, (gratis,) be culpable; it is his lordship’s guilt, not mine accusation. If his lordship’s own folly and conscience burst not forth to his further condemnation, I charge him not. It is happy the pretended conspiracy was the very next day, with all their circumstances, committed to writing: when his lordship, by the humble and dutiful letters of the dean and chapter, was jointly beseeched to conference touching such untrue suggestions, informed his lordship for that timely satisfaction. Which was by hard and sharp letters unchristianly refused. At which I said thus much only, by occasion of his manifold vexations and deprivations of my self, and a great many more intended; “If her majesty’s hand were as readily to be obtained, as the hand and seal of ordinary patrons, it might, by the bishop’s title, fall out as doubtful as his lordship made many poor men’s.” The very next morning the bishop himself publishing to Dr. Bickley and others a surmised effect [defect] in his election, whereby he might be avoided from his bishoprick. When his lordship please to set down the particular devices to intrap him within danger of law, I will answer a truth.

B. in his own defence at the council table justified the great disorders committed, in making such a rabble of most disorderly ministers, contrary to all God’s [word] forbid; and his lordship’s publick advertisements, with such exactions as were strange and slanderous throughout the whole diocese. For reformation whereof, he divers times before, by letters and otherwise, had humbly beseeched his lordship in vain. When his lordship first provoked the dean of Litchfield by foul accusations at the council table, what time I discontinued one whole year out of the country, wise men may easily consider what moved Mr. Dean to take the course he did.

If his lordship term the dean and chapter his enemies, and reckoneth my poor advice to avoid the first encounter with them for a money-matter, both by words and letters joyning with them, I hope his lordship, now finding the truth by experience, will alter his opinion.

B. thinketh, as Tully saith, Chari amici, chari -propinqui; sed omnes omnium charitate, una patria, et ecclesia Christi, complexa est. A bishop, in watching and prayer, in preaching and zele, in comforting the good, and discouraging the enemy, going before in a painful streight course; I account him a treacherous and perfidious varlet, that will not with all faithful heart and service attend him. If his ease be contrary, in ambition, vanity, covetousness, &c. whereby he becometh a step-father to the church of God; I hold it ever a most perfidious treachery, both to God and the party, to sooth and follow his humour. God must judge every malls heart. I thank God for that portion of his favour and blessing, that my services have not been altogether unprofitable to his church: and the better sort have received some comfort and liking of them. Now how B. is to be trusted with publick government, his lordship is scarce an indifferent judge.

Men commonly lie rebuked in the cradle of security, when they may do what they list without espial or controulment. An enemy maketh more upright, watchful, and circumspect dealing. The trust that is required in a publick person is, so to dispose his government, ut nulla alia potestas ab iis quibus praeest, desideretur.

To understand more particulars of this controversy between the bishop and Beacon, who sided with the dean and chapter against the bishop, see the Life of Archbishop Whit-gift, book ii. chap. 3.

NUMBER 18.

The complaints of the bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, concerning the hard dealings with him; the earl of Leicester his adversary: in a letter to the lord treasurer.

IHUMBLY beseech your honour to give me leave a little to lay forth unto you the manifold griefs and oppressions that are sought and brought upon me by my adversaries, and to crave help at your honour’s hands for an end to be had therein, if by any good means you may work it. My lord of Leicester, for what cause I know not, except for apo-stacie, (wherewith both by his letters and speeches he hath divers times charged me very sore,)hath given, and doth still give, great countenance to those that work me all my sorrow; a nobleman, as your lordship knoweth, far above my power and ability to withstand. And therefore like sure to undoe me, if he will; if I should hold out, and have no stay. How his lordship made himself a party against me, in Mr. Boughtoh’s case, openly before you all at the council table, when I first complained of him, your lordship, and the rest of that honourable table, cannot but remember. Since which time Mr. Boughton hath been so emboldened, that he careth not what suits he attempteth against me, nor what trouble and charge he putteth me to, to consume me. It is not enough for him to toss and tumble me at quarter sessions and assizes in the country, and prefer bills against me in the star chamber, to my great vexation and discredit; but also he doth persecute me with actions of the cause in the court of common pleas, taking the ground of all out of my letters to my lord of Leicester: and that grieves me most of all, mine own counsil, for fear of displeasure, scarce dare encounter him in my causes; so that almost, I may say, I am denied that which every common subject may claim, the course of justice, and benefit of her majesty’s laws. I speak it with grief; I receive injuries, and yet dare not complain, for fear of the exasperation of mens minds, and mine own further trouble.

Besides Mr. Boughton, Mr. Beacon also, who before feared me, doth now triumph over me; and upon the jollity that he hath conceived by the countenance of such as have set him on, maketh bold to sue and trouble me every where at his pleasure: in the star chamber, in the chancery, at the council table, before the archbishop of Canterbury, in the common place, at assizes and sessions in the country, yea, and in my own consistory, in my own house; and is not afraid to bring action upon action against me almost for every thing that I do, and for every word that I speak: such a glory he is in by the disgraces which he seeth are offered unto me by his friends; and yet his friends but for this time, only to displease me by him.

The lord Paget also, and his confederates, are not idle, but attempt most unjust suits and indictments against me and mine. Every clergyman almost that I deal withal in the way of justice is ready to quarrel with me, and to vex me with suits; so that there is, as it were, a conspiracy of my adversaries to load me with troubles all at once, and so to bear me, or rather beat me down. In the mean time, I say nothing of the dean and his suits, which by your honourable order are at a point now to be ended; nor of the city of Litchfield, which by your honourable letters is likewise grown to agreement with me.

But the suits that were, and the suits that are still, have and will so consume me, that I shall hardly be able to recover it of long time, without some good way and means to be made by your honourable lordship for the ending thereof: and therefore I am most humbly to beseech your lordship, as you are of your self, and have been always, ready to do me good, so, by your honourable motions and persuasions, to draw others, that are not of like minds, not to hurt me. For mine own part, though I never before the time I was bishop received any benefit by my lord of Leicester, either for the advancement of my living or credit, as I have done by your lordship and others; yet for that I derowed my self unto him at the first, and have professed his name, I bear him that dutiful heart that becometh me, and will not touch his honour any way, nor wish him in honour to be touched. But yet, I must needs say, his lordship hath cast me off without cause, and I will win him again by your honour’s means if I can; only I must crave pardon of his lordship, if I bear a dutiful heart unto others that have deserved of me as much, and more than he hath done; and beseech him to think of no apostasie, if I depend upon those that have been my antient honourable friends, and stick to me; still when my later friends, of whom I have deserved better, shall shake me off without any cause in my most need.

I received in king Edward’s time, by your lordship’s means, when I was scholar in Oxenford, one of his highness’s exhibitions, given out of the abbey of Glassenbury, to my great relief and comfort. I obtained, in the beginning of the queen’s majesty’s reign that now is, by your lordship’s means, one of the best prebends in Winchester. I had given me of her majesty, not long after, by your lordship’s means, the parsonage of Rotherfield in Sussex; a thing better worth than 200l. by the year. Let my lord of Leicester shew any one thing worth two pence that ever I had by his means, either of the queen, or of any body else, and I will confess my self his debtor for all. And as for the bishoprick I now have, if it be any benefit unto me, your lordship knoweth, and I know, and must confess, I had it as much by your lordship’s means as by his; altho’, I must needs say, first intended unto me by him.

And because I report this to those that object his singular deserts unto me, and withal do seek comfort and defence where I have most found it, I am called an apostata; but how unjustly, your lordship and others may judge.

Now because I am bound both to your lordship for your many benefits, and to his lordship also; because by first professions I have vowed my service and good will unto him, and may not loose him, if I may keep him; in all humble sort I beseech your lordship to recover and retain him my honourable good lord and friend as he hath been. And both to your lordship and him I shall shew my self every way in duty ready to perform that in duty I owe unto either.

And for the debt which I am cast into by these suits and troubles unto her majesty, I likewise humbly beseech your lordship I may have the favour, by your honourable means, that may be had in this court: and that mine arrearages, when I shall have made mine account, may be answered and satisfied upon the extent of my lands by 3 or 400l by the year, till the whole shall be discharged, if so much shall remain behind, and unpaid.

Thus bold to lay out my griefs before your lordship, and withal to crave your honourable help, I cease any further to trouble your lordship at this time, most assuredly continuing a poor orator unto God for you during my life. From my poor lodging in London, this 20th of February, 1582.

Your honour’s always most bounden, Coven. and Litch.

I would not willingly have named, in these my letters, my lord of Leicester, but that he hath gone about, as your lordship knoweth, to draw you from me by hard information; which forceth me to write, to say more than otherwise I would gladly do.

I would humbly beseech your lordship to put your hand, if it might be your pleasure, to the letters here enclosed; or to write else to the judge in my behalf what shall stand with your honourable liking.

NUMBER 19.

Overton, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, to the lords of the privy-council; with a certificate of convicted recusants; and concerning the ill state of his diocese.

MY most humble duty premised, tho’ long first, yet at last I have accomplished your honour’s letters, for the certifying of such convicted recusants as were to be found within my diocess: a matter, surely both for the shortness of the time, and for the untowardness of the people, so hard to be compassed, that almost I was in despair to have done any thing at all.

As also now, when I have done all I can, it is nothing in comparison of that I might have done, if I had not been hindred in the service. The peculiar jurisdictions within my diocess are very many; and the recusants, either the most part or the chief of them, so hid and harboured therein, that I cannot, without further authority and assistance, search them out, much less certify them in such due sort and order as I should.

The dean of Litchfield hath a peculiar jurisdiction by himself; every prebendary of that church (being well nigh forty in number) have peculiar jurisdictions by themselves; the dean of Windsor hath a great peculiar jurisdiction; a number of gentlemen, which have purchased the lands of the late dissolved abbeys and collegiate churches, have divers peculiar jurisdictions. To be short; there are so many exemptes within my diocess, that I cannot do as I would; and though I did, they would not obey. And yet were not this so much, if only they did withstand mine ordinary and episcopal jurisdiction; but they will not yield, nor stoop to your lordship’s letters, nor to such special commissions as you send unto me from time to time, for the execution of these services.

And therefore I most humbly pray your honours to pardon me, if either not so soon, or not so exactly as I ought, I have performed my duty herein; nor to blame me hereafter, if you see not such fruits to rise of my labours and travails as peradventure you will look for; sith my power in mine own diocess is so short and slender as it is. I have been and will be always ready to do the uttermost I can: and when I can do no more, I must stay there.

Only it may grieve me to see things so far out of order as I do. But when I would remedy them, and cannot, I trust I have discharged a good conscience in the sight of God, and shall rest blameless in the judgment of all the godly. I am the bolder to run out thus far in mine own excuse, because I know my predecessor was touched with too much idleness, or at least with too much softness in this place. But I perceive he and I had both one lett: and therefore I must needs deliver both him and my self of this undeserved blame.

And as in causes ecclesiastical, so also in civil government, the charters and liberties granted unto us by her majesty’s most noble progenitors are so usurped on, but impeached by others, that not only in the country, wheretofore we might have done much good, but even in the city of Litchfield also, where most need is, both I and my predecessors have of late been utterly barred from the execution of our charge: whereby hath grown much decay both of life and religion in either place. And because I have occasion now to speak of Litchfield, I trust you will pardon me, if I report unto you that I have heard, and partly also do know my self, and therefore dare avow to be true.

The city of Litchfield, since the temporal government hath been divided from the see, and translated from the bishop to the citizens, (which nevertheless hath not been long,) is in so far worse case than it was, as there is odds almost between somewhat and nothing; or at least wise between beggary and welfare, or between happy and unhappy estate. I speak, I say, upon the report of others that knew it then, and upon mine own knowledge, which see it now; it is not the city it hath been. If your lordships ask me the reasons why, I might particularly set down diverscauses of this decay; but, to avoid tediousness, I will generally answer in one. Their government is too, too bad. To use extortion, oppression, cruel dealing with the commons, regrating, forestalling the markets, liberty in the syze of bread and drink, with such other like, to favour themselves in searsements, [sessements,] to lay the heaviest burdens on poor men’s backs, to impannel themselves upon juries in their own causes, to be inquisitors, presenters, judges, and lords in one court, to restrain the commodities into few men’s hands, to breed beggary in the city, and set none aworke, every man to seek his own private gain, and no man to regard the publick state; if this be not bad government, what is bad?

And yet this is their doing, and no man may controul them for it. To be short, they live as they list, both in the city and in the church. And therefore little reformation to be looked for, if it go on as it doth.

But you will say, these matters are impertinent. Most honourable, I will now draw them to the purpose ye know. Ye look for at my hands in all commissions a principal care, oversight, and furtherance of her majesty’s service in causes, as well spiritual as temporal. Ye know also, I must begin first at the head and spring it self; which is the church and city of Litchfield: and then afterwards deal with the rest of the shire and diocess, where I am, as I may. Now if the church and city, with whom I should first begin, and from whence the rest are to fetch their light, shall be so exempted from my jurisdiction that I may have no power and authority to look into their matters, nor once to meddle with them; no, nor your commissions, which you send forth, may aucthorize me so to do, my labour is soon at an end, and my service sooner done than begun.

And therefore if now, for the better performance of my duty, I resume into my hands again my auncient liberties, which of late days have been but slenderly conveyed from me, or rather not at all conveyed, but encroached upon by evil neighbours; I say, if I resume them again into my hands, and use the benefit of mine own charters for the better service of her majesty, and more profitable government of her people, as now I have begun to do; I trust your lordships will likewise hold me excused, and pardon me in so doing. Yea, that you will give me your lawful countenance and assistance therein, so far as my right and just title shall reach. It may be they have prevented me in complaint, because I have already attempted suit against them for redress of their government and recovery of mine own right. But I hope your lordships will suspend your honourable opinions till you hear further of the matter; and I desire no better judges than your selves, if it would please you to be troubled with it.

Surely the whole diocess is to be looked unto in time, (for we have many things amongst us far amiss,) but yet Staffordshire more than any part else; and most of all the city and church of Litchfield, with their peculiar jurisdictions: out of which, as out of a full fountain, floweth all corruption, both of life and religion, in my diocess. We had here in Staffordshire, even the last day amongst us, such a notable bold attempt made, and so daungerous for the example of others, as I may not pass it over with silence. The matter is this: Sir Walter Aston and I, with divers other justices, being met together at Sondon church, on Wednesday last past, for the publick service of the country, and having a great part of the county before us, one Hugh Eardeswick, lord of that mannor, and the sorest and dangerouseat papist, one of them in all England; who otherwise cometh neither to the church nor churchyard, but keepeth himself and his family close at horne from the divine service, in contempt of her majesty’s laws; yet at this time, in the church yard, and before us that were justices, and openly in the sight of the whole country, was not afraid to strike a justice of peace upon the pate with his crabtree staff. Whereupon immediately began a number of swords and daggers to be drawn: and had we not with diligence applied our selves forthwith to appease the out- rage, or rather, had not God blessed our business at that time, and stayed the hands and hearts of the people from further mischief, I think there had been such a bloody day as hath not been seen this great while in Staffordshire. A matter, doubtless, worthy sharp punishment and animadversion. A papist to strike a justice of peace, sitting in the queen’s service, and the affairs of his country, and in the churchyard, and before the whole multitude; it was a very bold and malicious part. And what further reach they had in their heads that begun it, God knoweth, and I leave to your wise considerations: only we have bound him in two hundred pounds, to make his personal appearance at the next general assizes, before the justices that then shall sit.

If in the mean time your lordships think good to have him further called and dealt withal, we would be glad to know your pleasures therein.

And upon Easter day last, being not long before this broyl, there was such disturbance likewise in a certain church of this shire at the time of divine service, and at the very communion time, when some had already received, and some were to receive, that (if such boldness of men be not repressed and punished with speed) the example will grow very far, and be very daungerous. Certain of the lord Pagett’s servants or officers, (by whose commaundment and appointment I cannot tell,) under the pretence of serving of writs, came into Colewich church that day, and arrested divers persons, some that had received, and were newly risen from the Lord’s table; some that were coming to the table, and ready to receive. And besides this, made such a coursing of the people that were in the church at the time of the epistle and gospel reading, that it is wonderful to see the bouldness and spitefulness of the papists, if they may have any colour at all to bear them in their violent and contemptuous behaviours against the service of God and his holy sacraments. I am credibly informed, and by examination also have tryed it out, that the parties arrested were every day passing to and fro by the said officers which did arrest them: and yet having the writs in their hands a month or two, or more, would find none other time to work their feate but on Easter day in the morning, and at or about the communion time.

Much like part also was played by others of the lord Paget’s officers within this shire at Burton upon Trent, about the same time of Easter: at which time there was great disturbance of the communicants. For that the lord Paget being bound to find the parishioners communion bread, his officers would have forced them to use little singing cakes, after the old popish fashion, varying nothing at all in form from the massing bread, save only somewhat in the print. A patterne whereof I my self do keep, to shew to your lordships if need be, being brought me by the lord Paget’s officer his own self, whom I called before me for the same matter.

Surely this argueth great courage in the adversaries, if they may be suffered: and for mine own part I dare not meddle with them, as ordinary, because they pretend peculiar jurisdiction within themselves; but am feign to use the secular power committed unto me, and to deal with them as justice of peace: by which authority nevertheless I cannot do much good in such matters. And some indeed think I am busier than I need to be; and so I get great displeasure for my doings; but I weigh not men’s displeasures. I seek to please God, and the queen’s majesty that is appointed under God, and your honours, that are appointed under her, to govern the people of God, to his glory, and the comfort of his church. As for me, I seek not to please them: and if I did, I could not, but be evil as they are. And therefore, howsoever they report me from hence, (as I am sure they will say the worst they can,) I beseech your lordships, judge of me as you find me. And I desire nothing more, than to have your selves the only judges of all mine actions. For so my troubles should be the less, and my credit the greater: where now I spend and toyl, and do all I can to little effect; and yet am ill spoken of when I have done. For if I correct for their evil life, (as no country, I think, is more out of frame that way,) the worst I can do them is excommunications; and then they appeal, to mine infinite trouble and charges, if I follow it.

If I correct them for religion, (wherein they are more out of frame,) they sit out the excommunications willingly, and are glad they have so good occasion to be cut off from the church; thinking to avoid the penalty of the statute, because we forbid them ingressum ecclesiae, when indeed they meant not to come there at all, tho’ they had been bidden never so much.

For if by the ecclesiastical censures they be excommunicated out of the church, they think it no reason to punish them for not coming, when by our selves, and by our own laws, they are forbidden to come. And so they make our excommunications to serve their turn. And yet, as I say, in the mean time they cry out upon me, as an hard and cruel man, and do laugh ae my doings to scorn.

I eftsoons most humbly desire your lordships to devise the means I may be better strengthned and comforted in these my toyles; or else I shall never be able to hold out, the troubles and charges are so great. I trust you are not ignorant of this diocese, that it is large and wide; of the people, that they are stubborn and quarrellous; of my living, that it is very small for so great a charge, scantly four hundred pounds by the year, for these first years. I trust likewise that you consider, that my diocess is the den of fugitives, the very receptacle of all the refuse that is thrown out of other diocesses round about me. They fly hither out of Cheshire, out of Lancashire, out of Yorkshire, out of Lincolnshire, out of Huntingtonshire, yea, and from London side, and from all places. And such as other bishops drive away from them, I must harbour here with me, whether I will or no, except I should write up to your honours for every particular person that I hear of: which would be infinite trouble and charge unto me; neither were I able to undergo the burthen of it.

And therefore, if I shall not have the helps that other bishops have, (all the premisses considered,) I must give over my former travails and charges, which are intolerable, and only wish all were well; and so rest there, as my predecessor did before me. Thus much I am bold to write unto your honours, to shew you the state of my country, and mine own hard case; and would be glad to amend it, if I knew how; or will hereafter, if I shall be better enabled. Much more I had to write unto your honours at this time, but I am afraid to be over tedious: only it may please you to consider of the certificate, which I have here sent you, touching the convicted recusants; and to pardon me, (for the causes premised,) if not so soon, or not so perfectly as you look for, my duty to be performed in that behalf. And so I humbly commend your honours to the gracious protection of the Almighty, and most blessed government of his holy Spirit. From Eccleshal castel, the 20th of May, 1582.

Your honours most dutiful to command, W. Coven. and Lichf.

NUMBER 20.

Interrogatories ministered to sir Robert Stapleton, knt. in the starchamber: concerning abuses done to the archbishop of York at Doncaster, by Scisson the host, himself, and others.

Imprimis , Did not you in Lent last make means to the bishop by his chancellor, [Dr. Lougther,] that he would account of you as one that greatly honoured him, and esteemed greatly his good nature; and therefore was very ready to shew him any pleasure or service you could; which you desired might be signified unto the bishop? 2. Item. Did not you in May last know, believe, or hear say, that Scisson’s wife of Doncaster, by the allowance and consent of her husband, and in the night time, Came to the bishop’s bed, her husband immediately following, his dagget naked in his hand, which he laid unto the bishop’s breast, his man Alexander being in the company [with him?] 3. Item. Did not Scisson send for you immediately by his man; and you forthwith came in your apparel as in the day before? 4. Item. Did you, being then sheriff of the shire, and one of the high commissioners for matters ecclesiastical, denounce this fact to the president there, or to any magistrate elsewhere? 5. Item. Did Scisson that night beat his wife, as you believe; or rather went not to bed to her, as at other times? 6. Item. Did you after this time dislike the bishop; or rather, knowing his innocence, did not you offer your self and your service to the archbishop, and signify that you were careful to get his good opinion? 7. Item. After your return from London, did not you often and friendly frequent the bishop’s house? And as though you had travelled with Scisson for the bishop, at length brought Scisson to the bishop’s house: when Scisson seemed inexorable, called him aside; and having him under you on the ground, drew your dagger, held it to his throat, as though you would kill him? 8. Item. Did not you shortly, after come to the bishop, and said, that you had ended all matters with Scisson; and that whereas he asked 600l . you had brought him to 400l . having received before at Doncaster of the bishop 50l . and in that lodge, after breakfast, brought the bishop to a chambre, where only Scisson and his man were; and after their denial to receive 500l . you said, that you would pay the odd 50l . of your own purse rather than they should break; and the day following did not you send your man Constable to the bishop to his house to receive the 50l .? 9. Item. Did not you then and there give an oath to Scisson and his man upon a Bible, that they should not by word, writing, or any other means utter this matter during their lives; and if they did so, by what authority? 10. Item. Did you not then take a bond of Scisson, made to your self in 600l . leaving out the condition, which was by word recited, that he should forfeit that bond to the use of the bishop, if he performed not his oath? And did not you then and there swear upon the Bible, that you in your conscience believed that the bishop was most clear in that cause; and no cause why he should pay one penny? 11. Item. Did not you alter this a good while break with the bishop to have a M. L. [a thousand pounds] on a lordship? which being denied you, did not you will the bishop to see to himself; you would keep your own promise for concealing, but you would take no charge of any others; and so departed? 12. Item. After this, when Scisson had received 200l . of the bishop at Bishopsthorp, did not Barnard Maude borrow to your use of the bishop 200l .?

NUMBER The public confessions at the assizes at York, made by sir Robert Stapleton and others, of their slander and abuses of the archbishop. And his answers to each of them.

Sir Robert Stapleton’s submission and conession. WHEREAS, by special order of the queen’s most excellent majesty, I appeared lately in Easter term last before the lord chancellor and honourable lords counsellors of the state, in the star chamber; and there was, by her majesty’s attorney general, charged with sundry conspiracies by me and other evil disposed persons, associates with me, most maliciously and unjustly practised against your grace, my lord archbishop of York; tending to the great discredit of your good name and estimation; your self being innocent, and guiltless of any unhonest attempt or meaning in that fault and crime, that I and my associates, for gain to some of our selves, and spoil to your grace, and for the revenge of some, of our cruel malice conceived against your grace, sought most unjustly to lay upon you, to your utter confusion in this world, if God of his goodness, through her majesty’s great care in searching out the truth, had not otherwise provided.

Which things being proved most evidently against me, I have been justly found guilty of the said malicious and injurious dealings in the judgment of the said most honourable court.

I do therefore upon my knees most humbly confess, that forgetting of my duty to God, and the due respect and regard of your grace, I was thereby lead to the said malicious and wrongful dealings, purposed and put in practice by me and my associates against your grace, without any desert thereof offered on your grace’s behalf; whom I acknowledge to be most innocent and guiltless of that wicked and vile matter at Doncaster; whereof the purpose of our ungodly, unjust, and unadvised dealings tended to have burthened your grace. For which my ungodly and unadvised dealings, as I have been most justly punished, so am I most heartily sorry for them; and before you all here present do ask forgiveness; first, at the hands of Almighty God, whom I beseech his mercy to pardon these mine offences: then to her majesty, whom I have greatly offended herein: and lastly, of your grace, whom I have very wrongfully and unjustly sought to slander and abuse. And having none other way to make amends for the great slander, which by me and others might have most wrongfully touched your good fame and credit, I do earnestly, and from the bottom of my heart, desire your grace, that it would please you to accept this mine humble submission, and forgive me these my bad attempts and dealings against your grace. The archbishop of York’s answer to sir Robert Stapleton’s submission.

Sir Robert Stapleton, YOU have greatly wronged, and given a great wound by your late ungodly practice to yourself, to me, and especially to the church of God. I am right sorry for all. For you, in respect you were a gentleman of a good house and countenance, towardly in the actions of the commonwealth: one that professed the gospel, and pretended to be my friend.

To my self: That having lived all my life hitherto without spot or touch that way, after my long travail in the word of God, having preached the gospel these 35 years, and suffered for the same as great persecutions as any Englishman now living hath done; as loss of my livings and goods, long and hard imprisonment, exile, with other afflictions of like quality; that now, when I am in body so feeble, and by number of years so aged, that I am daily hereby put in remembrance of my grave, I should by your means, or rather by the means of Satan, the original author thereof, be set upon the stage of the whole world to be wondred at, as a vile, wicked man; and yet (God witnesseth with me) without desert of mine; nay, not only to be called into question, and arraigned in all consistories of Christendom, in all assemblies, in all taverns and alehouses; but to have been condemned and judged as guilty, and faulty of that wicked crime, by you and others devised, and laid upon me: if the good God, the God of my righteousness, (who yet never failed me,) had not, chiefly by the means of her majesty, my most gracious sovereign, and by the careful diligence and great wisdom of the lords and others of her majesty’s most honourable privy council, deciphered this wicked counsil, so ungodlily devised, and unchristianly practised against me.

For the church of Christ: a thing that hath most greatly grieved me, both in respect of the enemies of the truth, who, building chiefly upon the credit of you, sir Robert, mine accuser, the rest being men of no credit, took occasion not only to condemn me, but to insult against the gospel of God, of long time by me professed and preached: and also in respect that the weaklings, and ungrounded scholars in the truth, began to hold the doctrine suspected, when one of the chiefest and auncientest teachers was set forth to be vile and wicked.

This offence and injury to me was great; the greatest that ever I felt; yea, a greater than death itself could have been unto me. But as the testimony of mine innocent conscience, to my great comfort, ever kept safe that perfectpeace which is between God and my soul; so praised be that Lord for ever, which of his great goodness hath so brought it to pass, that this day, even in this place, even by your own mouths that stounge me, I am cleared before the world, as I was at all times before my God; and may now think and say, the church hath taken no hurt. For God, by disclosing this malicious and unchristian attempt, hath delivered the innocent, comforted and satisfied the church, and gotten to himself the glory.

To conclude; Sir Robert, touching mine own person, though, as flesh and blood, it is hard for me to bear this injury, far surmounting all injuries that can be imagined; yet, as a Christian, as a child of God, I did at the first, for his cause that commanded me to forgive, as I will be forgiven, banish from me all rancour of mind, and set aside all malice and desire of revenge. And therefore this which you do is seemly in you, yet it is needless in respect of my self; for I have forgiven it, as it is personal to me, long since. But that which is done, or hereafter further to be done, touching the better satisfying of the church, in further clearing of me by occasion of the vile slander you have laid upon me; or the order set clown by the honourable court of star chamber, either touching her majesty or me; I may not, nor do not, presume to meddle with it, but leave it in the form of their honourable order. Only this I say now, I do not nor will not malice you. I will pray for you; and I do pray to God even now, that in his mercy, and for his Christ’s sake, he will forgive you, and never lay this fault to your charge. And for my part, so far as God requireth of a charitable and Christian conscience, I do heartily forgive you. The archbishop’s answer to John Malory. THERE hath been great cause why you should favour me: never any cause given by me why you should malice me, or deal ill with me. But evil company, wicked persuasion, and your own frail youthful nature, hath brought you to so great inconvenience; and in such vile sort to practise against me. A plain declaration, that you were too careless in serving God, and too ready to cast his fear from you. The prodigal child ran far, and followed his youthful and unbridled lusts, yet God called him back, let him see himself, repented, and was received unto mercy. God still continueth merciful. Turn home unto him; forsake your lewd life; flee unto him for mercy, and no doubt you shall find mercy.

And as touching your offence committed against me, so much as appertaineth unto me privately, as a Christian, not presuming by remitting to alter or change the order of the superior magistrates, I freely forgive you; God make you his servant.

The archbishop’s answer to Barnard Mawde. Mawde, IT is true, that you confess, you have greatly, and in the highest degree, offended God, the church, the queen’s majesty, and me. At request I took thee into my service, when thou wast in base state: I put great trust in thee; and thou untrustily servedst me, by indiscrete getting, enriching thy self.

And livedst in great countenance and jollity, far passing the measure of thy calling. At length thou rannest from me, and robbest me of my revenue.

Which, with other by-helps, maintainedst thy great prodigality. Thou felledst into further fault; thou hatedst me without cause; thou slanderedst me every where; threatning, that thou couldst and wouldst deprive me; practising with other thy companions to that end. At length thou grewest into such perfect hatred against me, that thou devisedst, by what means thou couldest, to work my confusion. And that which thou hadst long before devilishly devised, by aid of others at Doncaster thou puttedst in practice; traiterously conspiring against me; yet not so much for revenge, as to rob and spoil me.

But God hath in his good time revealed this monstrous treachery, and forced thee to confess thy great fault, to clear me from crime, and to acknowledge mine innocency. And if this confession proceeded from a penitent heart, no doubt but God, according to his promise, would shew mercy: Christ died for great sins, and his mercy passeth all his works; ever ready to forgive all such as shall truly repent. But, alas! there appeareth no such mind in thee, which thou dost evidently declare. And I perceive, and I doubt not but my lords are of the same judgment, I fear me, God hath stricked thee with his grievousest judgment, and given thee cor paenitere nescium, a heart unpenitentable.

Divers of my good friends, and of great honour, abused by thy reigned shew of great repentance, have written to me in thy behalf, upon thy most humble and unfeigned submission, to spare thee the pillory. I never sought nor wished thy punishment for my private revenge, (far hath that been from me,) but for the publick satisfying of Christ’s church. And now, tho’ thou give cause of the contrary, yet will I not requite thy evil with extremity. I have long ago learned another lesson. Non quid alii meruerint, sed quid nos decet, spectandum est. I will respect that which is fit for me to do, following my master’s example, not what thou deservest to suffer.

Therefore for this private practice by you wrought against me for my utter discredit, so much as appertaineth to me as a Christian, (not presuming, by remitting to alter or qualify any thing pertaining unto me, laid on you by the honourable and grave judgment of the lords of the star-chamber, specified in the orders, or competent unto me hereafter upon your ill behaviour by the benefit of the law,) I do freely forgive you; and request you, my lords, to spare him the pillory; which he hath well deserved. The archbishop’s answer to Alexander Farby, the Scot. YOUR villany hath been great; but God’s mercy is greater. God, for his Christ’s sake, forgive you and your offence against me, so much and so far as appertaineth to me in charity and Christianity.

This was the only man that shewed himself penitent.

NUMBER 22.

The state of the bishopric of St. David’s, and revenues thereof: sent up to the lord treasurer, upon the decease of the bishop. THE bishoprick of St. David’s was by commission, ann. 27. r. reg. Henrici Octavi, valued de claro CCCCLVIIl . 22d. obq.

According to which rate and value, the first fruits, tenths, and subsidies have ever since been paid.

And yet hath it been since that time so decayed, fleeced, and impoverished, that at this day, besides tenths, subsidies, and fees going out of it, it is not de claro CCLIIIl .

For first, whereas in the same 27th year of king Henry VIII. the bishop had jura regalia, and perquisitiones session. &c. those royalties and prerogatives have been taken away by act of parliament.

Item, by the suit of Mr. Edward Carey, one of the grooms of her majesty’s privy chamber, and Mr. Dodington, his sollicitor, not only the gift and patronage of Llandewy Braby, and twelve other churches, have been taken away from the said bishoprick; but also the parsonage of Llanarth, and chapel of Llanyna, being of the yearly value of 32l . and for the space of divers hundred years appropriate ad mensam episcopi, and united to the bishoprick, and for which the bishop for the time being paid always first fruits, tenths, and subsidies, hath also been, by the said suit of the said Mr. Cary and Mr. Dodington, evicted from the said bishoprick, in this manner following.

First, the said Mr. Cary informing that the parsonage of Llandewy Brevie, of the bishop of St. David’s diocess and parsonage, was a college, and concealed from her majesty, he obtained a lease thereof, cum pertinentiis. of her majesty’s reign, for 40l . paying 40l . rent per ann. being the value of her highness records of that church only.

Whereupon he brought a writ of intrusion against Mr. Lewis Gwin, the parson and incumbent of the said church. And after long pleading, and issue joyned, a jury of substantial gentlemen out of Herefordshire gave verdict with the incumbent: and found it to be no college, nor concealed.

But the verdict notwithstanding, the said Mr. Carie began again; and upon the same matter and like evidence obtained another jury to pass against the former, and to find it concealed.

Afterwards he took a new lease of the premisses with larger words, and for the term of fourty years, and under the rent of 40l . by colour and vertue whereof he obtained twelve prebends and churches more; supposing them to be appertinent and belonging to the said church of Llandewy Brevie.

And not thus contented, he brought a writ of intrusion against the bishops farmers of the said rectory of Llanarth and chapel of Llanyna: supposing that also to be parcel and member of Llandewy Brevie.

But after long suit, a verdict passed at the exchequer for the bishop and farmers. Whereby it was found no parcel, nor concealed. Yet Mr. Cary, by his said solicitor Mr. Dodington, revived a new suit, and continuing the same many years against the said bishop and the farmers, at last in Trinity term, anno r. rnae Elizabethae, &c. 23o. recovered the said parsonage of Llanarth also. And now sueth the poor widow and executrix of the said bishop, for the arrearages of the said 32l . rent for many years.

For these fourteen churches being valued in her highnesses records to 181l . 15s. there is 40l . rent answered to the queen’s majesty; her highness loseth much more, communibus annis, in first fruits, tenths, and subsidies.

How these churches are let, and for what rent, to particular tenants and farmers, I cannot presently advertise your lordship in certainty: but I am sure they are worth by year about the sum of one thousand marks. For that one church and rectory of Llandewy Brevie it self is worth between two or three hundred pounds by year. And for the parsonage of Llanarth, now last recovered from the bishoprick, Mr. Cary refuseth an 100l . fine, and 100l . rent per annum.

And now, as it is reported, he hath all the said churches in fee-farm for the rent of 40l . So that the bishoprick at this day is in value about - L383 - 23d.

Inde, pro xa [decima] episcopatus per ann . 46 7 Pro subsid. quando conceditur 41 14 For fees, about, to divers 32 0 Remains 263 0 H. Rhylyfnwyd.

NUMBER 23.

Wright, a puritan, his answers to the matters urged against him, upon his own answers in the consistory: by notes thereof taken by the register. FIRST, he most humbly desired, that it might be considered, whether any man by our laws be bound to accuse himself upon his oath for any deed or word, much less to declare his thoughts. Item, Forasmuch as he was driven to answer at the first by word, and not suffered leisurely to peruse the answers which the register set down; and for that these notes did much respect those answers; he therefore with like duty desired, that both his. answers before might be poised with the weight of the former circumstances; and also that if his memory failed him now in any point which then was answered, he might be charitably judged of, as he protested before Almighty God, that he meant well to speak the truth. Thirdly, he desired that it might be noted, that the collector of those notes dealt partially. Then fellow the contents of his answers.

To speak in general of the Book of Common Prayer, he thought it good and godly His practice of resorting to churches where ceremonies have been used, did sufficiently clear him in that point. [When being before demanded, what he thought of ceremonies, he was silent.] About the form of ordination, he answered, he remembred not that he had read and perused any such form. He sent for it to the stationers, and could not get it: but he judgeth so reverently of those rites, that he acknowledgeth there is the substance of the ministry.

He did that private duty, [of preaching and catechizing in my lord Rich’s family,] being thereunto requested by the householders, for their own and their families profit; and other means of instruction failing them. For where they had means to be instructed, they were reverently used: as Mr. Berriman, minister of Rochford, must needs testify, that both the prayers and preaching were resorted unto. And Wright conferring with him at first, meant no otherwise to deal in my lord’s house, being there, but with the minister’s leave, and for his assistance, in discharging the duty.

He prayed as preachers use to do in all places, and altogether in prescript words, but as the occasion fell out in some points. Yet he ever prayed for the queen’s majesty, and for the lords of the council, and for all ministers of God’s word; and so for archbishops and bishops, seeing they be ministers. [This was in answer to that article, that he used prayer of his own devising: and never used to pray as in the Book of Common Prayer: nor for archbishops and bishops.] To the article that he had no licence to preach; he knew no law that requireth licence for those private duties, which had been used in king Edward’s days, and all the time of our queen in many places. And without which, he doubted not but it may well be proved, that there had been many more papists in this land than are. If it be said, that it is inconvenient, tho’ not unlawful; he desired first, that it might be considered, how he had preached seven years before, by order of her majesty’s Injunctions, with approbation in the university. Which considered, with his full purpose of serving in the ministry, when God should call him thereto, he was not altogether in the common degree of laymen, as they call them. Secondly, that he used to repair both to sermons and sacraments, ready to shew the soundness of his belief, &c. that the want of others teaching might, as he hoped, procure a dispensation in some greater inconvenience. That when order hath set order herein, he will most reverently obey it; [that is, when this private teaching, catechizing, and preaching should be forbidden.] To the article, That he said, the election of ministers ought to be by the flock; he only said, that he supposed it not to be an error, that the ministers should be chosen with consent of their flock; so that their flock were first well taught.

To the article, That he was chosen in this sort [by the family] in the house of the lord Rich; he confesseth that the late lord, calling his household together, (in the absence of the said Wright, and not moving him thereto,) to the end, it seems, that they might more willingly harken to good instruction, having one to teach them, whom themselves had before approved, asked, whether any of them could shew any reason, for life or otherwise, why he might not be their teacher. Whereupon no man objecting any thing, my lord sent for him, and perhaps esteemed him as his pastor.

But that he took not himself to be any other than a private man to do them some good, till they might have a sufficient pastor. For at Rochford the minister was distracted between his two benefices. And at Leez his provision was worse.

It is true, that of the house of this lord Rich, he said, he took them for his flock; not by vertue of the former choice, but having been called since the death of the old lord unto the ministry. And this [present] lord being desirous to use his ministry, with promise that he would labour to have it public: and my lord of London not utterly denying licence; but saying, he would first see some testimony, that the said minister was ordained minister. But he only did the duty of a private man; neither preached he publickly, nor ministred any sacrament.

To the article, That he preached on a holy day, Jan. the 24th reginae, in the hall at Rochford, and divers people thereabouts resorted to his preaching; he answered, We did then as at other times; neither drawing nor shutting out any man, nor omitting any publick duties in the church.

Concerning his ordination at Antwerp, he said, not that he went over for that end; but being at Antwerp, whither he went to see the churches from whence idolatry had been lately driven, and English merchants desiring him to assist in the ministry, he was religiously ordained thereunto; and there did execute it. As also at Vilfort, where was a garrison of 600 Scots, by the earnest suit of their band, and a colonel, one Mr. Bombridge, governor of the town; and with consent of the ministers of the three several languages in Antwerp. The manner also of his admitting he declared, so long as they would hear him. And he is ready to declare it at all times, when it shall be demanded of him.

Touching that he said, Every minister is a bishop; it is true that he said he is mh< plh>kthn which we call bishop, according to the word of God. But he said not, every one is a lord bishop. My lord of London himself said as much in effect, when I was last before him in the consistory. For rebuking Mr. White for smiting one of his parishioners, he alledged that scripture, (latin- ), 1 Timothy 3:3. that a bishop must be no striker. There had been no reason in the speech, if Mr. White, only being a minister, had not been a bishop.

To the last article, that Mr. Greenwood served the lord Rich, and did that which he did for him only: that he used the Book of Common Prayer; saving, that for brevity sake he read not all: he hath answered himself, that he continued not a curate, for want of audacity and utterance: he being otherwise both godly and well learned.

NUMBER 24.

Wright’s answers to the notes of matters proved against him by sworn witnesses. HE humbly craved, that the manner used in proceeding against him might be considered of. That the commission was sent down whilst he was in prison, [in the Gatehouse.] The commissioners were men appointed by special choice, that they might serve such a turn. Dr. Walker, archdeacon, who was never injured by him, had before notoriously slandered him.

Others whom he knew not: but the one was a commissary, allied to the bishop; the other a gentleman, of whom he had heard indeed, that he went to the church. That the examinants which were godly disposed were sharply rebuked, when they would not speak that which they knew not against him. That they which were brought in for witnesses were the only men that bare him displeasure. And his humble suit was, that the cause might be weighed. That he never abused any of them in word or deed: but they being all ministers, partly stomached him, because he shewed a mislike of those which had two benefices; partly for that he lovingly admonished one Mr. Barwick, his first accuser, who laboured to prove that God delighted in mediocrity, by these reasons: viz. Man was put in medio paradisi. A rib was taken out of the midst of man. The Israelites went through the midst of Jordan; and the midst of the Red sea. Sampson put firebrands in the middest between the foxes tails. Davids men had their garments cut off by the middest. Christ was hanged in the middest between two thieves.

Another great cause of their ill will seemed to be this; that my lord, that was then with God, used him with great favour; as he did also all preachers whom he saw to be diligent in their function. But contrarywise he shewed small countenance to these men. Yet lovingly (yea, perhaps also vehemently) told them of such things as he thought to be faults and negligencies in their ministry. And this they falsely attributed, as coming from him [Wright.] Now the chief cause of shewing this envy was the great person who desired to have Mr. Rich and him out of my lords house: as Mr. Barwicks letter did shew.

That touching the collections, [specified in those notes of what was sworn against him,] altho the witnesses indeed were as abovesaid, yet he could not think so ill of them, as that they would affirm the things which were there set down. Some being such as he never thought in his life, to his remembrance; as that there were no lawful ministers in England. That he was likewise charged, as it had been deposed against him, that he should say, To have a sermon on the queens day, and to give God thanks for her majesty, was to make her a god. He thought at the first, that perhaps corrupt men had testified so much: but when by Gods grace he got a sight of the commission returned, there was no such matter.

That here was a witness oft named, one Mr. Wardal; with whom he never talked but once only. And he had no other talk with him, but only where he had preached against my lord, and the exercises in his house. He saying, he did it upon my lords words: who told him and the other ministers, that he shewed in preaching, that they were all dumb dogs, &c. He told Wardel, that first he should have talked with him privately, before he had preached against him openly. Secondly, that he never spake any thing of him, or his neighbour ministers, but only spake generally against the faults of ministers, as his text led him, John x. A thief cometh not but to kill, &c. shewing, that indeed of such as sought only their own commodities and not Gods glory, nor the profit of their flock; of them he said, as the text saith, They were thieves and murtherers. At which time Mr. Wardel shewed no misliking of him, of his speech; but spake very gently unto him. Neither yet Mr. Harris, a justice of peace, who, as he thought, talked with them all the while.

And therefore he most humbly sued, that first the collectors faith [who had gathered these notes of the depositions] might be tryed.

And then Wright proceeded to give his answer to each article set down in the notes, of matters deposed against him. Which follow.

Ad. 1. The phrase of dumb dogs (tho’ used in the scripture) is, and always hath been, very seldom in my mouth in any sort. But I suppose it cannot be proved that ever I called any man so, much less a preacher, and that (as the collector setteth it down) as if it were only for following the Book of Common Prayer. Not preaching at all, when a man is a pastor, or so preaching for fashion, that the wolf is not known, much less barked at, I think this, in the prophet’s speech, may deserve the term of a dumb dog.

But I have always reverenced every godly and watchful minister that followeth the Book of Common Prayer: as also Mr. Dent and Mr. Barker, named in the last note, (I persuade my self altogether contrary to their testimony,) can well witness: and all other, both in Essex and elsewhere, that shew forth the fear of God in their ministry.

Ad. 2. This doubtful speech argueth some evil affection. The collector or the witness would have an indefinite to be generally taken; for to say some ministers are thieves and murtherers; I would to God all fed their flock so well as it might be false. But that he would not have it understood of all, it may well appear. The master and fellows of Christ’s college in Cambridge, being all, as I think, ministers, that time when I had lived there about fourteen years amongst ministers, with one consent sealed the testimony of my good behaviour. In Essex, I doubt not to bring twenty godly ministers, all preachers, which shall testify that they love me, and have cause to think that I love and reverence them.

Ad. 3. I know not how my speech may be taken, but I crave your lordships pardon, if, being thus pressed, I speak that which otherwise might seem arrogant: for if a quest of godly and preaching ministers be required to quiet me in these and such like notes, I would be content to be condemned, if I bring not two hundred for my discharge. I trust this may well declare, that I take them not for thieves and murtherers; and yet I think not there are no lawful ministers in England. For I do as certainly believe there are lawful ministers in England, as I believe there is a sun in the sky.

Ad. 4. I desire that this note may be answered by that which goeth next before. As for this common fame, it must be taken from these persons, vicars or curates, that have set their hands to these notes: and yet I am sure two of them at the least will fail them. Touching those that are defamed in the judgment of those deponents, they are such ministers, as being idle altogether, and unmindful of their duty, are spoken of according to their deserts. As if a man should say, the prophet Zachary was a defamer of priests, when he cryed, saying, Woe be to the idol sheep-hard, that forsaketh his flock: or St. Paul a defamer of preachers, because he writ of some such, that they were enemies of the cross of Christ; whose God was their belly, their glory their shame; which minded earthly things.

Ad. 5. That which is said here to have been in January last, was done January was twelvemonth: the matter was thus. My lord thinking on Sunday at night to have one Mr. Dent preach on the Monday morning, warned the clark over night to toll the bell: Mr. Dent either was weary, or otherwise unwillingly: my lord also was not well. Thereupon my lord would have his ordinary exercise in the house: and such as were in the church, and would hear, came and heard it. Otherwise we knew of none that was to preach in the church; neither was it a day of any church service.

Ad. 6. No magistrate examined me by what authority I preached, unto whom I might give any such answer. Neither is it set down where or when I spake the words. If I said any such thing in private speech within this year (which I remember not) I might justly say it; tho’ I took not upon me thereby to do any publick duty. But I hope this church will no more disallow the ministers of other reformed churches, (if in life and doctrine sufficient,) than they disallow ours.

Ad. 7. The thing being good and godly which we did, (tho’ I remember not when I should use these words,) yet I trust in some sort, tho’ not in general, I might speak them in truth, and with their honours good leave.

But it is strange they should put up this as heinous to my lord of London, seeing he himself knew well of my being with my lord Rich: and was laboured to, both by my lord Rich that dead is, and by very honourable and worshipful knights, to have given me his license to preach publickly.

Which, when he understood I was no minister, he would not grant. Yet spake he nothing that I heard of, to forbid me to do that which I did in my lord’s house. But I continued without his check from Christmas was two years till Michaelmas last.

Ad. 8. I hope no indifferent man can charge me with unmodest speech: but if when they gave occasion, which were mentioned in the fourth note, (for no other hath ever yet complained,) some fault of theirs happened to be touched, tho’ lovingly, it seems they took it as a taunt.

Ad. 9. I trust, seeing no special is here mentioned, the things already said may meet sufficiently with this general.

Ad. 10. When these preachers oft spoken of, left the profitable expounding of the scriptures, and gave themselves chiefly to inveigh against my lord, and the good exercises of his house, as if we had been anabaptists, or other hereticks, I desired my lord, that he would neighbourly confer with them, to know, whether they could charge us with any erroneous doctrine, that we might amend it. If not, that they might bend their wits to speak more for the edifying of the people, and not to the discouraging of any, nor to the defaming of my lord’s house, Which scope if my lord chanced in any word to pass, I trust they will pardon him, being dead especially. Robert Wright.

Who most humbly craveth pardon, if in the writing there have been any want ode duty.

NUMBER 25.

Ockland’s character of sir William Cecil, lord Burghley, lord treasurer. In heroic verse. ANTE alios, istosque omnes, instante sinistra Fortuna, cujus princeps, instante periclo, Est experta fidem, sincero corde profectam; Primus adest, ducens fidos Cecilius heros, Complures secum; ac in sacrum voce senatum Principis eligitur primus. Nunc grandior sero, Confectus senio, studiis maceratus, et aeger Saepe suis pedibus, graviora negotia canos Ante diem accersunt crines, curvamque senectam, Qui quater est decimus vix tunc expleverat annum.

Somni perparcus, parce vinique cibique In mensa sumens, semper gravis atque modestus, Nulliusque joci; semper sermone retractat Seria; sive silet, meditatur seria semper.

Religionis amans verae, studiosior aequi; Ad magnas natus res nostra aetate gerendas, In patriam cujus studium propensa voluntas, In cives amor, atque fides in sceptra tenentem.

In magnis regni solers sapientia rebus, Ultra Europam illi peperit memorabile nomen.

Nec jam consiliis pollens florescere primo Caepit, in Edvardi defuncti claruit aula Regis, consultor prudens juvenilibus annis.

Inter primores regionis quando procellis Exortis, cautus studuit sedare tumultus.

Dumque alii sulco subsidunt gurgitis imo, Et puppim feriunt stridenti fiamine venti, Prona ruit celeri lapsu pars una deorsum, Ipse decus, sedemque suam, nomenque tuetur.

Quo pacto Maria prudens se gesserit Anglis Imperitante, focos velo obducente, quod alto Pendebat malo, (magnis quia cedere praestat Fluminibus, contra niti aut obstare furori Currenti, certum et parit exitiale periclum) Denotat indiciis hominem apparentibus illum Vere prudentem, mediis quod in hostibus annos Sex totos Cayphae multum exosusque cohorti Degeret illaesus, per vicos, compita et urbem Se ostendens populo, cum pars bona longius exul Tempora contereret, Deus hunc servavit in almae Principis obsequium, nostrique in commoda regni.

Regum legatos orantes audiit aure Attenta; responsa quibus dedit ore diserto.

Nestor consiliis, qui nunc Burghleius heros, Sylvis, praediolis laetis, et ab arce vocatur, Et fisci custos aeraria publica curat:

Cognoscens cansas summo (res digna relatu est) Et studio et cura lites secat ocyus, ut non Praestolans spatium bidui triduique moretur:

Omnes exuperans hac laudis parte priores:

Ni poscat plures magni res ponderis horas, Nec queat exculpi longo sine tempore verum, Jure sit haec magni laus prima et vera dynastae.

NUMBER 26.

A catechism; containing certain questions and answers touching the doctrine of predestination, the use of God’s word and sacraments. Formerly bound up with some Bibles.

Q. WHY do men so much vary in matters of religion?

A. Because all have not the like measure of knowledge. Neither do all believe the gospel of Christ.

Q. What is the reason thereof?

A. Because they only believe the gospel and doctrine of Christ which are ordained unto eternal life.

Q. Are not all ordained unto eternal life?

A. Some axe vessels of wrath, ordained unto destruction; as others are vessels of mercy, prepared to glory.

Q. How standeth it with God’s justice that some are appointed unto damnation?

A. Very well: because all men have in themselves sin, which deserveth no less. And therefore the mercy of God is wonderful, in that he vouchsafeth to save some of that sinful race, and to bring them to the knowledge of the truth.

Q. If God’s ordinance and determination must of necessity take effect, then what need any man care? For he that liveth well must needs be damned, if he be thereunto or dained: and he that liveth ill must needs be saved, if he be thereunto appointed.

A. Not so: for it is not possible that either the elect should always be without care to do well, or that the reprobate should have any will therunto. For to have either good will or good work is a testimony of the Spirit of God, which is given to the elect only; whereby faith is so wrought in them, that being grafte in Christ, they grow in holiness to that glory whereunto they are appointed. Neither are they so vain, as once to think that they may do as they list themselves, because they are predestinate unto salvation: but rather they endeavour to walk in such good works as God in Christ Jesus hath ordained them unto, and prepared for them to be occupied in, to their own comfort, stay, and assurance, and to his glory.

Q. But how shall I know my self to be one of those whom God hath ordained to life eternal?

A. By the motions of spiritual life: which belongeth only to the children of God. By the which that life is perceived: even as the life of this body is discerned by the sense and motions thereof.

Q. What mean you by the motions of spiritual life?

A. I mean remorse of conscience, joyning with the loathing of sin, and love of righteousnes; the hand of faith reaching unto life eternal in Christ; the conscience comforted in distress, and raised up to confidence in God by the work of his Spirit; a thankful remembrance of God’s benefits received, and the using of all adversities as occasion of amendment sent from God.

Q. Cannot such perish as at some time or other feel these motions within themselves?

A. It is not possible that they should. For as God’s purpose is not changeable, so he repenteth not the gifts and graces of his adoption.

Neither doth he cast off those whom he hath once received.

Q. Why then should we pray by the example of David, that he cast us not from his face, and that he take not his holy Spirit from us?

A. In so praying, we make protestation of the weakness of flesh, which moveth us to doubt. Yet should not we have courage to ask, if we were not assured that God will give according to his purpose and promise that which we require.

Q. Do the children of God feel the motions aforesaid always alike?

A. No, truly. For God sometime, to prove his, seemeth to leave them in such sort, that the flesh over matcheth the spirit: whereof ariseth trouble of conscience for the time. Yet the spirit of adoption is never taken from them that have once received it; else might they perish. But as in many diseases of the body the powers of bodily life are letted, so in some assaults these motions of spiritual life are not perceived: because they ly hidden in our manifold infirmities, as the fire covered with ashes. Yet as after sickness cometh health, and after clouds the sun shineth clear, so the powers of spiritual life will more or less be felt and perceived in the children of God.

Q. What if I never feel these motions in my self, shall I despair, and think my self a castaway?

A. God forbid. For God calleth his at what time he seeth good. And the instruments whereby he usually calleth have not the like effect at all times.

Yet it is not good to neglect the means wherby God hath determined to work the salvation of his. For as wax is not melted without heat, nor clay hardned but by means thereof, so God useth means both to draw those unto himself whom he hath appointed unto salvation, and also to bewray the wickedness of them whom he justly condemneth.

Q. By what means useth God to draw men to himself, that they may be saved?

A. By the preaching of his word, and the ministring of the sacraments therunto annexed, &c. [NUMBER 26] Declaratio eorum quae circa Mendozae, catholici regis le-gati, missionem acciderunt ; una cum responso ad ejus. dem objecta contra suam majestatem.

CUM ita inciderunt, &c. In English thus: When the times so fell out, that her majesty of England saw that she must necessarily resolve with her self concerning sending home Bernardine de Mendoza, now for some years tarrying with her in quality of the catholick kings ambassador; and that the sentence of that decree might seem to his master too sudden, and besides expectation, by reason of past letters on the behalf of her majesty, significatory of so un-thought on a chance, as letters revocatory by the same catholick king to his ambassador: whence it might be feared, lest that friendship might with neighbour nations and monarchs be rendred suspected, which from antient times was between the kings of England and the kings of Spain; It seemed worth the pains to her majesty, as well publickly to testify a fuller belief of her purposes, as on that part to explain to the catholick king the causes of that sufficiently sudden decree, and to inform the king what the thing is; that she, overlooking all those acts that were committed by Mendoza, and commending them to perpetual oblivion, was ready to cultivate that antient and long past amity, which both their majesties drew by an antient hereditary right from their most excellent ancestors, to the good and profit of both nations: to cultivate, I say, by all the best offices, as always hitherto, so for the future; if the catholick king will not be wanting in performing like good deserts with her majesty, as well in her own cause as in that of her subjects.

It is confest, that it can lie hid from none to whom the report of things done here in England bath come, how that, besides all duty due to the queens majesty, certain wicked plotters, as well domestick as those that lie abroad, have stirred naughty and more than wicked enterprizes against the queens majesty, and against the crown, to disturb the peace of the most happy English empire, so odious and damnable in themselves, that no laws (the revengers of wickednesses and abominations) may bear many of them; and from which her royal majesty escaped safe and unhurt, only by the singular goodness of God.

Which things while they were openly discovered and brought to the light, Mendoza was found: who, besides the office of an ambassador, to which he was given by the king, and accordingly the affairs of his lord, concerning which now for many months he had no discourses with her majesty, (hut followed those studies by which he might lessen the amity and peace constituted between these crownes,) he is found a most diligent head and ringleader, by withess clearer than noon light, and by arguments beyond all exception, to disturb the quiet state of the common wealth. Which deed, as being barbarous in its self, and against the law of nations, and contrary to his office, and quite estranged from it, her majesty doubted not how rejected and hated it was of his catholic majesty.

But according to that study of justice and honour that is in her majesty, she would not resolve to send back the man before that she had made it to be demonstrated to him, and that from the confessions of those whom he hath associated in this conspiracy, the counsels which he had attempted and acted, having given for that purpose certain commands bythe counsil of his secretary to the chief men, which lay the crimes to Mendoza that are in the next place recited.

To wit: That for some months he had communicated more secret counsils, as well by letters as by messengers, with the queen of Scots and her ministers. That he conferred frequent discourses with some of her majesties subjects; and so was author to them concerning means whereby the foresaid queen might be conveyed out of custody, in which she is detained by her majestys order, and recover her liberty. That, as well by himself as by his messengers, he hath not desisted to sollicite the minds of those to revolt whom he thought to be favourers of the Roman and popes religion, and that they should joyne hands together in society, to the exercising foreign soldiers, if any were sent by those princes, whom he named catholic, to make an irruption into this kingdom; giving his faith, that the catholic king his master would send auxiliary forces, and would bear half the charge of the soldiers. That he was conscious, and knew of his secretary, the return into England of Charles Paget, a runnagate out of this kingdom. Which said Charles being of the more secret service of the queen of Scots, being sent into these parts, came to Mendoza, (Francis Throgmorton relating the matter,)as well to so-licite the minds of the papists, as aforesaid to make a rebellion; and to describe the ports which seemed most convenient for landing foreign soldiers; as also to note their names who were favourers and aiders of the designed invasion. This the foresaid Throgmorton, altho’ a strong and weighty testimony against himself, and that would touch his life, most freely confessed: which may be for an argument, that it was not maliciously made by the man, nor sought out by himself for some bad purpose. Lastly, that he had received a little chest or box from the said Throg-morton, being in fear of taking; which contained his foresaid descriptions and other writings: in which were noted the single heads of their conspiracies and practices; to wit, for that end, that the said cabinet or box should be preserved with him, as the head and chief of this conspiracy. For so Throgmorton related the thing.

These things, when they were repeated to his face from the confession of the conspirators themselves, he was so far from lessening them by some honest answer, that so immodesfly, and beside the duty of an ambassador, boldly bawling out, Dreams and trifles; and nothing else; the point of his speech being turned against her majesty; loaded her by false accusations with some injuries, which he feigned to himself, proceeding from her majesty towards the catholick king. The heads of the calumnies are these.

That beside the faith of friendship and the laws of nations, her majesty put under arrest the kings treasure, put in at certain ports of this kingdom: that she helped the states of Holland with soldiers and mony, at the intercession of the marquess Hautrecht and others: that she affected prince Anthony with very many honorary gifts and benefits: that she had sent some thousands to the duke of Anjou in his expedition at Cambray: that she had sent some noblemen of her kingdome in the said dukes march to Belgium, that for honours sake they might be present at the auguration of the duke for duke of Brabant: that a certain counsillor of her ma jesty, with the brother of a certain earl, entred into hidden counsils, with the brother of a certain earl, concerning killing of John of Austria: lastly, that one Drake, a subject of her majesty, in May, plundred the catholic king and his subjects to the sum of 200,000 crownes.

But now, altho’ the hasty and rash conveyance of false crimes against her majesty signifieth nothing at all to wash off so wicked a practice, where he is held bound in the court of all judgments, and moreover to be past over as unworthy of answer: yet it hath seemed good to her majesty to testify to all men the honest conscience of her doings, and to draw down those objections with the faith of honour and sincerity, that it may appear to the catholic king and others, whosoever are not averse to truth, how, besides all her deserts, Mendoza hath endeavoured to draw her majesty into hatred with good princes. Which that it may be, let it first be allowed to run over more sparingly, and less largely than is fit for the truth of the matter, the ingrateful deserts (as she persuades her self) which the catholic king and his ministers, provoked with no injuries before given, have laid down to her majesty.

Let first occurr that well known peace by the catholick king made with the French king, not much after the death of his wife, and the queen’s majesty’s sister, queen Mary. Which peace was very gainful to him, for the restoring of many things; but very dammageable to her majesty and the crown of England, by reason of the restoration of Calais, despised by him.

Which yet he ought not to have neglected; because of the very fresh memory of the benefit of the auxiliary forces which he had received from her majesty’s sister. And that at his prayer and entreaty also, the crown of England had joyned it self in his war with France. Whence followed the taking of that town out of the hands of the English, after the kings of England had possessed that town with much honour for the space of years.

Add, because that when the crown of England lived in the fullest peace with its neibour nations, and so with all the princes of Europe, yet for the sake of the catholic king alone, before that siege which was at St. Quintins, it east it self into enmity with the king of France; whence that war broke out, which presently followed with the French and Scots, at one and the same time the realm of England bearing the assault of both: to which nevertheless, afflicted for his sake alone, the catholic king was so far from being an help; That he favoured the Scots: permitted them free traffic in the Low Countries; passing by the most equal demands of the crowne of England, of not following the Scots with so great deserts; who had been enemies to her majesty by reason of the auxiliary bands, joyned with the catholic king against the French king. Strange things might be related, that the kingdom of England, so very wel deserving of the catholic king, that it cast it self into the hatred of the French and Scots, might be objected against their arguments, to be forsaken in their straits and afflictions, unless the open desertion, and the kings decree concerning the Scots mens friendship, testified it.

D’Assonville, who now lyeth in the Low Countries, and took by the kings command count Feria his colleague of this office .... was come into England, [something here wanting:] hereafter after this maner, being compelled by very unequal conditions to make peace with the French and Scots. In the mean time, the catholic king and the duke of Savoy ...... [imperfect.] Behold in one moment the crown of England placed in a double misfortune: Calais lost, an antient possession; and two neibouring nations, not to be despised, of friends made enemies; and, in short, a third, from the memory of man not easily to be wiped out, without a compensation of benefit.

Her majesty, born and made to all humanity of nature, who is wont to forget nothing but injuries, according to that study wherby she maintaineth amities with neibour princes; but so chiefly with the catholic king, for that friendship which from antlent times was betwixt this crown and the house of Burgundy, the foregoing unkind deserts neglected, first by the lord Cobham mediating, who was queen Maries ambassador with the king; after that by two ambassadors of the queen with the same king, each in their time resident, Tho. Chaloner and Tho. Chamberlain, knts. she tryed the king’s mind, and of some of the chief men that were present with him in his councils, of renewing the antient leagues made between the kings of England and the house of Burgundy, but in vain; neither the king nor the counsillors having regard to that matter. Not much after, her majesty reneweth her purpose; vicount Mountagu, and Tho. Chamberlain, kt. being sent away into Flanders, re infecta.

If those things do not openly enough shew the king’s mind not well affected towards her majesty, Mr. Man succeded the former. Who how friendly he was received, and with what wonderful expressions of humanity, in his first entrance upon his ambassy in Spain, witnes the opening of his chests and coffers; his access to the king put off to the third week from his coming into the king’s court; his servants compelled to hear mass; his son and steward were compelled, with wax candles in their hands, to be present at their service; from his first coming into Spain to his return out of Spain, loaded with no better rewards. These things proceded from the king himself to her majesty, deserving and expecting better offices: and was any thing better or more courteous from the king’s ministers?

In the year 1568, which followed the former, the duke d’Alva, in the Low Countries, put in arrest not only the goods and merchandizes of whatsoever subjects of England, but also the merchants themselves; pretending certain ships here, [stopt,] and of some merchandizes of Genoa, to belong to the catholic king. There came forth into light, now a good while ago, a most equal and ful defence of this arrest don by her majesty; which so far commendeth the faith and integrity of her majesty, that there is no body of all men who can want therefore restitution from her majesty in whole. For the letters of the Genoans (which are stil kept) are witnesses, that nothing in that case was don by her majesty but by the request of the cathohc ambassador, and at the prayer of the catholic ambassador, and at their prayer who thought it as a thing very profitable to escape the hands of the French pyrate, who at that time, roving in the seas, laid wait for them.

Of the arrest don by the catholick king [towards the English merchants goods] it seemed not so clear.

In the year 69 the civil fire brake out here into flames within the kingdom of England: whose torches and foreign flabella by certain were discovered.

Duke d’Alva, and that Guenes Despensis, ambassador of the catholick king, (both whom are dead,) but both conscious witnesses of their own wickedness, to be condemned by their own free confessions: altho’ they have left very many alive in the Low Countries, yet the head and chief among the rest, monsieur de la Moth, governour of Graveling at that time, being sent out by duke d’Alva into EngLand to further those businesses. It is certain, indeed, that the catholic king for that time in word disproved the deed, as don without his knowledg: altho’ he make it believed on the contrary, that he did as yet maintain at his own cost the chief incendiaries and rebels in his dominions with him; where they fearing, withdrew themselves from the danger of their lives. And, but a little while ago, used, for that matter, the pains of some who are with him in the chief magistracy.

He that persuaded some of the former incendiaries to pass over into Scotland, to stir up innovation in those northern parts: where they were thought to be provided with the patronage and tuition of friends. The later wounds of violated friendship are those in confirming the minds of the rebells in Ireland, and by affording help to them.

And now the things being recited more discourteously don against her majesty by the catholic king, which it is enough shortly to have touched, let him weigh them with himself; and what may seem to have given the cause; and of those things, in the next place, which are said to have proceded from her majesty towards the catholick king, he will judge most rightly and easily: the kings conscience being withes, that no prince ever, or any where, prepared and furnished so well to revenge injuries brought upon her, would or could so temper her self in so singular a number of the greatest wrongs, as her majesty hath tempered herself. But of these enough.

Now let us see concerning the calumnies of Mendoza. He objecteth first, That the States, at the request of Hautretcht, were aided with men and mony. Concerning this head enough hath been answered already of the queen’s majesty by Tho. Wilks, one of her secretaries, being sent, at the same time and for the same purpose, ambassador to Spain. To which answer if any now should be added, what hindred (by how much the less he hath taken all Belgium) her taking the Low Countries into her power, on their own accord offered to her by the consent of the greatest part of the nobles, common people, and cities, if she had carried in her mind the severe revenge of severer revenge. Add, that there were not wanting abetters, and such as persuaded to that thing, which at this day are in some place, and obtain countenance with the king.

But as her majesty is more desirous of good deeds, conscience, and honour, than of profit, she could be persuaded by none: neither persuasion, nor the tears of those that were opprest with his tyranny by the kings chief officers, nor by the surrender of all the Low Countries, throwing themselves down at her feet to usurp to her self the antient and hardest possessions of the catholic king, or suffer it to be usurped by others that were ambitious of it. Wherefore, that she might as well preserve intire to the catholic king that which was his, as she might not be wanting, more than too much, to the afflicted Belgic people, and might restrain them from casting off their obedience and allegiance due to the catholic king, and might keep them in their duty, mi-nistred some mony to maintain an army, and helped them by some other not dishonorable means. In the mean time, by frequent embassies moving their minds to yield obedience to the catholic king, to come into favour with him; and on the other side, by entreating the king to suffer himself to be bent by the prayers of his friends, to forgive his people their error, to receive them into favour, to protect them in the good fortune of their laws and privileges. That he should give governours in the Low Countries who should be disposed to peace, not to civil broils; by such offices on the one side, and on the other, that the Low Countries might be preserved safe; which otherwise enclined to a change of their lords. Which was indeed afterwards don by submitting themselves to the rule of the duke of Anjou, when they saw their prayers, and the prayers of their friends, despised by the catholic king, and the queens majesty withdrawing her auxiliary forces from their afflicted concernes.

But as to the sending over of 3000 soldiers into the Low Countries, whom her majesty is said to send for the use of the States to rule his subjects, (whence he, [Mendoza] by a certain study of evil-speaking, would east a blot upon her majesty,) who is there so averse to truth, so mad, so ignorant of things done in England, who cloth not understand, or might, if he would, that the transporting of soldiers out of this kingdom into the Low Countries had been prohibited from the first time of the civil tumults in Holland to this very day? That it is so far from it, that any at any time should be furnished with royal authority sent for the States, that they waited for the expedition privately, and without the queens knowledg: having gotten for that purpose means very secret, not out of the public ports, but out of obscurer creeks. ‘Tis true, the most fortunate times of happy peace, which her majesty obtaineth by the singular goodness of God, now five and twenty years and more, have begot a very numerous people. It is true, and that ease and great minds do not ....... especially where things flowing according to peoples wills are wanting, or where there be but narrow circumstances at home. Hence it hath come to pass, that some few, the barrs of obedience broken, being not made for idleness, have withdrawn themselves from England to armes, and served in the Low Countries: some on the States, and some on the kings side. Not, as he [Mendoza] rashly, inconsiderately, and without thought hath dared to affirme.

NUMBER 27.

The syndics and council of Geneva to the lord treasurer Burghley; to move the queen to relieve them against the army of the duke of Savoy. MONSIEUR, nous avons entendu par le raport de seigneur Maillet, nostre bien ayme conseillier, l’affection, qu’il vous a pleu employer pour donner succes a ce que nous avons poursuivy vers sa majeste. Et comme nous vous recognois-sons des principaux instruments de bien faict et liberalite de sa majeste envers nous; aussi n’avons nous voulu obmet-tre de vous tesmoigner l’obligation, que nous sentons avoir vous, nous tascherons de conserver et perpetuer la memoire aux nostres, qui auront aveq nous tousjours une tresjuste occasion de louer Dieu de ce qu’il luy a pleu susciter tel seigneur de roerite, que vous, monsieur, pour faroriser cest estat en une telle occasion. De cecy nous concevons esperance, que Dieu nous continuera son assistance selon les commencemens, qu’il nous en faict veoir, et ne permettra point, que ceux qui nous persecutant a cause de la religion, dont nous faisons profession, triomphent de nous. Ains prendra la cause des siens en main, et fera paroir sa vertu et puissance en nostre petitesse.

Cependant il luy plaist, que nous solons de present exercez par diverses menaces de nos enemis, lesquels taschent d’amener a chef la mauvaise volonte, qu’ils ont des long temps conceve contre nous. On meet de garnisons pres de nostre ville, et faict on passer de gens de guerre, qu’on entretient asses pres de nous. Ils empeschent aussi de nous apporter des granies: et en oultre sommes advertis du passage prochain de douze mil Espaniolz par la Savoye et Bourgogne. Ou ils doivent faire quelque sejour, pour dela (comme on dict) se rendre au Pays bas.

Toutes lesquelles choses concurrentes ensemble ne nous permettent aulcunq repos du coste des nos ennemis; mais opposans a toutes ces considerations humaines la puissance de Dieu, par laquelle nous subsistons, nous esperons, que nous garentira et conservera par sa gloire, comme nous l’en supplions.

Et quant a moyens humains, dont il plaist a Dieu se servir pour la deliverance des siens, nous nous assurons, monsieur, que vous et autres seigneurs, qui vous estes monstres affectiones envers nous, continuerez de plus en plus a nous favoriser selon les occasions, qui se presenteront, et aurez nostre estat en recommendation, comme luy qui sera tousjours dedie a vous faire service; priant sur ce Dieu, Monsieur, qu’en vous accroissant ses graces, il vous conserve longue et heureuse vie. De Geneva ce xxve de Decembre, 1583.

Les syndiques et conseil de Geneve, vos bien volontaires et affectionez amis, a vous faire service. [NUMBER 27] Epistola serenissimae Scotorum reginae Mariae; ab episcopo Rossensi, (ut videtur,) missa. CUM permulti (serenissima regina) me narrante, cogno vissent, quibus miseriis implicita, quibus fraudibus petita, quam variis undique calamitatibus obsepta fueris, intimis sane sensibus angebantur. At cum id intellexissent te in istas molestias eo maxime nomine incidisse, quod in catholica religione tenenda constans, defendenda magnanima semper fueris tantum aberat, ut tuam vicem dolerent, ut absterso penitus dolore, pietati, constantiae, magnanimitati tuae gratularentur. Siquidem vere statuebant in calamitatibus istis posse te esse aerumnosam, cum homo nata sis, sed nullo modo miseram, cum pie Christiana sis. Quis enim a Christi mente tam abhorret, ut quam Christus beatam appellet, hanc ipsam miseram putet?

Nam si illi, qui propter religionem carceris poenam, propter Christum capitis periculum, propter justitiam persecutionum procellas adierint, beati dicendi sint, qua ratlone tu misera dici aut cogitari queas? Quae ista omnia tanta mentis alacritate subiisti, ut nec carceris, nec exilii, nec alias fortunae difficultates, asperas putaris, et duras; sed incredibili potius dulcedine delinitas; quasi essent non poenae ab hominibus, sed praemia a Deo meritis tuis, proposita et constituta.

Unde venerat mihi in mentem cogitare hanc tantam mentis tuae aequabilitatem non aliunde fluere, quam quod virtus quaedam in animum tuum coelitus illapsa, ita omnes tuas cogitationes occuparit, ut rem non humano sensu, sed divina mente metireris. Nam supra humanam naturam, aut saltem supra hujus aetatis virtutem videtur esse; mulierem in flore aetatis, et regiae dignitatis splendore constitutam, habere anitaum patientia ita vallatum, ut in acerrimis angoribus laeta, in arctissimis custodiis libera, in summis miseriis felix ipsa sibi videretur: itaque tanta constantiae significatione, ut hoc modo videretur velle semper esse felix; id est, propter Christum misera. Quae res facit, ut credam, futurum brevi, ut ne speranti, nec cogitanti istae tibi miseriae condiantur suavitate, et carceres periculaque compensentur summa felicitate. Deus enim suos, cum omni plane spe excidere judicantur, e periculis vindicat; ut et arctiori cos sibi beneficio devinciat, ut clarius ejus in ipsos emineat bonitas.

Quare etsi non videmus, cur nobis, si rerum humanarum lance omnia ponderemus, sit sperandum; tamen cum ad Deum anitaurn cogitationemque meam refero, inducor, ut nullam causam putem esse, cur aut nos, qui Dei et tua causa libentissime omnia ferimus, de summis reip. bonis desperemus; aut tu (serenissima regina) in extremis istis malis extabescas plane. Idem namque Deus qui Davidem gravissimis Saulis vexationibus oppressum, Manassem carceris squallore pene confectum, et apostolum Paulum immanissimo Neronis, tanquam leonis, furori objectum, liberarat, te quoque potest reip. et reinpub. tibi, et utrique ecclesiam, et in ecclesia summam libertatem, et in summa libertate summam jucunditatem, restituere.

Quid enim frangaris, aut animo concidas? Nonne idem Deus, Malcolmum, Robertum et Davidem Brusios, Jacobum tritavum tuum, aliosque majores tuos arctissima apud Anglos custodia comprehensos, in libertatem asseruit; ac amplioribus quam antea honoribus cumulavit? At quam, quseso, ob causam istorum fortunam, pene prostratam erexit Deus? Ut tibi et omnibus suis ostenderet, se illis nunquam defuturum, quam diu manent sui. Macte igitur animo, (piissima regina) horum exemplo spera meliora, pacatiora, ampliota. Non te frangant, sed, ut antea semper, sic nunc maxime excitent, curae, labores, pericula. Omnipotens enim Deus, multorum precibus in humilitate cordis, toties rogatus te ex istis periculis ereptam, honoribus longe majoribus, ornabit; ac horum laborum curarumque, quibus aliorum mentes frangi solent tua ne angi quidem potest, praemium longe amplissimum proponet, libertatis suavitatem augebit, regni fines proferet: nunquam denique desinet tibi esse pater, si tu illi pergas esse filia.

Quare ut id, quod summa quadam cum laude nunc facis, serio et constanter semper facias, et literis absens, et verbis praesens, saepissime tecum egi.

Ad quam rem, cum plurimum momenti allaturam historiae lectionem putarem, res gestas posteriorum regum, quas nullus antea tetigerat, Anglice scriptas, cum legationis munus apud Anglos obirem, ad te miseram. Verum cum temporis nostri calamitas me publicis reip. muneribus excluserat, nolui in hoc meo otio ita languere, ut nulla plane ex meis laboribus utilitas ad rempublicam nostram manare videretur. Quare ne hoc meum otium sine ullo fructu reip. periisse existimetur, non solum quae lingua Anglica festinans effuderam, Latino sermone explicavi; verum etiam anteactae aetatis integram historiam in unum volumen ad nostrorum utilitatem, arctius compressi. Quae eo nomine ad te jam mitto, ut inde seligas exempla, quibus te ad pieraris et religionis studia magis et magis inflammes; et virtutes, quibus tu flores maxime, in aliis tuis majoribus admireris, in te autem ames: ea quoque ex hoc nostro labore effluet utilitas; quod ille optimae spei ac indolis princeps, filius tuus (quem reip. nostrae salvum, et ecclesiae Christi salutarem fore, quotidianis a Deo precibus suppliciter contendo) hinc promat, et vitiorum, quee fugiat, et virtutum, quas sequatur, praeclarissima exempla.

Is namque finis exemplis proponi et solet et debet, ut bonos bonorum praemiis ad virtutum studia, et malos malorum poenis ad vitiorum fugam, incendant. Quae domi apud nos potius nascantur, quam foils ab exteris petantur; aculeos in animo tenelli tui filii relinquent, altius defixos.

Verissimum enim est, quod trivit communis doctorum sermo, majorem habere vim ad movendum, domestica quam exterua exempla. Quare cum omnes jam ubique te suspieiant, ut piam, ut constantem, ut religiosam, id si tua diligentia effeceris, ut religionis et pietatis exempla in filii tui mentem instilles, non minorem profecto laudem consequeris, quam si ipsius iraperium alio regno amplificandum curares. At cum id pieraris officium praesens praesenti non possis praestare, in eam curam incumbe sedulo, ut illum ad parentum suorum vestigia in religionis et virtutum studiis persequenda literis et scriptis, si languet, excites; si currat, incites. Neque sane satis fuerit, te illum in tuis visceribus delitescentem, ab hostium insidiis ac furore immunem conservasse, nisi editum jam, et praeclara suae indolis indicia prae se ferentem, pietate et virtute inbuendum opportune, importune, scriptis, nuntiis, omnibus denique modis, elabores.

Id quod si feceris, (facturum te spero) futurum est, ut qui, anticipato regii honoris tempore, omniurn in se oculos convcrterit, omnium item judicium et expectationem de sua virtute conceptam, non solum praeclare sustineat, sed etiam crescente aetate, multis quoque partibus vincat et superet.

Verum si hoc pietatis officium nullo modo ex te, omni opportunitate exclusa, proficisci poterit, nos, quicunque utrique vestrum, ac in vobis reip. toti prospecturn esse cupimus, hanc illi operam scriptis ac libris, qui ad virtutem incitent, fortasse navabimus. Vale feliciter, et hoc nostros labores boni consule.

NUMBER 28.

A proclamation against retainers.

The queen, weighing the great inconveniences anti enormities that have universally grown within her realm by unlaw fid retaining of multitudes of unorderly servants by liveries, and otherwise, contrary to the good and antient statutes of this realm, hath therefore by her proclamation notified the same, and the dangers and penalties of the said laws unto her loving subjects; giving them express admonition, that if they should not therupon forbear any further to offend therin, her will and pleasure was, that the said laws and statutes should be straitly put in execution, and the penalties and forfeitures growing thereby to her highness for the offences committed against the same to be duely levyed. Whereof notwithstanding their neither hath followed such reformation in that behalf as was expected, lint the said mischiefs and enormities have rather more and more encreased. Neither have the said laws hitherto been duely put in execution, according to the former proclamation. Wherein had appeared most wilful contempt in the offenders, and great negligence and lack of dutiful care in those to whom the execution of the said laws was committed; which might justly move her highness to use herein hereafter all severity and extremity. Yet nevertheles her majesty having an earnest and most godly intention to procure speedy reformation of so pernicious a sore in this commonwealth, and of her gracious and merciful disposition, tendring more the quiet reformation of the faults, than to enrich her treasures by the great forfeitures, which by justice are due unto her, meaneth to make some further tryal before she procede to severe execution of the same.

And therefore to the end that such as have offended in this behalf, (either by unlawful retaining, or by being unlawfully retained by livery, badges, promise, or otherwise,) being eftsones admonished of the dangers and penalties of the said laws and statutes, and of her majesty’s will and pleasure for the strait execution of the same hereafter, may have convenient time and respit to reform themselves, and to eschew the peril and dangers of the said laws, she doth by her proclamation notify to all her loving subjects, of what state or degree soever they be, that whosoever, after the last day of May next coming, shall unlawfully retain, or be retained, &c. shall not have any manner of favour or grace of her majesty for any such offence committed or to be committed against the laws and statutes; but that the whole penalties, forfeitures, and punishments, limited and appointed by the same laws, shall with al severity be extended against them, as well for their offences committed before the said last day of May, as after, &c. And she charged all her justices and officers, to whom the execution of the same appartained, to cause inquisition and examination, according to the same laws, to be made in all places of the realm assoon as conveniently they might after the same last day of May, &c. And in every sessions inquisition to be made by a sufficient jury of all points and articles of the statutes in force against unlawful retainers; especially of the statute E. IV. and the 3d of her majesty’s most noble grandfather, king Henry VII. &c. Given at her manour of Greenwich, the 19. of April, the 25. year of her reign, 1583.

NUMBER Archiepiscopus Eborum Cestriensi episcopo. Gratia, pax et salus a Deo Patre et Domino nostro Jesu Christo. INTUENTI mihi, (frater venerande) cursum et conditionem hujus impietate perditi seculi; quantos agat triumphos Satan, quam longe lateque dominetur scelus, quam innumeri sunt ac frequentes improborum hominum flagitiosi greges, quam exilis, quam arida, vel potius quam nulla, sit in terris fides, nulla pietas, videmus, in ultima et impia mundi hujus, jam interitui vicina tempora, devenisse:

Cum porto mihi in mentem venit, zizaniam, horum peccatorum semen, nulla re magis in agro Domini vel spargi, vel succrescere, quam agricolarum somnolentia, colonorum desidia, nec aliunde tantam cladem invectam esse Hierosolymae nostrae sanctae civitati (qua et muri sui evertuntur, et ipsa poene capta cedit inimicorum violentiae) quam quod ex0cubiae, quae deberent vigilare somno sopitae, suis muneribus desunt:

Adhaec, cum recolo, nos etiam ipsos, quibus curam suae vineae commisit Dominus, officio nostro parum satisfecisse, virus nimium secure, tanquam in alta pace transegisse, ne-que hostibus Christi satis fortiter resistendo, neque Domini fundum arando satis diligenter, neque pascendo gregem satis fideliter, neque satis vigilanter in specula consistendo, munus nostrum prout decuit, adimplevisse; uti meipsum negligentiae coarguo, testeque conscientiae cogor succumbere veniamque petere, (quanquam dissolutum, et penitus desi-dem me nunquam fuisse, novit Dominus;) ita charirate pia fraternaque benevolentia commotus, meum esse duco te cohortari: uti quemadmodum idem nobis incumbit onus, eadem est administrandae provinciae reddenda ratio, sic coniunctis animis, qumes nos esse decet ponderemus, securitatem et somnolentiam discutiamus, redimamus tempus, accingamus nos ad praelium, gladios et arma Spiritus capiamus, hostem communem profligamus, et Christi fidem, vel ad sanguinem et caedem, defendamus.

Praefecit nos Deus gentibus et populis, ut extirpemus et eradicemus, ut perdamus et dejiciamus, ut aedificemus et planremus. Ideoque nostrum est, fibras superstitionis et idololatriae radices falce divini verbi resetare, bonas etiam fruges evangelii propagatione per animos hominum conscrete, arces et turres Jericuntis tuba coelestis Spiritus evertere; muros autem Jerosolymae sacrumque ternplum, quantum in nobis est, erigere; saevitiam et tyrannidem Antichristi summa contenfione convellere, regnum autem et imperium filii Dei sedula praedicatione stabilire.

Neque vero solurn hunc in pascendo suo grege laborem, videtur Dominus a nobis postulare, verum etiam flagitat; ne solutis legum sacratarum vinculis, impune peccatum volitet. Vult enim Dominus libidinem comprimi, scelus constringi, dissolutos mores contineri, quaeque dilapsa jam defluxerunt severis legibus, et dignis suppliciis, coerceri. Ita et saluti praecipitantis patriae melius consulemus, et eorum furorem, qui afflictam eam cupiunt, opprimere, felicius concutiemus. Hic igitur fideles et justos nos esse convenit, aequa lance quod suum est cuique tribuentes. Non debemus nos quenquam, vel ob opes divitem, vel ob authoritatem potentem, vel ob amicitiam charum, vel ob commoditatem utilem, sic respicere, quo minus opus Domini strenue compleamus.

Qui ergo sunt contumaces et praefracti hostes, virga sunt ferrea comminuendi; saltem, ne lepra sua sanos inficiant, constringendi.

Capiendae sunt vulpeculae, quae demoliun-tur vineam, et pandenda venabula, quibus errones Papani, seditionum faces, et ecclesiae pestes, irretiti cadant. Hoc enim genus hominum pessimum est, et nostri fundi calami-tas; qui nimia licentia fiunt deteriores, et impunitate jam feroces, audacter cum summo discrimine bonorum omnium insolescunt. Est misericordia crudelis: et cur non cogeret ecclesia perditos filios ut redirent, si perditi filii cogerunt alios, ut perirent? Ut autem haec omnia facilius eveniant, ac partitis operibus facilius optatos exitus sortiantur, non alienum arbitror, si pro authoritate nobis concessa, quisque nostrum quos apud se noverit pierate praestantes et fide sanos, convocet, eorumque strenuam et diligentem operam in his ecclesiae reique publicae, tam incertis et dubiis rebus, exposcat. Lumbis enim succinctis (frater) oportet nos sedulo negotium Domini conficere. Multi sunt hostes; multa nobis quaerenda sunt consilia. Nec in hisce difficultatibus omittendum quicquam, quod ullo modo saluti communi possit conducere. Neque debemus extimescere quenquam, cujus est in ..... ipsius Spiritus. Dominus omnipotens nobis aderit et dux et vindex; simus modo pro domo Dei zelo ferventes, flagrantes studio neque aliqua necessitudine complectamur, quos aliena in Dominum nostrum et suam ecclesiam esse mente. Nam qui perfidi sunt in Deum, in principem fideles esse non possunt. Quas nacti sumus provincias ornemus eas, nobisque ipsis, et universo gregi diligenter caveamus. Aderit enim proculdubio brevi Dominus; qui nos praefecit ecclesiae suae, proprioque sanguine redemptam eam e gehennae faucibus eripuit. Ante cujus tribunal stare nos oportet, nostraeque dispensationis districtam rationem reddere. Qua tempestate felix ille, qui intrepide coram Filio Dei mortuorum et viventium judice, poterit con-sistere.

Haec mihi in mentem venerunt, de quibus tuam dominationem admonere, mei esse officii putavi. Sperans humani-tatem tuam fidele hoc meum consilium et amicam animam, bonam in partem esse accepturam. Deus Opt.

Max. eccle-siam suam protegat, hostes veritatis conterat, nostrisque piis studiis felices et prosperos exitus concedat. Amen. Bushopthorpiae, 13.

Febr. 1583.

Tuus in Christo frater, E. Ebor.

To the right reverend in Christ, my very good lord, the bishop of Chester.

NUMBER 30.

The lords of the council to the earl of Darby and bishop of Chester, concerning the weekly collections to be made in his diocese, for maintenance of popish recusants in prison.

After our hearty commendation to your good lordships. WHEREAS, by direction from us heretofore by sundry letters written unto you, you have proceded to the levying of a certain contribution by 8d. by the week upon every parish within the diocess of Chester, levyable by the statute of the xivth year of her majesty’s reign, for the feeding and maintenance of prisoners committed to the common goals of the counties within that diocess; which contribution not having been, sithence the stablishing of that statute, collected, and (as we have been informed) we did conceive, that the same might have been gathered, and employed in the maintenance of such prisoners, as being persons dangerous to the state and committed to safe custody, to the end they should not pervert her majesty’s subjects with popery and disobedience; but that certain of the justices of the peace of the counties of Lancaster and Chester have been here with us, and declared unto us, that the inhabitants of either county do murmur and find themselves grieved with the payment of that contribution, as well for that the same is conceived not to be agreeable with the meaning of the statute, as that it is not indifferently laid among them in respect of the parishes, being of unequal numbers of householders; some containing many, and some but few; and yet the tax equal, both to the great and to the less.

Upon consideration whereof, we think it not convenient to lay any charges upon her majesty’s subjects more than the law may warrant, or the necessity of her majesty’s service, with regard to her prerogative, may be allowed. So in case of such necessity as this is, the same tending to the benefit of her majesty and her estate, we did little expect any such disliking of the inhabitants of the said counties, as by some of the justices hath been declared unto us. And so much the less, because we never understood thereof from your lordships, and the greatest number of the best affected of the justices of those counties. Who, as we are informed, did joyne with your lordships in the acessing of the said collections. Of whom many have lately written unto us for the continuance thereof, shewing the benefit already grown thereby. Considering also, that by yielding thereunto, the whole diocese was to have been eased of the number of rogues, vagabonds, and masterless persons wandring and pestring the same. Who, by the erecting certain houses of correction, were to have been set on work, and employed in honest and commendable arts and exercises.

And albeit upon this information upon the pretended grievance of her majesty’s subjects, wee do think it convenient to have the said collection of 8d. by the week to be stayed; yet before we would give any direction therunto, not knowing what your lordships and the rest, by whom the same hath chiefly been dealt in by our directions, can say to the information in that behalf delivered unto us, we have thought good first to acquaint you therewith, that we might receive your answer, knowledg, and opinion therof: which we pray you to certify with as convenient speed as you may.

And so we bid your good lordships right hartily farewel. From the court at Greenwich, the 6. of July, 1583.

Signed, Tho. Bromeley, cane.

W. Burghley, A. Warwike, Rob. Leycester , and divers more. [NUMBER 30] The bishop of Winton to the lord treasurer: clearing, himself against air Richard Norton, his officer, that had accused him that he was covetous.

MY credit, right honourable, hath ever been more dear unto me, than either living, or other worldly benefit, especially with them that I know to be honourable and wise. Wherefore I desire your lordships favourable interpretation, if at this time I shew my self somewhat more jealous than needeth in this respect.

Sir Richard Norton, my officer, hath threatned, that he would complain of me unto your honour; and it is given forth in the country that he hath so don. I know your honour always keepeth one ear for the defendant. My onely desire is, if any such information be made, that it may please you to be so good to let me understand the particulars, and I doubt not but I shall answer them with good credit. Because I will not suffer sir Richard to overrule me in mine own, and to make a benefit with my great charges, he spreadeth in all places of the country, that I am hard and covetous, and maketh many to conceive that opinion of me, to my great discredit. If I were as far from all other faults, as, I thank God, I am from that, I should be far a better man than I am.

I never yet was whorder of money or purchaser of lands, nor ever mean to be. My only desire is, moderately, without waste, so to maintain the countenance of my place as I may not run in debt in mine old age. I thank God I am out of debt, and so I mean to keep me. But that I have some causes extraordinarily to make somewhat of that which is mine own, your honour may in part gather from the scedule here enclosed. Where it is evident how small a portion of the revenue of the bishoprick remaineth to me toward all charges.

If any sinister information hath been made, this bearer is so well acquainted with my state, as I doubt not but he will reasonably satisfy your honour. Sir Richard Norton is nigh [a near man] himself, and of a great stomac, and useth broad speech, thinking belike to make me afraid, as he doth some others. But I cannot be feared of him, so long as my conscience doth not accuse me of any offensive matter don, either against law, honesty, or conscience. But I cease to trouble your honour, desiring Almighty God to preserve the same to his glory. This 3d of July, 1587.

Your honour in Christ to command, Thomas Winton.

The schedule was as follows:

L. s. d.

The whole charge and value of the bishoprick of Winchester 3114 0 5ob.q.

Ordinary reprizes and allowances deducted 3389 0 11ob.q Remain of rent of assize of the same bishoprick 2773 10 6ob.q.

Paid to her majesty for Taunton - 400 0 My lord of Leicesters fee 100 0 The principal officers of the said bishoprick yearly 99 7 Paid yearly in annuities granted by bishop Gardiner and bishop White wherin sir Fr. Walsinghams fee is contained 218 6 The first fruits after three years 837 0 The tenths 279 6 6ob.

The subsidies 250 0 A yearly almes to the poor of Magdalens by Winchestre 25 19 The expence of the audit 26 13 For ingrossing the great pipe, and some other things at the same time 7 1 The benevolence lately granted 133 6 Sum-Total 2377 1 4ob Sic remanet clare of rent of assize - 398 9 2q.

NUMBER 31.

The bishop of Meath in Ireland to the lord treasurer, for the erecting of a free grammar school.

MAY it please your honour to give me leave to remember your lordship, that at my last being in London, in two several sermons at court I moved her majesty to begin the foundation of an university in this barbarous and unhappy land. With what joy and general liking of the matter that cause was heard, both of her highness and you, the lords of the council and court, and in what good and great forwardness it was to be performed, your lordship, I know, can best remember, being chief patron and best furtherer thereof. Insomuch as your lordship (upon some speeches had with me) did make choice of Mr. Elmer (now bishop of London) to be the fittest man for to be, as it were, provost or chief overseer of the whole work and cause.

But, alas! my lord, who would have thought that a matter so grateful to her majesty and you all, so requisite and necessary to Gods glory, and comfortable to his church, and so highly advancing her and your everlasting fame and praise, should so suddenly be dashed; and not only dashed for a time, but also, as it were, buried in everlasting oblivions. But such is the malice of that common enemy of man against this miserable and woeful country, and so great is the heavy and just displeasure of God against us, as that which is best meant for us commonly taketh least effect; what good would have come to this ruinous state by performance of that motion, your honour, as chief patron and favourer of learning, can best judge. And what tumult and rebellion, what calamity and misery hath happened here since, and with how much bloud of her subjects, and charge of her treasure, things have been pacified, your honour, a chief pillar of both states, needs not to be informed by one that have had more leisure to bewail it than any wise foresight to prevent it. This I hope I may, with your lordships leave and liking, safely and truly advouch, that if that good work had gon forward, the living therunto appointed had been better bestowed then since it hath been: less tumult had happened to the state, and many a young gentleman had there been taught to know his duty to God, prince, and country, that now, for lack of good bringing up, remaineth void and barbarous.

And therfore again, my good lord, I have undertaken a suit to that end: and tho’ the success of my first motion discourageth me to sue again for the beginning and foundation of an university, yet I have presumed to become humble petitioner to her grace for a private grammar school. Wee have had an act of parliament passed for erection ofgrammar schools; but so small hath it prevailed, as at this day, within the whole English pale, there is not so much as one free school where a child may learn the principles of grammar. Yet have the deputy and council here from time to time, both by exhortation and commandment, don their best for execution of that statute.

Yet such is the misery of our state, that no good can be don; and therefore if now, after so many and long troubles, it would please her highness to grant me authority and some help, to build a school in her own name and foundation, in the poor town where I was born, lying in the very midst of the greatest part of our best and most civil gentlemen of the pale, I do not doubt, but ere long her majesty and you, the lords of her honourable council, shall perceive it to be worthy to be accounted among the best and most gracious grants that ever her grace gave to this woeful people, both for the good of the church and commodity of the country: for I doubt not, but her majesty beginning so graciously, the nobility and gentlemen of our country will to their power go forward for maintenance and encrease of learning.

And in this suite, my good lord, which, God is my witness, I undertake rather for my countries relief than my own private gain, I am enforced of very need to crave help and ability of her majesty. For, I hope, all those which have served her highness, both in highest and meaner calling, will bear me witness, that that portion of living her grace bestowed upon me hath been wholly spent both in entertainment of the state, and in the relief of my poor neighbours. And am therefore most humbly to crave your honours good help and furtherance to her majesty for somewhat wherewith to enable me to perform this good and godly work. For of my self, God he knoweth, I am not able. What it is I seek for, and in what sort, the bearer hereof shall give your lordship to understand.

It is the first suit that ever I had to her grace since my coming hither; and I hope not the worst that came to her out of our country. I humbly beseech your honour, even in the behalf of our poor church and common wealth, to grant your helping hand. I am not able any way to deserve to be so bold with your lordship. Only my prayer shall be continually to God for encrease of honour and happiness to you and yours. And I hope the goodness of my cause, and the unfeigned care you cary to learning, and maintenance thereof, shall easily procure pardon for me. And so, with consideration of my duty, I take leave. Dublyn, the xv. of October, 1583. Your lordships ever in his prayer to God, H. Miden.

NUMBER Dr. Tobie Matthew, dean of Durham, to the lord treasurer Burghley. Thanks for his counsel, upon his going to Durham. The condition of t he deanery. RIGHT honourable, and my singular good lord. As I cannot but acknowledge my self most bounden to your lordship for my placing here, and for that sundry letters your honour wrote thither in my behalf, so do I take your late honorable letter I received by Mr. Tonstal for one of the greatest arguments of your special favour towards me, agreable to that grave and godly counsil it pleased your lordship to give me at my departure from the court. Al which, I trust, the grace of God will as well enable me to follow to the discharge of my calling, as it hath persuaded me to like therof, to the contentation of my mind. Wherin if any defect shall at any time appear, specially coming to your lordships ears, I shall most humbly beseech your lordship to make me know it; and do promise and desire to be reformed by your authority, and directed by your wisdom therin, and in all things else, even as by the Socrates or Solomon of our age.

Concerning Pittington, mentioned in your lordships said letter, I did, according to your lordships appointment, conferr with Mr. Tonstal, as by our letter, joyntly written by him and me unto your lordship, it may appear more particularly. I was most glad at the first, that any occasion wasoffered me to shew the readiness of my service to your honour; which I would have made as willingly, as ever I did otherwise in my life. And so I presume of my brethren of the chapitre, who are all, tho’ not so deeply as I, much bounden to your lordship. But when I perceived, both by view of the register, and by speech with Mr. Anderson of Newcastle, that there is a lease or two of the said Pitting ton for many years enduring, I thought it not meet to make your lordships motion a chapitre matter, until Mr. Tonstal and I had certified the state therof, and received some further notice of your lordships plesure.

For mine own part, bethinking my self very seriously of the cause, I mervail they would give your lordship the note of that mannour; which, altho’ it be simply the best thing belonging to this church, and lying within two miles ther-of, yet they could not but know it is in lease, single or double: and at what time they made in dean Whittington his days a lottery, as they termed it, of threescore leases at the least. And again, in dean Wilson’s time, demised threescore and twelve leases, or thereabouts, within the space of one month, or not much more: some presently to commence, and some in reversion. It is nothing probable, under your lordships reformation, they should so careles-ly have over past Pittington, but that they believed the estate therof in possession to be good enough: especially being by the nowe surveyor so diversely conveyed over by sundry assignments, as I hear it is. Howbeit I have pur-posed, for the better insight into the case, before your lordship shall be seen therin, to hold a court of survey there, before my return to the next term, that I may the more likely declare how it stands, and take your lordships best directions how to procede.

And thus, till then and ever, I humbly betake your honour to the grace of Almighty God. From Duresm, the 28 Sept. 1583.

Your lordships most humble, Tobie Matthew.

NUMBER 33.

George Withers, of Danbury in Essex, to the lord Burghley; concerning church controversies, and subscription to the Book of Common Prayer.

MY duty unto your honour in most humble maner preraised, with most earnest prayer to God for your health, with encrease of heavenly wisdom, and all other Gods most excellent gifts, wherewith he hath most plentifully endued your lordship, for the benefit of his church and his common wealth.

You may justly mervail what toy hath taken me in the head to trouble you, that are so greatly prest with weight and multitude of the common affairs, with these also our ecclesiastical contentions. But the general care of the church, which you have evidently declared unto the whole world, together with your special good will towards my self, which by good experience I have found, have partly encouraged me, and chiefly the importunity of some of my friends, suffering no repulse, nor taking any nay, hath enforced me thus to pass my bounds, and to be too bold with your lordship, in writing these few lines, concerning our church controversies.

The Devil, whensoever God bridleth his open rage in giving some peace and rest unto his church, always hath politickly devised to set debate, strife, and dissensions in the bosome and bowels of it. Which thing, as it cannot be unknown to the learned, so I much mervail that so few take heed of it; and that generally, instead of seeking the peace of the church, (latin- ) is planted and rooted almost in every breast. I have long time wished the church rid of some things, in the having whereof I see no profit. But seing God hath not granted that desire, I have with all my heart wished, that in these outward things (conten- tion layd apart) men would conform themselves to her majesty’s law and pleasure. And herein there have been faults on all sides. For as in the one there hath been an over-earnest standing in trifles; so in the other too severe and sharp punishment of the same. For wheras they that omitted the chief duties of good ministers laid upon them, both by law of God and man, escaped freely unpunished, the only sticking at trifles is severely punished; as tho’ that only and alone were disobedience. Secondly, the manner of the punishment is such, as that the innocent people not offending, are rather punished, than the person faulty.

For he, retaining his charge, is suspended from executing his office. Which is all one, as if a man being angry with his shepheard, forbids him to deal with his sheep, and appoints none other: and so they sterve in the fold, afore they be let forth to pasture.

The care of your honour to have insufficient ministers removed is commendable and godly. And herein I wish that respect in your articles had been as particularly had to the book of consecration of ministers, as to the statute of 13 reginae. For by that book it will appear, that all un-preaching ministers are insufficient ministers; and that this fault hath been in the makers of them, and not in the law. But how shall your honours be certified of them? Sure, it is hard for them that made them to accuse themselves.

But now to the chief occasion of this my letter; which is the present subscription to the Book of Common Prayer, now urged. I do think reverendly of the book, and of the authors therof: and yet notwithstanding, I think with Augustine, that it is a reverence due only and alone to the canonical books of scripture, to think, that the authors of them, in writing of them, erred in nothing; and to none other books of men, of what learning or holiness soever. The things in that book which I wish to be amended be of two sorts. The first such as cannot be defended. The second be such as tho’ with favourable exposition they may stand and remain, yet they give the adversary shrewd advantage, as well to confirm in popery them whom they have already won, as also to allure and intice others therunto. Besides, some other inconveniences of the first sort are private baptism; and the last part of the rules for the communion of the sick. For where there are none present but women, it is all one to say, a woman shall baptize, as one of them that are present shall baptize. And the imagination that a minister may be sent for, cannot stand with the words of the book.

For what time can they have to send for any, which have not leisure to say the Lord’s Prayer before they baptize? Besides, that minister which (if any be) is most likely to be sent for, must by the book be ignorant of the whole action, til the child be brought to church. Further, how the necessity to baptize at home can stand with the doctrin of our church, publickly by law established, I see not.

The other, that the minister may with the sick man receive alone, is contrary to the nature of the communion; contrary to the doctrin established; and is cosin german to the private mass. And therefore is by the defence therof, as an old corruption, alledged by Mr. Harding and his fellows, as well generally against our doctrin, as especially against Mr. Juels Chalenge. The which things, with some others, in the beginning of her majesty’s reign, some of the bishops then being, were charged with by the learned of foreign churches. Who in this wise excused themselves, as I my self saw in their letters of answer, which by Mr. Bullinger, and Gualter, were shewed me at Zuric, anno 1567; namely, that they nor none of them were of the parliament house at the passing of the book; and that therefore they had no voice in making of the law: but after it was past, they being chosen to be bishops, must either content themselves to take their places as things were, or else leave them to papists, or to them which are not much better, that is, to Lutherans. But in the mean space they both promised not to urge their brethren to those doctrines; and also, when opportunity should serve, to seek reformation of them.

The second sort of things, being taken out of the Por-tuise, and translated into the Book of Common Prayer, the papists urge in that sense in the which they were used by themselves, from whom they were taken. And these expositions which we now give, they say, they are violent, and wrested from the true, native, natural, and ordinary sense. Wherby they make the ignorant believe that the book fa-voureth divers of their errors.

Which weapon I wish were pulled out of their hands.

Further, it is an inconvenience that the translation of the scripture, in the first Great Bible, is by the bishops corrected, and yet remaineth in the Book [of Common Prayer] uncorrected. Likewise, that the interrogatories in baptism, in the primitive church directed to men, are now directed to infants. Lastly, where unity is to be sought, the urging of this subscription, I fear, will make our division greater. For I think that many, who both in their ministry obediently use the book, and in other things shew their conformity to the laws present, will hardly yield to subscribe in that form which is set down.

Thus beseeching your lordship to pardon my rude boldness, I commit you to the protection of Almighty God.

At Danbury, the 19 of February, anno 1583.

Your lordship always in Christ to command, George Wither.

NUMBER 34.

A private letter of one Touker to the lord treasurer, lord Burghley: informing him of Englishmen in Rome; and of some matters relating to them. RIGHT honourable, since my last being with your honour, I have been three times at the Marshalsai’s: where I find one Tither, who was acquainted with me in Rome. This Tither, at my request, profered Christophur Taters wife to write unto the rector of the English seminary in Rome, for the delivery of her husband out of the gallies; who was condemned with Peter Backer. He said also, with some travail she might have the queen of Scots letter to the pope, or Fecknams to the cardinal. He profeted me to convey my letters at any time to Nicholas Fitz Harbord, in Rome. I think the conveyer of these letters would be known with some diligence. Tither hath written two times since his imprisonment; but not answered. He warned me to beware of one Robert Woodward, who served sometime D. Wenden in Rome. They have great intelligence, and fear him much.

In April last, there came from Rome to Naples an Irish man, whom the pope created bishop of Ross in Ireland; and gave him authority to make priests. By which authority he gave orders to as many as came; and got mich money. The archbishop of Naples forbad him; but the nuntio maintained his doings. This bishop stayed in Naples only for passage into Spain; and so directly for Ireland. He caried with him great store of pardons, and Agnos Deis to the popes friends in Ireland. He hath to his servant one Thomas Gaitrope, a merchants son of Dewlin. This Gaitrope pretendeth to leave the bishops service,’and return to his father at their coming home.

Also there dyed one John Davies, in Rome; who served the lord William Howard, as he said. This Davies said in Rome, that happy shall they be one day that have languages. For when God taketh our prince from us, there will be mich trouble in England, and great revenging of old quarels. But he said, if the earl could get Norwich on his head, they did not care: with many like words.

Upon Sunday next I go towards Exeter, and return by the end of August. If it be your honours pleasure that I shall come to you before I depart, Mr. Cope may let me know of it. Francis Touker.

NUMBER 35.

The vice-chancellor and heads of the university of Cambridge to their high chancellor; concerning their printing-press, hindered by the stationers of London.

Our most humble duties to your honour remembred. WHERAS we understand by your honours letters, that certain of the company of the stationers in London have sought to hinder the erecting of a print within this university of Cambridg, and to impugne that antlent privilege, granted and confirmed by divers princes for that purpose, to the great benefit of the university and augmentation of learning: these are in most humble manner to desire your honour, not so much in respect of Mr. Thomas, [their printer,] who hath already received great injury and dammage at their hands, as in behalf of the university; which findeth it self very much aggrieved with the wrongful detaining of those goods, wherewithal, as we are persuaded, in right and equity they ought not to meddle, to continue our honorable patron, and to direct your favourable warrants to the warden of the stationers, that he may have his press delivered with speed; lest that by their means, as he hath been disappointed of Mr. Whirakers book, so by their delays he be prevented of other books made within the university, and now ready for the press.

As for the doubts which they caused, rather in respect of their private gain and commodity, and to bring the universities more antient privileges in this behalf than theirs under their jurisdiction at London, than for any other good consideration, the deciding or peril wherof also pertaineth not to them; we dare undertake, in the behalf of Mr. Thomas, whom we know to be a very godly and honest man, [it was in respect of schismatical books, in danger to be here printed,] that the press shall not be abused, either in publishing things prohibited, or otherwise inconvenient for the church and state of this realm. And this we promise the rather, for that his grace [viz. his grant to print] (wherofwe have sent a copy to your honour by himself) was granted unto him upon condition that he should stand bound from time to time to such articles as your honour and the greatest part of the heads of colleges should ty him unto.

And for the conference, wherunto your honour moveth us, if it shall be your honours pleasure, wee, as desirous of peace and concord, (the premisses considered,) shall be ready to shew our willingness therunto, if it shall please the company of stationers in London to send hither some certain men from them with sufficient authority for that purpose. Thus most humbly desiring that the press may no longer be stayed, and hoping that your honour will further our desire herein, we do in our daily prayer commend your lordship to the blessed tuition of the Almighty. From Cambridge, this 14th of June.

Your lordships most bound, John Bell, Vicechancellor.

Robert Norgate Andrew Perne, Thomas Legg, Edmund Hownds, William Fulke, Edmund Barwel.

Thomas Nevyle, John Still,

NUMBER 36.

An abstract taken by the lord treasurer Burghley out of the instructions given to monsieur de Gryccs and Ortel, agents from Holland to the queen: to take on her their protection. In four papers.

THE first paper contained these heads; viz. The answer of the States to her majesty’s propositions. That count Maurice is chief of the affairs, with a council adjoined. That her majesty would send aid speedily. The States mind to yield 330,000 florens monthly.

Brabant — 60,000 Holland , Zealand , Utretcht — 200,000 Frize — 36,000 Gueldres , Overissel — 30,000 THE ENEMY’S FORCES, Besides the garrison, are in three bands.

In Gueldres and Zutphen, 3000 footman, 23 com. of horse.

About Antwerp, 5000 foot and horse.

About Gaunt, 3000.

At the siege of Dermont, 5000.

THE STATES FORCES, In the field about Zutphen, 3000 foot,25 com. of horse.

They look for forces out of Almain, 3000 foot, 300 horse.

Their power by sea certified by Mr. Edward Dyer.

THE SECOND PAPER.

Answer of the Hollanders; a part to Ortelius. They require her majesty to receive in general all the Provinces United into her protection; or particularly Holland, Zealand, Freezland, and Utrecht: and that in general.

That the French king laboured to be accepted as their lord in general.

Therefore to prevent this, that the queen’s majesty will send 3 or under a good conduct.

THE THIRD PAPER.

For Zealand. The hearts of the people will be the more inclinable to her majesty, if her majesty will presently assist them with 4000 footmen, and munitions of war.

THE FOURTH PAPER.

Out of private instructions by Ortel. To set the elector Truwis in his seat Of Colen. To send forces speedily: for the country will yield to them that will send forces first. To joyn with the French king with like conditions, as monsieur [the king’s brother] had by the treaty of Bour-deaulx: or else to yield 20 or 30,000l . monthly to the contribution of Holland, Zealand, &c. without intermeddling with the French.

The demand of three townes by her majesty shall not be hard to grant hereafter. But without the consent of the common, the same cannot be don; for that mistrust is had of the English, that rendred Alosta to the enemy. But her majesty may have assurance, in taking the oaths of the magistrates and garrisons. Which may be don in bestowing upon the collonells 2 or 3000 at the first pay, besides their ordinary.

To have consideration of the house of the late prince of Orange.

To grant licence for 3 or 4000 tun of munition of iron.

NUMBER 37.

Queen Elizabeth to the duke of Monpensier : upon the murder of the prince of Orange. For the bringing up of his daughters. MONSIEUR, mon cousin. Comme le feu prince d’Orange, prevoyant le danger imminent, auquel il estoit tousjours subject par le secretes menees et embusches que luy tendoyent ses enemys, nous eust de son vivant bien instanment prie d’avoir ses filles pour recommendees, et de les prendre en mon protection, s’il luy advenoit de les laisser sans pere: se reposant (comme a bon droit il pouvoit faire) sur la faveur et affection, que luy avons du tout temps portee. Nons avons advise apres cest infortune accident de la mort dudit prince de ...... And then follows the queen’s appointment of the prince’s daughters to divers ladies of great protestant families.

Dont vous avons bien voulu particulierement advertie pour l’interest qu’avez en elles par le droit de nature. Esperant que ne trouverez mauvaise la disposition qu’en avons faicte; ains plustost quaures pour agreable le soing qu’avons d’elles. En quoy vous de nous seconder, et y a porter aussi de vostre part tout l’advancement que pourrez, comme leur plus proche parent du coste maternel: prenant et acceptant la tutele de vos dites niepces; et vous rendant protecteur et conservateur de ce qu’elles ont de bien en France: afin qu’elles en puissent estre subvenues pour leur entrenement. Et que a ceste fin il vous plaise requerir le roy de son commandement et autorite pour leur faire save, s’il en sera de besoing, &c.

Escript a nostre maison de Hampton Court,le 16 Oct. 1584. Vostre tres affectionee bonne cousine, et tres assuree amye a jamsis, Elizabeth.

NUMBER 38.

An original letter of Mary queen of Scots own writing, to the treasurer Burghley : to favour her cause with the queen, and to assist Mauvesier, the French ambassador with the queen, in that affair. MONSIEUR, le grand thesaurier. Ayant ecrit ces jours passees a la royne, ma dame, ma bonne saeur, pour luy ramantenoir la sincerite de mon intention vers elle, et la grand necessite que j’ay deson octroy en mes requestes passees; je pancois par mesme moyen vous faire ce mot pour vous prier me y ettre favourable en son endroit, en tant que selon son service, et ma commodite, elle pouroit me favoriser, et d’avantasge obliger a elle. Mays me trouvant un peu mal, et laschee de ma depesche je fus contreinte de la remettre jusques a present, ayant prie cependant le sieur de Mauvesiere, ambassadeur du roy tres Chrestien, monsieur mon bon frere, de vous communiquer le tout, et impetrer votre ayde et support vers la ditte dame, ma bonne soeur. En quoy m’assurant qu’il n’aura manquer, ne vous troubleray de plus long discours, si non vous prier d’avoir esguard ma longrue captivite, et a la verite de tout ce que l’on a voulu me mettre a subs. Et si je ne suis privee de tout sense ce que je puis pretendre pour mon meilleur, et de ce que j’ai le plus cher volant l’estast ou je suis, et a l’heure je m’assure tant de vottre sagesse, que vous jugeray aysement, que je ne tands a meriter destre tant soupsonnee, et en cet endroit je finiray, par mes recommendations a vottre bonne grace, et de celle de ma dame de Burley votre famme: priant Dieu vous donner a tout deux le contentement que desirez. De Shefeld ee xx de Nouvembre.

Vottre entierement bonne amye. Marie R.

NUMBER 39.

Petitions digested into 34 articles, to be humbly offered unto the queen and parliament: for a learned ministry to preach the gospel, and to be residents in every parish: and for further regulation of the bishops, officers, and governors of the church. CERTAIN humble petitions, which are in most humble manner to be presented to the godly consideration of our sovereign lady queen Elizabeth, &c. for the help of the poor untaught people of this realm; and for the reforming of some other disorders which are in it.

I. That there may a view be taken of all the market townes, and other townes of most inhabitants within the realm of England, to see what hable preaching pastor is now resident among them, and in every of them. And also to know what sufficiency of living there is now provided in them, and in every of them, for the maintenance of such a learned, godly, preaching pastor, to be resident among them. And what want there is in every of them, as well of such a pastor, as also of a sufficient sustentation or living of a meet pastor. Thus shall the truth of our former complaint appear concerning the want of teaching. Which we English subjects of this land do not endure.

II. That there be also a consideration had of other little townes and parishes, that they may, by some union of two or three parishes together, be made sufficient congregations, and have a competent living appointed in them for a preaching pastor to be resident on them, being so united.

III. That if in this view there be found a want of hable persons fit for to supply the office of preaching pastors in every congregation, this want be helped by some of these ways. First, it is known there are at this time in this church of England some godly, approved, and allowed preachers, which are not tyed to any special charge of any particular congregation: if to every one of these preachers a several parish, which is now unprovided of a pastor, were assigned, and each one of them tyed unto a special congregation, some churches would be well provided of meet and sufficient persons, which are now unprovided. Then, if both the universities may be diligently searched, and such men be taken out of them as are to be found in the colleges, or studying in the said universities out of the colleges; such men as are endued with gifts meet for a preaching pastor, and be orderly called, and placed each of them in a several charge, they will yield some help to fulfil this want.

There are also other men to be found, both in the court and in the services of some noblemen, or in the innes of the court, or some godly gentlemen dwelling in country or elsewhere, men which are godly, learned, and apt to serve the church of Christ: which if they were sought out, and had every one of them a lawful calling to the ministry, and a charge committed to them, in which they may exercise their gifts, there will be found greater store of meet men to serve the church of Christ in England, than is now thought on. To that, if that be liked of, which is hereafter set down, · concerning the families of bishops; and also, if all the free grammar schooles, which have been decayed sithence the first year of king Henry VIII. may be by his daughter, our queen, repaired and restored into their old state: furthermore, if there were good order taken for the maintaining and promoting of such scholars in godly learning, as after this time shall be left remaining, or shall come to the universities; (which may be well done by some exhibition to be ministred unto them, not only out of the cathedral churches, but also by the bishops and other churchmen, which do enjoy livings ecclesiastical of great yearly revenues, if they be bound for every one 100l. they may dispend by the year, to give yearly 10l. towards the finding of some poor and towardly scholar in the university, there to be maintained in the study of divinity;) there shall, God willing, hereafter be found no want of godly ministers for to exercise the pastoralty of the congregations of this church of England. Thus meet pastors being had to execute the pastoral office, the want that shall be found of sufficient living for their maintenance may in this wise (if it be so thought good to them which are in authority) be supplied.

IV. That it be ordained, that every dean and chapter of every cathedral and collegiate church of England, which do now pay yearly wages to singing men, choristers, and musicians in their church, do cease to pay the same in such sort any longer. And that they be appointed from henceforth to pay the same wages in yearly pensions to such pastors, being resident on their benefices, which shall be found to want sufficient sustentation of living, in such portion of money yearly as the queen, by her commissioners appointed to take order herein, shall limit and assign to them. We do humbly desire, that this little help to maintain necessary preaching among us may by authority be drawn out of all cathedral churches which are in England. And also we pray, that they that are in authority will, by a godly visitation, take knowledge of the whole state of the said cathedral churches. And then we believe there will be found some other helps, which they may minister yearly to maintain godly preaching among us; if the quotidians, dividents, and such like commodities, which they now receive among themselves to maintain their residence, may be employed to maintain true and diligent preaching, in such places as shall be found to want the same. All this is by authority to be ordered and commanded to be done, any ordinance heretofore made in the said cathedral and collegiate churches to the contrary notwithstanding.

V. If this will not suffice for the provision of all the resident preaching pastors which shall be found to want a sufficient living, then let the prebends of all the cathedral and collegiate churches, by the bishops of the dioces, or by him or them, in whom the gift of such prebends are, be annexed to the said offices of the preaching pastors, which do remain unprovided of sufficient livings. That by this annexion a further provision for a sufficient living may be made for the said preaching pastors. And in this behalf it would be provided, that those prebendaries which have not any bcnefices impropriate belonging to their prebends, either should be compelled to be resident upon the same benefice, to teach and guide the people in understanding there by the word of God, or severing the benefice from the corps of the prebend, the same parsonage impropriate should be united with and joined unto the vicarage of the same benefice. So that he, the said vicar, having the whole charge of his flock, may have also the whole living appointed to the teaching pastor.

VI. And if all this will not serve for a sufficiency for all the resident preaching pastors, then let the bishops be appointed to pay yearly some such stipends out of their own lands and revenues, as shall suffice to make a full and sufficient living to such resident preaching pastors as shall want the same within their diocesses.

VII. And if by all these means a full sufficiency cannot be provided for every resident preaching pastor, to be maintained sufficiently upon his charge, then we desire the rulers, which are godly wise, to take order, that of the impropriations a full supply of living may be made for all such resident preaching pastors as shall want. If none of all these ways be sufficient, nor the restitution of impropriations to the pastors or vicars which have the charge of the parishes will suffice to make a sufficiency for the necessary sustentation of all preaching resident pastors; then we do pray the godly rulers, by their authority, to tax the people of the parishes, among whom the said pastors do labour, in such sort as to make up that which wanteth for them.

VIII. And for the avoiding of the great danger which the people of Christ do sustain in this church of England, by the nonresidence of them which are their ordinary pastors, we do humbly beseech, that it may by strait law be ordained, that none of these preaching pastors, which are to be furnished with a sufficient provision of living in any of the maners or formes aforesaid, do absent themselves from the benefices and flocks, whereof the charge is committed to them, nor to make any abode, either at the cathedral churches, out of which they do receive the augmentations of their livings, either with any of the bishops by whom they do receive the encrease of their livings, as is aforesaid. Nor that any of them, nor any other pastor of a congregation, do absent himself from his flock and charge of his parish, to make his abode in any college of either of the universities, Cambridge or Oxford, in any respect; or in any other places in respect of service, in the court, or in the house of any nobleman. But that all and every pastor do remain upon his own charge; doing diligently his office, in feeding the people committed to his custody, according to the word of God.

IX. That every archbishop and bishop of this church of England and Ireland, if it be found by the examination, (of which mention is made hereafter,) that the office of the archbishop or bishop, as it is now, is both necessary and profitable for the church of Christ in England and Ireland; then that every one of the said archbishops and bishops shall, within the space of six weeks next after his or their consecration, (as it is called,) have assigned, nominated, and appointed unto him (by the same authority by which he is chosen archbishop or bishop) eight, ten, twelve, or more preaching pastors, doctors and deacons, such as are resident on their own parishes and charges, within his and their dioces, together with some other grave and godly men of worship, or justices of peace within that shire, in such a certain nombre, as shall be thought good to the queen and her council, which may be assistant to him, the said archbishop and bishop, in the government of all those causes ecclesiastical, which now the archbishop or bishop, with his chancellor or archdeacon, do use to hear and order alone. And that the said archbishop and bishop shall, with them, and by their counsil, advise and consent, hear and determine every cause ecclesiastical, which is now used to be heard before any archbishop and bishop or ordinary. To the end that he, the said archbishop and bishop, and they with him, as his senate ecclesiastical, may call before them all controversies touching religion, which shall be found to arise in the dioces of the said archbishop and bishop, and to decide the same by their common consent, according to the word of God.

X. And that it may be lawful for every pastor, resident on his charge, and that all and every such resident pastor, within six weeks next after that he be inducted into his benefice, shall, by the advice and direction of the bishop of the dioces, and of his associates, present to the said bishop and his associates, 4, 6, or 8 inhabitants of his parish, such as shall be thought by their age, wisdom, godliness, and knowledge, to be meet to be the associates and seniors to and with the said pastor, to govern his said parish with him; to hear and order with him such quarels, offences, and disorders in life and maners, as should be among the same parishioners. And if the causes and quarels arising in his parish be such that the same pastor and his associates or seniors cannot determine the same among themselves in the parish, then shall the said pastor, and his associates and seniors, bring the said cause before the bishop of the dioces and the elders, which are to him associate, as is before said, that he and they may hear and determine the same.

XI. And wheras now there are in this realm of England some cities which have many parishes in them; boroughs, townes, and towns corporate, which also have many parishes in them; and also many great townes in the country, which have divers hamlets and little villages belonging to them, and depending upon the charge of the pastor of the chief church which is in the townes; we do humbly beseech them which are in authority to devise how each of these parishes, having in them a resident preaching pastor to instruct them by doctrin, may al have a sufficient seignorie, to joyn with the pastor, not in teaching, but to have a care with him that the doctrin may have the course which it ought to have. To take care also with him how to remove such offences as do rise among the people against the doctrin. For surely each parish and pastor have need of such help as is to be had by a godly seignorie.

XII. That all and every of the said pastors be bound to be resident upon his own charge; to teach and to govern the people committed to him, according to the word of God. That not only he, but al other pastors, do both faithfully preach the word of God in his and their congregations or parishes, and also catechize the youth, and all the people committed to his and their charge, diligently. That by the diligent travail of the pastors; the Lord blessing their labours, we, which are the people of God, and your subjects, may be brought to some good understanding of the truth of the religion of God; both to believe it in heart, to conless with mouth, and to practice it in doing, in our lives reformed. That by this means blasphemy and al abominable loosness of life, with al kinds of bribery and lewd doing, may be utterly banished from us which are subjects, as out of the court, and out of the houses and families of noblemen.

That also no popish idolatry be suffered to be exercised in them, nor by any of those persons which do serve our sovereign or them, in any office. And to this end we do humbly beseech her highness and every one of them, with godly judgment deeply to consider that which the kingly prophet David doth write in that Psalm which is in numbre CI. that we all thus being godly and diligently taught and exercised in the word of the Lord, may the better see, hate, and with sorrowful hearts lament our former ignorance and blindness, in which we were carried away in popery to adore that shameful idol of the popish altar, with that blasphemous mass, and to admit the intolerable tyranny of the primacy of the bishop of Rome, with the whole abhominations of popery, as we did of late. That we now, seeing our former fall herein, may both penitently confess our said former faults, and also publickly protest to stand hereafter against all popery: promising with all our hearts al dutiful obedience to the Lord our God, according to the truth of his most holy word. That by this means we, who are the people of this land, may be brought at length to have a stayed, grounded, and settled conscience in the religion of God; and not be left wavering and inclinable to all such are at this time some to be found in this land, which do fully contentthemselves to be so religious as the politique laws do prescribe: but they procede no farther. Their loyalty to good laws is not to be discommended; but they must in religion procede further, with desire to attain to that faith which is firm, sure stable, and constant in God and in Christ our Saviour. Otherwise these loyal and politique subjects are not unlike to chaunge their faith and religion so oft as poll tique laws are chaunged. Which is indeed to have but a temporary faith: it is not to be fast in the religion of God.

A fearful example of this chaunge was given in this land, when queen Mary did suceede her brother king Edward. Now, if there be no more sure hold taken of the religion of God by us, nor that his religion doth take more sure hold in us, than politique laws can procure, we may fear, that if another Mary should succede our queen Elizabeth, the like chaunge would follow.

Therefore we humbly desire our rulers, which are godly, to devise how by al godly means we al and every one of us may be bound to the true religion of God, now received and professed among us. So that as God himself is one, and not to be chaunged; and his religion is one, and not to be chaunged; even so we, by Gods grace and good means, may be fast tyed to God and his true religion; that we do never depart from it, nor chaunge it for any other. It hath been the dutiful and necessary care of them which do bear rule over us, under the queens highness, to prevent al such daungerous practices as have been attempted against her royal person, state, this church, and common wealth. And it hath pleased God to bless their labours so, that all these do stand safe and firm this day. Now we humbly beseech our queen and the rulers, that she and they will together consult and devise how the kingdom of Christ Jesus may remain fully established among us and our posterity ever, to the end of the world. That as we are taught to pray, Thy kingdome come, so al humain policy and power may serve to maintain and advance the kingdom of Christ Jesus among us, and to withstand all the tyranny of that popish Antichrist of Rome, and al that is contrary to the kingdom of Christ our Lord.

In this necessary duty we do humbly desire, that both prince and people may openly and religiously enter into an holy league with the living God, after the godly examples of king Asa, of king Josiah, and other godly rulers. It is well known what solemn and just oaths were required, and in policy taken of us in the days of that famous king Henry the Eight, and of his son king Edward the Sixth, a king of most blessed memory. It is also well known how the whole state of this realm openly, and that in parliament, in the days of queen Mary, did unjustly depart from their said most lawful oaths. Our unfeigned repentance for this foul fall is to be put in practice before God and his whole church. In which, whiles we do not shew our selves hearty, bold, forward, zelous, and ready, nor do give that open and full defyance to Rome which we ought to give, but do shew our selves faint, cold, and not fervent herein; we seem not to seek how to please the majesty of God as we ought to do. And we do give courage to that Romish Antichrist, our an-tient and capital enemy, to feed himself with an hope to recover us once again, to be his prey; at least when the chaunge of the prince doth come, if not before. And ther-fore he is buisy even now in this blessed time, not only to send forth his curses, but to use also cursed means by his espials to steal the hearts of the subjects of this land to him; and so to make the way open and easy for his more ful return to his old place.

And experience hath taught, and daily teacheth, what mischief is wrought in some unstable minds, whilst that Antichrist of Rome doth sow by his seminaries the promises of his popish absolution among them, which do not know the poison of it; and doth promise his favour to them which wil be reconciled to him. A thing which none can accept but they that wil fal from God, from their prince, and natural country; and so become apostates from God, rebells to their prince, and common destructions to their country. It is time, therfore, and it is our bounden duty, solemnely in the sight of God to confess and lament our former fall: and therewith both to give an open and ful defyance to the Antichrist of Rome for ever, and also to bind our selves again, both by oath and promise, to the Lord our God most gracious; seing that his mercy is such towards us, that he doth stil (and hath done now many years) call us by the voice of the gospel to be reconciled to him; This day therefore if yee hear his voice, hardest not your hearts, &c. We do with dutiful thanks acknowledg, that by publique laws made in parlament, holden in this blessed time of our queens government, the old laws, made sometime for popish idolatry and tyranny, are wel revoked; and that new laws, made for the freedom and sincerity of Gods most holy religion, are by just authority made and established: which is some fruit of open repentance. But our repentance hath not yet proceded so far as it ought; seing that notwithstanding those laws, the people once offending in popery are not yet brought to the practice of a ful, publique, and perfect repentance.

For a nombre of us do not only hange doubtful between popery banished and the gospel now by Gods grace restored, but are inclinable to popery.

Because we do not yet tast the power of the truth of God. We do not embrace it heartily and only. We want that hearty calling upon us al to come closely to the Lord, and to joyn our hearts to him only; and that by his word. This requireth a practice of our selves inwardly and publicly in the open congregation of God. It is not wrought by publique laws only, but by the power of the word of God, taught and preached with power, believed heartily, and confessed freely. To bring this to pass is a service verily which we al do owe to the Lord. It hath been of us al too long neglected. It hath not been called upon earnestly. It hath not yet been don so fully as it ought. The Lord forgive this and al other our sinns, for Christs sake.

Now therefore it is high time that the godly rulers do themselves yield thir obedience herein to the Lord God Almighty; and also do both require and exact the same of us, who are the people of God committed to their government and direction. And likewise, that they do by their authority command al the pastors of this church of England to do their office accordingly; and to give them full authority by godly law to execute the same: so that we may attain, by Gods grace working with this profitable ministry, to a conscience bound to the religion of God, taught us in his holy word. And that by this mean we may in true understanding be hable to discerne the difference which is between the holy religion of our Lord God and the filthy superstition and strong abhomination of popery. That we may cleave fast to God by his word, and depart wholly from all popery, with ful detestation of it. So shall our rulers and ministers do their bounden and dutiful service to the Lord God Almighty, and draw us, by their good example and order, to do the like. So shall the wretchless, careless, and wilful people be brought into the dutiful obedience of the Lord God Almighty, according to his holy word: and so that Antichrist of Rome and his supports may be put out of al hope to recover the place, for which he practiseth in England, so long as there is left any one English man alive to withstand his popish attempts.

XIII. That no one bishop do hereafter procede in admitting or depriving of any pastor by his sole authority; nor in excommunicating any faulty person; nor in absolving any person that is excommunicated; nor in the deciding and determining of any cause ecclesiastical, without the advice and consent of the aforesaid seniors and associates joyned with him. And that their consent may be testified by their own names in writing, set to every act and actes, which shall be determined and ordeined by their common consent.

XIV. Moreover, that it be established, that it shall not be lawful for any man to appeal from the sentence and judgment of the bishop, given with the advice aforesaid, to any maner of person or persons, but only to the next provincial synod, which shal be kept in this church of England.

XV. And that it may be lawful for the provincial synod, being called by the queen, her heirs or successors, to admit every appeal so made; to hear, decide, and determine thecauses; and to give sentence upon it by the word of God. From the which sentence of the provincial synod it shall not be lawful for any man to appeal in any respect, but only to a national and general council of the whole nation.

XVI. That such a provincial synod be called every year once, both in the province of Canterbury and also of York. And that the said synod may have ful authority to cal before them any disorder or controversy, which ariseth in any cause or matter ecclesiastical within that province; and to hear and determine the same according to the word of God and the laws of this realm. And that a national or general council, for the whole English and Irish nations, be called ever hereafter once in seaven years, by the queen, her heirs and successors, in such place as she or they shall appoint.

And that from henceforth the yearly synods, visitations, and courts, kept ordinarily for mony by the sole authority of archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, chancellors, officials, and other like officers, do cease.

XVII. That it be commanded to the archbishops and bishops of England and Ireland, that neither the said archbishops within their provinces, nor the bishops within their diocesses, do hereafter, by their sole and private authority, make and publish any injunctions touching religion or church government; nor by their authority cal and command the pastors, preachers, and clergy, subject to them, to subscribe to the same their devices, with such interpretations or qualifications as they shall think good to make, or to allow of the same: nor to compel men to yield to their devices by threats of suspension or deprivation. Neither that they, nor any of them, do set forth any other injunctions than such as have been beforehand consulted upon and coneluded, according to the word of God, by common consent in a Christian and free synod, holden and approved by royal authority in this church of England.

XVIII. That it be utterly forbidden to any bishop here after with his associates, and that upon some great penalty, to give the holy orders of the church to any unlearned persons, or to persons unmeet for the same, or to any that is not by just examination found sufficient in knowledg to do that appertaineth to the duty of a pastor; and that hath not sufficient testimony, by the judgment of the bishop and his associates or seniors, of his honest and godly conversation of life. And also that no bishop, with the consent of his associates or without it, do hereafter give the title of any of the offices of the ministry of the church to any person, before there be some place provided within the diocese for the person ordained; in which he may exercise the same order of ministry to which the bishop doth cal him.

This order being observed, a nomber of unmeet and va-garing ministers in calling (as they are called) shall be cut off, with which the church of England is now pestered.

XIX. That it be by some sharp law provided, that patrons of benefices do give their presentations to such men only as shall be found meet by the bishop and his associates to take upon them that pastoral charge to which the patrons do present them. And that the said bishop and bishops, with his and their associates, be charged that they shall to the uttermost of their power examine and try whether the patron doth give his presentation freely, simply and only regarding the edifying of the flock in the knowledge of Almighty God. That so it may be well and plainly known, that neither he, the said patron himself, nor any other person for him, or by his means, do reap any worldly commodity for the same presentation: nor that he nor they do thrust upon the people of the parish any such person for his or their own private gain, affection, or pleasure; against whom either any of the parish to the which the patron doth present his clerk, or any of the seignorie of that parish, can take any just exception before the bishop of the dioces and associates or seniors. That the bishop of the dioces, with his associates, assisted by the seignory of every parish to which any person is presented by any patron, or by colour of any advocation, be commaunded both diligently and publicly to try and examine every person so presented to any benefice: and also that they may have authority by their mutual consent and assent, testified by writing, subscribed with their own hands, to admit al and every person so presented, if they do find in him the sufficiency and fitness which is meet for the office, or to reject him for the insufficiency and want of fitness which they shall find in him. And that neither the said bishop and his associates, nor any of them, be molested, sued, or vexed with suit in law, by the patron or any other that claimeth by advocation or otherwise, for their just and lawful doing in this behalf.

XX. That it be forbidden, that any man, having one benefice with charge of souls, do either take any other such benefice to it, or be absent from it, unless it be for a time. And that by the advice of the bishop of the dioces and his seniors; and with the consent also of his own congregation, and his own associates there.

XXI. That al and every parson and vicar, that is now resident upon his cure, being for his ability approved by the bishop of the dioces and his associates to preach the word of God, do himself in his own person preach to his people, and catechize them and their youth diligently and truly, according to their duty. Or if he be not, either thorow age, impotency, or want of skil, hable not to do his duty himself in his own person, then we pray, that it may be commanded by authority, that the same impotent and unable person may and shall, by the said bishop of the dioces and his associates, be constrained to seek and find out some other learned man, who is not otherwise tyed to any other charge: which said person shal be by the advice and approbation of the said bishop and his associates authorized to joyn with the said impotent parson or vicar in his charge, to be his coadjutor in the discharge of his duty and execution of his office, during all the time of his impotency. And that the same his coadjutor may have allotted unto his sufficient maintenance out of the living of the said parson or vicar. that is found unhable to do his duty himself. And that this coadjutor may enjoy the same portion of living so long.as he doth help the same parson or vicar in his office, as is aforesaid. And if any parson or vicar, resident on his cure as is aforesaid, refuse to do any of these former things, then we pray that the bishop and his assistants may be authorized and commaunded by law to expel the said parson or vicar out of his said benefice for ever. And also to provide and put in the said office some other meet man to occupy and discharge the same office; notwithstanding the right or claime that any patron can make to present his own clerk to that benefice, or that may be made by any former advo-cation to the said benefice.

XXII. That it be not lawful from henceforth for the archbishop of Canterbury, nor for any bishop of this church of England and Ireland, nor for any judge of the court of Faculties, Audience, Prerogative, or other court whatsoever, now established in the said realms, to grant any licence of plurality of benefices, nor any dispensation to any bene-riced man of non-residence, nor to any man that doth enjoy any living ecclesiastical, a licence to keep that living, and not to take the orders of the church, if he be found meet to serve in the ministry of the church. Nor by inhibition to let or hinder the proceeding of any cause which doth hang in controversy before any bishop and his seniors or associates in his diocess, any act, law, constitution, or provision in this behalf heretofore made to the contrary notwithstanding.

XXIII. That such as either are unwilling or unmeet to serve the church of God in the ministry of the word and sacraments be not suffered to enjoy any living ecclesiastical, whether it be prebend, benefice, deanery, parsonage, viearage, or any such like: and again, that from henceforth no such living ecclesiastical be given to any other person, but to such as have already taken some degree of the orders of the church; and hath also given some open shew and token by public preaching (being therunto lawfully called) of their forwardness and meetness to serve the church of God in the holy ministry.

XXIV. That at and in every synod hereafter to be called by the authority of the queen, her heirs and suc-cessors, the bishops, deans, archdeacons, clerks, and such as shall be called by order to the synod, do all sit together brotherly in one house: and that they do chuse one of themselves to be the moderator or prolocutor of the synod. That the said moderators or protocutors may have power to se comely order kept amongst them in sitting, each one according to his degree in learning and godly gravity. And that they of the synod may and do orderly and freely give each one of them his advice and sentence in any matter that shall be brought before them, or that is to be handled among them. That there may be also, by the appointment of the queen and her council, joyned to them, to sit with them in the synod or convocation, some other godly learned men which are not in the order of the ministry, to hear the causes in controversy, to reason with them, and to give their consent to the conclusions which shall be made in the said synod, as the rest of the ministers there do.

XXV. That it may also be lawful for the said synod (after that all former restraints of the liberty of synods or convocations be by some new repelled, and the synod now to be restored to that Christian liberty which a Christian synod ought to have) to cal any cause or controversy ecclesiastical which now is or hereafter shall be in this church of England and Ireland, to their examination, which do touch any part of doctrine or ceremonies of the church, and namely, the Book of Common Prayer, which is now established to be the Book of Common Prayer of the church of England.

That they of the synod may be commaunded to try and examine the same book, and every part of it, by the holy word of God; and both to cut off that which is doubtful or superfluous in it, and to add to it that which is necessary and wanting to it. So that the blockes that are in it, at which some godly men do now stumble, may be removed; and such a book of divine service be framed, commended and commauntied to the church of England, and to all the members of it, as is wholly founded upon true divinity, taught in the word of God; and so be commaunded to us subjects, by royal authority, as a thing commaunded first of God, and then of the prince.

That we the people may both understand what it is that the majesty of God doth commaund, and what it is that the queen by royal authority doth commaund; and so to be taught in true understanding, to give Caesar the things which are Caesars, and to give to God those things which are Gods.

That we may religiously do that which God commaundeth, and also dutifully that which in this behalf the queen commaundeth.

We do also humbly desire, that the other book, in which the order of making of bishops and other ecclesiastical ministers in this church of England is set down, may also by a Christian and free synod be examined and rectified, where it departeth from the right way of the Lord. And that the said synod may have full authority to call before them all such other controversies which do touch the ceremonies and rites of the church of England, and the conformity or difference in the same; and all doubts which do touch the state of marriage, and divorcement or contract of marriage. And that the synod may without restraint of liberty, or prescribing what the pleasures of men are, freely debate, order, and determine the same according to the word of God. That they may also present the same their determination to the queen, her heirs and successors, to be by her and their royal authority ratified and confirmed. And that every thing and cause so concluded by them, and ratified by royal authority, may be of sufficient force to bind al the subjects, the members of the church of England and Ireland, to obey the same; any act or acts, statute, privilege, or restraint whatsoever heretofore made to the contrary notwithstanding.

XXVI. That in every congregation and parish there may be such godly order taken for the provision of the true and very poor people of God, by the common almes and offerings of the rich, and by the godly ministry of the deacons, as is ordeined in the word of God. And that bishops and cathedral churches may be charged by such commissioners as the queen shall appoint for the ordering of this affair; to pay yearly pensions towards the supply of the want which shall be found in those common almosses, in such a proportion as shall be thought meet by the said commissioners. To satisfy that old order taken and concluded of the fourth part of the yearly revenues of the churches, which were wont to be paid by them to the poor yearly.

XXVII. That by law severe punishment be appointed to be laid upon them which do usually in swearing take the name of God in vain; and upon blasphemers, common swearers, and perjured persons: as also upon common drunkards.

XXVIII. That it be not suffered, that any maried man do hereafter put away his lawful wife from him: nor that any maried wife do depart from her husband upon their own private wil, and so live separate the one from the other, as many now do. But that such persons living one from another be by law compelled to bring their cause to be heard before some competent judge, as the provincial synod, or the bishop and his associates of the dioces where the parties so separated do dwel: who may have authority to compel them to live together, as man and wife ought to do; or else by order of law, upon just cause alledged and proved, to separate and divorse them the one from the other.

And that known adultery, and sufficiently proved by two or three witnesses, may for ever hereafter be punished by death; and the faultless party have free liberty to mary again in the Lord. That also al incests, and al unnatural and beastly copulations against nature, be likewise punished by death without redemption. And that some more sharp law be made for the punishment of fornicators, than is only to stand in a white sheet, as the maner is now.

XXIX. That there may be some godly, learned, and zealous men appointed by the queens highness, with the advice of her honorable council, to visit the present state of all archbishops and bishops of England and Ireland. And first, to consider of such doings and actions as have passed by the authority of the said archbishops and bishops, and through the hands of their officers, under the name of the said archbishops and bishops, sithence the beginning of her blessed and peaceful government: that so the queens highness may perfectly understand how the said archbishops and bishops have, sithence the beginning of her majesties happy reign, behaved themselves in their offices. And whether they have in all actions faithfully discharged their duty according to the trust which was reposed in them, served the church of God faithfully, or have don unfaithfully, and neglected their duty to God, to his church, to her highness, or not.

Again, that the said commissioners or visitors may have authority, and that it be given in streight charge to them, to look godly into the very state it self of the said archbishops and bishops, as it is now: and to consider, whether it be such as the state of those old true bishops was, of whom God himself doth speak by St. Paul in his holy word, and of such other pastors as were called bishops in the first and sincere age of the primitive church.

And if by just examination they do find that it was the device of the Devil in popery to transform the holy office of the first Christian bishops into a profane office; and to draw that order into such disorder, that it should be most unlike to that order of godly bishops which the Holy Ghost hath ordained, as we are taught in the word of the living God; and that they do find in the said archbishops and bishops, and in their offices, more stately and worldly pomp than becometh a Christian bishop, les pastoral care and diligence than ought to be; then let the said commissioners and visitors make true report therof to her highness, according to their godly wisdome, learning, and good conscience.

Upon which their faithful and sincere report, considering that by Gods great grace, under the happy government of our sovereign lady queen Elizabeth, Christs gospel is now preached, and by it both bishops, ministers of the word, and al other Christians, are taught their duties, christianly and truly; we do humbly pray and desire that, as the Lord God Almighty hath by the service of his chosen servant, our sovereign lady queen Elizabeth, banished the head, the heart, and other great parts of popery, so she may do the Lord God this princely service yet remaining to be don; that all such officers and offices, as in the abuse of popery crept into the church, and are yet after a sort retained in it, under a pretence to serve God in his holy gospel, may have their discharge; for it is meet that the Lord be served with his own officers. And then is his holy Majesty best served of men, when his own officers, by himself ordained to be his officers, do execute their offices faithfully, according to his holy wil, written in his most holy word.

Therefore may it please the queens highness, with the advice of her honorable council and authority of parliament, to take order for the removing of all that which shall be found but abuse in the offices of the said archbishops and bishops of this church of England and Ireland; and provide that hereafter bishops may be pastors in humbleness, diligence, and sincerity, to feed the flock of Christ: and not be stately bishops, bearing lordship among politic lords; overlooking the flock of Christ more like stout prelates than fatherly pastors. And to the end that the said bishops may hereafter do that office which shall be committed to them the more sincerely, we desire that all they, and every one of them, may be delivered from the burthen of all worldly pomp, honour, and charge; and not to be puft up any longer with the swelling titles and dignities of worldly honour and lordship: and that they also be set so free from the administration of all civil causes and offices, that they may wisely apply themselves to the labour of the gospel and ecclesiastical function, in diligence and sincerity.

That bishops, by doing the duty of bishops evangelical, may get themselves the honour meet for a bishop, by doing themselves the business of the gospel, and by helping others to do the same; as did the old godly bishops in the primitive church. That so the Lord God Almighty may be served in his church with his own officers. So shall Christs church in England and Ireland be better served; and the desire of the queens highness to have her people wel taught be better satisfied. And to be short, so shall our bishops depart clean from al that perversity of Antichrist which doth yet remain, and submit themselves to do their duties according to the rule of the Lord Jesus Christ, whose gospel they do now profess.

XXX. That the Lords day, even the sabbath day, which we do barbarously cal Sunday, may hereafter be kept so holily, that it be not abused, nor mispent, neither in open feasting, nor in making or using any public shews, plays, or pastimes. Nor that there be any fairs or markets kept upon any sabbath day hereafter. But that if any fair or market hath been heretofore ordained to be kept upon a sabbath day, either it may be put off to be kept within the next two days after the said sabbath day; or if, by the long accustomed continuance of the time of any fair, a sabbath day do fal in the time of the wonted continuing of the fair, the rulers of it be commaunded and authorized to stop the course of all buying and selling publickly during the time of the sabbath day. And that al games and pastimes of shooting, bowling, cocking, bearbaiting, dancing, prices of defence, wakes, Maygames, and al other such rude disports, be utterly forbidden to be used upon any sabbath day: and that upon great punishment to be laid upon the offenders. So that the Lords day may be kept holy, as it is commaunded.

That then the people may learn, as the prophet saith in the name of God, to choose the thing that pleaseth God, and to take hold of his most holy covenant.

XXXI. That bishops, being enriched with such lands and livings as now they do possess and do enjoy, be not compelled, either by law or custom hereafter to keep in their family so great a nombre of idle gentlemen and serving men as now they use to do: but that they be commaunded to take into their families a sufficient nombre of such young men as are the sons of poor fathers, and such as have good capacity, and are apt to receive learning. That they, the said bishops, may be commaunded to traine up these youths in learning, and in the most profitable exercises of all kind of good learning in their houses and families. That so by serving the said bishops for their living, and by learning in their families, they may be framed to be in time meet ministers, to serve the church of Christ in the ministry of the holy word and sacraments.

And so shal our bishops houses become more like to Christian schools than to princes courts, as now they are. So shall the bishops also have a store of wel framed and tryed youth, to be preferred to the ministry of the church, when it shall have need. And so shall the goods of the church, which are in the bishops hands, be hereafter profitably bestowed; which are now for the most part unprofitably and prodigally spent, spoiled, and wasted.

XXXII. That the chancellors of the universities may be appointed to take such order with the heads and the fellows of the colleges, which are in the said universities, that neither they, nor any of them, nor any other person for them. do hereafter admit or receive any scholar or fellow into any of the said colleges for mony or reward. And that no fellow nor scholar of any of the said colleges do resign or sel the place which he hath in any of the said colleges to any other person for mony. For it is meet, that all elections of fellows and scholars into the said colleges be made freely: and that the electors have a respect to the aptness simply, and to the poverty of them which are to be elected and chosen; according to the good meaning of the first founders of the said colleges. And that like order may be taken with the provosts of the colleges of Eaton and Winchester; and with the posers yearly appointed for the election of scholars in the same.

XXXIII. The church of Christ is to be governed by such Christian laws as are meet for the government of the church of Christ. Therefore seeing that the church of Christ in England is once again by God’s grace crept out of the payles of Antichrist, and hath need of such Christian laws as are meet for the government of it; may it please the queens highness, and the parliament, to assign some learned preachers, and such other men of godly wisdome and learning as shall be thought to their godly wisdomes to be most fit for this purpose, in such a competent nombre also as shall bee deemed to suffice. And to give to these chosen commissioners power and authority to consider first and principally of the laws of Almighty God, which are set down in the word of God, for the government of the church of Christ; then, of such laws as our neighbours and brethren in Germany, Zuitzerland, Savoy, France, Scotland, and other churches reformed by the gospel have set down for the government of the church of Christ, which is with them. Last of all, to consider as well of such laws as are already established for the government of this church of England, by public authority, as also of that book intitled, De Regno Christi: which that worthy servant of God, D. Martin Bucer, did once make for the church of England, to have been presented to king Edward the Sixth of blessed memory. And also of other such books as have been written sithence that time, as well by some of our countrymen as by other learned men born out of this land, touching the church, the disciplin and government therof. And that the said commissioners may be commanded to gather out of all the same books, one book of such canons and rules as they shall think to be most meet for the government of this church of England. Which their collection, by them signed, they may be commaunded to present to the first synod which shall be kept in England, next after the compiling of the said book, that the same their book and collection may there be examined, tryed, corrected, or approved.

After which examination, correction or approbation, we desire that the same book of collection may, by the same synod, be presented to the queens highness and the high court of parliament; that the same book of canons may be by their authority ratified and authorized, to be the law ecclesiastical. Whereby this church of Christ in England and Ireland may be thorowly governed and ruled, touching all persons, al causes, and all places, none exempted. So that all peculiars (as they are called) and places priviledged, and the persons dwelling in them, may be brought under the government of the said law. And that all other constitutions, customs, ordinances ecclesiastical, heretofore established or used, may be utterly void and of none effect. That so the church of Christ in England and Ireland may be fully freed from the canon law of the popes making. By which now the bishops and their officers do order causes ecclesiastical, tho not in the popes name; yet, as officers, they put his laws in execution.

For it doth not agree with the nature and majesty of Christs kingdom, that the laws of Antichrist should be the laws of his holy church, which is his kingdom. Let us at length shake off all the tokens of the tyranny of Antichrist, and yield that whole glory to Jesus Christ, which is due unto him, according to our duty: and in humble obedience let us kiss the Sonne, as we ought to do.

XXXIV. Last of all, we English subjects most humbly beseech the most high and excellent majesty of the Lord our God, by whom all kings do reign, and common wealths do stand, to move the hearts of our noble queen Elizabeth, and her nobility, and of the high court of parliament, with due care to provide in time for the sure establishing of the gospel among us and our posterity: and also for the continuance of civil peace in this land among the inhabitants thereof, by setting the succession of the crown of England safely, surely, and in quiet; where it may rest after the death of our sovereign lady queen Elizabeth. And that they may both foresee carefully, and prevent speedily, all such daungers as do now draw nigh to us; threatning to bereave us of all the benefits which we do enjoy, by the singular goodness of God, under the happy government of our dear sovereign queen Elizabeth; and do menace to bling upon us the plague of popish idolatry, foreign government and tyranny, with such other calamities, as we by our manifold sins do justly deserve. O! Lord God Almighty, wee do humbly beseech thee in the name of thy beloved Son our Saviour Jesus, to save our queen Elizabeth, and to be merciful to our country, England. Amen.

NUMBER 40.

A writing of the bishops, in answer to the book of Articles, offered the last sessions of parliament, anno regin. 27. for ecclesiastical causes: concerning ministers, excommunication, dispensations, &c.

I. CONCERNING MINISTERS.

THE FIRST ARTICLE.

THAT it may be enacted, that none be admitted to be minister of the word and sacraments, but in a benefice having cure of souls, then vacant in the dioces of such a bishop as is to admit him.

ANSWER TO THE FIRST ARTICLE.

This cannot possibly be performed without altering the whole state of the church of England. First, because there must be curates, and that of necessity. Secondly, because there are other ecclesiastical livings which require ministers of the word and sacraments, as well as benefices with cure: as deanries, prebends, masterships, and fellowships in the universities; and petty canons in cathedral churches.

The article is grounded upon a false principle of T. C. [Tho. Cartwright] against ministers having no pastoral cure; hich neither he nor any man else is able to maintain, either by the word of God or antient authority. For by ministerium vagum, the old councils and canons did always understand such as were ordained sine patrimonio aut titulo: that is, not having any stay of living. As ‘tis manifest in the council of Chalcedon.

Such as have great cures shall be overburthened with saying of service, preaching, ministring of sacraments, al themselves: for they shall be destitute of a curate to help them to say service, to visit the sick, to administer the sacraments, to catechize, &c. By this means fellowships in colleges, which by their statutes must be in orders, are overthrown.

THE SECOND ARTICLE.

That before the admission of such minister, the bishop give public notice by writing under his seal, to be fixed on the church door, that is destitute of a pastor, upon some Sunday or holy day, in the time of divine service, signifying the name of the person presented to that church, or there to be admitted: with intimation, that such as within 26 days after wil object against the admission, shal appear at a place certain before him, and alledg such matter as shal only concern his conversation of life; and therby his insufficiency for that place.

THE THIRD ARTICLE.

That the bishop shal not procede to the admission of any to be minister of the word and sacraments, before due certificate made in authentic form and public place, by him to be assigned, that the process of notice and intimation was executed in form aforesaid; nor before the expiration of the said 26 days: nor without calling for and hearing of such, as upon return of the said process shal and will object, as aforesaid.

THE ANSWER TO THE 2D AND 3D ARTICLES.

This is unnecessary and in vain, unless he that is to be admitted had been dwelling in that parish before; which wil happen very seldom. The writing and sending to the benefice void, and the return therof in authentic form, wil be very chargeable to the minister; especially where the place is far from the bishops mansion house. It also protracteth time, and will administer occasion of quarelling.

The charges also and delay will be also encreased, if the party to be admitted do stand upon the purgation of the objections layd against him.

This testimony required of the parishoners, lacking their pastors, is an introduction to bring the patronage to the people, and to set a fire among them, for testifying or not testifying; and that many times of a person they know not.

The objecting of the people wil fal out many times to be mere malice; whereby immortal hatred wil rise among them. The person indeed had need be a very ill man, that a number of the parish wil come a long journey to the ordinary, on their own cost, to object against him that is to be admitted.

What if the parish wil be negligent, and wil not return? Shal they lack a pastor stil? The patron, if he be mighty, may enter, let the return, or procure such as he shal like of. And who and how many of the parish shal return? The fourth article. It is here to be provided, that where in certain colleges and cathedral and collegiate churches, the foundation or statute require such as are there placed to be ministers; it shal be lawful for such as are known to profess the study of divinity, or otherwise be lawfully dispensed withal, to retain, as before this act they might, any fellowship or prebend within the said colleges, notwithstanding they be no ministers. The answer to the fourth article. 1. This utterly overthroweth the foundation and statutes of almost all the colleges in Cambridge and Oxford, being founded principally for the study of divinity, and encrease of the number of learned preachers and ministers. And therfore not only the master, provost, warden, president, &c. by the said foundations and statutes are bounden to be ministers, but divers others also of such societies are likewise bounden to enter into the ministry by a certain time, or else to yield their places to others. 2. It wil deprive the church of England of the worthiest, best learned, and wisest ministers and preachers. For there is no comparison between such ministers and preachers as the universities continually yield in respect of such foundations and statutes, and others, being no university men, or not entring into the ministry while they remained there; as at this day it is notorious. For altho’ there are divers that can preach, &c. yet they have no substance of learning in them, neither are they able to stand with the adversary, either in pulpit or disputation: a thing as wel required in a minister as exhortation is. 3. If this device take place, where the universities yield now great number of preachers and ministers, they would not then yield one for twenty. And so the number of preachers, which now are thought to be very few, would then be much less, and at length the utter decay of the study of divinity, and the very next way to bring in popery and ignorance again. 4. It overthrows the degrees of the university which are taken in divinity, as the bachelourship and doctorship. For even sithence the first foundation of them both, it hath been perpetually used, and it is by statute required, that none should take any of these degrees, but such as are in the ministry. And indeed it is both inconvenient and absurd that it should be otherwise. 5. At this day there are in the university of Cambridg an hundred preachers at the least, very worthy men, and not many less in the university of Oxford: and the number daily encreaseth, both to the great benefit of the church. But if this might take place, within this seven years there would not be five ministers in either of them. 6. It would cause men all their life time to remain in the universities. So that there should be no succession. 7. It also overthroweth the foundation and statutes of all cathedral and collegiate churches, and taketh away the chief and principal reward for learned preachers: for the best livings for worthy men are in such churches. 8. It taketh away the wisest, best learned, and gravest divines; such as do, and are most able to withstand, not only papists, but other sectaries also. 9. Every one, to keep these places, would openly profess the study of divinity, and secretly study the one law or the other, or physic, or some trifling study, al his life long. 10. There will be no care of profiting, when there is no tryal therof Which is most special by open preaching: which were absurd to be don by no ministers. 11. Any which hath been a student may, under pretence of studying divinity, without any tryal obtain deanries, provostships, prebends, &c.

And being a layman may live idly on the spoil of the church al his life, except he taught a benefice. 12 . There shal want sufficient tryal of the abilities of preaching of such as are to be bishops, except they be chosen from some benefice: which breedeth smal experience for governance. 13. It would greatly diminish the number of preachers and sermons, which the universities, colleges, and cathedral churches do yield, both at home and abroad, in every country; in the respect that those which now have the livings are bound to be ministers. 14. It taketh away daily service used in these churches (which were impiety) unles it might be said or songe by such as are now ministers: which is absurd. 15. To conclude, it wil breed a beggerly, unlearned, and contemptible clergy and ministry. It is the very way to overthrow al colleges, cathedral churches, and places of learning: it will extinguish the study of divinity, diminish the number of preachers, and breed a great confusion and alteration in the church and common wealth: and it is a piece of T. C. his platform. 16. By this the reward of divinity will be taken away, and the divine thrust to a benefice of 40l . This is covertly to shove at the gospel, to place the lawyers and others as they please. 17. Note, that hereby they would have dispensations to take place against the statute of colleges and cathedral churches.

THE FIFTH ARTICLE.

That none be made minister, but upon some Sunday publicly, in the cathedral church of the dioces where the minister is admitted. Answer.

That he be made public, it is not amiss; but to observe the precise place of the cathedral church, it wil be inconvenient; because divers bishops dwel far from their cathedral churches.

THE SIXTH ARTICLE.

That the bishop make no minister but such as be of hisown dioces, and have there continued by the space of one whole year; except such only as come from the universities, and bring testimonials of their meetnes under the univer sity seal.

THE SEVENTH ARTICLE That such as be of the bishops own dioces shal bring with them such a testimonial as is limited in the statute of anno 13. Elizab. The answer. 1. These are very expedient and necessary, and even so provided for by the law. 2. It were more meet also that these things were observed, when patrons present to a benefice: and that as the testimonials do witness their conversation, so the bishop should without any impeach ment of Quare impedit, &c. be judge of their ability in re spect of the cure which they desire.

THE EIGHTH ARTICLE.

That after the receit of the said testimonial, the bishop shal not procede to the making of his person minister which bringeth that testimonial, before he shal declare before the dean and chapter of the cathedral church, that he wel knoweth the persons, by whom the testimonial is made, to be such as is by the said statute exprest. The answer. This is unnecessary, and altogether need less, neither can it be performed.

THE NINTH ARTICLE.

That he shall not make any minister, but such as shall by the dean and chapter, or the more part of them, or six learned preachers of the dioces, then present, be allowed for a man meet and sufficient, by subscription of their hands to some writing, declaring their assent, in allowing of him. The answer. 1. It wil breed great trouble, and not work that effect which is looked for; neither can it by al in place be performed. 2. It would also be very chargeable, upon the absence of the most of the chapter, if the party should procure the hands of six preachers, dwelling in dispersed places.

THE TENTH ARTICLE.

That none shal have a benefice with cure, being of the value of 20l. yearly in the queens books, except he be a master of arts, or a preacher allowed, notwithstanding that he be made a minister before of some mean cure.

Answer. It is to be liked of, so that diligent heed be taken, that none be admitted preachers, but such as he worthy.

II. CONCERNING EXCOMMUNICATION.

THE FIRST ARTICLE.

Excommunication is at this time the pain of contumacy; and hath place where a man appeareth not upon process, or satisfieth not some order prescribed by the judge: as, not taking some oath, or not paying legacies, tiths, &c.

THE SECOND ARTICLE.

The offences that grow by the practice hereof in this manner are great: one, that being the highest censure left by the church of God, it is profaned by applying it to temporal and civil causes: another, that it is executed by men that have no calling in the church, as chancellors, officials, &c.

Again; forasmuch as the church may not be left without this censure of excommunication, it is to be provided, that for enormous crimes, as adultery, and such other, the same be executed either by the bishops themselves, with the assistance of grave persons, or else by other persons of calling in the church with the like assistance; and not by chancellors and officials, as hath been used.

Answer. Excommunication hath been used by the ecclesiastical judge ever sithence there hath been either discipline in the church, or jurisdiction in the ecclesiastical magistrate, and is the only punishment therof. For the antient law-makers, thinking that blood and bodily pains ought to be far from ecclesiastical magistrates, have given them this mild spiritual sword, to divide that person from the ecclesiastical body, that refuseth to do his ecclesiastical duties, and to obey the ecclesiastical judge. Not excommunicating every man for twopeny causes, as is surmised; (tho’ indeed there be as much in 2d. as in 200l.) but in excommunicating them for not obeying the order, decree, and sentence of the judge, according to her majestys ecclesiastical laws. Even as in a temporal cause of 2d. the party is outlawed: and consequently his fruits and goods of his lands are at the princes plesure, if he appear not, or obey not. And yet it is not to be said, that a man is out-lawed for 2d. but for not obeying the law, process, and judge in a two-peny matter. For the smaller the matter is, the greater is the fault of contumacy and disobedience, saith the law.

Excommunication for process, order not obeyed, taking some oath, &c. is not for civil causes. But these causes are ecclesiastical: and what can be more against the church, than when men will not be ordered by it, nor obey it? In Gods law, such as would not be ordered by their judg, or high priest, were stoned.

There is no law nor function in the world void of exception and imperfection. And to have it void therof est op-tandum magis quam sperandum: as in Plato’s Commonwealth.

If excommunication be either taken away or changed, the whole course of the common law of the realm concerning that matter, and touching the writ of Excommun. capien-do, must be changed. Wherin many things not yet thought on may happen, and insted therof some convenient temporal penalty must be devised. Which how unliking and unpleas-able it wil be, and how ful of difficulties, the wise can consider.

And if excommunication be thought fittest to continue, (for that there wil be as many inconveniences, or more, in time found in other things, as in that,) and that for the better credit of the proceding therin the bishop be arched to sit in consistory, his whole life will be spent in his jurisdiction, and in study of law; that he might be able to discern, whether the process be according to law, before he inflict the censure: which will be as great decay of preaching as it hath been in fore time. For the jurisdiction alone requireth toturn et integrum hominem.

TOUCHING THE EXECUTION BY MEN OF NO CALLING IN THE COUNTRY.

The jurisdiction in the beginning was joyntly in the bishop, dean and chapter. Which bred so many opinions, such impeachments and confusions in proceding, that, by the general custome of the world, generally the jurisdiction was thought convenient to be exercised by the bishop alone: which growing great, as the church and ecclesiastical causes encreast, and consequently calling the bishop from his function, the law and constitutions ordered, that the official, or vicar general of a bishop or archbishop, should have the same consistory or jurisdiction that the archbishop or bishop had, and the same authority to excommunicate. Which by the statutes of this realm is also allowed to doctors of the law. For that in later times divines have wholly employed themselves to divinity, and not to the procedings and study of the law: whetunto in fore times the clergy were more addicted than to divinity; in respect of the gain, and offices exercised under bishops, archdeacons, and other ecclesiastical callings, which drew them wholly from divinity. This excommunication by law was never used, nor could be used, as a punishment of any crime, saving of notorious heresy, usury, symony, piracy, conspiracy against the person of the prince, of his state, dignity, and crown, perturbers of the common peace and quietness of the church or realm, wilful murtherers, sacrilegers, perjurers, and incorrigible and notorious committers of incest and adultery, false witness, and suborners therof, violent layers of hands upon ecclesiastical persons, and such other great and horrible crimes: which were called sententiae canonum. Wherin, besides the particular penances that the bishops and their officers did impose, it was for more terror provided by an-tient canons, that there should be a general open denuntiation of this excommunication in every cathedral church and parish church twice in the year. For other light faults there was no excommunication permitted or used as a punishment, other than for manifest and wilful contumacy or disobedience, in not appearing, when persons were called and summoned for a cause eccle-siastical, or when any sentence or decree of the bishop or his officer, being deliberately made, was wilfully disobeyed or not performed. Such wilful contumacy and disobedience to authority is in the law accounted so great, that it is called a contempt of that quod est in jure extremum. That is to say, if the judge cannot have appearance of the parties, or execution of his judgments, here he is at the wal, and can go no further. Of very antient time this was the maner of proceding in this realm, and the only mean of reducing obstinate per sons to the obedience of the law. It may appear by the antienter statute or act of parla ment in the 9th year of Edward II. that it was the old custom and usage of the realm long before that time. The words are these: Si aliqui propter suam contumaciam ma nifestam excommunicentur; ac post 40 dies, dies pro eo rum captione scribatur; et praetendunt se privilegiatos; et sic denegatur breve regium pro captione corporum ; re sponsio regis, nunquam fuit negatum, nec negabitur in fu turo. It is to be considered, whether this manifest contumacy and wilful disobedience to the magistrate and authority, be not as well punishable, when the original cause or matter is as weighty. The difference wherof doth nothing alter the nature of the disobedience. In this our realm of very antient time it hath been ob served from time to time, that there was never alteration made of any law ecclesiastical, altho’ it had appearance to benefit the state of the clergy; but that it turned ever to some notable prejudice.

III. CONCERNING COMMUTATION ODEPENANCE.

That there be no commutation of penance for sin, but by the order and appointment of the bishop, with the assent of the dean and chapter, or the most part of them, or with the assent of six preachers of that dioces.

The answer. 1. The bishop is sufficient for this matter. 2. It were good to inhibit justices of peace to commute; but to permit them only to punish corporally. And yet notwithstanding, the parties offending, not to be received into the church, til they have don such penance, wherby the congregation may be satisfied.

IV. CONCERNING DISPENSATIONS.

THE FIRST ARTICLE.

The faculties which did the greatest hurt in the church of God were three; viz. dispensation De non promovend. dispensation for pluralities of benefices, and dispensation for non-residence.

THE SEEMED ARTICLE.

These two last named faculties have bred the disorders of making rage ministers. Whereof have ensued two great incommodities: one, and the chiefest of al, that the people is not taught: the other, that the ministers placed in benefices, where the pastor is absent, and having for the most part smal allowance, do post from place to place, for their better preferment; and resting no where, respect neither their life, nor encrease in knowledg. For men be careful for their conversation, where they are to have continuance. And smal account can be taken how he profiteth that abideth no where long.

Answer. The faculty De non residendo is so rare, as by the present archbishop there was never any granted. And by the last archbishop never any yielded unto, but by special requests and warrant from my lords of her majestys council: and that to men qualified in her majestys service, or otherwise greatly employed in the common wealth. And therfore it needeth no such provision by law.

The faculty of non-residence is also so rare, and granted in such respects, as sithence the time of this archbishop there hath not been above one granted; and that to a man of 80 years old; with whom the law it self dispenseth.

Beside, that the statute of the realm provideth so sharp a penalty for nonresidence by the forfeiture of 10l. a month, to be recovered in the exchequer, as no man careth to sue for the faculty: and if they do, it profiteth nothing.For that the statute inflicteth the punishment, al faculties and dispensation notwithstanding. And a more severe pu nishment cannot welbe devised. Touching the faculty of pluralities, the ground therof is this.

Men of excellent gifts and extraordinary vetrue often times have no livings, or very smal living; and when they cannot attain so great as their quality deserveth, the policy of the church hath thought fit to grant to such an one two livings, as an extraordinary reward for extraordinary vertue. For if al men could be made fit for all livings, or al livings for al manet of men, there should have needed no dispensa tion of pluralities; but forasmuch as that cannot be, it is lawful in such case of necessity, and for such extraordinary causes, to recede from the strait and common course of the law. And so hath it been used in al ages. Neither can it bee better policed nor more restrained than of late it hath been, in respect both of distance of places, and the value of their parsonage, with great caution both for their hospitality and preachings. Besides that the laws being positive that forbid plurality, the difference in reason is very smal be tween the little benefices not far distant and one great bene fice. And therfore no strange thing, if by like positive law there be admitted by mitigation a dispensation of the rigor of law. Moreover, the number of benefices in England being about 18000, and the universities not able to furnish the third part of them with sufficient men, it is better that one worthy man have two benefices, than to be unfurnished of living, or be obscurely placed in a smal parish or poor liv ing, or the same benefices committed to two unlearned men, THE THIRD ARTICLE.

That no chaplain have two cures if both amount above 40l. in the queens books, or be 20 miles distant.

THE FOURTH ARTICLE.

That none enabled to have two cures shall enjoy the same, unless they be under the value aforesaid, and within 20 miles distant, and be resident upon one of them. The answer to the third and fourth articles. 1. The distance of miles is not to be misliked; but the limiting of the value is unreasonable, and tendeth only to the impoverishing of the ministry: being a state as worthy of living in many respects as others of other calling whatsoever, in respect of their calling. 2. The best gifts deserve the best rewards; and therefore it were better to make a limitation, what degrees of schools shall only be enabled for the best livings. 3. Dignities, prebends, and places in colleges (as before) are required by dispensation for lay-men. Here the divine is set at 40l . If a man would deal covertly to pul away religion, how could he do it better?

THE FIFTH ARTICLE.

That no dean of cathedral church, prebendary, or other having dignity, shal have more than one benefice with cure, besides his dignity.

THE SIXTH ARTICLE.

That no one have mo dignities or prebends than two.

THE ANSWER TO THE FIFTH AND SIXTH ARTICLES. 1. It is very unreasonable, and tendeth to the same end with the third and fourth article, and wil discourage men from the ministry, and make a beggerly clergy: far unapt to give hospitality, or to do many other things required of them, and lookt for at their hands. 2. It is also very inconvenient: for most of these dignities are decayed within these last fifty years very much. Greater impositions for the service of the realm are layd upon them. Every thing to be required at double or treble prices in respect of that it was then at; and yet as great or greater hospitality looked for.

THE SEVENTH ARTICLE.

That they which may have chaplains shall advance no more than their number, til the advanced dyeth, or otherwise one of two benefices become void.

THE ANSWER. 1. This is not to be misliked, unless the party be other-wise qualified than by the chaplainship. 2. And yet inconvenience may arise of it.

For if a chaplain doth not behave himself as appertaineth, no reason he should be retained in service; and it were hard not to allow another in such a case.

THE EIGHTH ARTICLE.

That none shal be chaplain, enabled to two benefices, except he be master of arts, or allowed by the ordinary as sufficient. The answer. It is very convenient.

THE NINTH ARTICLE.

That none shall be non-resident but such as be continually attendant in the houses of such as they are chaplains unto. The answer, 1. To be attendant the greater part of the year were sufficient. For the other part of the year they may be at their cure. And besides, some have chaplains which attend by course. Which is very convenient. 2. This is very prejudicial for grave men, required for government in the universities. Which may very wel discharge both duties. 3. This overthroweth residence in cathedral churches, colleges, deanries: so that they cannot be attendant there, except they wil leave their benefice, tho’ it be but one.

THE TENTH ARTICLE.

That they shall preach in person yearly two sermons, and four sermons beside, per se vel per alium. The answer . It is too easy. It is requisite that they should preach mo sermons, even in their own persons.

THE ELEVENTH ARTICLE.

Lastly, To consider whether it were not meet to abate the numbers of the chaplains of the archbishops, and others under that degree, that may by the statute keep more than one chaplain. Answer . It is not meet. For those of the clergy that have chaplains allowed, the statute sets down a good consideration. And there are not many such. Besides, it is lookt for, that they should have preachers about them, to furnish the want that is in most diocesses.

THE TWELFTH ARTICLE.

That in cases of pluralities and non-residences, the bishops shall have the allowing of the minister that shal serve the cure in the absence of the incumbent: and the stipend of the said minister to be appointed by the bishop, according to the sufficiency of the minister: so that the same stipend do not excede the third part of the clear yearly value of the benefice. .Answer . This is very reasonable, and according to law.

THE THIRTEENTH ARTICLE.

There is one faculty of great inconvenience, granted not only by the court of faculties, but by the chancellor of every dioces, viz. the dispensation of mariage without banns asking. By occasion wherof children make disordered matches without the assent of their parents; and orphans are left to the spoil of unthrift persons. The answer. 1. It may be so qualified, that no inconvenience shal ensue therof. 2. There be divers reasonable occasions that daily happen which may hinder the thrice asking of banns: which causes are meet to be considered of, and allowed by the ordinary, or his deputy. 3. The inconvenience that is proposed is in most dioceses already met withal, by putting these conditions in the faculty, viz. That they have their governours consent; that there is no suit for matrimony depending; no precontract, nor no other impediment: which the party is by a bond with sureties bound unto. So that by this means this inconvenience is better met withal than by asking the banns thrice; which may be don, and yet these impediments remain. 4. And since the bonds have been qualified as is above said, being about one twelvemonth past, experience doth teach that none of the pretended inconveniences have happened.

A GENERAL ANSWER TO AL THE ARTICLES ODE EXCOMMUNICATION, COMMUTATION, AND DISPENSATION.

Generally, this alteration, confusion, and abridgment of exercise of that jurisdiction wil shortly decay the proression of the canon law and civil law together. Whereby di-vers now are bred up in learning, in languages, in studies: so that they are enabled to serve the realm in any foreign service, as wel as any one sort of learned men in the realm besides.

NUMBER 41.

General propositions; to be supplied with proofs, by such as his grace should appoint: and other particulars to be gathered. Drawn up by Dr. Drury, a civilian, and sent to the archbishop of Canterbury; in order to prevent a commission of Melius inquirendum; endeavoured by a bill in parliament. THAT the greateness of the revenues of noblemen, knights, and gentlemen, may more justly and with greater reason (if there were either justice or reason in the one or the other) be carped at, than the bishops and clergy, for the portion by the conqueror, and before and since, committed to their dispensation; if right dispenseth to an heir, sometimes of mean qualities, and unable to perform those parts that first moved the prince to that allotment. And it often falls out, that the infinite charges to erect a lay man (whose wisdome and learning oftentimes descends not with his lands) into honour and government, serveth but for one generation: whereas the bishopric is transferred by perpetual succession to the fittest in wisdom, learning, and ver-tue, for government of the church and commonwealth; to be nominated at the princes free wil and pleasure, without any charge to the prince at al. And for this cause the colleges, bishopricks, and other ecclesiastical dignities, were endowed with so great revenues. Hence may be inferred, how necessary and profitable a thing it is, for her majesty and the commonwealth to have the bishopricks, dignities, promotions, and persons ecclesiastical, to be raised to the former state and dignity, and to serve in those honorable places, as heretofore they have don.

And here must be collected, by Stow or any other, what bishops and clergymen were counsillors or officers in court, and at Westminster and elsewhere, and ambassadors, ever since the conquest. That the taking away of the livings of the church, the dissolutions of archbishopricks and bishopricks, and cathedral churches, wil bring religion into contempt, withdraw the subjects, wanting instruction, from their obedience, and hazzard the kingdom. And that necessity hath enforced the princes, where such dissolution hath been, with infinite charges to erect the same again.

Here especially proof would be made out of the scriptures, and out of the stories of this and all other countries, as wel Christian or others; where in all ages a clergy hath been and now is so necessary, that without it the common wealth could not stand. And therfore were ever, and still are, in great honour and reverend estimation. The premisses being true, her majesty, the great men, and favourers of the church and state, have just cause to direct or procure special choise of knights and burgesses for the next parliament. And if by choise of burgesses the ruine of the church cannot be prevented, then whether it be convenient that the enforcement, proof, and publication of some of the premisses be set forth by story and scripture, at the court and cross, by special preachers, and otherwise by printed books, I leave to your graces wisdom and better considerafon. And because that it may be suspected, that in every dioces observation is taken of the least breach of any law ecclesiastical, and with single intent, by procuring the offenders punishment, in the natural place, and with the express pain, to work reformation and amendment, (which they would be loth to see,)but of malicious purpose, by exclamation, to overthrow both law, persons, and jurisdiction, in the great assembly of parliament; where no particular cause, unles remediless in ordinary courts, was (as I have heard) wont to be produced, or come in debate: therfore, to meet with such malice and exclamation, a collection into briefs of al the abuses, fees, exactions, and oppressions in the courts and officers temporal, and of al disorders whatsoever in thiscommon wealth, and in the government, uses, customs, laws, and procedings, and touching the counsillers, or any matter of state, is most necessary; to the intent, that some of both the houses may thence, for one proposition in parliament, against one petty disorder in the clergy, be ready with twenty in the same kind, as neer as may be, against some abuses in the temporalty, of more pernition to the common wealth, and of greater weight and consequence. That so good acts may be provided for reformation of both; or both rest under the coertion of the law, sufficiently already provided. For there is no abuse in the clergy or church not punishable, either by statute, canon or ecclesiastical law, or by both. And therfore it is a very malicious and perverse course, to make complaint and exclamation to the lawmakers against abuses in general, and not to procure the offender in particular to be punished. If her majesty were truly informed in these, and the notes by me delivered to your grace the last parliament, upon petition, or otherwise, to be by the whole state of the clergy exhibited, and not faintly or fearfully pursued; it cannot be but restitution of the state and persons ecclesiastical to former dignity and estimation would follow; or at least no further depression. If in this course suspition of danger or displeasure be conceived, it must be with sound judgment considered, whether long forbearing complaints, and prayer for the re dress of rough dealing, and concelement of the difference between the advancement and service of the one and the other, be not far more and down righter danger. That it wil bring el down, as hitherto it hath don by piece-meal one half. Tho’ the specification of these generalities, and the proofs and confirmations to be drawn from so large a scope, seem tedious, yet being divided among many, the burthen wil be very light, and the thing don of great use and profit.

NUMBER 42.

Fraternum et amicum de resartienda inter Anglicanae eccle-siae doctores et ministros pace, consilium.

SI alii alios mordetis et devoratis, (ait Paulus,) videte, ne vicissim alii ab aliis consumamini. Ego vero, si Gallos a Gallis dissidentes (inquam) mutuis vulneribus confectos ex tremam pene ruinam minitari; si Graecas ecclesias cum Graecis ecclesiis de ritibus et ceremoniis primum, tum vero de primis nostrae fidei articulis rixantes, quasi ex opinato misera Turcae servitute oppressos, occubuisse, videtis; ca vete, viri fratres, ne alienis periculls minus edocti, vestro tandem malo sapere cogamini. Nec vos, obsecro, decipiat, quod de summa apostolicae doctrinse inter vos convenientes, quod arctissimum pacis vinculum bonis omnibus esse debet, de rebus minoris momenti discrepare videamini. Ea est enim in controversiis omnibus multis periculis comperta hu manae naturae imbecillitas, ut ex’ tenuissima simultatis scin tilla discordiae flagrantissimum incendium nascatur. Idque prsesertim in religionis causis, ubi Dei [gloria] salus propria cujusque et proximi charitas praetexitur, quorum seu studio, seu zelo, ut quisque inconsiderantius ardet, eo vehementius semel conceptam opinionem urget. Quam ut ponat non fla gris, non flammis, sed recta tantum ratlone, errorisque pa tefactione, obtinebimus. Immo, quod veteri proverbio di citur, Ignem gladio ne fodito, in hoc negotio, vos id experiri non sine maerore video; nempe lites ex litibus seri, et ex 1ogomachiis seria tandem dissidia creari. Quid? non videtis quo res vestrae sint progressae; ex quo vis illis disceptandis, vel potius excitandis caepit adhi beri? Jam factionum nomina, seditionis verae faces, utrique parti imposita sunt. Jam non tantum famosis libellis, utraque ex parte acerbissime scriptis, intestina vestra discordia plebeculae innotescit, sed sectatores novis nominibus comprantur, suggestus sanctissimo Christi eyangelio publicando dicati, vocibus debacchantium in fratres, rabularum instar, perstrepunt. Denique, ut a ceremoniis, ita sacramentis alii aliorum abhorrent altera pars antagonistarum (quos putat) frustraneos labores et temerarios ausus ridet.

Altera risum istum, tanquam Epicureum, et Christo, de cujus sincero cultu agitur, contumeliosum odit; et non sine multorum applausu, apud vulgus traducit. Altera regia authoritate, carceribus, proscriptionibus. Altera querelis, contumeliis, et quibuscunque modis potest, suas partes tuetur atque defendit.

Itaque fit, ut sensim realurn serpat, et in apertum schisma viam sibi clanculariam sternat, quam nisi jam nactum sit, vobis fore prope diem, ut nanciscatur, praedico, (utinam arioler,) et ut illi mature occurratis per sanctissimum Dei nomen, per Angliae gentis salutem; denique per omnia sa-cra atque humana, quae omnia hic periclitari videntur, obse-ero, obtestorque. Controversia ecclesiastica est, ecclesiaslice, non hostiliter disceptetur, non clamosis ex suggestu debacchationibus, non carceribus, non ferro, sed amica, sed Christiana, sed prophetica studiorum, consiliorum, et rationum collatione, negotium agatur et terminetur. Spiritus pro-phetarum prophetis subjiciantur. Non enim est seditionis author Deus, sed pacis ; ut in omnibus ecclesiis sanctorum.

Est quidem (ut ingenue agnosco) accusantium et aceusatorum alia atque alia conditio; sed ut omnia non omnibus licent, sic sunt res in ecclesia quaedam, quarum corruptelam vel minimus in regno Christi minister se quodam suo jure et officii conscientia arguere et reprendere putat.

Quae autem desiderantur in vestris ecclesiis ab his qui ac-cusantium partes sustinent, ad duo genera refero.

Prius eorum est, quae ipsi ministerio ecclesiastico tam proxime cohaerent, ut ilia essentialia merito dici queant.

Posterius ea tantum continet, quae per se (latin- p321 ), et media cum sint, non nisi aedificationis et pacis ecclesiae commodo aestimari debent.

Prioris generis sunt, ut cum de fidel summis capitibus convenial (ut per Dei gratiam inter vos bene convenit) hic apostolicus ordo statuatur; nempe, ut sint pastores, qui verbo Dei explicando et applicando, publicis precibus fun-dendis, et sacramentorum administrationi vacent.

Presbyteri, qui una cum pastoribus, disciplinae et ordinis conservationi prsesint. Diaconi, qui mensis, id est pauperum ministerio inserviant.

Hicrosolymitana ecclesia ipsis apostolis, pro pastoribus, usa est in quorum doctrina, et oratione et fractione panis, perdurabat. Presbyteros habuit, qui disciplinae et judicio ecclesiastico prsefuerunt cum apostolis in concilio Hierosol. Habuit et diaconos, Stephanum, Philippum, et alios quin-que, qui rebus pauperum operam navarunt. Servavit ecclesia Romana heroico illo apostolorum tempore eundem ordinem in pastoribus, presbyteris et diaconis, quibus singulis, sui et proprii cujusque muneris memoriam refricat Paulus, pastoribus, ut exhortcntur, presbyteris, ut prsesint cum dili-gentia, diaconis, ut distribuant cum simplicitate, et misereantur cure hilaritate. Nec apostolorum tanturn aetate in ecclesia hunc ordinem viguisse certum est, sed aliis omnibus deinceps saeculis, quibus illi sua quaedam constitit integritas. Quod in ecclesia Lugdunensi facile animadvertas, quae alte-to, post Christurn passum, saeculo, suorum martyrum no-mine ad fratres Asianos scribens, episcoporum, presbytero-rum, et diaconorum meminit.

Tertio etiam saeculo Romae idem obtinuit, ubi Xistus pastoris officio functus est, Dioni-sius presbyterium exercuit. Laurentius distribuit, et miser-tus est.

Hanc politiam secutae suni etiam Africanae ecclesise. Quod S. Cypriani concilii praefationem legentibus aperte constare potest. Sic enim habet.

Cum in unum Carthagini conve-nissent cal. Septemb. episcopi plurimi ex provincia Africa, Numidia, Mauritania, cum presbyteris et diaconis praesente etiam plebis maxima parte, &c. Sed quid tam proxima saeculis apostolicis tempora refero? Angli ipsi vel septimo ab apostolis saeculo hanc coluerunt. Legantur acta synodi in coenobio Pharensi rege Osuio coactae.

Illic nomi-natira audies cum episeopis permultis Agathonem presbyte-rum, et Jacobum diaconum isti synodo interfuisse. Hic vero ordo, cum tota antiquitate summo ecclesiae commodo retentus et observatus, videtur ab accusatoribus merito requiri.

Accusati vero partim se ilium habere, partim quae desunt sine periculosa florentissimi status mutatione in ecclesiam vestram invehi non posse respondent.Instant sccusantes, et libellis et concionibus sccusatos, pastores, presbyteros et disconos habere constanter pernegant, rem esse tanti momenti vociferantur, ut nulli alii posthabenda sit, etiamsi frsctus dilabatur orbis. Accusati aras et focos propugnant libellis, concionibus, authorirate regia, carceribus, proscriptionibus. At meo quidem judicio, utrisque longe aequior et sanctior, regnique tranquillitati conservandae convenientior via in promptu est. Nempe, ut et Christi spirituale regnum (id est, ecclesiae administratio) spiritualiter, legibus Christi, et apostolicis institutis funditur, et mutatio nulla insignis regni statim inferatur, quod non adeo difficile accusatis fore confido, siquid juste debeant confiderent, nec accusantibus grave, siquid possint, non obliviscantur. Quid quaeritur? Nonne, ut ecclesiae Anglicanae pascantur verbo, regantur presbytero, ornentur disconatu? Age, fiat. Non habent pastores, fateor; sed habent, qui verbum praedicent, episcopos, decanos, archidisconos, doctores, evangelistas; habent qui preces fundant, et sacramenta distribuant, curiones, vicarlos et lectores. At unum eundemque hominem, id est, pastorem tribus istis vacare oportet: fateor quoque, et id ut fiat, enitendum esse judicio: quod commode mea sententia fiet, si primurn consideremus ista offlciorum nomina ease partim primaria, partim secundaria. Primaria voco quae primo et necessario ministro conveniunt, ut evangelista, ut doctor. Secundaria, quae secundo et ultra primam vocationem ministro conveniunt, ut decanus, et hodie episcopus: quae non ratione primi ministerii hominibus conveniunt: qualia sunt omnia superintendentium nomina. Nihil vero impedit, quo minus unus idemque minister duobus nominibus insigniatur pro diversa functione, quam exercet in ecclesia. Ergo si episcopus haheat proprium gregem quem doceat, quem precibus Deo commendet, quem sacramentis alat, erit pastor, quemadmodum episcopus est, seu dioecesios superintendens, ratione secundarii ministerii, ordinis causa illi commissi.

Jacobus praefuit (ut multis videtur) omnibus apostolis in consilio Hierosol.

Fuit igitur hoc noraine prae-ses, et (ut loquuntur quidam partes) episcopus apostolorum: et tamen non destitit ab apostolatu, quem sibi commissum a Christo ipse norat. Ergo episeopi, decani, archidiaconi, nomina sunt secundaria.

Primaria sint ista, pastor, evangelista, id est, pastoris vicarius. Ubi enim pastor adest, evangelistae nullus locus relinquitur. Retineatur pastoratus, tanquam solus neces-sarius, et unius dioecesios paroehiae omnes in decanatus, seu archidiaconatus distribuantur. Decanatus, seu arehidiaco-natus in pastoratus. Pastoratus tribus aut quatuor ad summum paroechiis constent: quae communem habeant pasto-rem, qui singulis dominiis diebus harum, in prima primo, in secunda secundo, tertia tertio, quarta quarto concionetur. Catechesin exponat, baptizet, et caenam Dominicam, tempore huic regno solemni administret. Plebs sequatur pastorem: soli invalidi, servi et gravioribus detenti negotiis excusentur. In quorum gratiam ordinariae preces matutino et serotino temporibus fiant in tribus paroechiis, unde pastor in quarto coneionaturus, abest. Sic distributis dioecesios paroechiis in pastoratus, ex illis exibilentur vicariorum et curionum nomina, cum caeteris id genus papistlcam rerum sacrarum nundinationem redolen-tibus, soli episcopi, decani, archidiaconi, doctores et evan-gelistae habeant, quisque proprium pastoratum, cui specia-liter invigilent; idque hoc modo, primus hujus vel illius dicecesis pastoratus commendetur episcopo, ad cujus instructionem adjungatur illi collega propter episcopatus, id est, superintendentiae, distrahentia negotia. Decani et archidiaconi habeant et proprios pastoratus, ubi habitent, et exequantur omnia, quae a fido pastore su-perius exacta sunt, non obstantibus decanatus et archidia-conatus secundariis functionibus, quibus tantum secundas vigilias debent. Reliquis vero pastoratibus ex doctoribus et evangelistis praeficiantur pastores, habita prius ratione doctrinae, morum, et dexterirate in docendo. Vocentur a piebe, mittantur ab episcopo hoc modo. Plebs, cui deest pastor, roger episco-pum, ut sibi idoneum praeficiat, episcopus roget proximam academiam, ut ad se mittat doctum et probum; (nisi forte proponat plebs aliquem de suo coetu dotibus animi commendabilem.) Ubi ad episcopum, sive ab academia accercitus, sive a piebe commendatus accesserit, admissis ad cognitionem electionis, ejus decanatus unde plebs censetur, pastoribus examen tier. Quod si idoneus compertus fuerit, deducetur ab episcopo, vel ab episcopi deputato decano, archidiacono, aut alio aliquo pastore, et post concionem proponetur populo, coneesso quindecim dierum spario, intra quod licebit plebi oppositionis causas (siquas forte habuerit) disceptandas episcopo et ejusdem decanatus pastoribus proponere. Ubi autem approbatus fuerit, episcopus, vel ab eo delegatus pastor, publice et coram tota ecclesia pastorem novitium manus impositione, et solenni ritu, consecrabit ex formula huic regno usitata.

Hic ordo, ut cum apostolico congruit, ita aut parum, aut nihil a vestro variat; nisi quod in judiciis ecclesiasticis pastores episcoporum assessores constituuntur; quod Niceni consilii decretis sancitum erat. Hactenus de pastoribus, eorum electlone, approbatione et ordinatione.

Sequitur ut de presbyteris loquamur. Eorum autem duo sunt genera. Quod Paulus significat his verbis; Presbyteri qui (1 Tim. v.) bene praesunt duplici honore digni sunt; maxime hi qui doctrinae vacent. De his dictum est: nihil enim aliud sunt quam pastores. Restat ergo ut de secundo genere dicamus.

Habet Anglicana politia, et maxime Londinensis, civi-lem ordinem, longe eximium, quem convellere, nedurn ever-tere, nec velim, nec ausim. Immo, omnibus civitatibus ta-leto exemplo esse omnibus votis exoptem. Sed de politia ecclesiastica hic ago, quae presbyteros adesse pastoribus exi-git, ut majori aldermannos (quos vocant) adesse videmus. Major magistratus, pastor Christi minister est. Eundem finem habet uterque nempe pacis et ecclesiae tranquillitatis, bonorumque conservationis studlure. Sed diversis modis mediisque eo contendunt. Ille minis, metu, poenis et suppliciis malos coercet. Hic dulci blandaque Christi suadela; id est, ex verbo Dei gratuitis vitae aeternae pollicitationibus, fraterna correctiono, admonitione, et correptione; et (si du-ritles delinquentis ira exigat) excommunicatione, in officio retinet bonos, et malos a grege segregat. Hoc quando, et erga quos sit praestandum, per presbyteros quasi suos ocellos, videt, et cum els de eo praestando deliberat, et statuit pastor. Ergo ut pastor Anglicus presbyteros habeat, necesse est; quod facile etiam fiet, nec magna praesentis formae mutatione. Cum de pastoribus loquuti sumus, reliquimus episco-pos, decanos, et archidiaconos superintendentes: exegimus tantum, ut cum evangelistis proprios pastoratus guberna-rent. Presbyteros volo etiam sumi de media politia, quae nunc locum habet, qui huic provinciae serviant, nempe churchouorneros (quos vocant) nempe hoc ordine atque forma.

Paroechiae uniuscujusque pastoratus proponant singulae proprio pastori lectum aliquem seniorem integritate vitae, judicio et experientia celebrem: ira ut quatuor parcecbiae quatuor proponant seniores. Eorum nomina referantur episcopo; et nisi intercedat quaedam oppositio, ut pastores ordinentur. Hi singulis paroechiis invigilent, certis singu-lorum mensium diebus familias omnes invisant, de dilectione mutua maritos, et reliquis in familiam officiis commonefa-ciant, siquid sit discordiae aut simultatis, resarciant, per se, aut adhibitis in consistorio pastore, et tribus allis collegis, ex verbo Dei, et fraterna charitatis regula, componant. Si-quid est gravi censura dignum, aut excommunicandus ali-quis videatur, res ad episcopum referatur, qui cum his et aliquis decanatus pastoribus et presbyteris eam dijudicet. Hujus ecclesiasticae correctionis defectu multi creantur infrugiferi magistratibus labores, vitia domestica aluntur; et do-nec in aperta facinora erumpant, foventur, quae omnia seni-orum opera extingui possent.

Multae simultates maritorum, levibus suspicionibus nixae, subito sedarentur private. Preces in familiis frequentarentur; blandae ex verbo Dei admo.

Nit Jones in officio multos potius retinerent, eta vitiis revocarent, quam publica supplicia in hoc regno plus satis ordinaria; comessationes, alea, vestimentorum a paucis annis immodice luxurians curiositas, cohiberentur.

Denique coetus ecclesiastici crescerent, et celebriores et augrustiores fierent. Quod attinet ad causas matrimoniales, haeresium et schismature disceptationem, ordo hactenus usurpatus in hoc regno retineri potest; modo banna (quae vocant) inordinati homines, magno ecclesiae detrimento, matrimonii dedecore, et familiarum injuria, redimere post hac non permittantur. Sequuntur diaconi, quibus caretis magno dispendio pauperum et divitum. Patuit superius hunc ordinem habere Deum authorem per apostolos eum instituentem, non est mirum si non Possit contemni citra multa incommoda, quae passim male ordinatae ecclesiae experiuntur. In pauperibus sublevandis duo potissimum spectantur; prius, ne fame et nuditate pereat, qui eodem nobiseum Christi sanguine redemptus est.

Secundum, ne aut paupertatis taedio, frater Deum blasphemet, et ut ditescat, malis artibus se applicet; aut ne Christi eleemosynis saginati cessatores, otio ad vitia impellantur: ut prius efficias non sedulo solum et fideli, sed bono, et locorum consolationis non ignaro, oeconomo tibi opus est: ut secundum, prudenti et experto indiges. Horum oeconomorum defectu, pereunt bona multa, collata in indignos. Qui indigent ut plurimum non juvantur; aut ea parsimonia juvantur, ut obmurmurent, despondeant animum, non solentur eos distributores, sed potius irritent minis. Hinc fit, ut mendicent et furentur, et tandem misere percant. ltaque non solum vobis lictoribus opus est, qui mendicos et errones coerceant, sed multo magis diaconis, qui solentur, et paupertatem exhortationibus leniant. Quod si ea fide et diligentia praestent, qua Stephanus Hierosolymis, Laurentius Romae praestitit, non dubito quirt multo minoribus dispendiis, quam sunt ea, quae quotidie sustinetis. Infinitos adolescentes alatis, quos aut penuria crudeliter enecat, aut ad crimina, et inde ad patibula, adigit.

Velim itaque totidem creari, et eodem ordine in singulls pastoratibus diaconos, quotet presbyteros exegimus. Hi colligant pecunias, collectas dispensent fideliter, et dati et accepti rationes conficiant, rationem reddant, singu-lis in mensibus semel, coram proprio pastore et tota ecclesia. Singulis hebdomatibus visant suos pauperes, conso-lentur et exhortentur. Tutores se gerant, et procuratores viduarum et orphanorum. A caena parcechiam circumam-bulent, et palantes orphanos, et peregrinos hospitio excipi curent: ne tanta severirate, et citra antegressam admonitionem et instructionem pauperes pro mendicis, et desertl pro erronibus in latumias et pistrinum dedantur. Hoc si fiat, multi, qui prius facta pudoris et famae jactura, vel in cippis, vel in Brigdovelli, laqueo vitam finiunt, servabuntur regni defensioni, et magnis reipublicae usibus. Deus interim sui ordinis, et Christi sui vicariorum pauperum obser-vatoribus benedicet. Quia vero magna paroechiarum differentia est, tum in numero, tum in facultatibus paroechianorum; si quando necessitas exigat (ut exigere perpetuo fere potest) archidia-toni judicio (ut aliquid quod nomini suo, et antiquis canonibus respondeat faxint) ditiores parcechiae tenuioribus de suis facultatibus impertiri excitabuntur. Haec trium in ecclesia ministeriorum ad apostolicam regulam delineata reformatio, ideo, vobis facilior est, quod vobis vestros episcopos, decanos, archidiaconos, et evange-listas, qui crunt vobis pastores, conservet. Churchovocue-ros, qui erunt presbyteri et diaconi, in veram et legitimam ecclesiae tutelam collocat. Esset vero optandum, ut ex canonum praescripto, et om-nium etiam ecclesiarum papisticarum exemplo, bis in anno suorum pastorum et presbyterorum synodum cogeret episcopus, aut saltem semel in anno, ut statuit in Anglia synodus Harnfordiensis.

Quia vero qui pastores in singulis ecclesiis debent indies studia theolog. ira extolere, ut magis ac magis suo muneris obeundo idonei reddantur; esset etiam optandum, ut in singulis decanatibus doctores theologici instituerentur, qui locis opportunis et diebus, in hebdomade bis aut ter, theologiam e sacris oraculis illis exponexent. Atque ut his suppeditet fundus ecclesiasticus, curandum est authoritate regia, et regni majorum ordinum communi decreto, ut ecclesiae quae superesse debent bona, sarta recta maneant, non in alios usus ab aulicis, nobilibus et mercatoribus transferantur.

Haec sunt quae pertinent ad sedanalum vestrarum controversiarum priorem partem; secunda, ut jam dixi, talis est, ut quod aedificationi et paci ecclesiae maxime servit, id optimum censeatur. Superintendentiae episcopi, decan. et archidiacon. non obsunt; immo, plurimum prodesse possunt, retineantur. De ritibus et ceremoniis, siquid sit tale, ut facile eo careat ecclesia, non contendant superintendentes, siquid sit non omnino superstitiosum, non turbent ob id ecclesiam Christi accusantes.

NUMBER 43.

Cowper, lately made bishop of Winchester, to the lord treasurer lord Burghley : for a commission to carry down with him, to make inquiry after recusants. My duty considered, fight honorable, HAVING some care of that charge, wherunto it hath pleased her majesty to assign me, I am bold at this time to be suitor to your honour, that you would vouchsafe to be a means that I may go into the country with such authority and direction of assistance there, that mine endcavour may take effect among them.

I being desirous somewhat to know the state of the country, willed the archdeacon of Hampshire to make enquiry of such as be obstinate recusants. And I am certified, that there be already presented by the churchwardens to the number of 400; and in some one parish 40 or 50.

And yet it is thought certainly that by the slackness of the churchwardens a great number more are omitted. Wherefore the country being in such case, I am of opinion, under correction, that there will need extraordinary authority; and that to be committed not to many. For I understand there be divers of great countenance will speak very well, and deal very hollowly. If it might be lawful for me to wish, I could desire either commission ecclesiastical, or commission of oyer and terminer, or both. The persons that I can be informed of, to be the soundest, and most willing, are the lord de la Ware, living often about the city, sir Richard Norton, sir William Kingsmill, Mr. Kingsrail, that is attur-ney of the court of wards, Mr. Flemming, recorder of the city of Winchester, and usually living there. And if it shall please you to have any ecclesiastical men, I think these very fit; Dr. Bilson, doctor of divinity, Dr. Ebden, or Dr. Reni-ger. But I must leave the whole matter to the consideration of your honours; only I humbly desire you to have some special order therunto. For I fear, if I bring not some extraordinary direction from your honours, they will conceive, that there is not so great care taken to have disorderly persons represt as all good subjects know that there is. The Lord preserve your honour in health to his glory. This 2. of May, 1584. Your honours in Christ to command, Thomas Winton.

NUMBER 44.

Three Prayers used at court and parliament after Parry’s treason.

A prayer for al kings, princes, countries, and people, which do profess the gospel; and especially for our sovereign lady queen Elizabeth: used in her majestys chapel, and may be used of all persons within her majestys dominions.

OLORD God of hosts, most loving and merciful father, whose power no creature is able to resist, who of thy great goodness hast promised to grant the petitions of such as ask in thy Sons name, we most humbly beseech thee to save and defend all princes, magistrates, kingdoms, countries, and people which have received and do profess thy holy word and gospel; and namely, this realm of England, and thy servantELIZABETH our queen, whom thou hast hitherto wonderfully preserved from manifold perils and sundry dangers, and of late reveled and frustrated the traiterous practices and conspiracies of divers against her: for the which, and all other thy great goodness towards us, we give thee most humble and hearty thanks; beseeching thee in the name of thy dear Son Jesus Christ, and for his sake, still to preserve and continue her unto us, and to give her long life and many years to rule over this land.

O heavenly Father, the practices of our enemies, and the enemies of thy word and truth, against her and us, are manifest and known unto thee.

Turn them, O Lord, if it be thy blessed will, or overthrow and confound them. For thy names sake, suffer them not to prevail. Take them, O Lord, in their crafty wiliness that they have invented; and let them fall into the pit which they have digged for others. Permit them not ungodly to triumph over us. Discomfort them, discomfort them, O Lord, which trust in their own multitude, and please themselves in their subtil devices and wicked conspiracies.

O loving Father, we have not deserved the least of these thy mercies which we crave: for we have tinned and grievously offended thee. We are not worthy to be called thy sons. We have not been so thankful unto thee as we should for thy unspeakable benefits powred upon us: we have abused this long time of peace and prosperity. We have not obeyed thy word. We have had it in our mouths, but not in heart; in outward appearance, but not in deed. We have lived carelessly, we have not known the time of our visitation. We have deserved utter destruction. But thou, O Lord, art merciful, and ready to forgive. Therefore wee come to thy throne of grace, confessing and acknowledging thee to be our onely refuge in all times of peril and daun-ger; and by the means of thy Son we most heartily pray thee to forgive us our unthankfulness, disobedience, hypocrisy, and all other our sinns; to turn from us thy heavy wrath and displeasure, which we have justly deserved, and to turn our hearts truly unto thee. That daily we may en-crease in all goodness, and continually more and more fear thy holy name. So shall we glorify thy name, and sing unto thee in psalmes and hymnes and spiritual songs. And thy enemies and ours shall know themselves to be but men, and not able by any means to withstand thee, nor to hurt those whom thou hast received into thy protection and defence.

Grant these things, O Lord of power and Father of mercy, for thy Christs sake. To whom, with thee and thy holy Spirit, be all honour and glory for ever and ever. Amen. A prayer and thanksgiving for the queen; used of all knights and burgesses in the high court of parliament. And very requisite to be used and continued of all her majesties loving subjects.

O almighty and most merciful God, who dost pitch thy tents round about thy people, to deliver them from the bands of their enemies; wee thy humble servants, which have ever of old seen thy salvation, do fall down, and prostrate our selves with praise and thanksgiving to thy glorious name.

Who hast in thy tender mercy, from time to time, saved and defended thy servant Elizabeth our most gracious queen, not only from the hands of strange children, but also of late reveled and made frustrate his bloudy and most barbarous treason, who being her natural subject, most unnaturally violating thy divine ordinance, hath secretly sought to shed her bloud, to the great disquiet of thy church and utter discomfort of our souls. The snare is hewn in pieces; but upon thy servant doth the crown flourish. The wicked and bloud-thirsty men think to devour Jacob, and to lay wast his dwelling place. But thou, O God, who rulest in Jacob, and unto the ends of the world, dost daily teach us still to trust in thee for all thy great mercies; and not to forget thy mercifull kindness shewed to her that feareth thy name.

O Lord, we confess, to thy glory and praise, that thou only hast saved us from destruction, because thou hast not given her over for a prey to the wicked. Her soul is delivered, and we are escaped. Hear us now, we pray thee, O thou merciful Father, and continue forth thy loving kindness toward thy servant, and evermore, to thy glory and our comfort, keep her in health with long life and pros perity. Whose rest and only refuge is in thee, O God of her salvation. Preserve her, as thou art wont, preserve her from the snare of the enemy, from the gathering together of the froward, from the insurrection of wicked doers, and from all the traiterous conspiracies of those which privily lay wait for her life. Grant this, O heavenly Father, for Jesus Christs sake, our only mediator and advocate.

Amen. A prayer used in the parlament onely.

O most merciful God and Father, forasmuch as no coun-sil can stand, nor any can prosper, but only such as are humbly gathered in thy name, to feel the sweet tast of thy holy Spirit, wee gladly acknowledge, that by thy favour standeth the peaceable protection of our queen and realm, and likewise this favourable liberty granted unto us at this time to make our meeting together. Which thy bountiful goodness we most thankfully acknowledging, do withall earnestly pray thy Divine Majesty so to encline our hearts, as our courtsils may be subject in true obedience to thy holy word and will. And sith it hath pleased thee to govern this realm by ordinary assembling the three estates of the same, our humble prayer is, that thou wilt graft in us good minds to conceive, free liberty to speak, and on all sides a ready and quiet consent to such wholsome laws and statutes, as may declare us to be thy people, and thy realm to be prosperously ruled by thy good guiding and defence.

So that we and our posterity may with chearful hearts wait for thy appearance in judgment, that art only able to present us faultless before God, our heavenly Father. To whom, with thee our Saviour Christ, and the Holy Spirit, be all glory both now and ever. Amen.

NUMBER 45.

A prayer of thanksgiving for the deliverance of her majesty from many dangers, and particularly from the murtherous intention of Dr. Parry. A manuscript.

OETERNAL God and merciful Father, wee thy unworthy creatures most humbly do confess, that we are not able with our tongues to utter, nor in our hearts to conceive the exceeding measure of thine infinite goodness, graces, and favours in this latter age, shewed to this noble realm. In that thou, O Lord, hast in most dangerous times, a few years past, by this goodness and providence, beyond expectation of man, directed and preserved the tender and noble person of our now sovereign lady Elizabeth by thy grace, according to her right, to come to this kingdome and royal seat of her noble father; and by her being therein established, as thy beloved, chosen servant, to deliver us, thy people, that were as captives to Babylon, out of bondage and thraldome of the enemies of thy true church, and to restore us again to the free fruition of the gospel of thy Son our Saviour Jesus Christ. For the enjoying wherof now these many years, we do confess and acknowledg, that beyond all our deserts, yea truly, O Lord, when we by our daily unthankfulness for the benefit of thy gospel, and by our sinful lives, contrary to our holy profession, have most justly provoked thee to withdraw thy favour from us. Thou, O Lord, with thy merciful favour and mighty power didst strengthen thy good, blessed servant, our most gracious queen constantly, against the roaring and threatnings of the mighty of the world, to persist in maintenance of us, her subjects, and thy unworthy servants, to draw out our day in all maner of prosperity, peace, and wealth; but most singularly in a peaceable freedom to enjoy the blessed benefits of thy holy word against the mighty roaring of bulls and tygers, the enemies of thy church, daily conspiring found about us, and partly among ourselves against this realm; and especially against the royal person of our blessed queen, thy humble servant and true handmaid.

Whose estate being the expectation of a number of wickedpersons, manitimes in great and secret dangers; yet thou, O Lord, who art the Lord of lords and King of kings, of thy heavenly goodness hast always preserved and defended her by many miraculous means, and as we have good cause to think, by many other means, and at many other times, than to us are yet known.

But yet of late time we have fully felt thy mervailous goodness by the discovery of some attempts most apparently taken in hand against her person by certain wicked, unnatural subjects; the stay wherof onely hath proceded, good Lord, by thy most continual tender and fatherly care over her, thy dear beloved daughter and servant; and not by the wit, providence, or strength of any worldly creature. As was most notably to be seen the last year to have been attempted by one malicious and furious person, resolutely purposed by the persuasion of other wicked traitors, to have committed a bloudy fact upon her person; but mervailously by thy ordinance, O Lord God, discovered by the troubled desperate conscience of the very malefactor, and so most happily stayed. For the which thy blessed favour then shewed, if we were not so thankful to thee, O Lord, as we ought to have been, yet now, Lord God, we are most urgently stirred up to acknowledg our bounden duty of praise and thanksgiving, by a very late manifestation of thy singular favour, so largely above that former, as, all wonderful circumstances considered, we may compare it with an example of thy most wonderful kindness shewed to any kings or nations of old time, testifyed to us in thy holy scriptures. So, Lord God, what can be added to this thy secret favour, now lastly shewed to her? when neither she, being the queen of the whole realm, nor we, being in number an exceeding multitude of her subjects, could imagine or once think of the same, much less have withstanded it.

In that a miserable, wretched, natural born subject, a man in truth of no religion, (as now appeareth,) under colour seeking to be a diligent and most careful servant to our gracious queen, and pretending to discover to her by his own privity how her own person was in danger of mur-thering, and how the same might be withstood, hee himself did of long time, even while he had gotten credit with her majesty and with her court, determined very often most desperately and resolutely to have with his own cursed hand destroyed her majestys sacred person. And if, Lord, thy mighty and unsearchable power had not at many times diverted his desperate heart and his bloudy hand, by reverence of the majesty of her person, as by his own voluntary confession is declared; we do now perceive, with trembling of our hearts, that she could not at sundry times, by the space of one whole year and more, have escaped the danger of violence, wickedly and resolutely by him intended. Whereupon we now, thy humble creatures, acknowledging our unworthiness of these great graces, beseech thee, O Lord, that thou wilt, without regard of our former unthankfulness, shew thy mercy upon us, and continue thy blessings over us. That we may for these thy unspeakable benefits be more thankful than we have been, not only in word, but in deed also, according to the directions of thy holy word; whereof we, under the protection of our gracious queen by thy ordinance have, by the ministry of many thy good servants, had plenteous instruction. And we do firmly hope in thy great goodness, that our sovereign lady the queen, thy humble servant, having so notable proofs of thy special providence in her whole life, besides thy unknown works of favour toward her, far above that which thou shewest to many other princes, that by her continual thankfulness, and by constancy in serving of thee, and maintaining of thy holy word, may procure to her self and us the continuance of these thy favourable graces, stil to preserve her from all manner of open or secret perils which the enemies of thy word are known to intend against her. Wherby her years may be prolonged, as far as it may please thee to grant by the course of nature to any other prince in this world, for the maintenance of the glory of thy Son Jesus Christ and of his gospel, and for continuance of us thy people, her natural subjects, in the due fear and service of thee, and in our natural obedience to her.

Wherbywe and our posterity may enjoy such peace as we have had these many years under her majestys government, far above any like examples in any age by-past, either in this our natural country, or any other within the limits of Christendome. Grant this, grant this, O heavenly Father, for Jesus Christs sake, thy onely Son our Saviour. To whom, with thee and the Holy Ghost, be given all honour and glory world with- out end. Amen.

NUMBER 46.

Parry s confession in a letter to the queen, written from the Tower after his condemnation. Exemplified from his own paper. YOUR majesty may see, by my voluntary confession, the dangerous fruits of a discontented mind, and how constantly I pursued my first conceived purpose in Venice for the relief of the afflicted catholics, continued it in Lyons, and resolvedly in Paris, to put it a [in execution in England] in adventure, for the restitution of England to the antlent obedience to the see apostolic. And you may see withal how it is commended, allowed, and warranted in conscience, divinity, and policy, by the popes and some great divines; tho’ it be true or likely, that most of our English divines (less practised in matters of this weight) do utterly mislike and condemne it.

That enterprize is prevented, and conspiracy discovered by an honorable gentle-manb of great descent, my kinsman and late familiar friend, Mr. Edmund Nevyl, privy and by solemne oath (taken upon the Bible) party to the matter; wherof I am heartily glad. But now sorry (in my very soul) that ever I conceived it, however comfortable or meritorious soever I thought it. God thank him, and forgive me; who would not now (before God) attempt it, (if I had opportunity and liberty to perform it,) to gain your kingdome. I beseech Christ, that my death and example may satisfy your majesty and the world, as it shal glad and content me. This that follows is not in the printed letter. “Your majesty may see that there is never a man more of our nation abroad, or at home, privy to this cause, but Thomas Morgan, a catholic gentleman, so beloved, trusted, and protected in France, as you shall hardly be able to touch him by any ordinary course; that proof depending upon his yea and my nay; and having no letter or cipher of his wherewith to charge him. Leave him therefore to God and his amendment. “Give some ease to your catholic subjects.

Remember the rest of my letter; and you shall find, that God wil bless you, foreign princes esteem you, and your subjects obey you. “The indignities past between your majesty and the king catholic are many. You have disquieted his state, main-mined his rebels, and do bear with such as have robbed him and his subjects. Many merchants are undon: some few are enriched. Some bad humours pleased, and your self dishonoured. It may cost you dear; look to it in time. There is possibility to repair all.” Then the letter printed goes on: The queen of Scots is your prisoner. Let her be honourably entreated, but yet surely guarded. This which follows is in the MS. letter only: “Shee may do you good, shee will do you no harm, if the fault be not English. Satisfy her reasonably in her keeper;” [whom the queen was now going to change.] “It may else prove dangerous. It was wel once, it cannot be bettered now. A new governour and a new guard may breed new doubts. Impulsion may do harm. Please your self in this cause. It importeth you much: so long as it is wel with her, it is safe with you. When she is in fear, you are not without peril. Cherish and love her. She is of your bloud, and your undoubted heir in succession. It is so taken abroad, and will be found so at home. The prince, her son, hath been lily handled by his subjects, troubled with inlet heretic practices, and often endangered in per-son. Now you have him, protect him. He is your kinsman and second saulty.”

And then the printed letter proceeds, viz. The French king is French; you know that well enough. You will find him occupied when he should do you good. He will not loose a pilgrimage to save your crown.

This that followeth hath a line struck through it, and is part of the letter omitted in the print. “Last of all, forget the glorious title of supreme governour. Trouble none that refuseth to swear it; for that cannot agree with your sex. Luther and Calvin did not allow it. The puritans smile at it, and the catholic world doth condemne it.” I have no more to say at this time, but that with my heart and soul I do now honour and love you; am inwardly sorry for mine offence; am ready to make you amends by my death and patience. Discharge me a culpa, I beseech you, good lady, but non a poena. And so farewel, most gracious, and the best natured and qualified queen that ever lived in England. And so the printed letter endeth.

But the autograph goes on in these words: viz. “Remember your infortunate servant [this last word servant blotted out] Parry, chiefly overthrown by your hard hand. Amend it in the rest of your servants: for it is past with me, if your grace be not greater than I look for. And lastly and ever, good madam, be good to your obedient catholic subjects. For the bad I speak not.

From the Tower, the 14. of February, 1584. W. Pa.”

NUMBER 47.

That such papists as of late times have been executed were by a statute of Edward III lawfully executed as traitors. A treatice.

THE statute of Edward the Third saith, that if any man shal compass or imagine the kings death, or shall levy war against him, or shall probably be attainted to have been an adherent to the kings enemies, he shall be adjudged a traitor. Now let us consider the papists dealings. Pius V. (the father in his time of them all) calleth her majesty’s interest in the crown praetensum jus. He declareth her deprived, by his authority, of the kingdome; he absolveth her natural subjects from their oath of obedience; he curseth all that shall yield her any princely duty. And yet not herewith content, before the bull was generally published, he sent of his ministers into this land, to signify, apostolica auctoritate certis viris illustribus, what was don at Rome; how Elizabeth was an heretic; that she had lost her crown; and that they did owe her no kind of obedience. Wherupon the earls of Northumberland and Westmer-land, with sundry other gentlemen, persuaded by Morton, the popes principal agent, catholicos omnes summis viribus illis affuturos esse; [i.e. that all catholics would assist them with their chiefest strength;] they took up armes, and sought by force to have subdued her majesty. And Saunders yieldeth this reason of their ill success therin: Quia catholici omnes nondum probe cognoverunt Elizabe-tham haereticam esse declarandam; [i.e. Because all the catholics did not yet well know that Elizabeth was to be declared an heretic.] But for the attempt, saith he, howsoever it fel out, tamen laudands illorum nobilium consilia erant ; [i.e. nevertheless the counsils of those noblemen were to be commended.] Now as Morton and his companion, by the popes apostolical authority, wrought in England, so did Saunders by the same authority with his holiness soldiers, as you all know, work in Ireland, &c. Wherby, I trust, that the matter is evident, that the pope is the queens enemy; and that by the statute of Edward III. Morton, Saunders, and all their fellows were rebellious traitors. But to procede and come neerer my purpose, these rebellions represt, and greater regard being had of the popes seditious firebrand, another course was taken, no less mischievous and dangerous than the first. Where they could not devour like lions, now for a time they must play thefoxes. Saunders, Morton, and their adherents professed themselves, as you have heard, her majesties enemies; and hoping of a sufficient number to have vanquished her, moved subjects to open rebellion. But now the Jesuits and seminary priests, which of late years came over, had learned a new lesson.

They all confessed indeed, and that stoutly, that their coming over was to encrease the number of catholics, (as they term them,) the popes retinue and subjects; and that they had employed their endearour by masses, confessions, reconciliations, and relicks for that purpose. Mary, for her majesty, they said, they honoured her, and she was their sovereign, their lady, and they her subjects. You hear now here a sudden alteration.

Fistula duke canit volucrem dum decipit auceps. [They are good words, but know you their meaning?] The pope that now is, to animate his workmen, and free them from danger, hath agreed, like a fox, to wink at the bull of Plus V. A qualification is made therof in that which might touch his brokers. The bull shal not so bind them; but if they be taken seducing her majesties subjects, and examined for their allegiance, by dispensation they may profess it frankly. But will you know how long? Donee publice ejusdem bullae executio fieri potest ; [i.e. Until the execution of the said bull may be done publicly.] Will you know how long? Until the catholics by competent forces shall be able to resist. And therefore in the midst of their best protestations toward her majesty, being asked, if the pope, or any other assigned by him, should invade the realm, which part they would take, or what part a faithful subject of her majesties ought to take, they cry out against the demand. In his matter they are mute, they answer indirectly.

And the reason is this. They had all sworn their obedience unto the pope.

And then both they and all other current papists living (acknowledging the popes authority over both swords) are bound by oath and profession, when opportunity serveth that the pope have his assignes, shall assault her majesty with the temporal or material sword, to joyn with him, to their utmost ability, according to their place and callings. To collect therefore all I have said into one summary. The Jesuites and seminary priests executed, before their coming into England did know what Plus V. had done against her majesty, neither would they by any means improve [i.e. disprove] the fact. They were not ignorant of the two rebellions stirred and procured by the popes factors in England and Ireland, wherof being urged they would shew no mislike. They knew that the want of a sufficient number that would rise against her majesty was the cause why the bull was not executed. They did confess, that they themselves were sent over to encrease that number; and that therin they had laboured greatly. They were not ignorant, that the pope now living had given them no longer licence to acknowledg her majesty than rebus sic stantibus, than by reason of power and number publics executio bullae fieri poterat; [i. e. the public execution of the bull might be done.] And then, according to their oaths, both they and their scholars were to joyn against her highness, their native country and kingdom. I omit here conspiracies and treacheries wrought beyond sea, proved against them by sufficient witnesses at their ar-rainment. And thus i draw to an end in this point. For the Jesuites and seminary priests executed, to give their faith unto the queens enemy, who sought her overthrow, her death, her crown, to persuade her subjects unto a reconcilement with the said her enemy, and so to encrease his strength and diminish her majestys, &c. is to compass, or at least imagine her highness destruction, is in a sort a levying or preparation of war and rebellion. And to be convicted of the premisses I am sure is probably to attaint them for adherents unto her majesties enemies. And therefore the Jesuites and seminary priests, executed by the statute of Edward III. were traitors, and so most lawfully executed.

Wheras then their abetters and upholders do give it forth, they were no traitors, but that they suffered death and martyrdom for saying of masses, for hearing confessions, for absolving of sinners, for Agnus Dei’s, for persuading men to the Roman religion, for matters of conscience, for Christian religion, and not for treason, I answer, First, that if indeed they still hold as the cause standeth, between her majesty and the pope, that the poise hath in himself the right of both swords, as well by the material sword through force to subdue her, as by the spiritual to excommunicate her; then there cannot be any case or cause of treason which may any way touch them; but being convicted of any murther or mischief, either executed or intended, or any sedition, rebellion, or solicitation to every such extremity, if they followed therin the popes pleasure, all such stratagems are grounds for religion.

But by their leaves they must first prove unto us out of the word of God, that, as they write, their pope is rex regum, et dominus dominantium, [i.e. king of kings and lord of lords,] that kings and emperors, as feudatory vassals, do owe him homage; that he may place and displace, give kingdomes and the empire to whom he list; that he doth obtinere principatum totius mundi, [i.e. obtain the principality of the whole world ;] and that Christ hath committed unto him terreni simul et caelestis imperii jura, [i.e. the rights of the earthly together with the heavenly empire.] Let them, I say, prove this: and then for my part I shall think that our Jesuites and seminaries were no traitors, in that they did by their god’s the popes commandment. Mary, if it shall fall out by the authority of the scriptures, in taking upon him to have regnum super reges terrae, he prove himself to be Antichrist: if it appears directly, that kings in the Old Testament were lords of the temporal sword; that Christ himself in that respect payd tribute unto Caesar; that his apostles did the like; obeyed the civil magistrates; prayed for them, and commanded all men to be subject unto them: if it prove true, that the an-tient fathers (agreeing, and generally with Tertullian) do confess that every king and emperor within his own domi- nion is homo a Deo secundus ; omnibus major, tanturn Deo minor: if it be evident, that the old bishops of Rome acknowledged with their fellow bishops, Gregory and Leo, that the emperor was their lord, and themselves at commandment his servants, his subjects; then most assuredly for any subject, priest, or Jesuite, to joyn either with pope or any other clergy faction against his natural prince, especially touching the temporal sword, or any use therunto belonging, for the overthrow of the same, is and hath been accounted a matter of treason, not only in king Edward III. his time, but even, as I take it, from the beginning among all princes; and cannot now by any pretence be made a matter of religion, except they have the privilege that certain heretics (as I have heard) did chalenge, quod volumus sanctum est; that what they list shall be a matter of religion.

Again, where they say their fellows were executed for saying of masses, for confessions, &c. they reason as the witches, inchanters, and conjurers, being convicted of the wicked practice of those abominations, should alledge for themselves, (as oftentimes they do,) that they were condemned, and must dy, only for saying their Pater noster, and some other godly prayers. Or as tho’ the agents of some mighty rebell, being attainted for labouring by letters, gifts, and promises of great rewards, to alienate from their kings, and joyn with their masters the strength of the people, should cry out and publish abroad, that they dyed for writing of letters for relieving the poor, for promising good turnes unto their friends and acquaintance.

Indeed to pray, to write letters, give gifts, and to promise good benefits, is not evil; but to use prayers as in-chanters do is wicked. To solicite either by letter, gift, or promise, any princes subjects to any purpose that tendeth to their overthrow, is treason, and so to be punished.

And even so our Jesuites knowing there was a time lookt for when the bull should be executed, and that nothing was wanting but number of stout converts, (as they term them,) to endeavor by masses, &c. to encrease that number, by any such practice, tho’ their masses were good of them-selves, (as they are not,) yet are their labours wicked, treacherous, and ful of great treasons.

But to pass over those that be dead, and to come to those that be alive, what prince in the world liveth that doth tolerate such subjects? For to omit, that all that are in England as yet alive are in the like condition of treason with those who are executed, this surely must whet me on very much against them and that brood, to se how shamefully, untruly, and impudently they slander her majesty, her government, her ministers, their queen, their rulers, their country. There is nothing so villanously attempted against the state but it is excused, nay, approved and commended; nor any thing upon never so good grounds either don or said against them, but it is perverted, slandered, and condemned.

The bishops, who, upon suspicion only that their pomp would be exiled, refused to crowne her majesty in the beginning of her reign, are greatly praised. The rebels in the north are highly extolled. The popes practices against her majesty are by all that are abroad very greatly liked of. If any be justly executed, they write they are martyred. If any be imprisoned, they say they are smothered and pined. Nay, their most horrible traitors, even such as sought to suck her majesties bloud, are excused. Thus one writeth of Somervile, (who hanged himself;) The common opinion is, saith he, the poor gentleman was dispatched of purpose, and by appointment, for the prevention of the discovery of certain shameful practices. And of Ardern, that he was a worshipful, a valiant, and innocent gentleman, and through practice and envy was overthrown. And of another rebell the same author, We need not to defend the actions of that noble earl of Westmerland against malicious envy and detraction of malice.

Briefly, we see by daily experience, that the more horrible their treasons are, the more they are accounted of. The earl of Northumberland is become a martyr and saint. So is Felton, the trumpet of all English treacheries. And so I think shall all the rest. And is not this a most dangerous device against the salty of all estates, who set themselves against the man of sin and Romish traitors? I am persuaded the two attempts against the prince of Orange would never have been made, but that the parties were persuaded they should be saints. And the like I might say of Somer-vile. So that if ever prince in Christendome had cause given of severity and care of guard, it is her majesty.

NUMBER 48.

Intelligences sent to secretary Cecyll by Daniel Rogers; taken and transcribed by him from letters written to several princes of Germany in the year 1569.

FROM ROME, JUNE 18.

The French men do hope, that the queen of England will send no power out of England, nor the princes of Dutchland out of Germany, to succour the Hugonots. And so by that means the king may easily overcome Deuxponts, [who came out of Germany to assist the Hugonots for the admiral.] [It must be marked, that the Hugonots and the admiral of France were successful in this year 1569 against the French king. And several English forces were arrived soon after to the assistance of the protestants.] The pope doth yearly consecrate on Christmas eve a hat and sword; the which he sendeth to some such prince as in his opinion hath done best service to the see of Rome. This year he hath sent these presents to the duke of Alva. For that he hath so manfully withstood and chased away the prince of Orange. It is a certain mean to honour princes withal, and to encourage them earnestly and valiantly to defend the popes estate, &c. I have heard nothing of the Pronothorie monks and Spanish inquisitor that should be taken by the English ships.

For I can easily believe, that this kind of people do at this time fly as fast into the Low Countries as crows to a car- rion. Because they are there rather preferred, than the na- tural people of the same country.

It is needful in my opinon that no supplies be sent, neither out of England nor Dutchland, to the succour of the protestants in France, if peace be not concluded. The French men here [at Rome] do affirm, that the king refuseth the conditions of peace. But the pope feareth that he will pacify.

And therefore by public supplications to God he commandeth that victory be required against all Hugonots.

ADVICES 22. OF JUNE.

By the commandment of the holiness of our lord Pius V. by the providence of God bishop of Rome, the right honorable and most reverend cardinal Paleotto, bishop of Bolonia, doth notify, exhort, and command all persons and cu-rats of what church soever they be, as well secular as regular, and all monks and friars within the said city and dioces, that they fail not to say every day the litany for the health and preservation of the commonwealth of Christendom. And especially, to pray to God for help of the kingdom of France, and for the rooting out of heresy there. And that all priests in their masses do pray against the persecutors of the church. And that other private religious men do say certain godly prayers privatly, as God shall inspire them. That all curats on the holy days do advise the householder of every parish to say daily in their houses some special prayer; and that all children which do begin to be instructed in the Christian religion do say the litany, or some other prayer, as shall seem good to the curats, every holyday in the church; and that the said curates, every one in his parish, do exhort the people to often prayer, alms deeds, and other good works. And that all the clergy be diligent to do the like. To the end, that Almighty God may respect his holy catholic church of Rome; and give help to the kingdom of France in these perillous times. Subscribed by Lodovicus nuntius secretarius de mandatis.

FROM VENICE, ULT. JUNII.

The queen of England hath confirmed to her ambassador ledger to the French king, that she will not meddle with his French affairs, nor help his Hugonotes with anything. But to drive out of her kingdom such as live quietly and peaceably there; that she neither can nor will do. The French king doth credit her, as much as she by her actions doth shew to be believed. But he mervaileth, that she being so ready and furnished with all things, doth enterprize no more matter in France. He judgeth it to be the great work of God, and a singular mercy and favour shewed unto him; that he should not despair, but that in the end he shall utterly root out all that generation of Hugonots, not only in France, but in all other places.

The popish catholics of Germany are not ashamed with most abominable lyes to slander the doctrin of the count palatine elector, and say, that his preachers do affirm, that Christ dyed only for the salvation of men; and that there is a woman come, which shall redeem the women. Which was the dream once of Postellus. This ly hath been reproved to some of the reporters faces here.

FROM VENICE, JULY 19.

The cardinal Commendonus, a notable pillar of the popishchurch, told monsieur de Foy, the French kings ambassa dor at Venice, that he was sure that all the Hugonots were in armes in all places, with intent to root out the catholic religion. Whereof he said he had advertised the pope. To whom also he did write, that France and Germany were known well enough unto him: and unless the pope would stir up the rest, and make all the friends and means he could, to extinguish the protestants there, and that with all possible speed, that there was great danger of the utter subversion and ruine of the state of Rome. Cornelius Fresco, of Genoa, a notable seaman, is gon to the sea, with eight gallies, very well appointed: wherin are 800 men, and three canons, besides other small pieces. These gallies are thought to joyn with other Spanish and Sicilian gallies, and with certain great ships of Britany and Normandy, and passing by Rochel, shall enterprize something in England.

VENICE, JULY 14.

The pope useth vehement persecution against the Lutherans in Italy. For no stranger can travail in Italy, but he shall be examined of his belief, and what mind he hath toward the see of Rome.

There is care, study, and endeavour taken by the papists in all places to destroy the Hugonots throughout all the world.

The queen of England hath lent 50000l. sterl, to the queen of Navarr.

They of the religion have in all, with the Dutchmen, 12500 horsemen, 34000 footmen. The kings forces are as great.

FROM VIENNA, JULY 15.

The Venetians have lent the pope 200,000 crownes: conditionally, that the said sum be not repayd to them within five years, the city of Ravenna (which is already mortgaged to them) to be theirs for ever.

About two months past, at Vienna in Austria, a Jesuite practised with a poor mall and his wife, by a reigned miracle to enrich them, and win credit to his superstitious religion. The device was, that the poor man should be caried, as dead, on a biere, to the church; and, in the way, the Je suite, as it were by chance, meeting with the corps, and moved with the poor womans case, (who feigned piteously to lament her husbands death,) should stay the corps, and say these words, Surge et ambula: the deceased dead man should arise, to the great admiration of all the people. But the practice turned to the Jesuits shame. For the poor man, who was kept long within the biere without air, was smothered, and found dead indeed: whereupon the poor woman, turning her dissembled lamentation to unfeigned tears, exclaimed on the Jesuite, and uttered his practice unto all the people in such sort, that the Jesuite hardly escaped with life, and is fled no man can tell whither.

The like practice of another Jesuit happened about the same time at Augusta in Germany, in the house of one George Fowlker, a merchant: who albeit himself is a great papist, yet he had in his house a man servant and a maid that were of the religion, and would not, by any means that their master could use, be brought to come to the mass. Wherof a Jesuit hearing, cloathed himself like a devil, and hiding himself in certain dark places of the house, where the maid was wont to pass about her business, did in such sort terrify her, as she was at length almost beside her sell Which the young man, her fellow servant, perceiving, watched on a time the said Jesuitish devil, who began to play the like part with him as he had don with the maid, and, closing with the young man, did scratch him by the face: wherupon the young man, feeling some smart, drew out his dagger, and thrust the devil through the body, and killed him. After which deed, being greatly astonled, he went to his master, and told him that he had killed the devil. The truth being known, the young man was commended, and the devilish Jesuit burned in his devils apparel.

NUMBER 49.

John Fox to the lord treasurer: to obtain the queen’s confirmation of his prebend in the church of Sarum. ORNATISSIME, illustrissime, gennaio>tate in Christo pattone, sal. Mitto eximiae tuae praestantiae per nuntium quod jusseras. Utinam vicissim tua dignetur pietas prae-stare indigno clientulo tuo, quod receperas.

Subscripsere nobis promptissima voluntate reverend. D. episcopus Sarum, ejusque ecclesiae sodalitas universa. Deest nunc una, siquo modo impetrari possit, clementiss, reginae hJ yh~fov benignaque subscriptio. Qua in re, si non gravabitur tua pietas praesidiariam operam tuam adjungere, vix scias quantum me meosque omnes hoc nomine tibi devincies, licet alioqui jamdiu tibi devinctissimos.

Invitus huc adigor, ut occupatissimis tuis temporibus ob-strepem tam importune. Sed quid again in tanta rerum necessitate; aut quem petam alium? Ti>v gaxasqai th~v sh~v sune>sewv dunatw>terov Scio, quam nihil sit inrebus meis, quod rependam rursus excellentiae tuae tanto dignum beneficio: quod unum protero adnitar sedulo, ne unquam in me claudicet accinctissimae voluntatis studium, Ceciliano nomini et splendori addictissimum. Dio>per ei] ti hJ de>his>v mou dunh>setai para> soi, ei] tiv para>klhsiv ejn cristw~| ei] tiv koinwni>a pneu>matov, ei] tina spla>gcna, kai< oijkirmoi<, plh>rwson hJmw~n thsai hJmw~n than kataxi>wson. Jesus incolumitatem th~v megalofui>av sartam tectam stabiliat, ad gloriam ipsius, et reip. nostrae multam utilitatem. Amen. Lond.

April 15.

Tuus in Christo Joan. Foxius.

NUMBER Adrianus Saravia to the lord treasurer, lord Burghley ; from Leyden : moving him to counsel the queen, at this dangerous juncture, to assist the Provinces, and to take the government of them upon her. His letter accompanied with their ambassador’s.

Nobilissimo ac clarissimo duo. magno thesaurario regni Angliae, dno. meo S.

CUM non ingratae olim meae litterae fuerint, quas Guerzia ad T. A. scribere ausus fui, de rebus parvi momenti, si con-ferantur cum harum provinciarum negotiis, incomitatos no-stros legatos meis litteris hinc abire nolui; sperans fore, ut consueta humanitate tua accipiantur. Quod officio meo hactenus defuisse merito videri possum, culpam deprecari malo, quam pluribus excusare. Tantum tuam amplitud. scire cupio pudore id factum esse; et quod meis litteris T.A. interpellandam minime judicaverim. Nunc autem cum justa scribendi mihi data videatur occasio, confinere me diutius non debui, ut me fide mea, cum erga regiam majestatem et Angliae regnum, tum imprimis Dei ecclesiam, liberem. Itaque audaciam scribendi, humanitate tua fretus, qua rebus afflictis religiouis nostri populi semper favisti, nec favere desieris, sumpsi: quandoquidem hoc tempore imprimis tuo favore opus est: eoque magis, quod salus et vita serehiss. D. nostrae reginae, et regni Angliae incolumitas cum periculo nostro conjuncta videatur. Qui nobis inimici sunt, non sunt vobis amici. Consilia communium hostium quotidie magis et magis patefiunt; et quo spectent videre potestis; et ex iis quae moliuntur, quid vos expectare debeatis, judicare: expectandum non est, donec perierimus. Nam casus harum provinciarum trahet secum ruinam Angliae: si eas servabitis, pacem et solutem vestram firmabitis. Quare necessario cum omnibus, qui evangelium Christi profitentur, est ineundi societas, nisi certe perire constitutum sit. Et quo hae provinciae vobis magis sunt vi-cinae, eo arctius vobis sunt conjungendae. Quod duobus modis fieri potest; nempe, aut arctissimo foedere socie-tatis, aut imperil et dominii earum receptione. Quorum posterum tum tutissimum, tum utilissimum utrique est fu-turum. Nam etsi non sit futura utilis societas ipsa in hoc pertur-bato rerum statu, habebit multas difficultares, quas T. D. a Davidsono malo lntelligere, quam hic recensere. Tantum videndae erunt commodae rationes, et minime odiosae, quibus in fide contineri poterunt. Duas potissimum examinandas tuae prudentiae proponam. Primus est usus promiscuus mi-litum Anglorum et indigenarum in praesidiis: quo suspicio diffidentiae tollatur, ut nullus miles aut preeferri se, aut contemni prae alio arbitretur: altera obsidum exhibitio ad plures annos, donec obfirmandum hic erit imperium. Opti-matum filii humaniter accepti in Anglia, et saepe permutati, reddent tandem parentes et reliquos omnes vobis addictis-simi. Haec ratio nulli invidiae est obnoxia.

Facilis est, et minus sumptuosa, quam sunt futura Anglorum praesidia, aut aliorum militum, in locis qui carere milite possunt. Omnis miles civibus gravis estet molestus. Unde Julii Caesaris lau-danda prudentia est: qui acceptis obsidibus urbes et pro-vincias, non imposiris militibus, in fide retinebat. Nora est T. D. Historia Xenophontis peri< th~v Ku>rou paidei>av et quibus rationibus inductus crediderit, ut ejus verbis utar, pa>ntwn tw~n a]llwn zw>wn ei=nai rJa~|on, h\ ajnqrw>pwn, a]rcein. At ubi ei in mentem venit, Cyri tot homines, tot urbes, tot gentes, non invitas paruisse imperio, sententiam mutare co-actus est: utpote quod hominibus imperare, neque impos-sibile sit, neque factu difficile, siquis prudenter id agat.

Et certe ita est. Nam siquis omnia attentus expendere velit, defectiones populorum, et rerum publicarum mutationes, inveniet, non tam vitio plebis accidisse, quam eorum qui reip. praesunt: quando potius suarum libidinum aut cu-piditatum habuerunt ratiohem, quam salutis publicae. Nulla est mortaliure societas, quae se regi non postulet, sibique non praeficiat rectorem. Unde cuivis apparet, multitudinem iraperiure facile pati posse; et illud ultro expetere; et im-peritia et culpa rectorum accidere, siqua imperil dissolutio accidat: violentiam, quae ab hoste externo fit, excipio. quod hanc gentem attinet, facile se patietur regi, modo ei nulla fiat injuria, et eam suis legibus vivere, rectores pa-tiantur. Quemadmodum enim ad injuriam inferendam haec gens tarda est, ita est injuriae maxime impatiens. Quisquis rector barum provinciarum futurus est, leni animo sit opor-tet: qui clementer hujus gentis ferre mores rusticos et agrestes possit, facile sic flectet et inducet quolibet. Isthaec fa-miliariter scribo, ac si jam omnia facta et transacta essent. Spero enim divinitus hanc vobis oblatam, et servandi nos et confirmandi vos, non praeterituros esse occasionem. Quod si facitis, sera, vereor, ne sequatur poenitentia. Nam post-quam nos perierimus, vos incolumes permanere non po-testis.

Quare ego Deum Op. Max. precabor, ut menti regiae majestads, et consiliariorum ejus, inspirer, quod utile novit fu-turum: et ut incolumem amplitudinem tuam servet. Vale, et me in numero clientum tuorum habe.

Lugduno Batavo-rum, nono die mens. Junii, 1585.

Tuae celsitudinis observantissimus, Adrianus Saravia. [NUMBER 50] Laws and ordinances set down by Robert earl of Leicester, the queen’s majesty’s lieutenant and captain-general of all her army and forces in the Low Countries: meet and fit to be observed by all such as shall serve her majesty under him in the said countries; and there, re to be published and notified to the whole army. FORASMUCH as there is not any governed estate which in peace or war can be accounted sure, or preserved from dishonour and ruine, unless it be supported and born up by justice duely administred, and discipline orderly observed: and for that no man can be so ignorant as not to know, that honour, fame, and prosperity do duely follow that commonwealth or nation wherin good laws are established, the magistrate ministring justice is duely regarded, and the people, fearing to offend, are drawn under the rules of justice and obedience: and seeing that martial discipline above all things (proper to men of war) is by us at this time most to be followed, as well for the advancement of Gods glory, as honorable, to govern this army in good order: and lest that the evil enclined (pleading simplicity) should cover any wicked fact by ignorance:

Therefore these martial ordinances and laws following are established and published. Whereby all good minds, en-deavouring to attain honour, may stand armed, and receive encouragement to persevere in well doing; and such as are enelined to lewdness be warned from committing offences punishable. Which being embraced with careful respect, and followed with obedience, do promise good order and agreement amongst our selves, and victory and good event against our enemies. 1. First, every chief magistrate, captain; infedour officer, souldier, pioner, or what person else, receiving her majesty’s pay in field or garrison, shall solemnely swear, and by corporal oath be bound, to perform the underwritten articles, so far as to each in their several qualities shall appertain. The violating or breaking wherof is to be punished by the generalls direction, according to the quality of the offence. 2. Forasmuch as the holy name of our most mighty and invincible God withal reverence ought to be regarded, and that destruction is pronounced to such as blaspheme or abuse the same: it is therefore ordeined and commanded, that no person whatsoever, either in common conference or communication, or for any cause whatsoever, shall blaspheme, being thus admonished, or take his name in vain; upon the loss of five shilling, to the relief of the poor, for the first offence; for the second, five days imprisonment; for the third, loss of his place and wages. 3. And because the continual and unspeakable favours of our Almighty God by our unthankfulness may be taken from us, and that no good event of any action can be expected wherin God is not first and principally honoured and served: it is therefore especially ordered and commanded, that all persons whatsoever shall, upon general warning given either by sound of trumpet or drum, repair to the place appointed, where the divine service is to be used, there to hear the same read and preached, unless for the present by sickness or other service he be impeached; upon pain to loose his days wages for the first, two days wages for the second, and so to be encreased by the discretion of the judge. And for every such default in the soldier, as well the captain as his inferior officer, to be punished with the like penalty. 4. And seeing it well beseemeth all Christians, especially such as profess the military service, to pass away the time in matters requisite to their profession; and because no time can be more vainly spent than that which is consumed in unlawful games, besides the breeding of much contention and quatel; and for that there be many allowable and commendable exercises for all sorts of men to use: therefore it is streightly commanded, that no private soldier or inferior officer shah frequent the playing at dice and cards, nor any other unlawful games, upon pain of two days imprisonment for the first time, and for after committing the like, to be further punished by the judges discretion. 5. And for that it often happeneth, that by permitting of many vagrant or idle women in an army sundry disorders and horrible abuses are committed: therefore it is ordered, that no man shall cary into the field, or detain with him in the place of his garrison, any woman whatsoever, other than such as shall be known to be his lawful wife; or such other women, to tend the sick and to serve for launders, as shall be thought meet by the marshall; upon pain of whipping and banishment. 6. And insomuch as clemency amongst men of war, in some respects, is a singular vertue, it is ordered, that no man, in any part of this service that he shall do, shall lay violent hands upon any woman with child, or lying in childbed, old persons, widows, young virgins, or babes, without especial order from the magistrate, upon pain of death. 7. What person soever that shall be commonly given to drunkenness, or riotously behave himself, shall be banished the army, &c.

With more such like good laws and orders, requisite in such an expedition as this was, to the number of fifty five.

NUMBER 51.

The speech of John Puckering, sergeant at law, speaker of the house of commons, to the queen, at the conclusion of the sessions of parliament, an. 27. regin. Elizab. 1585. MOST excellent prince and gracious queen. The last tithe of my being in this place before your most excellent majesty and this honourable assembly of your three estates, I did make my most humble submission and request, upon the knowledg of my disability and unworthiness, that I might have been forborn to have occupied in this place. But such was your majestys gracious opinion, as it seemed, conceived of me upon the election of your faithful and obedient subjects, the whole commonalty of your realm, that Iwas thereto directed. And as then I, best knowing mine own insufficiencies, did for my excuse desire your majestys gracious acceptation of that which was only in my power, which was of my good will, diligence, and endeavour, to be bestowed in this service; so now, if I should not acknowledge in this place (having here in my company so many witnesses against me) the multitude of imperfections that I have found in my self during the time of this my service, I should shew my self to be over-partial to mine own cause, and in some sort to be void of modesty. But knowing your majestys accustomed goodness, to accept the good wills and endeavours of all men in your services, without any strait regard or account of the events or successes of their actions; and therewith having also had at this time of session of parlament daily proofs of the favourable toleration of my lacks, by the grave, wise, and experimented persons and good will generally of the whole body of your commons towards me, in their quiet allowance of my service; I am the bolder, throwing behind my back these my lacks and wants, as things not now to be imputed to me, and am to present my self in your majestys sight according to my office, as a person allowed by your majestys goodness only, and not by my deserts; and so to procede to present to your majesty, in the name of all your commons, first, our most humble thanks for the benefits that we have received by your ma jestys permission to have this assembly so long continued: secondly, our like humble requests for pardon of any thing which through ignorance, without any intention of offence, in our consultations might be, by your majestys great wisdome, imputed to us: and, lastly, I am also in their names to exhibit our most humble and earnest petitions to your majesty, to give life to the works, not of our hands, but of our minds, cogitations, and hearts; which otherwise than being lightened by the beams of your favour shall be but vain, dumb, and dead. For the first I do confess, and that in the name of allyour commons here assembled, and so I may presume to add the like for the lords here assembled in your majestys presence, that we cannot imagine how your majesty can bestow a greater benefit, that can deserve more thanks of your subjects universally, than that your majesty, as you have heretofore at many times, so now especially in this time, when our necessity for many respects required the same, summoned your whole realm, by calling your estates together to this parlament, to consult freely, and at great leisure, what were first meet for the furtherance and advancement of Gods service, by which we only have our being: and what were also necessary for the preservation of your majestys person, by whose long life and continuance we are kept free from the tyranny and subjection of foreign oppression: and, lastly, to devise among our selves, and provide not only as should be, both in general and particular, good and profitable for our own estates, but also to foresee how to avoid things hurtful to the same. To which good end we do acknowledg that, by your majestys goodness and permission, our assembly now hath tended. And for that good which we are to receive therby, we do yield to your majesty our most humble thanks; beseeching God to grant to your majesty many happy years above the term of our lives: that as we have already, so after us our posterity may receive the like benefits of your goodness, from time to time, as cause shall require; to procure to themselves by good laws under your government like means to live in such peace, happiness, and wealth as we have don from the beginning of your reign, and as our forefathers never did the like with such continuance.

Secondly, after these our thanks, most humbly presented upon our knees, we do, both in general and particular, humbly beseech your majesty to give your accustomed gracious interpretations to all our procedings. Wherein if any speeches, motions, or petitions have past from us that might have miscontented your majesty in your great wisdom above our capacities, I can assure your majesty, that in this assembly, wherin I was always present, there was never found in any speech, private or public, any argument or token of the mind of any person that shewed any intention to be of-fensive to your majesty. And for proof hereof, when it pleased your majesty to direct me to declare your pleasure to the common house, in what sort you would they should stay any furtiler proceding in the debating of the maner of reformation of such things as they thought might be re formed in the church, I found them all, generally and particularly, ready to obey your majesties pleasure therin: which, as it seemed to me, and so I have cause to persuade with my self, they did. For that it was well understood, that your majesty, as having by Gods ordinance a supreme authority for that purpose, had straitly charged the archbishops, bishops, and your whole clergy now assembled in their convocation, to have due regard to se to the reforma tion of divers abuses in the government and disciplin of the church.

And so our firm hope is, that your majesty will, by your strait commandment to your clergy, continue your care to se, and command, that such abuses as are crept into the church by the negligence of the ministers may be speedily reformed, to the honour of Almighty God, and to your own immortal praise, and comfort of your subjects.

The next matter wherof I have to speak is most humbly to offer to your majesty our most humble request. Wherin I must joyn to us, your commons, the state of the lords here of that higher house of parlament: that is, that it may please your majesty to yield your royal assent to such petitionsa, both general and particular, as have been upon long deliberation determined and conceived in writing, with uniform consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and us your commons, in this your parlament assembled. Wherin your majesty shall do no less than pertaineth to the authority which you have, like to God Almighty: who, as he giveth life and being to all his creatures great and small, so your majesty shall give life and continuance to the fruits of our consultations, as well to the small as to the great; without which your royal assent with your own breath, the same shall become without life and sense, and all our labors therin lost, and our expectations therin made frustrate. And tho’ in your majestys princely sight many of those our petitions may seem to be of mean value, either because they be, some of them, particular, or because the matters of some of them may seem to be of low and base degree: yet considering to them to whom they belong the same are of as great importance and benefit, as to greater estates greater matters are; and the lack of the benefits, which to them may grow thereby, shall be as grievous as the lack of greater in greater bodies; and that in every natural body the meanest parts and members are by the head regarded as beneficial, for one means or other, to the rest of the whole body: so wee, with al humbleness, in the name of the whole body, do beseech your majesty, as our only head and fountain of our life, to accept the meanest petitions for the comforts of the parts of the body, to whom the same may belong; as we know your majesty of your clemency is accustomed, with your most gracious eyes and countenance, to comfort daily your basist and poorest subjects, seeking relief at your feet. Next to this we do offer to your majesty, with our whole hearts, our bodies and lives, to be serviceable to the safty of your majestys noble person. For defence wherof, and for revenge of any act imaginate against your majesty, we have by a form of law, if it shall like your majesty to assent therto, given a testimony to the whole world how dear the safty of your life is to us. And this I do assure your majesty, that we, your most loving subjects, were most willing to have extended this ordinance to a far straiter course, as we thought the same meet for your salty, and for terrifying of all persons not well willing to you, if otherwise we had not understood, that your majestys pleasure was, that it should not be extended to any straiter points than it is. And as your majesty hath a manifest demonstration hereby of our hearts and minds, so also we have, added for a further outward declaration therof by our deeds, offered to your majesty, of our voluntary minds, a small portion out of those worldly goods which God hath given us, and by the long peace under your blessed government we have en-creast, by way of a subsidy, and two fifths, to be used by your majesty, as in former times you have always don, for the defence of this your realm, and us your humble subjects: which tho’ we know shall not amount to the value that percase shall be needful for the defence of your realms, dominions, and subjects against all attempts that may be ministred by the enemyes of God and of your majesty, yet your majesty may make an assured account, that besides this our offer, you cannot lack a further supply of the rest that wee have, to be spent, or committed to your direction, as cause shall require.

Lastly, Upon our knees we do most humbly yield our hearty thanks for your most gracious and free general pardon, whereby a great multitude of your subjects are to be relieved of divers pains and penalties, which by the order of your laws your majesty might most justly have inflicted upon them. By which your clemency we all shall take occasion, besides our thankfulness for so great a benefit, to endeavour our selves more carefully to observe your laws, both to the humour of God, and to the comfort of your majesty, and, finally, to the maintenance of peace, tranquility, and concord among our selves.

NUMBER 52.

Sir Amias Paulet to the lord treasurer, for an assistant in the custody of the Scots queen. From Tutbury.

My very good lord, ALTHO’ I have encrease in health daily sithence the first day of my arrival here, I thank God for it, and do now find my self able to go as strongly and as speedily as at any time these two or three years last past; yet being subject to the gout, and, considering the nature of the disease, I must look for a fresh assault in the accustomed season; at which time the importance of this service will require the assistance of some honest and faithful gentleman: who no doubt may be easily found both in the court and in the country. But because your resolutions at the court are not always speedy, and that my assistant may be found wanting before he can come, presuming upon your lordships favour towards me, I will be so bold to name a gentleman, who I know will be content to come hither unto me, and to spend some long time here with me: and rabating some men of my number, as he and his servants will amount unto, which may be in all five or six, cannot be any way chargeable unto her majesty. The gentleman is Mr. John Colles, a man not unknown, I think, to your lordship for his good discretion; and so well known to me, as I will answer for his fidelity at my uttermost peril. And I am deceived, if he be not sufficient to take the charge of this service during my sickness, when God shall send it: especially, by living here with me, he may be trusted therin some little time before I shall be visited with sickness. I will stand alwaye answerable for the charge: my supply shall be in house with me ready upon every occasion. Her majestys charge shall not be encreast on one peny; and I shall have the comfort of an honest, discrete friend.

If your lordship shall find this motion reasonable, and likely to have passage, it may please you to further it, and to procede therin as your lordship shall think good. If your lordship shall not allow of it, then I shall most humbly pray you that it may rest with you in secret. It may be that your lordship will not mislike it, but would not be a dealer therin: wherfore being advertised, I will not fail to seek it in such order and by such means as your lordship shall direct. It may please your lordship to give me leave to say plainly unto you, as unto my special good lord, that I fear there will be some cunning in the choise of my supply, if he come from the court.

This one thing I may affirm, that Mr. John Coiles honoureth and respecteth your lordship before all the noblemen in this land.

I fear I have presumed too far: wherin I crave your lordships pardon. And thus, resting at your commandment, I commit your good lordship to the protection of the Almighty. From Tutburye, the 26. of July, 1585.

Your lordships to command, A. Powlet.

NUMBER 53.

Instructions given by the queen to Davison, her ambassador to the States of the United Provinces: taking upon her the protection of those countries, upon the Spaniard’s taking of Antwerp. An original.

Elizabeth.

I. BEING greatly in doubt, that the loss of Antwerp may breed some dangerous alteration in the rest of the United Provinces, especially in Zeland, considering the credit and great acquaintance that S. Aldegonde (who hath been the principal instrument and practicer in the giving over of the said town) hath had with men of best credit in the said province, and also that he hath a house of residence in Walcheren; we have thought meet, for that we understand that he seeketh, by all persuasions he may, to withdraw them from depending upon our favour and assistance in a kind of malicious and envious sort, to send you thither, as well to comfort such as happily may have received discouragement by the loss of the said town, as also to use some countenance against such persuasions as the said S.

Aldegonde and his associates may use to draw this people to subject themselves under the king of Spains obedience, without sufficient caution for the preservation of religion in perpetual, and their liberties to be free of government of strangers.

II. Secondly, You shall theftore at the time of your access unto the States General of the United Provinces (unto whom our pleasure is you shall address your self) let them understand, how sorry we are for the loss of the said town; and that the care we had for the preservation therof was not accompanied with those good effects we desired, through the cunning, or rather corrupt dealing, of certain evil instruments in the said town: who drew the inhabitants therof to yield a dangerous accord with the prince of Parma, in respect to the yielding to the reception of a garrison, without being forced therto through any necessity or lack of victuals, or any other defects or want; and also without provision to have the free exercise of the religion reformed. Which, altho’ it be in some part tolerate, yet shall be easy, by colour of the popes authority, (which is accounted above the kings and the princes,) both to retrench the time, and to repress it wholly; therby judging the principal mischief unremedied: which is, that the countries are, and still may be, governed by strangers. All which considered, it is evident, how full of dangers this treasonable composition shall be.

III. And for that it is to be doubted, that like practices may be set a foot in the principal townes of the rest of the provinces, if good foresight be not used for prevention therof; it shall be therfore necessary for all good patriots, that desire the maintenance of religion in perpetuity, and preservation of their liberties without violation of them, (as heretofore hath been,) to cary a watchful eye over such dangerous persons, who, having made shipwrack of their credit and reputation, cannot but prove most perillous instruments to work the ruine and destruction of the whole country: a matter that may the easier by them be accomplished; for that some of the said parties have had heretofore the reputation to have been the principal pillars and maintainers of religion in those countries, and therfore, under the colour and shaddow of their hypocrisy, may do the more harm.

IV. You shall therfore further let them know, that as we are careful by our advice to forewarn them of any mischief we se likely to grow towards them, so shall they find us also as ready to assist them from time to time with such means as God hath given us, and shall be found necessary for their defence against these dangers. And therefore doubting, that now the enemy is possest of that town of Antwerp, he shall be enabled so much the more to bend greater forces against them divers ways, as well by water asby land; we are therefore now pleased to condescend to the number of 5000 footmen, 1000 horsemen, by them heretofore required, when we yielded to the aid of 4000 footmen, and 400 horse. So as there may be delivered pre sently into our hands for our surety the town of Vlisshing and Briel; as also some other principal town in each province at our choise, at any time when we shall hereafter demand the same.

V. And because we are also given to understand, that for lack of some good head or director their government there groweth to contempt, and all things run to confusion; we therfore, tendring nothing more than their conservations, are pleased to send over a nobleman of quality to assist them with advice and authority, for the better direction of both civil and martial causes. So as before his re pair thither (according to their promise and offer) the said two towns above mentioned shall be delivered into the hands of such well chosen and well qualified persons, as shall be by us out of hand sent over, to take the charge and government of the same townes.

And therefore you shall advise them to use some expedition therin; by giving ful authority unto their deputies here, to conclude with us in this behalf.

VI. We think it convenient in your way to the Hague (where we are informed you shall find the States General) that you pass by Vlissing; where we think meet you should impart in general termes unto count Maurice, and the council of state there, the cause of our sending of you unto the States General of the Provinces United; and shall lay before them such reasons as by you shall be thought fit; as well to lead them to accept in al thankful sort the offer by us now made, as also to beware of those that shall think to cary them headlong into that dangerous course the town of Antwerp hath taken.

VII. And wheras we did give direction unto our servant Norris, [sir John Norris,] our collonel general there, by letters written unto him from our secretary, to advise the States of Holland and Zeeland to take a speciall regard, that such as should retyre from Antwerp into the provinces under colour of religion, or any other respect, might not be suffered to repair thither, nor to become instruments of practice to disjoyne and separate the principal townes of the said provinces from the general union, especially the town of Viissing: as also to will them to look to the town of Sluce. For that wee have been given to understand that the enemy hath some intelligence in the said town. We have therfore thought meet you should inform your self by him how he hath proceded therin; and accordingly to direct our speeches both to the States General and the council of the States, as you think may be best for the furtherance of our service. And for prevention of the danger that may come to Sluce, we could like well that some of our bands serving there were placed in that town; with care always, that the numbers may be such as may be able to master such bands as either are or shall be placed by the States in the same town.

VIII. You shall also advise them to have a special regard to impeach, that no victuals be caried to the town of Antwerp; as also to inhibit under some great penalty, that none of Holland or Zeeland do cary any victuals to Calais or Bulloyn, or any other of the French posts between Calais and Newhaven: letting them understand that we are presently in hand to take some order with our subjects in that behalf. For that wee are persuaded, that, the present state and condition of the enemy duely considered, nothing may more annoy him than the restraint of victuals: which if it had been carefully looked unto by them, and also had not been fraudulently used by some of our evil subjects, by colourably going to Bulloyn and Calais, (which we hope to remedy,) the enemy could not have continued the siege of Antwerp so long as he did.

IX. Lastly, you shall, for the encouragement of the inhabitants of Vlisshing and Briel, to make them more willing to receive our garrison, deal underhand with some such asyou shall learn by conference with our servant Norris to be well affected, and to have credit with the people there; letting them understand that wee can be content, that such merchants inhabiting in the said towns, and have resided there by the space of a few years past, shall, during the time that the said townes shall remain in our possession, enjoy here like libertyes and franchices in matters of custome for their trades hither, both inward and outward, in our ports of London, and some other which we shall appoint within this our realm, as our now natural subjects do, providing, that thethy no other strangers shall be coloured by them to our detriment. You shall advertise us from Vlissing how you find the state of those countries there, and what alterations the loss of Antwerp hath or is like to work: what order they have given for the furnishing of such townes as they think may be attempted by the enemy, and how they mean to pre serve Lyllo and all other places for commandment of the river therea: and of other necessary circumstances fit for our knowledge.

You shall also, during the time of your continuance in Zeeland, deliver our letters directed to the States there, in recommendation of Terlon; letting them understand, that we hope that our credit shall so prevail with them, as our mediation for him shall not prove fruitless: and that, until time may remove the suspicion had of him, we could like that he should be sent over into this our realm; where we will undertake, that during the time of his abode here nothing shall be don by him to the prejudice of the common cause. You may confer with his friends before the delivery of our letters, and take their advice for your maner of proceding, as may most further his delivery.

And when you shall have delivered this your charge in maner aforesaid, our pleasure is, you shall with all convenient speed make your repair home again; unless you shall find some special cause for the continuance of your service there. Fra. Walsingham.

NUMBER 54.

Expressions in Dr. Allen’s book, taken notice of in the bill of indictment against Alfield, a Jesuit; who had brought some hundred of those books into England to be dispersed. THEY, [meaning Campion, Ralph Shirwyn, and other false traitors, lately attainted of high treason,] if they might have spoken their minds boldly, now at their passage and departure from this world, (as sithence that time we understand a worshipful lay gentleman [one James Leyborn, at-tainted of high treason] did, who protested both at his ar-rainment and at his death, that her majesty was not his lawful queen, for two respects: one for her birth, the other for her excommunication. Her highness have sought neither dispensation for the first, nor absolution for the second.

And in another place: By the fall of the king from the faith the danger is so evident and inevitable, that God had not sufficiently provided for our salvation, and the preservation of his church and holy laws; if there were no ways to deprive or restrain apostate princes: [falsely hinting the said queen to be an apostate prince.] Wee see how the whole world did run from Christ after Julian to plain paganism; after Valens to Arianism; after Edward VI. with us into Zuinglianism; and would do into Turcism, if any powerable prince will lead his subjects that way. If our faith or perdition should on this sort pass by the pleasure of every secular prince, and no remedy for it in the state of the New Testament, but men must hold and obey him, to what infidelity soever he fall, then we were in worse case [intimating the whole people of this realm] than heathen and all other humane common wealths; which both before Christ and after have had means to deliver themselves from such tyrants as were intolerable, and evidently pernitious to humane society. [Falsely pretending by that, the said queen to be an intolerable and pernicios tyrant to the society of her subjects.] The bond and obligation we have entred into for the service of Christ and the church far execedeth all other duty which wee owe to any humane creature. And ther-fore where the obedience to the inferior hindreth the service of the other which is superior, we must by law and order discharge our selves of the inferior. The wife, if she cannot live with her own husband, being an infidel or any heretic, without injury or dishonour to God, she may depart from him, or contrariwise he from her for the like cause, neither oweth the innocent party, nor the other can lawfully claim, any conjugal duty or debt in this case.

The bond slave, which is in another kind no less bound to his lord and master than the subject to his sovereign, may also by the antient imperial laws depart, and refuse to obey or serve him, if he become a heretic: yea, ipso facto he is made free. Finally, the parents that become heretics loose the superiority and dominion they have by law of nature over their own children: theftore let no man marvel, that in case of heresy the sovereign looseth the superiority over his people and kingdom. [Intimating thereby that the said queen should loose her superiority above her subjects.] And in another place: And as for his holinesses action in Ireland, [intimating the invasion by the means of the bishop of Rome made in Ireland,] we, that are neither so wise as to be worthy, nor so malapert as to chaleng to know his intentions, counsils, and dispositions of those matters, can nor will neither defend nor condemne. Onely this is evident, that these small succours which were given by him [intimating the bishop of Rome] to the Irish, or rather suffered at their own adventure to go into those warts, came upon the importunity and suit of the sore afflicted catho-lies, and some of the chiefest nobility of that country. Of whose continual complaint, known calamity, and intolerable distresses of consciences; and otherwise, it may be, was moved with compassion, and did that in case of religion against one [hinting the said queen] whom he took in his own judgment rightly by his predecessors sentence to be deposed; and in a quatel in his sight most just and godly. And perhaps he [the same Roman bishop] was the rather ready to do this for Ireland, for that the see apostolic hath an old claim to the sovereignty of that country. And in another place: And this our countries scourge [meaning the realm of England] proceding wholly of our forsaking the catholic church and see apostolic, began first in K. Henry VIII. being radix peccati in our days.

And then the indictment runs on in Latin, as it began, Ubi re vera, &c. that is, Whereas indeed the present queen was not nor is an heretic, nor slidden from the true Christian faith, nor was nor is an apostate prince, nor fallen into heresy, nor hath lost superiority and right over all her people and realms. And in which kingdoms indeed no bishop of Rome hath power to deprive or depose any prince; yet one Tho. Allfield, late of London, clerk, not at all weighing the said statute, feloniously, as a felon to the said queen, the 10th of September, the XXVI. of the queen, at London, viz. in the parish of All Saints, in Bread-street, in Bread-street ward, advisedly, and with malicious intent toward the said queen, did cause to be published and set forth to divers subjects of the queen the said book of the said Will.

Allen, containing the foresaid false, seditious, and scandalous matters in English words before recited, to the defaming of the said queen, and raising insurrection and rebellion within this kingdom.

NUMBER 55.

Sandys archbishop of York, his prayer after his sermon at St. Paul’s Cross, upon a public thanksgiving. for the queen’s deliverance from the conspiracy of Ballard and Babbington. THOU knowest, O Lord, (who hast delivered our sovereign lady out of all distress, from the rebellion of Absalom, from the counsil of Achitophel, and from the rage and fury of all that conspire to doe her harm,) that she hath not de-.served this treachery at their hands, being most mild and merciful; doing good unto all, hurting none. Therefore, O Lord, according to thy merciful wont, as thou hast done hitherto, so deliver, protect, and defend her still: finish that which thou hast most graciously begun. Bridle, O Lord, her enemies and ours: let them know their madness. Open their eyes, and cause them plainly to se that they cannot prevail against thy chosen servant; that they cannot cast down or bring into ignominy her whom thou hast set up, and placed in honour. Give them grace, O Lord, if it be thy good pleasure, that they may enter into themselves, examine their own hearts; se their sins; repent of their wickedness; abstain from further proceding; that thou in thy mercy mayst shew them grace and favour in the end. And grant, O Lord, that we who profess thy holy name may stil offer unto thee the sacrifice which thou requirest, even the sacrifice of righteousness. That the ministers of thy word may sincerely and diligently preach thy gospel. That being a good example to the flock, and leading a godly and upright life, may bring thee the offerings of many souls, unto the stretching out of thy glorious kingdome among men. Grant that princes and magistrates, whom thou hast set in authority, may without fear or favour offer also this sacrifice, in upright deciding of controverted causes, and severe punishing of malefactors. Finally, give this grace, O Lord, we beseech thee, to thy whole flock, (for we are thy flock, the sheep of thy pasture,) that we all may offer unto thee our goods, our bodies and our souls, for they are thine. Grant that we may liberally bestow our goods to the needful relief of thy poor saints: that we may mortify our bodies, and chearfully offer them, if need so require, to any kind of torment for thy sake. That in soul we may offer thee the sacrifice of true repentance for our sins, of hearty thanks for thy great grace, and of earnest suit for continuance of thy mercy and favour towards us. We humbly beseech thee, O Father, for the merits of thy dear Son, (upon whom, as upon our altar, we offer up all our sacrifice,)bow down thy merciful ear to our petitions.

Extend thy mercies to thy little flock. Preserve our gracious queen, and so direct, the hearts of all which bear authority under her, that by their good government we may lead a peaceable and a quiet life in all godliness and honesty. To thee, O merciful Father, with thy Son Jesus Christ our only Redeemer, and the blessed Spirit, our sweet Comforter, three Persons and one God, be all honour and praise, both now and ever.

NUMBER 56.

A survey taken of the value of the bishopric of Chichester, upon the death of Curtess, late bishop there. VALOR omnium et singulorum mannerior. terrarum, et possessionum, pertinen, episcopatui Cicestren. DXVIl. xiiiid q.

Inde In feod 62l. 6s 8d . * Item , in subsid. reg. 60l ** Item , in diversis reprisis, 20l . *** Sum — 142l 6s 8d .

Sic clare — 3 73l 14s 5d To which are subjoyned these notes. * 10l . hereof, and more, void in law. ** This is not ordinary. *** His newyears gift is but 10l . wherof he hath almost half again.

Item , more in barly.— 23 qrs.

Item , in wheat — 20 qrs Item , in perquisites of court. - 26l . 13s . 4d .

Item parcus, [i.e. the park,] with some meddow ground.

Episcopatus Cicestren. valuat. in libris dne. regin mille marcas.

Decimis dne. regin. deductis, viz. solvend. 100 marks.

Pro primitiis 100l .

Sum of the charges . — 8, 6 l.

NUMBER 57.

Proofs and evidences from ancient grants of the liberties of the bishop of Ely’s manor of Holborn house. SEVERAL grants therof made.

I. King Edgars grant of the said liberties, made to the church of Ely, is very large; and also with further words, viz. Quod nullus princeps se intrornittat, &c.

II. Item, All the said grant is likewise confirmed by Edward the Confessor before the Conquest, together with that that the said king Edward then further more granted to the said church the same liberty, viz. In omnib, terr. & tenement. eidem ecclesiae tunc dat. sive in posterum dandis. Et ulterius, quod nullus minister dni. regis se intromittat ad, &c. infra insulam Elien. et villis eid. ecclesiae pertinen.

III. Item, All these grants were as well confirmed, as also enlarged by king William the Conqueror, king Henry the First his youngest son. In whose time the said church was translated from an abby to a bishopric, in the time of one Harvey, the first bishop therof: and also confirmed by king Stephen and Richard I. As also that the said king Richard, over and beside all the same, then granted further to the said bishoprick and church the liberties, viz. Insulam Elien. et omnes libertates suas, quietam ab omni regali exactlone, una cum omnimotiaes [omnimodis] forisfactur. et mendabiles, &c.

Item , Furthermore, all the said grants were likewise confirmed, and also enlarged, with other mo great liberties, by king John, king Henry III. and king Edward I. In whose time HOLBOVRN Came first into the bishopric of Ely by one Kirkeby, then bishop therof.

And so always the liberty ever since downward from age to age and time to time successively, were as wel confirmed and allowed of, as also enlarged with further words and liberties by king Edward II. in whose time likewise all the same were confirmed by act of parla-ment. And also allowed by king Edward III. which en larged the said liberties by general words, viz. In omnib terris et feodis dict. ecclesiae pertinent, cum omnimod forisfacturis, &c. And so by the kings Richard II. Henry IV. Henry V.

Edward IV. Henry VII. Henry VIII. Edward VI. queen Mary, and lastly by the queen’s majesty that now is, under the great seal of England.

And so therupon accordingly unto the said grants and confirmations all the same have been always allowed of before justices in ayerc, justices of assize, and all other her majesty’s justices in every her highness courts of records, where and whatsoever, until now of late within these 16 years last past, by the city of London here disturbed within Holborne.

The proofs of Holborn house, with the appurtenances, to be a manor, and also a liberty exempt from the city of London, besides the general grants aforesaid.

First, the same may well appear to be a manour by sundry records therof made in king Edward the Third his time: and also after him in king Richard the Second his time.

Item , For further proof of the same manour and house, with its appurtinances, to be a liberty exempt from the city, it will evidently appear by records in king Henry the Fourth his time, that the bishops officers there had the collection of green wax, and paying therof over again by order of the exchequer unto the sheriffs of London; having the fee farm granted unto them (among other things) of all the same, by reason of the county of Middlesex.

Item , It may also well appear by divers and sundry other records, dated as well in the time of king Henry VII. and other times beside, as also by usage ever since, and witnesses, that the bishops of Ely, and others their officers there, within the said rents and liberties, have had and enjoyed to the only uses of the said bishops, by express word, viz.

Omnia bona et catalla felonum, fugitivorum et deodand, &c. without comptrolment of any, until now of late disturbed by the city of London; which before this time never withstood any of the said liberties: as might well appear by themselves at the first, when they only pretended interest there about the keeping the assize for weighing of bread, and no other thing. And yet since encroached further.

Item , For further proof of the said liberties, it may well appear, that ever, time out of mind, all the said manour house, rents, and liberties belonging to Holborn, have been always railed and barred up, as a thing exempt from the said city.

Item , Also for further proof, that the said manour and house in Holborn, with their appurtinances, be out of the liberty of the city, it may well appear upon search for the grants of the liberties of London made unto the city from the kings and queens of this realm, that no mention is made by any words in any of their grants, of Holborn being within the county of Middlesex; but of Fleetstreet there is.

Item , For further proof of the likeliehood of Holborn to be out of the liberty of the city, it is to be seen that Smithfield, neerer to the city than Holborn is, in the time of king Henry I. was a void place where prisoners were executed, and also a laystall, altogether without the liberties of the city: the same not tending and reaching then so far that ways; but only rather from Ludgate, and so through Fleetstreet to Westminster.

Item , Furthermore touching the antiquity of the church and bishopric of Ely, they do appear now to be more antient than the cities are. And also, that there was a bishop of Ely before any maior of London; being but portgreves there in the beginning of king John his time. And also for that the liberties of the city of London have been as well before as after the Conquest, as also since the time of king Edward, (when Holborn house and manour was purchased to the see of Ely,) forfeited and seized, viz. in the time of king Richard II. king Henry VI. and other mo.

And afterwards newly granted to them again; wherby their priority, if they had any, is clear gon and lost by them.

Item , Lastly, for further proof of the said liberties, there were always bailiffs and other officers appointed within the said manour and liberty, from time to time, for the due execution therof: as may appear by records from the 46 Edw. III. until that late disturbance made by the said city. [NUMBER 57] The state of the cathedral church of Norwich: truly set down by William Downyng, in pursuit of his humble petitimp. FIRST, it was a priory founded by one Herbert, bishoppe of Norwich, by the licence of William Rufus, the right of foundershippe then being and remaynyng in and to the bishoppe and his successors, bishopps of Norwich.

That priory being above 200l. per ann. was never suppressed, nor surrendered, nor relinquished, but a translation from prior and monks to dean and chapter was pretended to be done by letters patents in anno 30 H. 8. and by those letters patents the prior was named dean, and the monks were named, some prebendaries and some cannons, and called deane and chapter; but those letters patente were meerly void in law, because the king cold not translate without the consent of the founder, neither cold the king erect them deane and chapter of himself, except thold corporation of prior and convent had been surrendered, or otherwise dissolved, which it was now; neither cold the king do it by reason of supremacy; for where the pope usurped, the king and the pope cold not do it without the founder. So the old corporation of prior and convent still remayned, and the prior and monks contynewed still in their house, and church, and all their possessions, and changed only their prayers and service, wherunto they had collour of despenciation by the letters patents, but they contynewed prior and monks still, till all the monks were dead, the last wherof (save one) died in anno 28. of her majestie, and that one became an apostata in Henry the Eighths tyme: so then that priory came to the crowne in anno 28 of her majesty, when the priorie was dissolved by the death of the monkes, and not before.

Notwithstanding that the said pretended dean and chapter did in king Edward 6. his tyme see the weakness of their translation, and sought a newe foundation of king Edward, who passed to them newe letters patent, which relied upon a surrender made by themselves, by the name of deane and chapter onely, and not by the name of prior and covent, and so their surrender and newe foundation were also void, because the old corporation still remayned in lawe, and the possessions therewith also.

It semed that their councell in lawe was verie weake, for there be divers such imperfections in their books as might overthrow them, though the said king had been sufficiently inabled to have passed their letters patent according to their pretences.

A judgment is had in the exchequer upon the whole matter, by true and full pleading on both sides, and argued and greatly deliberated before judgment. But the old lessees have alledged, that the defendant did plead of himself without consent of thorher lesses, and so do pretend collusions between that lessee and sir Thomas Sherley; which is not true: but, though it were, yett the pleading is as it ought to be, according to the truth of the case, and not otherwise.

But it semeth, that God is displeased at the cruell dealings of the deane and chapter, and doth send troubles to them, which have caused multitude of troubles to many other men. For they have made many several lesses of every several farme that they had, to several persons to take begynnyng and have being all of them, before the tearmes of the first lesses in possession should end, without any distinction or relation as had been meete: and therby their sondrie lesses entered one upon another, and have caused bloodshed and many notorious outrages, and divers suits in the Star Chamber, and multitude of suits otherwise; and some of their leases are made for 99 years in possession, and 99 years in reversion.

Item , They greatly abused her majesty, in making a lease to her highness for an 100 years, having made many before of the same things, and so have also made divers leases sithence of the same things.

And where her majesty hath taken a gratious course, by her majestyes warrant under the greate seale of England, for the well setling of the church, and the possessions to the same, and of the possessions of the immediate tenant, and competent recompence to the patentees, and thavoiding of the multitude of fraudulent leases, and the trouble and inconvenyence waiting upon them, the corrupt sort of the prebendaries, which were partakers with doctor Gardyner the late dean, are afraid to agree to surrender, for the good ending of all things, according to her majesty’s warrant: as well because they have taken mens moneys, and passed corporation covenants and bonds, which they think may better be avoided, if the lawe agreede to overthrow their pretended corporation, then would be if they should surrender; as also for that they think still to gett more money by leases, as indeed they have done very lately for Crawby parsonage in Yorkshire, notwithstanding greate mischiefes growne there already by their many former leases made of the same.

Item , For the better coloryng of their doing, they have used strange practices and subornations of jurors and other odious things, which seeme endless, if a gracious remedie be not extended, and by packing of a jurie got a verie fowle verdict, as the lord chief justice of England knoweth well, being clean contratie to his directions: but the court wolde not give judgment therupon.

THE EFFECT OF HER MAJESTY’S WARRANT IS AS FOLLOWETH.

The lord treasurer is authorised to give warrant to Mr. Attorney, or Mr. Solloiter, to drawe and ingrosse the lease: or the lord treasurer to signe the lease, to Mr. Fanshaw and Mr. Osborne, as men in trust for making out new leasses, to the immediate tenent in posession, and to rate fines indifferently for those leases, to the benefite of the pattentees and the lord chancellor is auctorised to scale the lease, and Mr. Fanshawe and Mr. Osborne inabled also to th’effect aforesaid, and likewise authoritie is geven therby for a newe boke, for the well setling of the church of her majestys foundation, and graunting to them the rents, to be reserved upon the lease, and the reversion of the lands, and their former liberties.

Her majesty having passed awaie the lands lieng in Norfolk and Suffolk, to the lord Wentworths assignes, the patentees and their assignes have effectually made all their surrenders in redyness agreeable to the course of her ma jesties warrant: and therefore do humblie sue that the lease male be finished, or else they allowed with favours to take the benefite of the lawe; for the long delais have undone divers of them.

NUMBER 58.

Minutes of a letter wrote by the lord Burghley to a nameless friend; clearing himself of sundry slanders raised of him.

BY your letter of the 11th, I perceive that you hear the vile, false, devilish exclamations and execrations, made by such as I know not. And therefore I can less judge what to think of them in their degrees of their malice, and the causes therof: but as it seemeth to me, I may say truly, Acuerunt linguas suas, sicut serpentes. Venenum aspidum sub labiis eorum. And, as it follows in the same Psalm, Cognovi, quia facit Dominus judicium inopis.

Surely if my conscience did not ascertain me of Gods favour and protection against these satanical and fanatical spirits, I should think my self in a most wretched state. For I know and have proved Gods goodness so many years to defend mine innocency, that I may boldly say with David, Factus est mihi Dominus refugium, et Deus meus in adjutorium spei meae. Et redder illis iniquitatem ipsorum, et in malitia eorum deperdet eos. I am therefore determined to adhere to God, my onely patron, and shall be ready to answer all spirits, whersoever I may find them blazing; and doubt not, but if they would to my self but breath any of these speeches in presence of any honest company, I would with apparent truth confound their blasphemies.

And theftore as you shew your self friendly in reporting these villainies to me, so you might shew your friendship in effect to my good, if you would advise them to charge me therewith. And if they do think me guilty therof, they need not fear to accuse me. For I am not worthy to continue in this place; but I will yield my self worthy, not only to be removed, but to be punished for an example to others that should not abuse her majesty, and the office I hold. If they cannot prove all the lyes they remember, let them make use of any one proof wherewith to prove me guilty of falshood, injustice, bribery, of dissimulation, of double dealing in advice, in counsil, either with her majesty or with the counsillors. Let them charge me in any point, that I have not dealt as earnestly for the queen’s majesty to aid the afflicted in the Low Countries, to withstand the encreasing power of the king of Spain, the assurance of the king of Scots to be tyed to her majesty with reward, yea, with the greatest pension that any other hath. If in any of these I may be proved to have been behind, or slower than any, in a discrete maner, as becometh a servant and a counsillor; I will yield my self worthy of perpetual reproch, as tho’ I were guilty of all that they use to bluster against me. They that say in a rash and malicious mockry, that England is become regnum Cecilianum may please their own cankered humour with such a device; but if my actions be considered, if there be any cause given by me of such a nickname, there may be found out in many other juster causes to attribute other names than mine. If my buildings mislike them, I confess my folly in the expences, because some of my houses are to come, if God so please, to them that shall not have land to make them. I mean by my house at Theobalds: which was begun by me with a mean mesure, but encreast by occasion of her majestys often coming: whom to please I never would omit to strain my self to more charges than building is. And yet not without some special direction of her majesty upon fault found with the smal mesure of her chamber, which was in good mesure for me, I was forced to enlarge a room for a larger chamber: which need not be envied of any for riches in it, more than the shew of old oaks, and such trees with painted leaves and fruit: [And coats of arms. For so he had painted this new room for the queen. Set forth with several trees of several sorts, with the arms of the nobility, officers of state, the bishops, &c.] I thank God, I owe nothing to these backbiters, tho’ indeed much to many honest persons: whom I mind to pay without bribery or villany.

For my house in Westminster, I think it so old as it should not stir any; many having of later times built larger by far, both in city and country. And yet the building therof cost me the sale of lands worth an 100l. by year, in Staffordshire, that I had of good king Edward.

My house of Burghley is of my mothers inheritance; who liveth and is the owner therof: and I but a farmour. And for the building there, I have set my walls upon the old foundation. Indeed I have made the rough stone walls to be of square: and yet one side remaineth, as my father left it me. I trust my son shall be able to maintain it, considering there are in that shire a dozen larger, of men under my degree.

Now shortly, for my sons adhering to Northumberland, I mervail why he should not bear favour to him that was his brother in law, as long as he knew no faults. My son maried his wifes sister, when no body saw liklihood that sir Henry Percie should be an earl: for his purchases, I know that he hath ventured upon more bargains than I allowed. But I wish he had not sold his wiles land of antient title in Westmerland, in Cornwal, in Northamptonshire, and Wortestershire, of more value than that he hath bought. They that envy him herein, if they be for thriving, would not commit such a folly, to buy new racked lands for antlent. And at this day I know he doth repent himself. But I will end with my paper; wishing you could procure some person to utter these things to our selves, and not cowardly to backbite us. Aug. 14, 1525. Your loving friend, W.B.

After that I had ended, though my letter doth and will serve me, yet I could not omit to answer a notable, absurd, manifest ly; which is, that counsillors are forced to seek at my hands means for their suits. If it were considered how and upon whom, for these late years, all manner of offices, good and bad, spiritual and temporal, have been bestowed, to whom the persons beneficed do belong, and whom they do follow, it will easily be judged how rare I do or have dealt therin. If great numbers be bestowed, and not one upon any kinsman, servant, or follower of mine, then how probable is it, that I had ability to do that wherewith I am thus slandered. In very truth, I know my credit in such cases so mean, and others I find so earnest, and able to obtain any thing, that I do utterly forbear to move for any.

Wherupon many my good friends do justly chalenge me as unwise, that I seek to place neither men and women in the chamber, nor without, to serve her majesty; whereby I might do my friends good. And theftore indeed I have few special friends; and so I find the want therof. But yet I cannot remedy it, knowing my power not answerable therto.

True it is, that her majesty throweth upon me a burthen, to deal in all ungrateful actions; to give answers unpleasant to suitors that miss; where others are used to signify pleasant answers affirmatively. My burthen also is this, that in all suits for lands, leases, or such things, her majesty commands me to certify the state therof from her under-offi-cers; and so I do (as it becomes) truly. And if the party obtain, I am not thanked; if not, the fault (tho’ falsely) is imputed to me.

If these reasons may not clear this slander, I would this only reason were weighed, that is true. For my self I had not made nor obtained any suit from her majesty these ten years. In my whole time I have not for these xxvi years been beneficed from her majesty so much as I was within four years of king Edward. I have sold as much land in value as ever I had of gift of her majesty. I am at charges by attendance in court; and by keeping of my household, especially in term times; by resort of suitors at more than any counsillor in England. My fee for the treasureship is no more than it hath been these xxx years. Wheras the chancellor and others have been doubbly augmented within these few years. And this I do affirm, that my fees of my treasureship do not answer to my charge of my stable. I mean not my table. And in my household I do seldome feed less than an hundred persons. And for that purpose I buy in London my bread, my drink, my achates, my fewel. And in the country I buy my grain, my beef, my mutton, and all achates: and for my stable, I buy my hay for the greatest part; my oats, my straw totally. For my servants, I keep none to whom I pay not wages and give liveries, which I know many do not.

These things considered, I might not thus be slandered or envied. What my pains in service are, and how many [hours of] leisure or pleasure I take, is too manifest; and indeed I condemne my self therin But I cannot remedy it, otherwise then I might leave my offices: which in the presence of God I could be contented to do, so as therby I might not be touched with note of dishonesty or displesure of her majesty. You se how I am caried by these provocations to write more than I intended. And yet I write no-tiling but what I will affirm in presence of any company, good or bad.

NUMBER 59.

Another letter of the lord treasurer Burghley to his nameless friend ; in vindication of himself from a slander upon him of hindering the negotiation between the queen and the king of Navarr.

ICOMMEND me heartily unto you, and do thank you for your friendly advertisement of such common speeches as you have heard of me falsely uttered, and so maliciously devised, and I hope, in the judgment of honest men, not absurdly and improbably to be believed. I have been long time acquainted and afflicted with such kind of viperous breathing; and I have long born the same patiently, in respect I had no mind to make quarells with some such as I had cause to suspect to be the authors therof. But yet I have shewed my self in many places to have misliked and condemned these injurious actions. Where also some persons, of whom I had some doubt of good friendship, have seemed to condemn the authors or reporters, and have wished the reporters to be known. And so have I heretofore ceased to pursue the matters, remitting always the revenge to Almighty God. To whose defence I wholly remit my self.

Now in a few words to this matter. I know that Segar, the king of Navarrs ambassador, was informed by some counsillor, (as he told my friend,) that I was a hinderer of his negotiation, even then when I did my best to further the same, being in conscience moved thereto; not only for my zele to the cause of the king of Navarr, but also in necessary consequence of the surety of the queens majesty my sovereign, and my native country. And since that time, Segar hath confessed to my self, that he certainly knoweth how earnestly and friendly I have dealt with her majesty for him. But yet the scar of that false report may remain, and the untruth first uttered continue, and the truth to him revealed notwithstanding, remaining only with himself for the satisfaction.

And the like hath been uttered to the Hollanders here now of my hindrance of their causes. And so I think falsely conceived of them. And yet lately confessed by some of them, that they certainly knew the report to be false and malicious.

Of my doings I have many testimonies. First God; that otherwise I wish to be confounded, if he, that only knoweth all things, knoweth not that I am falsely slandered. Next, mine own conscience, which otherwise should be a perpetual sting to me. Thirdly, the queens majesty, who might greatly condemn me of unloyalty, if I did not concurr in all actions for her salty against all her known enemies, popish and Spanish. My fourth proof of my actions ought to be such counsillors with whom I do joyn. But in all these causes I do more esteem of the favour of God, whom I call to witness, than in all fleshly helps or defences.

To end, I pray you advise the parties that make these reports, either to speak with my self or Mr. S. [Segar], who is best acquainted with the truth of my actions in this time.

And for the actions concerning the States, both he and Mr. 2 can tell in what termes and sort I have dealt with her majesty often, to the offending of her majesty with my earnestness. And I dare appeal to the report of any coun-sillor, so as I may be present at the report: for I know none can be so void of grace, that dare say any thing of me herein that becomes not an honest, faithful, and careful counsillor. But you may se how I travail herein; not to persuade you to think of me otherwise than I think in honesty you do: for I know that you have manytimes known me heretofore in this sort falsely slandered. And I must content my self to follow my only master, Christ, that suffered also many such, and so commonly do his best members.

God send them grace, and me some rest: for I never more toyled, nor less able for to do any good by reason of malicious, bitter biters. Whom God amend. The 12. July, 1585.

Your assured loving friend, W.B.

To which letters there was a third of the same injured noble person’s writing not many days after the former : upon another information sent him concerning those his slan-deters. As follows.

I thank you for your letter sent by this bearer, and perceive therby the continuance of lewd humours of riotous tongues, that are seasoned with nothing but with gauls. I content my self to bear their malice; knowing that God, whom I serve with truth and sincerity, will abate their cankred furies when it shall please him; and will comfort me in the mean time to continue my self rather in fear to offend him, than in any fear of harm they shall be able to do me. It is very strange, that a ly once a foot cannot be stayed with testimonies of truth, wherof I have many. And yet it seems malice is so settled, as I think no body else must be believed but the authors of their untruths. And yet such is my case, as it may be that some that were in sort the authors or abetters shall scanfly be believed in reporting their untruths.

But of this an end.

NUMBER 60.

The earl of Leicester. In answer to the lord treasurer Burghley’s letter to him, upon some informations, as though the earl were not his friend. Justifying himself at large to the contrary.

MY lord, I perceive by your letter you were doubtful to write; but that you would avoid misconstruction, it pleaseth you rather to write than be silent.

I do thank your lordship that you will take that way, wherby those you deal and live withall may rather know what you hear than to concele what you mislike.

Your lordship doth say, that you have been manytimes informed, that I have had misliking of you; but the informers would never bring forth their false proofs, but rather deal doubtfully. I trust, for such informers, I shall need little to stand in answering them. Your own wisdom will easily discharge me, being so well acquainted with thedevices and practices of these days, when men go about rather to sow all discord betwixt such as we are, than to do good offices; a matter not strange neither to your lordship nor me, since our first acquaintance in service together. And as your lordship protesteth first your own innocency, so I hope you never yet brought in proof, or so much as in question, any yll dealing on my part against you; but rather your self affirmeth, you have always found me friendly and well disposed towards you. And so must I say truly of my self, your lordship hath not found a more ready friend for you and yours than I have ever been, if you examine all the matters wherin you have at any time employed me, whan my credit was somewhat more there than since it was, whether I dealt not very friendly with you or no. If now I may refer my self thus to tryal of your own knowledg, then is it as much as I desire for mine own and your lordships satisfaction. Yet do you remember me of one token more of my good meaning towards you; which is the honest report, I perceive, in your letter, that your own children do make of me; a token, my lord, where in good reason should serve for such a man against whom no proof is yet had, and that never did depend upon any but merely her majesty; that of like I did it not to flatter them or you. I have little any roans favour, but to be a friend for a friend. I have always had a mind rather to count my self with worse than I am, than to crave benefit by any man. And thus much may I well say, that I know none able at this day, nor any heretofore, that have don me any plesure, that I have not deserved someways a good turn at his hand. But I shall leave for this matter every man to his own thankfulness, and content my self with such friends and fortunes as shall please the Lord to send me. These reasons, my lord, that are alledged by your self, and such likewise as are affirmed by me, mythinks, should be sufficient to hold your lordship from setting any new strange opinion of me, what doubtful informers soever you have had: for I having, as you say, dealt well with your self and your children, confessing I deal well with them, what sinister way is there then to draw another construction of me? Your lordship must give me leave (tho’ I seem tedious) thus to purge my self, having so just and honest cause to warrant me: for I mean not to seek any excuse by untruth, albeit it were for matter of greater weight than these are. The first, as seems to me, which hath bred some mislike in your lordship is, by the information also, that I should mislike with you for matters of the Low Countries, in finding fault of like with coldness, or else want [of diligence] in your dealing that way. I must, my lord, say to this, as I did in the general before, if there be any person that will justify any such matter of my speeches to charge you in that sort, then you shal se what cause you shall have here after to trust informers; otherwise you shall do both your self and me wrong. I have dealt, as your lordship hath heard, perhaps more earnestly in those cases than a wiser man would, but I trust without just cause given, or prejudice either of you or any other counsillor.

And for that manytimes you your self would tel, not only among us, but to her majesty, how you were misreported abroad for that matter; I did deal plainly with your lordship, even in particular what I thought, and whom I heard, and most doubt of, to hinder those causes, which in my opinion had been reasonable cause, sufficient to have stayed your conceipt therin, without some better proof. But that is not my fault, seeing I was not charged; and that without offence and in good friendship you might very well have don it to me, when it was first informed you. I must needs hav taken it in very good friendly part.

The second thing being more fresh, and delivered to your lordship by a party of some good credit with you, and yet but a report, will not suffer you to smother up the matter, (for so you term it,) but to touch it to me, and to referthe answer to me for your better satisfaction. I must needs take this maner of dealing of yours to be very honorable and good: for you tell me both the matter and the party that informed you. To which I will make you a true and just answer.

The very same day I came to London, my lady Russel came to my house, and spake with me touching her daughters causes. And upon further talk of friends and of your lordship, I said to her, (leaving the circumstances of our speech,) that I had cause, all things considered, to make as good reckoning of your friendship as any other might do. And proceding further upon this point, (my lady then taking no exception in the world to it, nor to take it in evil part,) I did use these words: “That albeit there were some houses did make shew to think you were more their friend than me, (and named my lord of Somersets house,) yet my lord of Somerset never shewed more friendship to your lordship than my father did.” For I did not doubt but you did think so your self. And, my lord, I must think, if you do not forget it, that you do conceive so yet. For you do know I lived in that time, and do well remember the course of most doings. I was in no obscure place from the displacing of the duke of Somerset till the death of our master king Edward. And if any man had greater authority at that time to place counsillors about the king than my father had, I will yield to my error. But, sure I am, when he had most authority, you were placed secretary and counsillor. Then, (I refer it to your better remembrance, if your lordship do not remember, as you write any more,) then he was your good friend, that hardly could, either you or any other counsillor, have been then placed, without his special means and allowance. And more worthy of good remembrance is it; for that this was don for you after some trouble which you had been in for the D. [duke of Somerset.] So I do approve the speeches used. I thought I had to make as good reckoning of your friendship as any other, if former deserts of my friend [my father] might require it. For the other speeches your lordship doth set down of her report also, that I said, you were not my friend. I assure you upon my word and truth I spoke them not at all. The former [words] for sundry causes I did, which I mean not here to fall into disputation. You know my case, and can well consider how all things stand with me. I do not complain of envy, but I may complain justly of disgraces and want of such friends as I have been my self to others. Your lordship doth say, you are weary of your places, and wisheth another to have them, your credit saved. Truly I know none that either seeketh them, or that envieth you for them. For mine own part I will answer faithfully and truly for my self, I more desire my liberty with her majesties favour than any office in England. Besides your lordship doth know, to my poor power, there was no man more forwarded you unto them than I did. Thus much have I thouglut good to answer to those parts of your letter. And now, my lord, if I would ground the like conceits upon tales and presumptions, I might, I think, alledge moe just causes of unkindness than any I yet heard of from you. As for these of my lady Russels only, that she said, I should name you not to be my friend. Which is altogether untrue. The other part you have no cause to mislike of, for ought I conceive. But to enter into any particular causes I will forbear here to reply til some other time. And your lordship shall surely do well, having taken this occasion both to review what former tales have been told you; and that this last report of my lady Russel doth draw you to a confirmation of the rest. Albeit in your letter in sundry places your own self doth detect them as doubtful informers: that yet you will, for a further tryal of the troth, bring some of these tales to question. Which may breed you a far better satisfaction than otherwise I see I can do. And for the mean time I must, as your lordship doth say you will do, content my self with this and more wrong: not being ignorant that you can and are able to do bothmuch good and great hurt: but the more good you shall do, the more acceptable must it be both to God and good men.

And thus have I troubled your lordship with a tedious letter, and will pray to God, that he will give us grace to have minds to do that good we ought, to the giory of his name, and the service of our sovereign and country. And so committing your lordship to his holy protection. From Cornbury Park this 15th of Aug. 1585.

By him that hath given you no other cause but to be his friend, R. Leycester.

NUMBER 61.

Philip earl of Arundel, his debts, estate, and circumstances, anno 1585.

To the queens majesty 5351 6 To divers creditors, as mony borrowed by specialty 7641 15 To the lady Margaret Sackvyle, for her mariage mony. She was the earls sister.

By the duke his fathers gift 2000l . and by the earls 1000l . 3000 0 To divers other creditors, as mercers, artificers, &c. 1023 7 0ob To divers victuallers, and other provision of household 781 11 4ob It is to be remembred, that the said earl payeth yearly interest for the sum of 4666l . 13s. 4d.

Parcel of the sum of 8641l . 15s. 8d. due as above by specialty, the sum of 466l. 12s.

BREFF OF THE ESTATE OF THE EARL OF ARUNDELS LIVING, THE 21. OF JAN. 1585.

Clear yearly value.

In Norfolk 2086 5 In Suffolk 516 3 In Essex 138 3 Likewise in the counties of Cambridge, Sussex, Surrey, Salop, Lincoln, Middlesex, and the possessions in Arundel 841 13 8ob.

Revenues of the Dacres possessions; there is answered for the countess of Arundel, part of his said possessions 737 9 0.

PAYMENTS OUT.

There is yearly paid out, as followeth: L. s. d.

To the queen for tenths and rents 197 6 In rent and pensions to other persons 6 6 In annuities granted for term of life 1088 1 Fees to officers and keepers of houses 176 15 The manour of Hayling in the county of Southampton, withholden by the lord Lumley 112 0 TOTAL L. 1580 8 5 And so remaineth yearly towards the charges of himself, his wife and children, and household — 3406 13 4q.

Wherof allowed by the earl to the countess his wife, towards the apparel of herself, her women, and the charges of the children, with other necessaries — 500 0

NUMBER 62.

An anthem in two parts, composed for the 17th day of November, and sung after a prayer of thanksgiving used on that day.

I. BE light and glad, in God rejoyce, Which is our strength and stay; Be joyful, and lift up your voice, For this most happy day.

Sing, sing, O sing unto the Lord, With melody most sweet; Let heart and tongue in one accord, As it is just and meet, &c.

II. 1. To thee, O God, we yield all prayse, Thou art our help alone; To thee it is we sing always, To thee, and else to none.

Then bow to us, good Lord, thine ear, And hear us when we cry; Preserve thy church now planted here, And watch it with thine ey. Lord, keep ELIZABETH our queen; Defend her in thy right; Shew forth thy self, as thou hast been, Her fortress and her might.

Preserve her grace, confound her foes, And bring them down full low; Lord, turn thy hand against all those That would her overthrow. 3. Maintain her scepter as thine own; For thou hast plac’d her here; And let this mighty work be known To nations far and neet.

A noble antlent nurse, O Lord, In England let her reign; Her grace among us do afford For ever to remain. 4. Endue her, Lord, with vertues store, Rule thou her royal rod; Into her mind thy Spirit pour, And shew thy self her God.

In truth upright, Lord, guide her stil, Thy gospel to defend; To say and do what thou dost wil, And stay where thou dost end. 5. Her council, Lord, vouchsafe to guide, With wisdom let them shine; In godliness for to abide, As it becometh thine. To seek the glory of thy name, Their countries wealth procure; And that they may perform the same, Lord, grant thy Spirit pure. 6. So will we sing unto the Lord, Betline ere day be light; And eke declare thy truth abroad, When it doth draw to night.

To thee, O Father, with the Son And Spirit, be therefore All glory now, as hath been don, From henceforth evermore.

After this is an anthem, or prayer for the preservation of the church and the realm, to be sung after evening prayer at all times. Save, Lord, and bless with good encrease Thy church, our queen, and realm in peace.

Which is four times more repeated, as the chorus. 1. As for thy gifts we render praise, So, Lord, we crave still blessed days.

Let thy sweet word, and gospel pure, With us, dear God, for ay endure.

With prosperous reign encrease it still, That sound thereof the world may fill.

Save, Lord, and bless, &c. 2. That vine thy right hand planted hath, Preserve, O Lord, from envies wrath.

And those that practise Zions spoil, With mighty arme, Lord, give them foil.

Thy church and kingdom, Christ, we pray, Encrease and build from day to day, &c.

Save, Lord, and bless with good encrease, &c.

There follow two stanzas more.

NUMBER 63.

Laurentii Humfredi, in Speculum Morallum Quaestionum Joan.

Casaei, Praemonitio. RURSUS Casaeus variato prodit amictu In scenam: rursus perpolit ille scholas.

Gaudeo, quod tali membro schola nostra fruatur, Quo totum corpus pulehrius esse queat.

Londini caepit logicos excudere libros.

Talibus ex scatebris nobilis unda fluit.

Coticula est acuens animos Dialectica: nodos Solvit et emuncti est regula judicii.

Jam vero Speculum nostris proponit ocellis, Quod verbis nitidum est, ordine perspicuum.

Hoc speculum vobis nunc Oxoniensis alumnus Porrigit en ! praeli dat quoque primitias.

Ex speculo Poteris formam speciemque tueri, Et turpes maculas tergere Socraticum est.

Est speculum Morum, vitae praelustris imago.

O! quantum distant haec duo, vita, logos.

Disserimus logice: sic disceptamus acute.

Est hominum proprium cure ratione loqui.

Sed nunc Casaeus verbalis desinit esse.

Haec docuisse sat est; haec didicisse satis.

Nunc opus est majus, nostros cupit esse reales:

Laus est, virtutem moribus exprimere.

Sic moralis eris, si non quaesitor, at actor.

Quaeres, sed ut cesses quaerere; vive magis.

En! schola Xenoeratis, quid virtus, saepe requirit Quando inquit sapiens, illius usus erit?

En! schola nostra sonet virtutem, ac vivere discat.

Attica gens dicit, turba Lacaena facit.

Sed quatuor recolas, quicunque haec Ethica volvis, Ut spinas vites, Percipiasque rosam.

Finis Aristoteli fixus, non ultima meta est.

Progredere ulterius, ni miser esse velis.

Nosce Deum Patrem, Christumque, haec vita beata est:

Hoc solurn summum, salvificumque bonum.

Naturae palpo ne sis, sed deprime cristas.

Servum est, ni Christus liberet, arbitrium.

Fac, operare: operum meritis ne ascribe salutem.

Sola fides, et non ethica justificant.

Hic tua facta seras; post imminet hora metendi.

Defunctos manes nil relevare potest.