OF RECORDS AND ORIGINAL PAPERS,

NUMBER 1.

STRANGERS IN LONDON, ANNO 1568.

Appointed by the lords of the council to sir Tho. Row, lord mayor, to be searched out in each ward; and a certificate thereof sent in to them: which accordingly was taken by him at large, and entered in a great book: with his letter as follows.

To the right honourable the lords and others of the queen’s majesty’s most honourable privy-council.

The answer and certificate of sir Thomas Row, knt. mayor of the city of London.

As to the number of strangers, as well within the city of London, as in certain other liberties and exempt jurisdictions adjoining nigh unto the same, both of men, women, and children of every nation, as well denisons as not denisons, with their names, surnames, and occupations; and what houses be pestered with greater numbers of strangers than hath of late been accustomed; and to whom they pay their rents for the same; and how many of them do resort to any of the strangers’ churches; according to certain instructions and letters from your honours to me for that purpose addressed, as nigh as I can collect the same, by reason of certain incertain certificates; as well by the officers of the said liberties and exempt places, as of others to me returned and certified.

It began with the ward of Cripplegate: wherein first is mentioned John Clayse, girdler; Collyer and Remys; one of them of Artois, the other of Henauld; both silkworkers. In this ward is Anthonie Coran, [Coranus,] preacher in the Italian church, born in Spain, tenant to the duchess of Suffolk; Mary his wife, John and James their children...... They go to the Italian church. In this ward there were many silkworkers, besides those before mentioned, to the number of fifteen. Likewise an embroiderer, silkweaver, two parchment lacemakers, and a fringemaker.

S. THOMAS OF ACON.

In the foresaid book several Venetians and some Dutch are said to go to church to S. Thomas of Acon, [which is the same with Mercers’ chapel.] Gabriel Petroche, Venetian, a chirurgeon, Barbara his wife, and their children. Jerome Venalia, merchant, and a Venetian; Lombard Venalia, and others, go to Thomas of Acons; Matthew de Guester, notary-public, a Dutchman and a denison, and Cornelis his wife, and his children, Paul Typoets, and Cornel. de Hare, his servant, go to S. Thomas of Acon to service. So that here was a religious assembly for preaching and prayers; and some Dutch also resorted hither.

MINISTERS STRANGERS.

In the parish of S. Edmund’s, Anthonie Rodulphs, professor of the gospel in the house of Mr. Sherington. And these did adjoin themselves with him, when he came first to the said house; viz. Vincent Bassens, Frenchman, minister of the gospel; and by that name put in exile by the commandment of the French king. Laur. Bourghinomus, minister of the gospel, of the household of cardinal Castilion; James Machevillens, minister of the gospel, and put in exile; Antonius Lixens, of the same profession; and John Aubries of the church of Bolloyne, exiled with others of the gospel.

Fernando Almarez, Spaniard, a buttonmaker, goeth to the Italian church; John Pharasie and his wife, born in Bruxells; Cornelius Fisher, born in Holland; Tho. Suffeit, Florentine captain, go to the Italian church.

STRANGERS THAT GO TO THE ENGLISH CHURCH.

A great many of these went to the English, or their parish churches.

Nicolas Taffyn, Guy Bernard, and Pietro de Metre, Frenchmen, students; and be of the French church.

Francis de Farias, Spaniard, and Jocamina his wife, his children, and Nicolas Duprey, his servants, silk-weavers, go to the Italian church.

Anthony Brusket, merchant, of Jeane, [Genoa;] he hath three merchants dwelling with him. Baptist Fortune, and Tho. Fortune, Florentines; and they go to the English church.

Benedict Spinola, denison, merchant of Jeane: he goeth to the English church. Three clerks of Jeane, Jasper Voltabis, Ascanius Spinola, and Aug.

Grassigne: they go sometimes to the English church, and sometime to the Italian.

Mr. Anthonie, preacher of the city of Jeane; Stephen de Grasse, an old French preacher, and his wife, go to the French church.

Claude Tyton, merchant, and his wife; Mary Petsokin, his daughter, and Mary his servant, all Dutch, in Barkin parish.

S. OLYFFE AND ALHALLOWS STAINING.

In this parish were a great many Italians, Dr. Ector and his wife, and Frier, her daughter; Nic. de Goles, merchant; Bastion Rice, merchant; Aserbo Delutelo, Alex. Mentaly, merchants; Epolito Beaumont, Shepion Vilatel, Arasio Vilatel, Aschamo Bramount, servants; all Italians. Anthon. Basam, [Bassani,] Italian, and his wife and five children; all born here: [he was musician to the queen.] James Deroche, preacher, Frenchman, and Mary his wife.

Anthony Coran, [Coranus,] in Cripplegate ward, preacher in thc Italian church; born in Spain; tenant to the duchess of Suffolk; Mary his wife; John and James, their children; David de Dieu, and Joan Leveresse, their servants; and they go to thc Italian church. [He preached also in Spanish.] Dr. Csesar, physician, set down under the strangers inhabiting in the parish of S. Helen’s; Mr. Cavecant, Italian, one of the queen’s servants, and lived in Katharine Coleman parish; in which parish lived divers Dutch and French merchants; and Mr. Gasperin, a Spaniard, one of the queen’s servants.

EASTCHEAP.

Several of the strangers that were placed here were basketmakers, but denisons, and of the Dutch church.

Ward of Bridge Without: divers joiners, Dutch; some born in Cleveland: a great number of strangers in this ward.

In S. George’s, Southwark: Garret Strip, [Stryp,] leather-dresser, denison, born in Brabant; his wife, a child, a maid, and three men-servants; all go to the Dutch church.

Vintrie Ward: Jane Esquier, widow, Katharine, her daughter, Mary and Anne, her cousins; all born in Valentia, shepsters; Lisken Nullent, widow; she is a shepster.

S. Tho. Apostles: Margaret Houseman, widow, and Martha her daughter, born in Flanders, shepster.

Portsoken Ward: Peter Loup, musician in Italy, and Katharine, his wife, born in Flanders; they go to the Italian church: Peter Hayes, born in Rone, [Roan]: goes to the French church; and dwelleth with his son the minister of S. Buttolph, [Aldgate.] Westminster: the French cardinal, living in Hans Hunter’s house, hath to the number of forty servants.

Bridge Ward: Ambrose Hewbrick, physician, born in Lowin, [Lovain,] Katharine his wife, born in Antwerp, several children; Robert Randulphus, merchant, born in Florence; Robert Meron, merchant, born in Florence; Polito Swant, born in Brisse, [Brissels;] divers more, born in Florence, went to the Spanish ambassador’s to hear mass.

S. MAGNUS.

Some houses mightily pestered with numbers of foreigners; as in one house in S. Magnus parish were twenty-four Dutch people: and herein one was a merchant, with his wife and children; another, a shereman; another, a tapestry-maker; another, a dyer; another, a linen-weaver: the house belonged to Michael Griffen, merchant, a denison, born at Rostar in Flanders; and he lived himself in the same house.

S. Swithin’s parish in Walbroke ward: Giles Vanhil, selleth cloth made in Sandwich, called hayes; Peter Apple, denison, and James his brother, born in Flanders, sell cloth, made in Sandwich and Norwich, called bayes: another here was a botcher, and mended apparel; and many more, said to be botchers by trade; another was a musician, servant to the lord marquis Northampton: another, named John Quarry, born in Arras in Flanders, had a licence to make glass in Sussex, went to the French church; another was a worker of here, [hair,] for great hosen; another, a tapestry-worker; another, named John Baloar, born in Bilbow in Spain.

Woolchurch parish: Balthazar Sanchie, denison, born in Spain, hath an English woman to his wife; John Lewis his servant, born in Valentian de Aragon, and is a comfit-maker; they both go to the French church, as they say; hath two tenements; the one he bought, and the other he payeth rent for: here some were menders of old apparel; another, a maker of tennisballs; another woman was a maker of loops for buttons.

Walbrook parish: several joiners by trade; a painter; a tailor.

Abchurch parish: one dwelling there that sold cloth made in Sandwich and Norwich, called bayes; named John God-skalk, denison.

S. Peter’s parish, in Queenhithe ward; John Gillambiskn, Italian, a perfumer, and for most part at the court.

Tower ward, in S. Dunstan’s parish in the east: nineteen Dutch in one house; one was Antosin Poumel, merchant, with his wife and children, and servants; John Vouche, John Marni, John Bowthand, and Robert Philip, all ministers, being Frenchmen; Stephen Marvey, minister, and his wife; and divers others that lived by their money, [viz. without trade:] in the same parish, Andrew de Loo, denison, a merchant; Hans Vanderel, his servant; two maidservants; all Dutch; and go to their own parish church; Emanuel Demetrius, a Dutch merchant, and Hester his wife; Agnes and Sarah, their children; Bastian Speidek, merchant, and Zuzanne his wife, Dutch merchant, and go to their parish church; John de Pesscrowe, Venetian merchant; Sacary Moundy, Jasper Laiet, and another, his servants, and Joseph Lowntney, all Venetians, go to S. Thomas of Acres church; Innocent Conney, Italian, one of the queen’s musicians.

S. Alhallows Barkin parish: John Howgabert, denison, hatband-maker; Balthazar Pierse, merchant, his wife and divers children, Portugals, go to no church; some here hat-makers; some buttonmakers; Augustin Lovelone, Venetian, denison, shipwright, wife, children, all born here, go to the parish church; several women, styled needle-women; Peter Miller, a brewer; several beer-brewers here; Claude Tyson, and Mary his wife, merchant; Peterkin, his daughter, and Mary his servant, all Dutch folks in Barkin parish; as also Anthon. Basam, [Bassani,] Italian, and Helyn his wife, and five children, born all here; he is a musician to the queen.

S. Olyff, and Alhallows Staining: divers Italian merchants in these parishes; among the rest Acerbo Velatelo; Gillan de Vache, Frenchman, musician; another Frenchman, named Laryel, musician; James de Rache’, preacher, and Mary his wife; embroiderer; bookbinder; John Veric, broker, Dutchman; several lay at his house; among the rest, Michael Fever, minister, Mr. Dr. Roman, and John Lowen his servant, in the house of Edw. Touche; James Cornel, a cutter of pearls, a Frenchman; Adrian Redlegg, Dutchman, minister, and his wife, a denison.

Coleman-street ward: Godfrey Wincour, [seems to be Wynge,] a Dutch preacher; Christian, his wife; Jeronomo, the Italian preacher, and Loweraie, his wife, with her maiden, and a boy, all go to the Italian church.

Liberties of Christ’s Church within Algate: there lived in one house fortyfour persons, being all Dutch: and John Van Leur, merchant, payeth the rent for the same, to sir Lewis Mordaunt, knt.: in this liberty lived the widow of Utenhove, [Dutch minister,] with three children, boarders with her, and divers others, to the number of fourteen; they are tenants to the duke’s grace, [duke of Norfolk.] [This was Dukes-place, I suppose.] Black Friers: Mr. Cossyn, Frenchman, minister, and Breugen his wife, come for religion, with three boys, with two wenches, which go to school, and are of the French church; Tho. Vantrolly, Frenchman, denison and stationer, with his wife and one child, born in England; they are of the French church: and there live in the same house two Frenchmen, that came for religion, and be of the French church; Angel Victorys, Sardinian, denison, school master, and his wife, came for religion, and are of the French church; John Victorys, Sardinian, came for religion; he is said to be Dutch, and of no church: many here in Black Friers are said to come for religion.

S. Botulph without Bishopsgate: many houses pestered with numbers of strangers: here were skinners, silk-weavers, sackcloth-weavers.

Minories: Philip Garse, minister, Dutchman; Bartholomew Williamson, preacher of the Dutch church, and Elizabeth his wife, born in England; Cornel. Jacob, a minister of the Dutch church, born in Holland.

The number of strangers in Cripplegate ward 277.

Whereof Dutchmen 213 Spaniards French 41 Denisons The number of strangers in Lime-street ward 31.

In Cornhill ward 28.

In Dowgate ward 166.

In Farringdon ward without 176. Within 81.

In S. Martins le Grand 269.

Among these, Peter Banks and Ursin, ministers of the French church; and Olyver Rowland and Bustein, ministers of the French church; and Nove Banet, Frenchman, minister.

In the liberty of S. Katharine’s 425. Whereof Dutch 328 Danes French 69 Scots Spaniards 2 Poles Italian The whole number of strangers, as well denisons as not denisons, dwelling and remaining within the exempt jurisdiction and liberties adjoining to the city, together with the city of Westminster, 2598. Whereof Dutch 1937 Danes French 552 Polonians Scots 41 German Spaniards 24 Barbarian 1 Italians Whereof of the English church Of the Dutch church Of which number the denisons were Of the French church, Of the Italian church Of no church The whole number of strangers, as well within the city of London, as within the exempt liberties, and places aforesaid, near adjoining to the same, was 6704. Whereof Dutch persons 5225 Portugueze French 1119 Danes Venetians and Florentines Italians 83 Janwayes Spaniards 95 Neapolitans Germans 2 Scots Polonians Whereof of the English church Of the Dutch church Of the French church Of the Italian church Of no church Of which number of strangers there are denisons The numbers of houses pestered within the said city and liberties is 37. The number aforesaid is besides the Spa. niards in Bridewell, and all others that are in any other prisons.

NUMBER 2.

A PROCLAMATION AGAINST RETAINERS.

THE queen’s majesty understanding as well by her own careful observation of her policy, as by report of such as have the administration of justice in her realm, how universally the unleeful the retaining of multitudes of unordinary servants by liveries, badges, and other ensigns and tokens, contrary to the good and ancient statutes and laws of this realm, doth manifestly withdraw from her majesty’s crown the due services of her officers, tenants, and subjects, and doth plainly hinder justice, and disorder the good policy of the realm by maintenance of unleeful suits and titles, and by stirring up and nourishing of factions, riots, and unleeful assemblies, the mothers of rebellion; besides such other great inconveniences, that already are seen, and more likely daily to follow, if speedy remedy be not provided for this purpose:

Is moved with a most earnest intention to procure a most speedy remedy thereof: and because her majesty in present is rather to have generally her laws duely observed, and the debates quietly reformed, than the great forfeitures to be levied, which are due to her majesty, and might greatly by justice enrich her treasure, especially by the execution of the said laws, as well by the persons that have and do unleefully retain others, as also by them that are unleefully retained against the laws: therefore her majesty, of her special grace, doth by this her proclamation notify to all persons, of what state or degree soever the same be, who shall, after the 20th day of February next following, unleefully retain, or be retained, in any service by livery, badge, or other token, contrary to the statutes and laws of this realm therefore provided, the same shall not have a manner of favour or grace of her majesty for any such offence committed against the said laws, before nor after the said 20th of February. And contrariwise, whosoever shall upon this admonition forbear to offend herein from and after the said 20th of February next, shall not be in any wise impeached at her majesty’s suit, nor shall forfeit any thing to her majesty for the same. And so her majesty’s pleasure is, that all her justices and officers before whom any such suit is or shall be commenced for any offence committed or to be committed before the said 20th of February, to have regard to these her majesty’s gracious dispensations.

And for the better execution of the laws and statutes remaining in force against such unleeful retainers, her majesty chargeth all manner of her justices and officers, to whom the execution of the same is prescribed, to cause inquisition, or examination, according to the said laws, to be made in all places of the realm immediately, or as soon as conveniently they may, after the said 20th day of February. And that all justices of assize, and gaoldeliveries, as well in towns corporate and franchises, as in any counties, shall at their next sessions have due regard, by good examination and trial, that no person be empanelled in any jury before them that is unleefully retained without due reformation, and punishment of the same, for the better example thereof in their open sessions.

And further, they shall cause a sufficient new jury to be charged at the same sessions diligently to that only purpose, to inquire of the points and articles of all the statutes being in force; and especially of the statute made in the third year of her majesty’s noble grandfather, king Henry the Seventh, against unleeful retainers; and give also some order, that (as the truth may be therein understande) some good evidence may be given to the said jury in that behalf. And that also other things by the care of the said justices may be done, both at their next sessions, and at all other their sessions following; whereby the inconveniences above mentioned may be the more speedily reformed, and the laws in this behalf hereafter better kept, &c.

She willed, that her justices of assize, after their next sessions, at some convenient time, make report to her of their doings, and of their opinions, for the better [redressing] hereof, as cause shall require: and Further, she charged all manner of persons unleefully retained by liveries, badges, or by any other compact, who shall require to be discharged for any offence punished before the said 20th of February, that they shall before the said 20th day discharge their said servants, so unleefully retained, of their services, in respect of the danger of the law, and thereupon the servants shall accept the same discharge, and shall cease to wear the badges or other tokens whereby they were accustomed to be retained: upon pain, that if the said servants shall continue to be retained unleefully......... they shall not in any wise be forborne from punishment for their default, committed against the law, before the said 20th day, &c.

Given at her palace of Westminster, the 3d day of January 1571, in the 14th year of her reign.

NUMBER 3.

Minutes of a letter from the privy-council to the queen’s officers at Chester, to stop all ships immediately, May 1571, upon apprehension of some treacherous or seditious persons passing that way. AFTER our commendations; you shall immediately upon the receipt hereof give strait order, and see to it yourselves, that if any ship or craier shall come into your haven, although it be in pretence of merchandise, ye shall take the sails and tackling thereof into your custody, and not suffer it to depart, having aboard any other person than merchant or person known to you, and for whom ye will answer at your peril. And the same charge ye shall give to all ships and vessels which be with you already in the haven or creek of your jurisdiction; lest peradventure some treacherous or seditious persons should, as it is thought, to the danger of the queen’s majesty, and trouble of the realm, by any colour pass by you.

Wherefore fail you not, as true subjects, to have an eye to the same, as ye will answer, not unwarned. Fare ye well. From Westminster, the 17th of May, 1571.

Your loving friends, N. BACON,R. LEYCESTER, F. BEDFORD, E. CLYNTON, W. BURGHLEY, F. KNOWLEY, T. SMYTH.

Postscript. This order ye must carefully observe, till you be otherwise directed by us.

To our loving friends the mayor of West-Chester, the customer and comptroller there, and to every of them. The reason of the former letter was the apprehension of some imminent dang’er to the queen and king, from advertisements of money privately conveyed from Scotland by the pope and Spain to the Scots queen. See Annals, vol. 2:chap. 5:ann. 1571.

NUMBER 4.

Upon the massacre at Paris, protestants fly into England: whereof a brief account was sent up, of those that fled to Rye from Roan and Diep. SOON after that massacre, came over from Roan and Diep to Rye persons, men, women, and children: families 85. They came over at several times in the months of August and September, and some few in October: but some few came over in August, somewhat before the massacre. [Perhaps having some inkling or intelligence of it.] Besides, in the beginning of November, the 4th, 7th, and 9th days, persons more: most of them for religion: several, monsieur de Vidam’s of Chartres servants.

The view was taken of these French and other strangers, within this town of Rye, by the appointment of Henry Seymer, mayor of the same town, and the jurats there.

And John Donning, custos of Rye, sent up the catalogue, Nov. the 22d, to the lord treasurer, according to order sent to him.

In this catalogue are the names of divers, entitled ministers, clerks, schoolmasters, many merchants, mariners, and of all trades, and some gentlemen; with their children, wives, and servants.

NUMBER 5.

The chaplains and fellows of the Savoy to the lord Burghley, lord treasurer, to help them in the miserable condition of their hospital; and that Mr. James of Oxford might be appointed by the queen to be their master. 1573. WE, the poor chaplains and fellows of the queen’s majesty’s hospital of the Savoy, do humbly pray your honour to help us in this our so great need.

We will not recite the miserable state of this our poor, decayed, and indebted house, which is happened unto us by the misgovernment and disorder by the late deprived master Thurland, for that we think ye are not ignorant thereof: sithence which deprivation, for want of a master, divers of our tenants withhold from us, and deny to pay our rents; they make waste and spoil our woods, and do commit other forfeitures; so that thereby we shall shortly want wherewith to provide sustenance, either for the poor or for ourselves, or any not able to redress any wrongs that do oppress us.

May it therefore please your good lordship, there is one Mr. James, B.D. and reader of the divinity lecture in Oxon: his living, learning, and zeal in religion is so well known, that the same needs not our commendation. His wisdom and policy in restoring and bringing to happy quietness the late wasted, spoiled, and indebted University college in Oxon, whereof he is now master, doth not only give us hopes of great good that he shall be able to do us, but also do make us the more bold humbly to pray your honour to be the means, that her majesty may be moved for the said Mr. James that he may be our master. The which if it shall please her highness to grant, we, with the poor of this house, shall be most happy; and will not forget, as our most bounden duty is, to pray for her long and prosperous reign, and for the continuance and preservation of your honour, with increase of the same.

Your honour’s most humble orators, Your poor chaplains and fellows of the Savoy, WILLIAM NEALE, JOHN HODGESON, JOHN PARKE, THO. CHAMBERS.

NUMBER 6.

To which address of’ the fellows may be added a more particular relation of the state of the Savoy, as represented Nov. 29, 1575, bearing this title: A brief declaration of the state of the hospital of the Savoy, as it was found by her majesty’s visitors, anno Dom. 1570. WHEREAS upon complaint made to the queen’s majesty of the manifold disorders, spoils, and dilapidations of the said hospital, committed briefly by Thomas Thurland, late master there, he was, by her highness’s visitors thereunto appointed, upon due proof, found culpable, and deprived from his office of master there, the said visitors, before his deprivation, caused an inventory to be taken of all his moveable goods remaining at that time in the said hospital, as well of that which appertained to his household, as of the beds and furniture there appertaining to the [poor] that are daily lodged there: and the same forthwith, upon the said master’s deprivation, was committed to William Nele and John Hodgeson, two of the perpetual chaplains there during the vacation of the said mastership, and have had the governance of the said house, and the receipt of lands thereof, ever sithence, until the said Thurland was, by the queen’s majesty’s clemency, restored to the said office again.

Which said Nele and Hodgeson, being now dead, did yearly, during their lives, make account of their office to the auditor of the said house: by whose books the states of the same are to be understood and known.

And as touching the state of the lands and revenues of the said house at that time of the deprivation of the said Thurland, presented and found before the said visitors, that the said Tho. Thurland, the space of eleven years together, continued master, and received the whole revenues of the said house, and kept the statutes of the same from the perpetual chaplains, and gat into his hands the common seal, and kept it to his own private use, contrary to the statutes; and therewithal, of his own private authority, made and granted divers unprofitable leases of the lands of the said hospital for excessive number of years, as for 30, 40, 50, 60, 80, and above, the certainty whereof cannot yet be known: and namely, made one lease to Mr. Fanshaw of the manor of Dengey, for 600 years; another to one Mr. Anderton, of lands in Yorkshire and Lancashire, for 1000 years: and now of late it is declared, that the said Anderton had no lease, but a plain sale thereof.

Also, that the said Thurland, being fallen into great debts for his own private affairs, bound the said hospital under the common seal aforesaid for payment of his own private debts, and with the revenues of the said house paid them; and did suffer certain extents to be served forth upon the said lands for his own debts.

So that by one way and other the said hospital is charged for his private debts, as by the auditor’s book appeareth, which he shewed to the visitors, to the sum of IM.IXC.XXXVIIIl . XVIS. VIIId . Item, He sold away of his own head the fee-simple of a house and land at Mile-end, of the yearly value of vl .; converting the money thereof to his own private use.

Also, he bound the hospital, by their common seal, to pay lxl . for advowson of the benefice of Denbigh; and hath sold the same again to his own use.

Also, he sold away the jewels, copes, vestments, and other ornaments of the said hospital: also a chalice with a cover, double gilt: also very fair plates, given to the said house by Mr. Feckenham, then dean of Paul’s; for which the hospital is bound yearly to pay xls. to the petty canons of Powles for evermore.

THE VISITORS.

Edmund bishop of London; Gabriel Goodman, dean of Westminster; Tho.

Huycke, LL.D.; Will. Constantine, LL. D., surrogate, deputed by Tho.

Watts, S.T.D., archdeacon of Middlesex: together with Matthew archbishop of Canterbury; sir Will. Cecill, principal secretary; sir Ralph Sadleir, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster; and divers others. By these he was solemnly deprived, for the devastation and dilapidation, and great wrong done to the hospital, in a formal writing, dated the 29th of July, 1570.

NUMBER 7.

But by Thurland’s petition to the queen, and her clemency, he was (as it seems) admitted again to be master of the Savoy, ann. 1574, subscribing to certain rules and orders for the governing of the said hospital: together with his oath for performance.

I,THOMAS THURLAND, do faithfully promise, that I shall, to the utmost of my power, hereafter, at all times, well and truly observe and perform all and singular the rules and orders before written, and by me subscribed, and the contents of every of them; and shall continually from henceforth demean and conform myself according to the same.

Th. Thurland.

And further, I do here, taking a corporal oath upon the holy evangelists, swear by the contents of the same, that if I shall hereafter at any time, contrary to my said profession, offend in not observing and performing the said rules and orders, and any the contents of every of them, according to the true meaning, I shall account myself no master of that hospital of the Savoy; neither shall receive or take any profit or commodity thereof; neither make any claim or demand to any thing by any right, title, or colour thereof; but shall alway after, from time to time, yield myself to be deprived, destituted, and by all ways and means to be verily for ever removed from the said mastership, and all the fights and pertinences thereof, and my claim, title, and interest thereto, by any that shall be authorized, deputed, or appointed to proceed therein: and that no appeal or contradiction touching any proceeding therein to be had shall be by me had, or used, to impeach, let, or by any means to delay the same, or any execution thereof to be made.

NUMBER 8.

Dr. Whitgift, master of Trinity college in Cambridge, and the senior follows, to the lord Burghley; in behalf of one of their society: he and the lord Bacon being their only patron.

Honoratiss. dno. dno. Gulielmo Cecillio dno. Burghleio, summo totius Anglioe thesaurario, et almoe universitatis Cantabrig. cancellario dignissimo: anno 1573. QUSANTAM et quam certain spem bonitatis et clementiae tuae erga nos semper concepimus, (honoratissime domine,) speramus quidem longa ulla attestatione aut argumentis pluribus quibus id tibi conemur ostendere, etiamnum non egere. Quoniam in omnibus causis et saepius emersuris de jure controversiis nostris tanquam patrono atque advocato singulari nostro uteremur praeter te et honoratissimum tibique amicissimum dom. Nicolaum Baconem elegimus fere neminem. Qua de re veremur certe ne nimis cum benevolentiae isti tuae singulari erga nos, turn clementiae erga omnes interdum importuni fuerimus. Non enim unquam veriti, ne arbitrere nos aut acceptorum beneficiorum multitudine placatos, aut saltem satiatos magnitudine aliquando esse oportere. Effecit enim toties illa in maximis gravissimisque negotiis nostris testata animi tui voluntas, ut non modo de nobis in posterum valde solliciti, sed etiam pro aliis interdum amplitudinem tuam audeamus interpellare.

Quanquam revera (honoratissime domine) alienum recte ilium non dixerimus, atque nunc intercedimus, sed unum e nobis, cui si in ea petitione quam habet ad dominationem tuam quicquam poterimus prodesse, libentissime sane hanc operam nostram ei impendimus. Quae sit ant ratio petitione ejus (speramus sane fere aequissimam) tute ex ipso melius eognosces. Ille vero in eadem si nostra gratia senserit se quicquam profecisse, nos quidem non modo iIli congratulabimur (utpote quem indignum vel majori hoc nostro officio non judicamus) sed et tuo etiam honori deinceps, cum tantas gratias agemus, tum tali ac tanta praeterea observantiae nostrae memoria prosequemur, ut facillime intelligas, cum hunc unum eontubernalem nostrum hoc uno beneficio affeceris, te apud nos omnes alumnos tuos, gratissimos sane homines, maximum benefieium reposuisse. Deus Optimus Maximus Amplitudinem tuam in diuturna faelicitate nobis reique publicae incolumem tueatur.

Honori, virtutique ruse deditissimi, JOHANNES WHITGIFT.

NICOLAUS BROWNE, OSMUNDUS DAVID, JOANNES COOKE, JACOBUS BILL, LUEAS GILPIN, GUILIELMUS REDMAN, GUILIELMUS FARRAND, JOHANNES HANDSON.

Cantabrigiae, tertio calendas Julii, 1573.

NUMBER 9.

Dr. Gabriel Goodman, dean of Westminster, to the lord treasurer, ann. 1577. for Westminster college; there being then thoughts of reforming some things therein.

Sir, MY duty most humbly remembered; I am bold to send unto your honour a brief declaration of the orders used ha the college by Dr. Bill and me, since the last election. May it please you to confer the same with the statutes, to consider thereof, as you shall think good. I pray God that may be done which may be to God’s glory, the queen’s honour, and the good example of the church. I could wish a convenient residence of both dean and prebendaries: first, that every one might sometimes preach in their persons; 2. that one may be present in the church to pray, as our most bounden duty is, for her majesty, being our founder; 3. for the better order and government of the church. Unless there be daily commodity for residence, as it is at Windsor, or such like place, I fear me, which I am sorry to speak, the residence will not be so well kept.

I beseech your honour that there may be that moderation used which shall be most convenient for all in respect. Hitherto I and the company, I thank God, have agreed very brotherly, with great quietness, as any such company, I hope. I would be sorry, if by seeking to better things, dissension should grow to unquietness. My special trust is in God, that as he hath provided her majesty with motherly care for the church, and your honour with godly zeal to virtue and learning, so he will work some good effect of this travail. Thus, with my continual prayer for you and all yours, I humbly take my leave From Westminster college, this 14th of November, 1577.

Your honour’s most bound, GABRIEL GOODMAN.

See another account of the state of this college and the prebendaries in the year 1586, given by Dr. Goodman, the dean, in the Annals, vol. 3:Appendix to the second book, num. 10. p. 149.

NUMBER 10.

Mr. Robert Bertie to the lord Burghley, lord treasurer, 1580: concerning his son Peregrines title of lord Willoughby, and right thereto by his mother, the duchess of Suffolk.

Pleaseth it your lordship, FOR that yesternight, in return from your lordship, I found Mr. Clarencieux unable to maintain his assertion of grace, fearing the same may have more credit with you than he deserveth, I am bold to impart to your lordship two of many reasons, why I rendered to him again his opinion. The first is, that I am able to prove by many examples, but namely, in this house, that Rich.

Wells, immediately upon the death of the lord Robert Wells, used the style of lord Willoughby in the right of his wife, as a thing lawful, without scruple, or other mediation. Also it cannot be denied, in the question between Reginald lord Grey of Ruthen, and Edward Hastings, for the style and arms of lord Hastings, but that the judgment given with the lord Grey, claiming from the woman, sufficed, without any other special grace: for what is done by law is intended done by the prince’s will and commandment.

William, Conqueror, used none other creation than by donation of baroness, and to dame, not only temporal but ecclesiastical persons, (otherwise incapable,) without any other ceremony, transmitted the dignity to their heirs and successors (which the abbots held in the right of their abbeys) as tenant by courtesy in right of his wife. Neither is there any use of petition in such cases in Flanders, Brabant, Spain, or France, whose apes we are in customs of chivalry; having besides a more special privilege by the courtesy of England. But this much is to be confessed, that in Mr. Wymbish’s case, examined before king Henry VIII., bishop Gardiner, and the two chief justices present, and Garter that then was, affirming, that by ancient custom every husband must use the style of his wife’s dignity of inheritante, it was then concluded, that from thenceforth none should so do without special grace, unless he have issue by his wife; in which case the law yieldeth him a special grace to enjoy the barony for term of his life, and the dignity, as incident to the same. There is no good subject that gladly would enjoy any thing contrary to the good grace of the prince: livery seems a kind of grace, yet such as by law the prince is to yield to the subject.

For my part, I value nothing comparable to her majesty’s favour: and so I end; most humbly beseeching your lordship to pardon my earnestness in defence of my son’s inheritance.

Your lordship’s humbly at command, R. BERTIE.

NUMBER 11.

To which letter may be added one to the same lord from Peregrine Bertie, son and heir of the abovesaid Robert; claiming the title of lord Willoughby, March 1575. a man well known in the queen’s reign, for his courage, and valour, and wit. Writ March1575. Who was now going into Lincolnshire, to his estate there.

My lord, IWOULD more gladly have come myself to have done this my duty to your lordship, than to send my letters, being bound so many ways to honour youa, but that the earl of Kent and his servants offer so many occasions of quarrel, with their contumelious speeches and behaviours, as with much pain I refrain my servants from seeking revenge. Of the earl’s choler, uttered to myself and the duchess [of Suffolk, his mother,] at our last meeting, I suppose report is made to your lordship by my lord chief justice.

I contained, to wear out my lord’s malice with patience; but if that we fail in, I must prepare a rough wedge for a rough knot: for I cannot perceive, (beside your lordship and another,) that many others have regard to small firesparks, until they grow out into dangerous flames. The Almighty God be your director and protector The 3d of March, 1575.

Your lordship’s assured and humble at command, P. BERTIE.

NUMBER 12.

A letter of sir Walter Raleigh to the lord treasurer, ann. 1583. concerning the earl of Oxford, under a cloud at court; for whom he had spoken favourably to the queen; being desired so to do by the said lord, whose beloved daughter Anne that earl had married.

Occasioned by some quarrel between the earl and some other noblemen. THE evening after the receipt of your lordship’s letter, I spake with her majesty; and ministering some occasion touching the earl of Oxford, I told her majesty how grievously your lordship received her late discomfortable answer. Her majesty, as your lordship had written, (I know not, lately and strangely persuaded,) purposed to have no repetition between the lord Howard, Arundel, and others, and the earl; and said, it was a matter not so slightly to be passed over. I answered, that being assured her majesty would never permit any thing to be prosecuted to the earl’s danger, if any such possibly; and therefore it were to small purpose, after so long absence and so many disgraces, to call his honour and name again in question: whereby he might appear the less fit either for her favour or presence. In conclusion, her majesty confessed, that she meant it only thereby to give the earl warning; and that, as it seemed to me, being acquainted with his offences, her grace might seem the more in remitting the revenge or punishment of the same.

I delivered her your lordship’s letter: and what I said further, how honourable and profitable it were for her majesty to have regard of your lordship’s health and quiet, I refer to the witness of God, and good report of her highness: and the more to witness how desirous I am of your lordship’s favour and good opinion, I am content for your sake to lay the serpent before the fire, as much as in me lieth, that, having recovered strength, myself may be most in danger of his poison and sting. For answer, her majesty would give me no other, but that she would satisfy your lordship; of whom she ever had, and would ever have special regard. Thus being unfeignedly willing to deserve your Iordship’s good favour, I humbly take my leave. Greenwich, this present Friday, May 12, 1583.

Your lordship’s most willing to be commanded, W. RAULEY.

NUMBER 13.

Francis Bacon, son to sir Nicolas Bacon, lord keeper, his letter, written in the year 1580, to the lord treasurer Burghley, who had recommended him to the queen’s fayour for some place under her; and her majesty’s gracious answer in that behalf.

This F. B. was sir Francis Bacon, after lord Verulam, viscount St. Albans, and lord chancellor of Eng1and.

My singular good lord, YOUR lordship’s comfortable relation of her majesties gracious opinion and meaning towards me, though at that tyme your leisure gave me not leave to shewe howe I was affected therewith, yet uppon everie representation thereof it entreth and striketh so much more deeplie into me, as both my nature and dutie presseth me to return some speache of thankfulness. It must be an exceeding comfort and encoradgment unto me, setting fourth and putting my self in waye towards her majesties service, to enconter with an example so private and domestical of her majesties gracious goodness and benignitie being made good, and verefied in my father so farr fourth as it extendeth unto his posteritie, accepting them as amended by his service during the nonage, as I may term it, of their own desartes. I, for my part, am well content that I take least part either of his abilities of mind, or of his worldlie advancement, both which he held and received, the one of the gift of God immediate, the other of her majesties gifte. In the loyall and earnest affection which he bare to her majesties service, I trust my portion shall not be with the least, nor in proportion to my youngest birthe: for methinks his president should be a silent charge uppon his blessing unto us all in our degrees to follow him afarr off, and to dedicate unto her majesties service both the use and spending of our lyres. True it is, that I must nedes acknowledg myself prepared and furnished thereunto with nothing but a multitude of lacks and imperfections. But calling to mind how diverslie, and in what particular providence God hath declared himself to tender the estate of her majesties affairs, I conceive and gather hope, that those whom he hath in a manner prest for her majesties service, by working and imprinting in them a single and zelous mynde to bestowe their daies therein, he will see them accordinglie appointed of sufficiencie convenient for the rank and standing where they shall be employed; so as, under this her majesties blessing, I trust to receive a longer allowance of God’s graces. As I may hope for that, so I can assure and promise for my endeavour, that it shall not be in fault, but what diligence can intitle me unto, that I doubt not to recover. And now seeing it hath pleased her majestic to take knowledge of this my mynde, and to vouchsafe to appropriate me unto her service, preventing any desart of myne with her princelie liberalitie; first, I am humblie to beseach your lordship, to present to her majestic my more than most humble thanks therefore, and withall having regard to myne owne unworthiness to receive such favour, and in the small possibilitie in me to satisfie and answear what her majestic conceiveth, I am moved to become a most humble suitor unto her majestic, that this benefit also may be affixed to the other, which is, that if there appear not in me suche towardnes of service, as it may be her majestic doth beninglie value me and assesse me at, by reason of my sundrie wantes, and the disadvantage of my nature, being unapt to laye fourth the simple store of these inferior giftes, which God hath allotted unto me, most to vieu, yet that it would please her excellent majestie not to accomt my thankfulness lesse, for that my disabilitie is great to shew it, but to susteyne me in her majesties gracious opinion, wheruppon I onlie rest, and not uppon expectation of anie desart to procede from myself towards the entertainment therof. But if it shall please God to send fourthe an occasion wherbie my thankful affection may be tried, I trust I shall save no labor for ever making more protestation of it after. In the mean tyme, howsoever it be not made known to her majestie, yet God knoweth it through the daily solicitations wherwith I address myself unto him in unfained prayer for the multiplying of her majesties prosperities. To your lordship, whose recommendation I know right well hath been material to advaunce her majesties good opynion of me, I can be but a bounden servant. So much can I safely promise and purpose to be, seing publick and private bands varie not, but that my service to God, her majestie, and your lordship drawe in a lyne. I wishe therefore to shew it with as good proofe as I said it with good faith. From G. this 18th of Oct. 1580.

Your most dutiful and bounden nephew, FRAN. BACON.

NUMBER 14.

The bishop of Ross’s letter to Mary queen of Scots, abbreviated in the Annals, vol. 3:thus went on at large, being the continuation of it. “WHEREFORE, although I do not see why we should hope, if we weigh all things in a human balance, yet when I turn my mind and thought to God, I am induced to think there is no cause why we should entertain despair of very great good notwithstanding to befall the state, who cheerfully bear all things for God’s sake and yours; or that you, most serene queen, should sink under those greatest evils: for the same God that had delivered David from the most grievous vexations of Saul, and Manasses, almost destroyed with the filthiness of a prison, and the apostle St. Paul, exposed to the most raging fury of Nero, like a lion, can restore you also to the state, and the state to you, and the church, and great liberty in the church, and the greatest pleasure in the greatest liberty. For why should you be discouraged, and broken in your mind? Did not the same God restore to liberty Malcolme, Robert, and David Bruce, your great-grandfather James, [tritavum tuum, ] and others your ancestors, kept in strait prison in England, and bestowed on them more ample honours than they had before? “Go on therefore courageously, most pious queen, and hope for better things, more peaceable, more ample, by their examples....... Almighty God, being so often entreated by the prayers of many in the humility of their hearts, will snatch you out of these dangers, and adorn you with far greatest honours; will set before you a most ample reward of these your labours and cares; will increase the sweetness of your liberty; will enlarge the borders of your kingdom; and, lastly, will never leave off to be a father to you, if you will continue to be a daughter to him.......... “ Then he exhorted her to perseverance. “Therefore seriously and constantly ever do that which with the greatest praise you now do; as I have very often conferred with you, both absent by letter, and present by word of mouth. To which purpose, when I thought the reading of history would be of great moment, I sent to you the history of the affairs of former kings, which none before had touched, writ in English, when I was sent ambassador to England. But when the calamities of our time had excluded me from the public offices of the state, I was unwilling in this my leisure to lie idle, and no profit from my labour might seem to flow to our commonweal: wherefore, lest this my leisure should be thought to perish without any profit to the state, I have not only put into Latin what I hastily wrote in English, but have more straitly digested, for the benefit of our people, the whole history of the age past into one volume: which on that account I now send to you; that thence you may select examples, whereby you may more and more inflame yourself to the studies of piety and religion; and the virtues, wherein you much flourish, you may admire in others your ancestors, and love in yourself: that profit also may flow from this our labour, that he, your son, a prince of the best hope and parts, (which we humbly, in our daily prayers, beg of God may be safe to our state, and salutary to the church of Christ,) may draw hence most remarkable examples of vices for him to shun, and of virtues for him to follow.” He exhorted her, “that since she could not do the office of a parent to him, not being present with him, she should procure diligently that he would walk according to the steps of his parents in his studies of religion and virtue; and stir him by letters and writing, if he were slack; and if he ran, to excite him more and more.”

NUMBER 15.

A letter of Edwin Sandys, archbishop of York, May 22, 1586, to the lord treasurer, lord Burghley: justifying himself against certain accusations made against him, and complained of to the queen by the dean of York, for leasing out the church lands by reversion; which had brought him up to court to vindicate himself.

MY honourable good lord. The dean spitteth out his venom still, and hath used means to infect the very court. Where is no end of his malice. He hath by his patron made her majesty to be informed, that before the lords were appointed to hear our cause, there was no more matter but my yea and his nay; neither had he said any thing in the consistory which was not convenient and allowable, neither could any thing be proved against him.

How true this is, your lordship and others appointed for that cause can well tell: to whose report in that behalf I refer me.

Further, her majesty is informed, that I have given divers leases unto my children in reversion, and no fine reserved thereof unto the use of the church. This as impudent. For I hold no land of the church; neither ever had the church any thing of the bishopric of York for the use thereof. In truth, they have the church lands, and should keep a stop in their common chest for the defence thereof: but the overplus of the revenue they put not in that treasy chest for the church, but, like good fellows, divide it among themselves; and that is the cause of their protestation, that I may not see into their reckonings in my visitations. There was, not many years since, 200l . in their chest, for the use of their church: but my lord president’s men brake in, and robbed St. Peter of every penny; and yet they escaped punishment, although it was burglary. But to avoid the like, they put it in their private purses, and buy land with it for themselves, which can hardly be robbed from them.

I grant that I gave (as I lawfully might) to my six sons, every one two leases in reversion: for the confirmation whereof, the dean and chapter had of me for every lease 4l .; in the whole 48l . I am bound in conscience to take care of my family. I have no land to leave them, as the dean hath a great deal: and as fit for me to bestow these upon my children, who, I trust, shall not be found unworthy of such help, as upon my servants, or strangers. The bishopric loseth nothing by it; neither is it a whit in worse case. This complaint smelleth of mere malice towards me and mine. The dean will not remember, how that my predecessor, within two months that he was translated to Canterbury, gave unto his kinsmen and servants, and for round sums of money to himself, six score leases and patents; and even then when they were thought not to be good in law: and the dean and chapter confirmed fourscore of them, and that without stop or mislike; and that, I suppose, gratis. He might do any thing; and you see my case, I may do nothing, but it shall be complained ot even unto her majesty.

A third thing I was charged withal, that I would needs give the patent of the chacellorship to a boy of nine years of age. O! os impudens! My lord, I have a son at Oxford, a master of arts, of three or four years standing; and the dean himself will confess, that he is well learned; and hath been a student in the law, as I take it, now two years, and will in one year following be fit to proceed doctor. I must confess, that having nothing else to leave him, I was content to bestow this upon him; and drawn thereunto by my learned and wise friends. It was he who made report unto your lordship of sir Robert Stapleton’s frivolous submission. Your lordship then liked well of him; and since, he hath profited in learning with the best. He is alnost 25 years of age, and a great deal elder in discretion, sobriety, and learning: yet I was content that a doctor of laws should execute the office two years next to come, even such a man as the dean liketh right well of.

My last secretary, Simon Hill, had an office of the registership of the official, and my eldest son was joined with him in it, who hath supervived him. He would surrender his interest to two of his brethren, which have nothing to live on: the one, being at Cambridge, of 19 years of age, a good student; the other, a scholar in the grammarschool at York, of 13 years of age; both in law capable of such a petty office: and no other cause why the dean denieth to confirm them, but that they are my children. Seeing he denieth to confirm them, neither do I urge him unto it: what cause hath he to complain of me?

The lord president [of the north] told the queen, that he [the dean] would justify himself: and so doubtless he will, if he may be heard, and believed.

He is a man that hath no great regard what he saith, nor what he sweareth.

For nothing is so manifestly true, which he will not deny with these most untrue tales. Some had so wrought with her majesty, that hardly I could have access: the way, by many means, was stopped belike by some lady.

All this cunning dealing her majesty accepted well from me; gave me good leave to answer these reports, still remaining most gracious towards me: saying, that if she heard any thing of me, she would make my best friend, my lord treasurer, acquainted with it; and so with good favour gave me leave to return to my charge, and prayed God to send me a good journey.

He that durst do this when I was present, what dare he not do when I am absent? Now my chief refuge must be unto your lordship: as you have ever stand with me in my just causes, so do I know that you will not leave me in this. I shall humbly and most heartily pray you to declare unto her majesty, how the matter fell out, and in what sort I proved the speech uttered by the clean in the consistory: as also let her majesty understand, how untrue these his accusations be. His speech, testified, I send unto you by Dr. Aubrey. I trust your lordships will not send him home to triumph over me: for you know what wrong he hath done me; ever an enemy, ever since the first time I knew him. Marry, set on, and well holden up, and made the very instrument, by crossing all my proceedings, to deface me. Other things that I charged him withal may be easily proved.

Thus am I bold to trouble your lordship with a long letter, referring me and my causes to your honourable favour and constant friendship. Even so I commend your good lordship to the good direction of God’s holy Spirit.

Huntingdon, this Whitsunday in the morning.

Your lordship’s most bound, E. EBOR.