TOGETHER WITH AN APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL PAPERS OF STATE, RECORDS, AND LETTERS BY JOHN STRYPE, M.A.

A NEW EDITION VOLUME 7 (FORMERLY VOLUME 4) THE PREFACE.

MY store of authentic papers, transcribed by me from the originals, are sufficient to furnish me with matter to carry on my Annals to the end of queen Elizabeth’s reign in the same method with the former volumes, and to be digested into a just and methodical history; a thing which many of my learned friends and readers have desired to see. But my great age, and infirmities accompanying it, require me to forbear. And yet, that those papers might not be quite lost, or remain in obscurity and of no use, I have at last, in intervals of better health, prepared a great number of the most important and useful of them, as I took them by my own pen at first from the originals, and have now digested them into a course of historical matters, succeeding year by year, as they fell out. By which means a knowledge of the affairs both of the church and state may be attained, until the access of king James to the kingdom, and some years after. Wherein will be discovered divers remarkable occurrences during the latter part of her reign. Which consisted chiefly of the king of Spain’s formidable attempts against this realms plots of popish seminaries and Jesuits, and the endeavours of the disaffected to the establishment of this church, and the episcopal government of it; and the judicial proceedings taken with them.

All which these collections will give a great light into; none of them as yet having been published to the world.

So that this following large number of records will want nothing to render it a complete history of those times of the queen, (all very communicative of the chief matters transacted,) though not compiled into a formal history.

And let me add, (which will give a sufficient credit and estimation to these papers,) that they were for the most part found by me among the manuscripts and state-papers of that great and wise counsellor of the queen, lord Burghley, lord treasurer, the Nestor of his age, as he was styled. Under the year of whose death some peculiar and curious remarks in this work are given of him.

Since the publishing of the former volumes of the Annals, I have met with many material papers, which may improve and illustrate the said history; and therefore have added them by way of Supplement at the end of this book, as they fell out yearly.

THE CONTENTS.

Number 1. Reports sent from sir Edward Kelly in Bohemia, June an. 1589, of one Parkins a Jesuit: brought by Robert Tatton and George Leycester. Thus endorsed on the paper by the hand of the lord treasurer Burghley, as followeth, viz. Certain articles of the discovery of high treason, made by sir Edw. Kelly, baron of Bohemia, unto certain English gentlemen, which came to visit him at Tribona in the said kingdom, the latter end of June, 1589, whose names are here subscribed. To which may be here subjoined two letters wrote to the said Kelly by the lord treasurer Burghley, as a remaining memorial of the same famous man, sometime of this nation a native; viz.

Number 2 . The lord Burghley, lord treasurer, to sir Edward Kelly, written ann. 1591, declaring the value he and others had of him, upon the account of his great knowledge and virtue; and inviting him to return to his own country: and begging a medicine from him for his old enemy the gout.

Number 3 . Another letter from the lord Burghley to sir Edw. Kelly, in answer to a letter from him, brought by Mr. Dyar. Exhorting him earnestly, and that by command from the queen, to come over into his own country; that they might receive the honour and service that his great wisdom and knowledge deserved. Written by that lord’s own hand.

Number 4 . Sir Francis Knowles, knt. treasurer of the queen’s chamber; to the lord Burghley, lord high treasurer. A letter of some sharpness against the superiority of bishops.

Number 5. Sir Francis Knowles to the queen, upon some displeasure she had taken against him. Occasioned by his controversy about the superiority of bishops.

Number 6 . One Mrs. Dyer had practised conjuration against the queen, to work some mischief to her majesty; for which she was brought into question. And accordingly her words and doings were sent to Popham, the queen’s attorney, and Egerton, her solicitor, by sir Francis Walsingham the queen’s secretary, and sir Tho. Heneage, her vicechamberlain, for their judgment of her case; whose opinion was, that Mrs. Dyer was not within the compass of the estatute touching witchcraft; for that she did no act, and spake certain lewd speeches, tending to that purpose: but neither set figure nor made pictures. The attorney’s and solicitor’s letter in answer follows.

Number 7 . Sir Francis Drake to the lord treasurer; concerning the fleet landing at Caskays with don Antonio, for his recovery of the kingdom of Portugal from the king of Spain, who had taken it.

Number 8 . A discourse of Anthony Coppley, dated the 6th of January, 1590, (of his abode and maintenance beyond the seas, written to Mr. William Wade. [Who was one of the queen’s secretaries.] He seems to be the son of Tho. Coppley, a principal popish fugitive in Q.

Elizabeth’s reign, and was made great master of the Maes by the king of Spain; and afterwards knighted by the French king, and the title of baron given him; as Camden, under the years 1575 and 1577 of his Annals, writes.

Number 9 . Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, to the justices of peace in Kent: for release of the clergy from composition-corn. An original.

Number 10. The bishop of Winton to the lord treasurer. Upon a contest between the president and fellows of Corpus Christi college, Oxon: deferred to their visitor the said bishop, with his sense of it, shewed to the said lord treasurer; who had sent to him to put an end to it.

Number 11 . Merick, bishop of the Isle of Man, to the lord Burghley, lord treasurer. Complaining of his being charged above his ability. Shewing his needy condition. Writ April, 1590.

Number 12 . Hutton, bishop of Durham, to the lord treasurer, that his lordship would be a means to satisfy the queen concerning his bestowing of Sherborn hospital, the queen having granted it to another.

Writ in March, 1590.

Number 13 . Harberd, bishop of Hereford, to the lord treasurer; informing him of one brought before him for seditious words.

Number 14 . Ann. 1590. Memoire a monsieur le grand tresorier, pour Geneve. The paper following so endorsed was drawn up by Le Lect, agent here for Geneva; shewing their present miserable condition, and craving his interest with the queen on their behalf.

Number 15 The magistrates of Geneva to queen Elizabeth, thanking her for a collection sent to them, and craving further aid in their distress.

Number 16 . Thomas Cartwright, the puritan, to the right worshipful Mr. Puckring, one of her majesty’s sergeants at law; being sent for by a pursuivant, now deprived of his hospital at Warwick.

Number 17 . Some account of the trial and condemnation of John Udal, a minister, concerned with Martin Marprelate in publishing several schismatical books. Taken from the MSS. of sergeant Puckring; before whom and baron Clark the said Udal was brought to his trial, at the assizes held in Surrey.

Number 18 . Articles delivered to the judges by Mr. Udal, shewing reasons why they should not proceed in judgment against him, notwithstanding the verdict given against him. This paper consisteth of nine articles.

Number 19 . Udal’s submission: sent to baron Clark and sergeant Puckring, November 18, 1590.

Number 20 . After sentence given against Udal in the Lentassizes, Feb. 1590, sergeant Puckring wrote this letter to thc lord chancellor Hatton about their proceedings with him.

Number 21 . The copy of the submission required by the judges, to be made by Udal.

Number 22 . the last offered submission of Udal, Feb. 19, Number 23 . Dr. Bancroft, chaplain to the lord chancellor, to Mr. Sergeant Puckring, to stay execution of Udal. ibid.

Number 24 . Udal to sergeant Puckring, after his return from the assizes to his prison in the White Lion, November 11, 1590. In which letter may be observed his lofty and unrelenting behaviour: his justifying his innocency: calling for execution, or deliverance from his imprisonment.

Resenteth the disgrace that was done him; &c.

Number 25 . November 18 following, Udal writ both to the baron and the sergeant: who had told him that upon his submission they were willing to become means to her majesty for his pardon. He sent this letter. And Nov. 25 he wrote to them again another letter: upon their sending him a messenger, that his former submission did not content them. ibid.

Number 26 . Udal’s belief. Drawn up to pacify the queen, who conceived an high displeasure against him, for asserting, that the prince had nothing to do in spiritual matters, and that she was subject to their censures.

Number 27 . Thomas Cartwright to the lord treasurer Burghley, June 23, 1590, concerning the bad estate of his hospital at Warwick, upon the death of the earl of Leicester, their founder. ibid.

Number 28 . The lord treasurer lord Burghley to the chancellor of Scotland, lord Maitland; to persuade the king his master to suppress the professed enemies of the gospel in his kingdom, and the adversaries of the common amity.

Number 29 . The lord treasurer Burghley to count Figleazzi, with the duke of Florence; that he would acquaint the duke with the queen’s kind acceptance of his good-will towards her, and in his offer to mediate a peace between her and Spain: and the causes of contention between her and the king of Spain stated at large.

Number 30 . A certificate under the hands of several of the lords of their allowance of one Edge, an espial, employed into the camp of the duke of Parma, for intelligence. Drawn up by the pen of the lord Burghley.

October 9, 1590.

Number 31 . Richard Topclyff, a discoverer and taker up of popish seminaries, and other papists, his discourse of them in a letter sent to the lord treasurer; about the year 1590, in this time of danger. P. 53.

Number 32 . A prayer composed for the good success of the French king; printed anno 1590, with this title: A Prayer used in the queen’s majesty’s house and chapel, for the prosperity of the French king and his nobility; assailed by a multitude of notorious rebels, that are supported and waged by great forces of foreigners, August 21, 1590.

Number 33 . Spanish advertisements, delivered by Thomas Willys, a Leicestershire man. Thus endorsed: The declaration of Tho. Willys; taken 21 Feb. 1590.

Number 34. An office to be deputed. In a suit to be a general register of all christenings, marriages, and burials, within her majesty’s realm of England and Wales: with reasons for the same. To the lord treasurer Burghley. P. 62.

Number 35 . Inconveniences of parish clerkships.

Number 36 . Sir John Smyth’s letter to the lord treasurer, May 1590, upon the suppression of his book of directions concerning military discipline.

Number 37 . Tho. Cartwright to the lord treasurer. Liberty granted by the lord archbishop of Canterbury to him and other puritan ministers in prison. That he is falsely charged about a purpose to excommunicate the queen.

Number 38 . Mr. Cartwright to the lady Russel. Moving her to intercede with her relation, the lord treasurer, for his liberty, and for other ministers in prison. Writ in Aug. 1591.

Number 39 . Cartwright to the lord treasurer, dated October 4. Cited before the commissioners, and apprehensive of great troubles to follow upon the queen’s displeasure with him.

Number 40 . The bishop of Bristol, and Dr. Aubrey, to the lord treasurer: in answer to his order to them to take into their examination certain crimes, laid to the charge of one Matthew Heron, minister. And found by them to be scandals.

Number 41 . Overton, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, to the lords and others of the privy-council: complaining of a practice of abuse in the loan and subsidy, by subsidy-men. And his advice how to reform it.

Number 42 . A declaration of great troubles pretended against the realm by a number of seminary priests and Jesuits, sent, and very secretly dispersed into the same, to work great treasons under a false pretence of religion. With a provision very necessary for the remedy thereof.

Published by her majesty’s proclamation. With certain notes set in the margin. This is very briefly and imperfectly mentioned in Stow’s Annals and Camden’s Eliz.

Number 43 . Articles annexed to the commission, for a farther instruction to the commissioners how to proceed in the execution thereof.

Number 44 . Anthony Fitzherbert, a popish gentleman in the gaol at Darby, to the earl of Shrewsbury; relents, and prays favour from his imprisonment.

Number 45 . The earl of Darby, from the court at Greenwich, to the earl of Shrewsbury: concerning preparations for war; and the execution of two seminaries.

Number 46 . The confession of Boord before the lord treasurer, anno 1591, being in the Gate-house, Westminster; who was a spy, as it seems, for seminaries.

Number 47 . Colleges of Englishmen in Flanders. Boord and Tusser, whither they went.

Number 48 . Designs and attempts of Hacket, Coppinger, and Arthington, anno 1591, to dethrone the queen, and overthrow the government, upon pretence of revelation. Being collections from a book entitled, Conspiracy for pretended Reformation. Printed 1592.

Number 49 . Some remarks of Hacket, and his two prophets, Coppinger and Arthington, whose great pretence was the Spirit.

Number 50. A petition of divers prisoners, puritans, in the Fleet and other prisons, to the lord treasurer, for the furtherance of their humble petition to the lords of the council for their enlargement. Dated December 4, 1591.

Number 51 . The heads of the colleges in Cambridge to the lord Burghley, their high chancellor: concerning Legate their printer, who was hindered the printing of the Bible and Psalms in metre by the stationers in London; whose part the heads took as their printer.

Number 52 . Hugh Broughton, the learned Hebrician, to the lord Burghley; occasioned by Bishop and Newburgh, stationers, who had seized his books newly printed, and taken them out of his chamber. Desiring his lordship’s order to have them restored.

Number 53 . Anno 1591, Nov. 16. A note of the Indian fleet of king Philip, dispersed and cast away. Sent to the lord treasurer. On this paper is written, by the lord treasurer’s own hand, Sir Tho. Gage, as from whom this information came.

Number 54. The queen’s charter of Quietus est, with her broad seal appendant, to the lord treasurer, lord Burghley, discharging him from attendance on her, to enjoy his beloved Theobalds, anno 1591. Drawn up by the queen herself in a facetious style, to cheer the said lord, who was, it seems, melancholy, and desirous to retire to a private life at his beloved seat at Theobalds. It is dated at Theobalds thus: Teste meipsa apud Tybolles.

Number 55 . Advertisements from Spain to the lord high treasurer of England, so endorsed: A brief of such news as I, Henry Carminck, of Droushed, a merchant, could learn in Spain; arriving there the 1st of March 1590, and departing thence home the 21st of April 1591.

Number 56 . The cardinals to the city of Paris, from Rome; giving the news of pope Gregory’s death, anno 1591.

Number 57 . Londino-Gallica ecclesia. John Castel, minister there, in the name of the members of that church, upon occasion of a supply to be sent to the French protestants in France. Writ to the archbishop of Canterbury and the lord treasurer, sending to this church to make their contribution for them under persecution. Castel gives account of the members of this congregation, and their poor condition, in a Latin letter to this import.

Number 58 . Robert Beal, clerk of the council many years, now in some employment in York: his letter to the lord treasurer, upon the queen’s sending for him to wait again, after some long absence, about the year 1591.

Number 59 . Mr. Beal’s voyages and embassies: which he writ and sent to the lord treasurer, to manifest his public services and good deserts.

Number 60 . A letter of the Puritan ministers in prison, to her majesty, in vindication of their innocency. Dated April 15, 1592.

Number 61 . A petition to the lord treasurer from another rank of puritans, that were separatists: presented near this time: endorsed thus: This bumble petition was put up of many poor Christians, imprisoned by the bishops in sundry several prisons in and about London.

Number 62 . The humble supplication of the faithful servants of the church of Christ, in the behalf of their ministers and preachers imprisoned, to the lords of the council: the separatists shewing at large their case and reason in breaking off communion with the church established.

Number 63 . James Yong, a Jesuit, taken 1592. His confession Aug. 27. the same year, before the lord keeper Puckring, lord Buckhurst, and Mr. Fortescue, chancellor of the exchequer: being his letter under his own hand.

Number 64 . The lord treasurer to sir John Puckring, lord keeper, to the lord Buckhurst, and Mr. Fortescue, chancellor of the exchequer: upon Yonge’s declaration sent by them to the treasurer, to be read to the queen, now in her progress.

Number 65 . Thomas Christopher, alias George Dingley, that came from Rome: committed to the counter about mid April 1592. His confession.

MSS. lord keeper Puckring.

Number 66 . The lord treasurer Burghley’s speech in the house of lords, anno 1592. Containing the causes of the queen’s entry into a defensive war with Spain. With an account of the queen’s extraordinary charges by the said war. All writ with his own hand; and transcribed thence. It beareth this title on the top of the page: The causes of the queen’s entry into these defensive actions.

Number 67 . The queen’s extraordinary charges by means of the war, moved by the king of Spain. Set down by the lord treasurer in the same paper.

Number 68 . Thomas Markham to the lord treasurer: concerning his affliction for his son Robert Markham, going beyond sea for his conscience. ibid.

Number 69 . Robert Markham to his father, upon his departure beyond seas.

Number 70 . The queen in her progress, now at Sudley. From thence sir Tho. Heneage, her vice-chamberlain, writes to the lord keeper Puckring; relating the queen’s kind expressions towards him.

Number 71 . Sir Thomas Heneage, vice-chamberlain, to the lord keeper Puckring; signifying from her majesty, how well she took his assistance at the celebration of the 17th of November, the day of her access to the crown, ibid.

Number 72 . March the 5th, 1592. Notes for the inspection into charitable gifts. Set down by the lord treasurer. This being a time of great dearth.

Number 73 . A fleet of Spaniards ready to invade England. Signified in a letter from the lord Howard, lord admiral, to the lord treasurer.

Endorsed by the said treasurer’s own hand, Aug. 29, 1592. Thus superscribed: To the right honourable, my very good lord, the lord treasurer. For her majesty’s service. C. Howard. Haste, haste, posthaste.

Number 74 . Another letter writ by the lord admiral to the lord treasurer: shewing his advice, judgment, and diligence upon this dangerous juncture. Thus endorsed by the lord treasurer, Ships to be put to the seas; with his marginal notes in some places of the letter. September 1, 1592.

Number 75 . Sir Roger Manwood, lord chief baron, to the lord treasurer: his submission upon several abuses: committed, and under restraint.

Number 76 . The lord chief baron’s submission to the lords: by whom he had refused to have his causes tried.

Number 77 . Another letter of the lord chief baron to the lord treasurer: upon divers omplaints and lawsuits against him.

Number 78 . A case of Thomas Diggs, esq. against Manwood, steward of the chancery and admiralty court at Dover, in the ports; afterwards lord chief baron. Found among the lord treasurer’s papers. ibid.

Number 79 . The bishop of Lincoln to the lord high treasurer of England; shewing the true state of the vicarage of Hocknorton; endeavoured to be alienated from the church, upon pretence of concealment; John Williams, B.D. then vicar. About the year 1591 or 1592.

Number 80 . Instructions for the speaker’s speech; drawn up, in several articles, by the lord treasurer Burghley.

Number 81 . Some remarkable letters of sir Walter Raleigh, admiral of the fleet, concerning the great Spanish carack, richly laden from the East Indies, taken by some of his ships. This huge carack was called, The Mother of God; seven decks high.

Number 82 . Sir Walter Raleigh to the lord treasurer; to send down a commission for examination and inquiry concerning the robbing of the carack, Sept. 17, 1592.

Number 83 . Sir Walter Raleigh’s cause for the carack. Drawn up by himself.

Number 84 . Sir Walter Raleigh to the lord treasurer; concerning the carack, worth 200,000l . How much thereof came to the queen’s share.

Now under restraint. Dated Sept.---1592.

Number 85 . Sir Walter Raleigh to the lord treasurer. His advice for the division of the treasury of the carack. Sept. 16, 1592.

Number 86 . Henry earl of Derby to the lords of the privy-council; concerning the papists in Lancashire; and direction for dealing with them. Bell a seminary, his informations. ibid.

Number 87 . The earl of Derby to sir Tho. Heneage, vice-chamberlain, and chancellor of the duchy. With a copy of the former letter to the council enclosed. The bearer, Mr. Fleetwood, parson of Wigan. Papists, temporizers many.

Number 88 . The earl of Derby to the lord treasurer; that upon the directions of the lords he was in prosecution of the recusants. ibid.

Number 89 . Friar Robert Southwel, a dangerous conspirator, taken.

Richard Topcliff writ to the queen a letter in June concerning him, and his taking and keeping; and concerning Anthony Coppley, another refugee of note.

Number 90 . An inscription upon the coffin of Roger Rippon, a Barrowist, who died in Newgate this year, 1592.

Number 91 . Francis Johnson, a Brownist, in prison, his letter to the lord treasurer, Jan. 18, 1593. upon his being to be indicted for a Brownist.

Number 92 . Francis Johnson’s paper, enclosed in the letter above to the lord treasurer, had this title: “That F. J. for “his writings is not under the danger of the statute of 35 “Eliz. ca. 50:made to retain the queen’s subjects in their due “obedience.” Number 93 . Some books printed and set forth this year, 1593, against the new disciplinarian model of the church government.

Number 94 . Two kinds of schismatics, and the danger of their opinions, either directly or by necessary consequence gathered to be holden by those who urge a new church government, commonly called puritans.

These be of two sorts. First, some that will communicate with us in prayers, sermons, and sacraments. Secondly, others that will not. The first sort hold opinions dangerous; first, to her majesty and the crown; or, secondly, to the state, and to the policy of the realm. This paper seems to have been drawn up by the lord keeper Puckring, to be produced against them in the Starchamber, after their examination before him.

Number 95 . Cardinal Allen, from Rome, to Richard Hopkins, fugitive, August 14, 1593. So endorsed by the lord treasurer’s own hand. This letter of the cardinal was in answer to one from Hopkins, at Antwerp; upon report of a treaty between England and Spain; to endeavour a liberty of religion for the catholics.

Number 96 . Holt, a Jesuit, to cardinal Allen: writ from Brussels, January the 6th, 1593. Resolution to follow his grace’s opinion. Found among the lord treasurer’s papers.

Number 97 . Thomas Be!l, a convert, to Mr. Young, a justice of peace in London: concerning printing his motives to renounce the Romish faith.

Writ from Jesus college, Cambridge.

Number 98 . Bell to the lord treasurer, from the north where he preached at the desire of the earl of Huntington, lord president: who was desirous of his abiding there, for the instruction of ignorant people. He is ready so to do, or to return to Cambridge, according’to the lord treasurer’s directions.

Number 99 . Pierse, archbishop of York, and Henry, earl of Huntington, of the council of the north, to the lord treasurer; concerning an hospital and school, founded by Oglethorp, sometime bishop of Carlisle.

Number 100. Queen Elizabeth’s letter to the emperor of Germany; answering slanderous reports of her; especially, that she should stir up the Turk to have war with Christian princes. Sent by Dr. Parkins.

Number 101 . The letter of the great Turk to the queen, (who had interceded by her agent to him in behalf of the king of Poland,) mentioned in the foregoing letter. Writ in Latin.

Number 102 . A commission to Mr. Chery, a merchant, from the lord treasurer, and others of her majesty’s principal counsellors, with her letter to the great duke of Muscovy: vindicating the queen against false and scandalous reports and libels spread abroad, of assisting the great Turk; and in behalf of her merchants trading in those parts. Being minutes drawn up by the lord treasurer.

Number 103 . A memorial of sundry necessary things to be put in execution for the service of the realm, now toward the spring of the year: upon the formidable preparations of the Spaniard. Dated Jan. 8, 1593. Drawn up by the lord treasurer Burghley. A memorial for the border of Scotland. A memorial for the navy of the realm. Concerning recusants of the realm.

Number 104 . The vice-chancellor and heads of the university of Cambridge, to their chancellor, the lord Burghley: touching restraint of plays and shows; especially at that infectious season.

Number 105 . A certificate of certain principal traitors, given in by Diaper, [now a prisoner,] the 25th of September, 1593. So endorsed by the lord treasurer.

Number 106 . Anthony Hall, a messenger and officer of the queen: his services and deserts, shewed in a letter to the lord treasurer. And moving for a favour on that account to be obtained for his son. And his abilities in heraldry for that end. Feb. 12, 1593.

Number 107 . Strangers, Flemings and French, in the city of London: and complaint made of them by many, and libels scattered against them, ann. 1593.

Number 108 . A rhyme set up upon the wall of the Dutch churchyard on Thursday May the 5th, between eleven and twelve at night: and there found by some of the inhabitants of that place, and brought to the constable and the rest of the watch. Beginning, You, strangers, that inhabit in this land, &c.

Number 109 . A notable Jesuit taken up, namely Ogylby, alias Bourn, but his true name Ingram. Certified in a letter from the earl of Huntington at York to the lord keeper Puckring. Feb. 12, 1593.

Number 110 . Another letter from the earl of Huntington to the lord keeper: concerning his examination of Ogylby, and Walpole, and Lingen, seminaries, concerning Ogylby’s true name. March the 8th.

And Ingram sent up.

Number 111 . Concerning Walpole the Jesuit, Walpole his brother, and Lingen, thus the earl of Huntington to the lord keeper in a former letter, dated Jan. 10.

Number 112 . Henry Barrow, a separatist, now in prison for sedition, (and soon after executed,) requireth a conference; in a letter to Egerton, attorney-general.

Number 113 . This petition of conference was considered of by the bishops and others; and not thought convenient upon certain reasons against public disputations with Barrow. MSS. Whitg. archiep. Cantuar.

Number 114 . Another address of Barrow for a conference (as it seems) to the council, entitled, A Motion tending to Unity.

Number 115 . A meeting of Barrowists at Islington: where many of them were taken and committed; and afterwards examined before some of the queen’s justices. MSS. lord keeper Puckring.

Number 116 . Penry, [or Martin Marprelate,] his indictment. Being expressions taken out of the printed books: reflecting upon England, and the general state; the archbishops, bishops, judges, and council.

From the lord keeper Puckring’s papers.

Number 117 . Observations upon Penry’s tracts and writings; as, his Protestation of his Loyalty; his Confession; his Treatise unto the Queen’s Majesty. Ubi supra.

Number 118 . Advertisements out of Portugal, by one Graye, (a merchant, as it seems,) lately come from thence, of some Irish, and other English there; with other intelligence.

Number 119 . A note of evidence of all the prisoners for popery in the several counties; as the lord keeper Puckring collected, and writ it down for and against the persons hereafter named, ann. 1593. So endorsed by his own hand.

Number 120 . One Whitfield’s information concerning one Francis Dacres going to the king of Spain. Whose two brothers were papists, and in the rebellion in the north. Discovered by John Whitfield (who went in his company) to Mr. Henry Dethick, a justice of peace, October 1593.

The confession whereof was brought to the bishop of Durham; and by him delivered to the lord president of the north. Found among the lord keeper Puckring’s papers.

Number 121 . Whitfield’s declaration voluntary, of his own handwriting, concerning Dacres, Nov. 8, 1593. So endorsed by the lord keeper Puckring.

Number 122 . Mr. Francis Dacre indicted. The particulars of his indictment: anno 1593. MSS. of lord keeper Puckring.

Number 123 . Whitfield, a spy; his letter to the lord keeper, offering service, Nov. 16, 1593.

Number 124 . Whitfield’s intelligence, Dec. 2, 1593, of English Jesuits anti pensioners in Spain.

Number 125 . An examination of John Whitfield, Nov. 6, 1593, before sir John Puckring, lord keeper.

Number 126 . Another examination of John Whitfield, Nov. 8, 1593.

Number 127 . Names of prisoners now in the Tower. Some that intended to kill the queen. Others for other treasons. Lord keeper’s MSS. ibid.

Number 128 . Cardinal Allen’s letter to Mr. Mush, a priest, to pacify the disagreements between the priests in England. Writ anno 1594. In which year the cardinal died.

Number 129 . Advertisements of the ill estate and order of the Jesuits and seminary priests, in the prison of Wisbich castle, [and their manner of living there.] Lord keeper Puckring’s MSS.

Number 130 . Then follow the names of the priests remaining in the castle of Wisbich; and of such boys as are attending on them. Jan. 1595. With their countries.

Number 131 . Three gentlemen condemned in Middlesex for treason, when the Spanish fleet was on the sea, and passed Calais. And had their trial at the Old Bailey. Sir George Bond, mayor. Ubi supra, ibid.

Number 132 . Names of recusants, with their several sums of money paid into the receipt, from Michaelmas last to March the 10th, 1594.

Number 133 . Matthew Hutton, bishop of Durham, to the lord treasurer, Dec. 1594; upon the queen’s purpose, on the death of Pierse, archbishop of York, to prefer him to that see.

Number 134 . Another letter of bishop Hutton, upon his being nominated by the queen to the see of York. Written to the lord treasurer, Feb. 14, 1594. ibid.

Number 135 . Part of two letters of the bishop of Durham to the lord treasurer: in behalf of the lady Margaret Nevyl, daughter to the unfortunate earl of Westmerland, for her pardon from the queen.

Number 136 . Part of the said bishop’s second letter. Writ in February following, when he was removing to York. ibid.

Number 137 . The humble submission of Margaret Nevyl to the queen’s most excellent majesty, enclosed in the former letter.

Number 138 . Tobie Matthew, D. D. dean of Durham, to the lord treasurer. His information of Scotch matters, and of the Scots king.

Number 139 . The death of Pierse, archbishop of York, and the queen’s almoner; who died Sept. 28, 1594, at his seat of Bishopthorp. Some account of him in the sermon preached by Dr. King, his chaplain, at his funeral.

Number 140 . Cooper, bishop of Winchester, (who died also this year, 1594,) his monument and epitaph.

Number 141 . William Wickham, upon his nomination from Lincoln to the bishopric of Winchester, his letter to the lord treasurer; in gratitude, and concerning long leases designed of the revenues of that bishopric.

Number 142 . Fletcher, bishop of Worcester, his letter to the lord treasurer. Desires a remove to the see of London: and why.

Number 143 . Adam Loftus, archbishop of Dublin, and lord chancellor of Ireland, to the lord treasurer. His troubles; his integrity; displayed to that lord: and his application to him. Wrote from Dublin, May the 27th, 1594.

Number 144 . John bishop of Limrick, from York, who was, it seems, of the council there, to the lord treasurer: concerning some dangerous papists taken in those parts, and sent up: and now going to his bishopric in Ireland, he desires to be one of the council there, and his service promised.

Number 145 . The said bishop to the lord treasurer: for leave to transport things from York into Ireland: where he was going to live, being required residence.

Number 146 . The plague, dreadful storms and unseasonable weather in this and the former year, gave occasion to Dr. J. King, in one of his lectures at York, to use very affecting words. ibid.

Number 147 . Francis Bacon, (afterwards the learned lord Verulam,) son to sir Nicolas Bacon, keeper of the great seal, deceased, to the lord treasurer: concerning the solicitor’s place, which he had endeavoured by friends to obtain from the queen.

Number 148 . Anno 1594. Sir Tho. Mildmay moved to keep a register of all strangers coming into the realm. (Hitherto refused out of a compassion, as it seems, of the poor people, that came over hither for the sake of their religion and their lives.)

Number 149 . The lord treasurer to the queen’s secretary: concerning certain rents and revenues to be assured to the queen, upon the vacancies of the bishoprics of Winchester and Durham, by the two bishops that should succeed the former. MSS. D. Joh. episc. Elien. (Now in the royal library at Cambridge.)

Number 150 . A prayer of queen Elizabeth, upon the going forth of her majesty’s army against the enemy. Found among the lord Burghley’s papers.

Number 151 . The archbishop of York, and council in the north, to the lord treasurer: signifying their receipt of the queen’s commission; with certain instructions for authorizing the government of that council.

Number 152 . Matthew Hutton, archbishop of York, to the lord treasurer: concerning recusants in those parts. A great revolt there.

Number 153 . The aforesaid archbishop to the lord treasurer: concerning one Wright, a dangerous man; dismissed, and sent down to York.

Number 154 . Newal, a messenger of the queen’s chamber, sent by the privy-council into Derbyshire, to apprehend certain seminary priests there: with directions under their honours’ hands, unto which houses they should go; and the names of the justices that accompanied him.

Number 155 . Prisoners for religion: their prisons, and num bers, sent up from the ecclesiastical commission.

Number 156 . October 30, 1595. A memorial for defence of dangerous places of the land in several counties: wrote by the lord treasurer; upon apprehension of an invasion from Spain.

Number 157 . Young, bishop of Rochester, to the lord treasurer: upon a malicious report, that he was covetous, and kept a miserable house: together with an account of his incomes mentioned.

Number 158 . Tho. Bilson, warden of Winchester college, to the lord treasurer, soliciting his interest for the bishopric of Worcester.

Number 159 . Mr. Henry Savile to the lady Russel; praying her interest with the lord treasurer for the provostship of Eaton.

Number 160 . The vice-chancellor and heads of the university of Cambridge to the lord Burghley, their chancellor: complaining of doctrine preached by P. Baro, D. D. Lady Mar garet professor, in his clerum at St. Mary’s. University Regist. ibid.

Number 161 . Dr. Goad, vice-chancellor of the university of Cambridge, to their chancellor, the lord Burghley. Complaint of Mr. Covel’s sermon.

Charging a crime upon some noblemen and bishops.

Number 162 . The lord Burghley, high chancellor of the university of Cambridge, to the president and fellows of St. John’s college, being divided among themselves; strictly forbidding them from the queen to proceed to the election of a master of the college; Dr. Whitaker, last master, being lately dead.

Number 163 . The chancellor of the said university to the vice-chancellor and heads of the said university, to enjoin the fellows of St. John’s, divided among themselves, in the queen’s name, to proceed to the election of either Dr. Claiton or Mr. Stanton for their master. Dated Dec. 19, 1595. ibid.

Number 164 . A speech of the lord treasurer Burghley to the queen and privy-council: for commissioners to be appointed by her majesty for reforming abuses. The year when spoken by him not inserted, but probably near this year, or not long before. The queen had required a copy of it from him, and it was as followeth.

Number 165 . Queen Elizabeth falls sick, being in her climacteric. The great apprehensions and fears arising hereupon; but recovereth. Related in a letter of Mr. Camden to sir Robert Cotton. Camden’s Letters.

Number 166 . Edmund Nevyl, [calling himself lord Latymer,] a prisoner in the Tower: his letter to N. Ramberd, steward of the Tower, containing information against the lieutenant of the Tower. Nov. 9, 1595. MSS.

Burghlian.

Number 167 . Another letter of Latymer to Mr. Ramberd; setting down the articles of information against the lieutenant of the Tower.

Number 168 . Another letter of Nevyl to Ramberd, Nov. 13.

Number 169 . A fourth letter of Nevyl: containing the words spoken by the lieutenant of the Tower. ibid.

Number 170 . Lord Cobham and lord Buckhurst, of the privy-council, to Mr. Wade, clerk of the council: to examine Nevyl, whether he gave not occasion to the lieutenant to speak those words as above. To this question Nevyl wrote to Wade.

Number 171 . N. Ramberd, steward of the Tower, to the lord chamberlain.

His confirmation of the articles, Nov. 19.

Number 172 . Dr. James, Dean of Christ’s Church, Oxon, to the lord keeper Puckring; concerning a stint of bread to be used in that college, ibid.

Number 173 . The dean and prebendaries of Christ Church, Oxon, to the lord keeper Puckring; sending the copies of letters written in times past by the lord chancellor to that college, for reducing a stint of bread.

Number 174 . Then follows an original paper, endorsed, Christ’s Church endowments and expositions: declaring the state of that college. Sent to the lord keeper Puckring.

Number 175 . Robert earl of Essex to the lord keeper Puckring, July 1595; for his retainers, put away because he would not offend the law. And that for the cause of retainers they may not be put out of the commission of the peace.

Number 176 . The earl of Essex to the lord keeper: in behalf of Buckridge his chaplain. Jan. 12, 1595.

Number 177 . The earl to the lord keeper for Dr. Meyrick his chaplain.

Feb. 1595. ibid.

Number 178 . In the behalf of both the above-mentioned clergymen, his chaplains, the said earl of Essex writ to the lord keeper the year before, viz. Jan. 29, 1594, with mention of their deserts. His letter for Dr. Meyrick.

Number 179 . His letter for Mr. Buckridge. Feb. 17, 1594.

Number 180 . Sir John Puckring, lord keeper, his petition to the queen, for a lease of part of the possessions of the bishopric of Ely: a motion to fill that vacant see. MSS. D. Puckring. About the year 1595. ibid.

Number 181 . Another discourse of the said lord on the same subject; viz. that the placing of a bishop in the see of Ely will be as profitable to her majesty as now the vacancy thereof is: besides divers reasons for the which, also it appeareth to be very expedient.

Number 182 . Another paper of the said lord keeper: soliciting the queen for a lease of some part of the revenues of the abovesaid bishopric: that he sought only to be the bishop’s fermour.

Number 183 . Sir Edward Wotton to the lord treasurer; suing to be treasurer of the queen’s chamber, upon the death of sir Francis Knowles. ibid.

Number 184 . Sir Robert Cecil. knt. made secretary of state: son to the lord treasurer, lord Burghley. A familiar letter to Mr. Michael Hicks, his friend, secretary to the same lord: avowing his principle, chiefly to serve the queen.

Number 185 . A book came forth this year, 1595, called, The State of the English Fugitives under the King of Spain and his Ministers: containing besides, a discourse of the said king’s manner of government, and the injustice of many late dishonourable practices by them committed.

Number 186 . The visitation of Fletcher, bishop of London, Octob. 2, ann. regin. 37. In some articles of inquiry, chiefly respecting the clergy.

MSS. D. Johan. episc. Ely.

Number 187 . The archbishop of Canterbury to Chaderton, bishop of Lincoln; removed thither from Westchester, anno 1595. Touching relief of the poor in that time of dearth.

Number 188 . Matthew Hutton, archbishop of York, to the lord treasurer, in behalf of the lady Margaret Nevyl, reclaimed from popery.

Number 189 . The archbishop of York to the lord treasurer. Against certain concealers, to deprive him of certain church lands in Rippon, upon pretence of concealment.

Number 190 . The council in the north to the lords of the privy-council: giving notice of the death of Henry earl of Huntington, president of their council.

Number 191 . The archbishop of York to the lord treasurer: desiring a pardon for Nelson, a priest, a prisoner: now reclaimed, ibid.

Number 192 . A memorial: containing the lord treasurer’s advice concerning the Spanish preparations. Nov. 4, 1596.

Number 193 . A publication of the queen’s majesty’s commandment to the generals of her navy, to offend no manner of person of any nation, but the subjects of the king of Spain, her majesty’s enemy; or such as shall manifestly aid the said king, for the intended invasion of the queen’s majesty’s dominions. Thus endorsed by the lord treasurer’s own hand: the whole being of his drawing up. On the other side by another hand, thus written: A declaration of the causes moving the queen’s majesty to prepare and send a navy to the seas, for defence of her realms against the king of Spain’s forces. To be published by the generals of the said navy, to the intent that it shall appear to the world, that her majesty armeth her navy only to defend herself, and to offend her enemies; and not to offend any other that shall forbear to strengthen her enemy; but to use them with all lawful favour. May1596.

Number 194 . A prayer of thanksgiving for the queen’s success against Spain, in the year 1596: composed by the lord treasurer Burghley, July 3; and printed in a sheet of paper. This transcribed from his own MSS.

Number 195 . Hutton, archbishop of York, to the lord treasurer: advising what is necessary to be done in this time of great danger: and for an ecclesiastical commission for those parts.

Number 196 . Part of a letter from a person unknown of the clergy, to a person of quality; shewing the rigour of judge Anderson towards the clergy and preachers of Lincolnshire, when he went the assizes there, in charging them with Brownism. Writ from Alford.

Number 197 . Day, bishop of Winton, deceased this year: whose last will bare date Sept. 11, 1596; and was acknowledged by the testator as his last will, September 15: and was proved by the executors Oct. 2.

Which will the pious bishop in his preface thus began. His children and relations, and legacies to them, are added.

Number 198 . This year put an end also to the life of Fletcher bishop of London, who seems to have died under the queen’s displeasure: the occasion whereof was his marrying a lady not long before his death.

See some account of it in Archbishop Whitgift’s Life, book 4:ch. 13.

His letter to the lord treasurer in behalf of his brother Dr. Fletcher, to be made an extraordinary master in chancery, as Dr. Caesar was.

Number 199 . Hugh Broughton, a very learned man for all Jewish learning in those times: his high commendation and character of Henry earl of Huntington, president of the council in the north, his patron, now deceased. And Ockland, a poet in these times, his verses of him.

Number 200 . Dr. Jegon, vice-chancellor of the university of Cambridge, to their high chancellor, concerning the lectures to be read at Gresham college in London. Jealous of those lectures, and the injuries they might occasion to the university.

Number 201 . William Lambard, a justice of peace in Kent, a learned antiquarian, that wrote the Perambulation of Kent, and Eirenarchia, his letter to the lord treasurer Burghley, concerning the last will of the lord Cobham, (who died this year,) and some of his legacies. He was constable of Dover castle, and lord chamberlain to the queen. ibid.

Number 202 . The copy of a letter, written by Ribadineyra, the Jesuit, to D. Juan de Idiaque. Bearing date the 10th of March, 1596. Translated out of Spanish. Upon the defeat of the Spaniard at Cales. It seems to be a letter intercepted.

Number 203 Anthony Coppley, a popish gentleman, now a prisoner; some time in service abroad: his informations after his return, concerning affairs in Flanders, Spain, &c. To Mr. William Wade, 1596. Addressed to the lords.

Number 204 . Another letter of Mr. Coppley to the lords of the council, concerning English gentlemen abroad.

Number 205 . The archbishop of York to the lord treasurer, to appoint speedily a president and lieutenant for the north parts.

Number 206 . The archbishop of York and the council there to the lord treasurer: their reason why they stopped all suits commenced in chancery by those within their jurisdiction.

Number 207 . A proclamation against such as took upon them to be messengers, entitled, A proclamation against sundry abuses practised by divers lewd and audacious persons falsely naming themselves messengers of her majesty’s chamber; travelling from place to place, with writings counterfeited in form of warrants: as also, against another sort of vagabond persons, that carry counterfeit passports, wherewith to beg and gather alms.

Number 208 . To the lord treasurer. Capt. Price’s account of the expedition of Cales, anno 1596: concerning the taking of it, and damages done to the Spaniards. Writ in June.

Number 209. This letter was enclosed in another from Anthony Ashley to the said lord. And his was to this tenor.

Number 210 . Sir Anthony Ashley, secretary to this expedition, and commissioner; his letter to the lord treasurer Burghley: concerning the action at Cales, in a relation drawn up by him, by his lordship’s order. ibid.

Number 211 . Dr. Pye’s information of popery in Sussex, anno 1596.

Number 212 . Vagabonds and rogues in Somersetshire increase: and why; signified in a letter to the lord treasurer, from Edward Hext, some eminent justice of peace in that county. The calendar of the assizes there, anno 1596.

Number 213 . With the calendar as above, Mr. Hext sent this letter to the lord treasurer at the same time.

Number 214 . The false certificate before mentioned.

Number 215 . Sir John Smith, (the queen’s ambassador to Spain,) committed to the Tower, for words spoken by him to the militia that were training near Colchester under sir Tho. Lucas: which Smyth was cousin-german to king Edward VI. by the lady Jane Seimour’s sister; a man of Spanish comportment, and well known to the king of Spain.

And before that a volunteer in the wars of Hungary against the Turk.

Number 216 . Part of a letter from sir John Smyth to the lord treasurer, in excuse for his disordered words spoken at Colchester; and to be a means to her majesty in his favour: and offering his submission in the starchamber.

Number 217 . A letter of sir John Smyth to the lord treasurer, touching his submission in the starchamber; the attorney-general, and Mr. Solicitor, and Mr. Francis Bacon being sent unto him, Feb. 6, 1597.

Number 218 . His letter of gratitude to the lord treasurer; being now at liberty from the Tower. Dated at his house at Badow, under confinement there. Dated July 1598.

Number 219 . Edward lord Crumwel, to the lord treasurer: a protestation of his unfeigned love and service, by his father’s commandment, late deceased: who was Henry lord Crumwel. Dated September 6, 1596.

Number 220 . Articles annexed to the commission for recusants. This was a second commission for their examination, that was issued out some years before to the justices of every shire: occasioned (as it seems) upon the holy league of the pope and king of Spain to invade the realm.

These articles seem to be drawn up by the lord treasurer, lord Burghley. They were printed, and thus entitled: Articles annexed to the commission, for a further instruction to the commissioners how to proceed in the examination thereof. MSS. of the lord keeper Puckring.

Number 221 . Notes taken out of the new commission for spies, recusants, missionaries, and such like, about London or ten miles of it.

Number 222 . Hutton, archbishop of York, to the lord treasurer: for a pardon to be obtained for Dawson, a priest, converted by the said archbishop. His converting also of Richard Stapleton, constable, &c.

Recusants in those northern parts.

Number 223 . The archbishop of York, and the rest of the council in the north, to the lord treasurer; informing of the execution of certain papists. The plague in the north.

Number 224 . Sir Edward Coke, the queen’s attorney-general, to the lord treasurer: concerning his examination of Gerard, a Jesuit.

Number 225 . The examination of John Gerard, a Jesuit, before Coke, attorney-general, and others, May the 13th, 1597: concerning an oath.

So enclosed in the letter above.

Number 226 . Adam Loftus, archbishop of Dublin, in Ireland, to the lord treasurer: concerning Mr. Rider’s case: who had a mandamus for the deanery of that cathedral church of St. Patrick, being no member thereof. 429.

Number 227 . William, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, to the lord treasurer: to suspend his opinion of him, upon a false information of him, as if he were a maker and maintainer of incestuous marriages.

Number 228 . Rogers, suffragan bishop of Dover, and dean of Christ’schurch, Canterbury, died in the month of May this year, 1597. A letter of his (the year uncertain) was written to Mr. Bois, a learned civilian: concerning the validity of his leases.

Number 229 . Dr. Jegon, vice-chancellor of the university of Cambridge, and the rest of the heads, to the lord Burghley, their high chancellor: complaining of their privileges infringed by the town; that they shall be forced to seek relief extraordinary.

Number 230 . Dr. Jegon, the vice-chancellor of Cambridge; in answer to the said lord their chancellor: who had advised him to carry himself temperately to the mayor of the town and his company.

Number 231 . Questions disputed at a commencement in Cambridge in the year 1597: of law, divinity, and philosophy.

Number 232 . Charisma, sive Donum Sanationis: A book in quarto, written in Latin, by William Tooker, the queen’s chaplain, and dedicated to her; dated prid. id. Jan. 1597: treating concerning her cures in the king’s evil, by this miraculous gift of healing, imparted to her. Some account of this book and the queen’s cures.

Number 233 . A book of prayers printed this year 1597; being certain prayers, set forth by authority, to be used for the prosperous success of her majesty’s forces and navy. They were eight in number. The first whereof was of the queen’s composing.

Number 234 . The captain-general of the king of Spain’s armies: his commission Englished; this year, May 1597.

Number 235 . Dr. George Abbot, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, this year, read theses upon six questions in the divinity schools of Oxford: pro forma discussae, et discutiendae.

Number 236 . A relation of the stirs in Wisbich castle among the secular priests and Jesuits. A book set forth 1597. ibid.

Number 237 . Dr. Elie’s notes. Some things set forth in the end of those notes by Dr. Bagshaw. Both seculars. Which notes related to the controversy in the business of Wisbich.

Number 238 . The former of these, John Collington, one of the contending parties, afterwards wrote a book of this matter, entitled, An Appeal to Rome.

Number 239 . Dr. Mey, bishop of Carlisle, deceased at Dalston Feb. 15, 1597: and interred in the cathedral the same day in the evening. From the register of the parish of Dalston in Cumberland.

Number 240 . The archbishop of York to the lord treasurer: touching the loan; which some of the wealthier clergy were assessed to lend. ibid.

Number 241 . The archbishop of York to the lord treasurer: upon directions for keeping sir Robert Car, lord Sesford, an hostage from Scotland.

Number 242 . The archbishop to the lord treasurer’s answer.

Number 243 . Otto duke of Brunswick and Lunenburgh to the lord Burghley. Salutation. Wishing success to the queen’s fleet, preparing against her enemies, in Latin. ibid.

Number 244 . The said duke of Brunswick to the said lord Burghley, upon the queen’s declaration of sending forth her fleet against Spain, anno 1597.

Number 245 . The said duke of Brunswick’s letter to the lord Burghley, writ the following year, 1598, upon the return of the queen’s agent, Lesieur, sent to the electors and princes of Germany.

Number 246 . Considerations of a motion for a treaty of peace with the king of Spain: upon a motion of the emperor: drawn up by the lord treasurer Burghley, at a good length, by his own hand: and seems to be some of his last writings.

Number 247 . The lord treasurer, lord Burghley, slandered by one Johnson, the queen’s farmour of Claxby; whereof one Savyl was the bailiff, and Dobby and Goodwin two of the tenants, June 1598, that is, about a month or two before that lord’s death. The examination of this slander.

Number 248 . The lord Burghley, lord high treasurer of England, was born the 13th of Sept. 1521, and died the 4th of Aug. 1598: and was interred at Stamford, under a fair monument. The pious preface to his will, bearing date October 20, 1579, and revised afterwards, April 7, 1580, and June 1, 1580, and Feb. 22, 1582, was as followeth. From his Life, MS. at Burleigh house.

Number 249 . August the 3d, 1598. Oratio expirantis Domini. So is the title of the prayer, made by Mr. Thompson, that lord’s chaplain, the night before he died.

Number 250 . The character that Mr. Lambard gave of this great and good statesman, to his son sir Robert Cecil, in his epistle dedicatory to his learned book Archion.

Number 251 . Another writer, that translated the history of France out of French, about the latter end of queen Elizabeth’s reign, in his dedication thus styled the lord Burghley. ibid.

Number 252 . A large inscription in Latin upon a fair monument of this nobleman: composed by himself soon after the deaths of the countess of Oxford, his daughter Anne, and his own lady Mildred.

Number 253 . The lord Burghley’s instructions to his son Robert Cecil, when young.

Number 254 . Lord Burghley to his son, sir Robert Cecil, being the last letter that ever he wrote.

Number 255 . Toby Matthew bishop of Durham to the lord treasurer Burghley: concerning his apprehending the lady Katharine Gray, widow, one of the daughters of the earl of Westmerland; and other harbourers of popish priests in those northern parts.

Number 256 . Regin. Elizab. anno 35. A warrant to the lord keeper Puckring, [a rough draught, corrected with some additions, by the lord treasurer’s hand,] to grant commissions for visiting hospitals, almshouses, colleges, &c.; the revenues having been abused and swallowed up by evil men. The effect, as it seems, of that statesman’s former speech made to the queen, in the year 1594.

Number 257 . A remark upon this statesman, who was principal secretary of state in king Edward’s reign; upon a consultation at that king’s decease of altering the succession to the crown, and advancing the lady Jane Gray thereunto. Being a private letter to the lord Burghley by Roger Alford, one of his ancient servants in the office of secretary in that king’s reign. Written at the said lord’s desire. Which letter is thus endorsed by that lord’s own hand: Octob. 4, 1573: Roger Alford, concerning his knowledge of the times, 1553. Cotton Library. Titus, B.2.

Number 258 . Anno Eliz. 40. 1598. regia authoritate fuit convocatio.

Notes taken by one of the ministers of London, then present. MSS. D.

Johan. D. episc. Elien. In which convocation these canons were made and printed.

Number 259 . Martin Heton, D.D. was preferred to the bishopric of Ely this year 1599. vacant from the year 1581. when Cox the last bishop deceased, being about nineteen years. Heton was consecrated bishop Feb. 3. Of whose family, studies, and preferment, and death, some account follows from a reverend person his relation. ibid.

Number 260 . Sir Robert Cotton’s writings in Emanuel Demetrius the historian his album, remaining in the registers of the Dutch church in S.

Augustin Fryars, London.

Number 261 . The queen’s council to the lord mayor of London. In behalf of the strangers, Dutch and French, forbidden to exercise their trades in the city. Upon their petition to the queen. ibid.

Number 262 . To which letter is subjoined another, being of the same subject, though writ a year or two after. Lord Buckhurst, lord high treasurer, to Mr. Attorney-general; in behalf of the strangers.

Number 263 . Anno 1600. This was the year of the earl of Essex his plot.

Which gave occasion to the setting forth a book, by public authority, called, A Declaration of the Practices and Treasons attempted and committed by Robert late Earl of Essex, and his Complices, against her Majesty and her Kingdoms; and of the Proceedings as well at the Arraignment and Conviction of the said Earl and his Adherents, as after. Together with their confessions. Printed 1601. The cause of this declaration.

Number 264 . After the rebellion under the earl of Essex were certain prayers, fit for the time, set forth by authority, to be used thrice a week on the prayer days in the churches. Five in number. Occasioned by a great deliverance of the queen and kingdom from a dangerous rebellion. Composed upon her entrance into a new century, viz. the year 1600. The first prayer followeth.

Number 265 . The second prayer on the same deliverance.

Number 266 . A private letter of Francis Bacon (afterwards sir Francis Bacon, lord Verulam) to Robert earl of Essex: upon that earl’s motion to come into his party, as the means for him to rise.

Number 267 . James king of Scotland to lord Hambleton, one of his servants now in England; to assure the English people of his steadiness in religion. The writing of which letter was occasioned, as it seems, from two breves sent from the pope that year to the popish priests and people, to admit none to succeed to the crown of England, but such as were Roman Catholics. This from the Harleian library.

Number 268 . Ann. regin. 43. The preamble of a grant of the clergy of the province of Canterbury, in a convocation, to the queen. Which was four subsidies of 4s. in the pound.

Number 269 . The conclusion of the year 1602 concluded the last year of queen Elizabeth’s life. Some short account of her life and reign from a few words of Dr. George Abbot, (afterwards archbishop of Canterbury,) in his book against Hill, a Jesuit.

Number 270 . The mighty esteem and value had of this queen and prosperous government, will appear further, from part of the sermon preached at St. Paul’s Cross by Jos. Hall, D.D. dean of Worcester, (afterwards bishop of Norwich,) March 24, 1613, being the anniversary solemnity of king James’s access to the crown.

Number 271 . Richard Master, M. D. physician in ordinary to the queen: concerning the causes of diseases: upon occasion of her majesty’s question to him on that subject.

Number 272 . Charnock, a great philosopher, presented her majesty with a book, richly gilt, of the philosopher’s stone, and of the true way and art to obtain it. All written (as it seems) with his own hand. The title it bore was: A Book dedicated unto the Queen’s Majesty by Master Thomas Charnocke, Student in the most worthy Sciences of Astronomy, Physic, and Philosophy: concerning the work of natural philosophy. Nihil est opertum, quod non reveletur, et occultum, quod non sciatur. Matth. x. Anno a Virgineo partu 1565. Then follows the epistle.

Number 273 . To which may be added a third book in manuscript of the subject of divinity, (as the two former were of physic and philosophy, ) viz. concerning the doctrine of justification, by Richard Beard, some learned divine; writ, perhaps, for the queen’s satisfaction in that great disputed point in those times. The title whereof and the writer’s dedication follow. De vera justificatione Christiani hominis coram Deo, praecipuae doctorum et patrum sententiae Et etiam Harmoniae evangelicae......

Number 274 . A proclamation by the nobles of England, upon the death of queen Elizabeth, of the succession of king James. March 24, 1602.

Number 275 . The valuable apprehension had of king James of Scotland, upon his first coming into this kingdom in an address to him by William Covel, D.D. in his answer to a book that now came forth, called, A Plea for the Innocent; written in behalf of the puritans.

Number 276 . Anonymus (the queen’s physician, as it seems) to Edmund Lambard; a letter writ the day after the queen’s death, concerning her sickness and departure. Writ in Latin.

Number 277 . The university of Cambridge to the vicechancellor and others of the university of Oxford, concerning that university’s answer to the petition of the thousand ministers. October, 1603.

Number 278 . A proclamation for the king’s coming from Barwick. April 10, 1603.

Number 279 . A proclamation for all magistrates and officers under the late queen, to keep their places. April 5, 1603.

Number 280 . A proclamation for uniting both kingdoms. May 19, 1603.

Number 281 . A proclamation against monopolies and protections.

Number 282 . A proclamation commanding all Jesuits and seminary priests to avoid the realm before the 19th day of March following. Dated Feb. 22.

Number 283 . A proclamation declaring at what values the certain monies of Scotland shall be current within England. April 8.

Number 284 . A proclamation touching a meeting for the hearing and determining of things pretended to be amiss in the church. Given under our hand at Wilton, the 24th of October, 1603. This may be read in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift, book 4:chap. 31. Which proclamation produced the famous conference at Hampton-court.

Number 285 . Proclamation for calling a parliament. Jan. 11, 1603. ibid.

Number 286 . King James his answer in French to the members of the Dutch church in London; upon their address to him at his first coming to the crown. Ex minore MSto archivorum eccles. Belgic. Ann. 1603.

Number 287 . A proclamation, authorizing commissioners concerning the union of both kingdoms.

Number 288 . A proclamation for coins of gold and silver, with their mottos and figures. And with this proclamation was printed a table, expressing the true value and weights of the coins, according to the accounts of the mintmen of both nations.

Number 289 . Upon the remove of bishop Bancroft from London to Canterbury, anno 1604, the Dutch and French congregations made, to Dr. Vaughan, his successor, the address following. E MSS. eccles.

Belgic. London.

Number 290 . Cecil lord Cranborn, secretary of state, to Hutton, archbishop of York, concerning orders from the privy-council, for putting in execution the laws against puritans, &c.

Number 291 . The address of the Dutch church in London to Bancroft, bishop of London, upon his remove to Canterbury, when monsieur de la Fontaine, preacher of the French church, made this speech to him in Latin.

Number 292 . The speech of monsieur de la Fontaine to Dr. Vaughan, now the succeeding bishop of London, anno 1604.

Number 293 . The bishop of London’s answer.

Number 294 . De la Fontaine’s present reply to the bishop’s speech. ibid.

Number 295 . A convocation, ann. primo Jacobi regis, 1603, collected and taken from the registers of the upper house.

Number 296 . A proclamation for Jesuits, &c. to depart the realm: upon a second warning given, after the gunpowder plot.

Number 297 . King James’s letter to the lords; desiring their advice, in order to the better improving his revenue.

Number 298 . An address to king James from certain of his subjects. In answer to a letter from him.

Number 299 . Abbot, lord archbishop of Canterbury, to king James; informing him of secret treasonable practices of Sunega, the Spanish ambassador. Writ in the year 1612.

Number 1 . Strangers in London, anno 1568. Appointed by the lords of the council to Thomas Row, mayor, to be searched out in each ward; and a certificate thereof sent in to them: which accordingly was taken by him at large, and entered in a warrant book: with his letter to them.

Number 3 . A proclamation against retainers: for restraint of multitudes of needless servants, by wearing gentlemen’s livery badges, and other ensigns and tokens.

Number 3 . Minutes of a letter from the privy-council to the queen’s officers at Chester, to stop all ships immediately, dated May 1571, upon apprehension of some treacherous and seditious persons passing that way.

Number 4 . Upon the massacre at Paris in France, the protestants fly into England: whereof a brief account was sent up, of those that escaped to Rye in Sussex from Roan and Diep, to the number of 641 persons.

Number 5. The chaplains and fellows of the Savoy to the lord Burghley, lord treasurer of England, to help them in the miserable condition of their hospital; and that Mr. James of Oxford might be appointed by the queen to be their master. Ann. 1573.

Number 6 . To which address of the fellows of the Savoy may be added a more particular relation of the state of that hospital, as represented Nov. 29, 1575, bearing this title: A brief declaration of the state of the hospital of the Savoy, as it was found by her majesty’s visitors, anno 1570.

Number 7 . Thurland admitted again to be master of the Savoy, anno 1574: his subscription to certain rules and orders for the government of the said hospital: and his oath for performance.

Number 8 . Mr. Whitgift of Trinity college in Cambridge, and the senior fellows of that college, to the lord treasurer in behalf of one of their society: he and the lord Bacon being their only patrons.

Number 9 . Dr. Gabriel Goodman, dean of Westminster, to the lord treasurer, anno 1577. for Westminster college; there being then thoughts of reforming some things therein.

Number 10. Mr. Robert Bertie to the lord Burghley, anno 1580: concerning his son Peregrine’s title of lord Willoughby, and right thereto by his mother, the duchess of Suffolk.

Number 11 . To which may be added a letter to the same lord by Peregrine Bertie, son and heir to the said Robert: claiming the title of lord Willoughby, a man well known in the queen’s reign for his courage, and valour, and wit: who was now going into Lincolnshire, to his estate there. Writ March 1575.

Number 12 . A letter of sir Walter Raleigh to the lord treasurer, ann. 1583. concerning the earl of Oxford, under a cloud at court; for whom he had spoken favourably to the queen; being desired so to do by the said lord, whose beloved daughter Anne that earl had married. Occasioned by some quarrel between the earl and some other noblemen. P. 590.

Number 13 . Francis Bacon, son to sir Nicolas Bacon, lord keeper, his letter, written in the year 1580, to the lord treasurer Burghley, who had recommended him to the queen’s favour for some place under her; and her majesty’s gracious answer in his behalf. This F. B. was sir Francis Bacon, afterwards lord Verulam, viscount St. Alban’s, and lord chancellor of England.

Number 14. The bishop of Ross his letter to Mary queen of Scots, abbreviated in the Annals, vol. iii p. 104. thus went on at large, being the continuation of it.

Number 15 . A letter of Edwin Sandys, archbishop of York, May the 22d, 1586, to the lord treasurer, lord Burghley: justifying himself against certain accusations laid against him, and complained of to the queen by the dean of York, for leasing out the church lands by reversion; which had brought him up to court to vindicate himself.

NUMBER 1.

Report from sir Edward Kelly in Bohemia, June 1589, against Parkyns a Jesuit: brought by Robert Tatton and Geo. Leycester.

Thus writ upon the backside of the paper following, by the lord treasurer Burghley, viz. Certain articles of the discovery of high treason, made by sir Edward Kelly, baron of Bohemia, unto certain English gentlemen, which came to visit him at Tribona in the said kingdom, the latter end of June, 1589, whose names are here subscribed.

I. THAT fourteen days before the feast of Pentecost last past, one Parkyns, born in England, and now a Jesuit, came from Rome to the city of Prague in Bohemia. And there coming into an inn, where the said sir E. K. was, and uttering divers novelties, among others he plainly (but as it were in great secresy) opened to the said sir E. K. this horrible conspiracy against her majesty:

I. That there were now seven such ways or means, concluded and agreed upon by the pope and his confederates, for the murthering of the queen, that if the first, second, third, fourth, and fifth failed, yet were the [plots] &c. in such sort to be executed, that the sixth or seventh should take effect: yes, if all the devils in hell thereunto say nay.

II. And further Parkyns declared, that those ways and means were by him and his coherents to be executed against her majesty’s own person: for the performance whereof he declared also, that he would forthwith go into England by the way of Danzige. And so from thence, in the habit of a merchant, into England.

III. That when the said sir E. K. declared the same strange news to the lord Rosenburgh, viceroy of Bohemia, the said Rosenburgh told sir Edward, that the said Parkyns was the right hand, or chief man to the king of Spain and the pope, in all their treacherous enterprises against England.

IV. At the same time and instant the said L. Rosenburgh shewed unto sir E. K. a letter, written by one of the chief of the states of the Low Countries with the emperor, requesting the emperor to be a means to take up the matter between them and the king of Spain. And also requesting this emperor to send them some aid, to help them away with the English that were in those provinces.

V. That the said sir Edward, at his faithful disclosing those things (thus by divine Providence come to his knowledge) to these subscribed gentlemen, did furthermore much marvel and wonder, how it was possible that the strangers of the Low Countries, dwelling in England, would or could lend and send unto the emperor or king of Spain a million of gold at any time or times, to his or their helps: which he of his certain knowledge assured to be done. But he well hoped, that the treason therein by this time was come to the knowledge of some of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council. “We Robert Tatton, and George Leycester, gentlemen, do witness these articles, and the effect of every part of them, to have been declared unto us, and Edmund Hilton, servant to the rt. worshipful John Dee, esq. by the within named sir E. K. at our being with him at Trebona in Boeme in the end of June last, 1589.” To which may be added two letters to the said Kelly, wrote by the lord treasurer Burghley, as a remaining meof the same famous man, some time of this nation a native.

NUMBER 2.

The lord Burghley, lord treasurer, to sir Edward Kelly, written ann. 1591, declaring the value he and others had of him, upon the account of his great knowledge and virtue; and inviting him to return to his own country: and begging a medicine from him for his old enemy the gout. MY most hearty commendations premised. I have cause to thank you, and so I do very heartily, for your good, kind letter sent to me by our countryman, Mr. Royden: who maketh such good report of you, (as doth every other man that hath had a conversation with you,) as that I am comforted to hear their reports. Yet I have the same mingled with some grief, that none of them can give me any good assurance of your return hither; the thing most earnestly desired of all well disposed persons to the queen’s majesty, and to their countrymen: and what may be the stays thereof, I may rather guess, than judge them of moment, to retain a person of such a value in knowledge and virtue, (as I take you to be,) from the consummation of your felicity in your own native country: and so having writ to Mr. Dyar more largely, I refer myself to his dealing with you: wishing such success without further delay, as may be to the satisfaction of us all here, that love and honour virtue and knowledge in whomsoever we may find it. And I hope to hear from you to have something of your approbation, to strengthen me afore the next winter against my old enemy the gout: which is rather by a cold humour than a hot, and principally by a rheumatic head. Which I also think receiveth the imperfection from a stomach, not fully digesting the food received. But to affirm what I take is the most direct cause is, oppression of affairs, and lack of liberty: against the which no medicinal receipt can serve. And yet I will be glad to make much of any receipt you shall send me, with your assurance that it shall do me no harm.

And so I pray God to direct you to bestow your gifts that God hath given you, rather upon your own prince and country, than upon strangers. From the court now at my house of Theobalds, the of May, 1591.

NUMBER 3.

The lord treasurer Burghley to sir Edward Kelly, in answer to a letter from him, brought by Mr. Dyar. Exhorting him earnestly, and that by command from the queen, to come over into his own native country; that they might receive the honour and service that his great wisdom and knowledge deserved. Written by that lord’s own hand.

Good sir Edward Kelly, IHAVE received your letter, brought by my very friend, Mr. Edward Dyar: with the style whereof, and wisdom well mixed, and with a natural dutiful regard to your country and sovereign, I have been both much delighted and fully satisfied. And for any particular answer to the parts of your letter, I need not otherwise to write thereof, but in this general sort, that I like of all that you have written; although I should have best of all liked of your own access. I will not enter into argument of the misliking I have in that you cannot. For without more particular knowledge of the impediments, I may not give any such censures, as some inconsiderately, yea, uncharitably may do. I conceive by your writing, that you confess a desire to return to your native country; which is very commendable in you. I perceive also by your own words expressly, that your mind draweth you toward your gracious sovereign; whom above all worldly majesties you desire to serve and please: which intent you also desire me to further. And what can be required of any Christian subject beyond this offer? No Momus can reprehend this sincerity. And yet, nevertheless, I would not have you ignorant, that sundry men, being not acquainted with these your faithful offers and purposes, let not in some sort (since it is seen that you came not with Mr. Dyar) to divine variously of your stay. Some saying, that you do forbear to come, because you cannot perform that indeed which hath been reported of you. Some, that you are inticed by such as bear not the queen nor this realm any good will, (not to come to benefit her majesty.) Some allege, that your own profession of religion doth not agree with ours here.

Yea, some, that are maliciously disposed, say, that you are an impostor with your sophistications, as many heretofore, both here and in other countries, have been proved; and that you would fear to be proved such an one here, because of usurers severe punishment.

Now, good knight, though I write thus plainly to you, yet such is my credit in Mr. Dyar; such is my allowance of your loyal profession; such opinion I do firmly conceive of your wisdom and learning, expressed in your letters; such also is my persuasion of your ability to perform that which Mr. Dyar hath reported, by reason of the estimation, honour, and credit I see that you have by your behaviour; as I rest only unsatisfied in your delay of coming: and again expressly commanded of her majesty to require you to have regard to her honour, and accordingly to the tenor of her former letters to assure yourself to be singularly favoured; yea, in respect of the benefits that you may, by the gifts that God hath given you, bring to her majesty, to be honoured, to the comfort of yourself and all yours. And here I need not to use any further arguments to persuade you to this effect, considering natural reason may draw you to be assured of any worldly reward convenient for you, that is in a prince’s power, whom you shall make so happy for her surety, as no subject that she hath can do the like.

Good knight, therefore let me end my letter with God’s holy name: by which I do conjure you, not to keep God’s gifts from your natural-country; but rather to help to make her majesty a glorious and victorious prince against the malice of her and God’s enemies. Let honest glory move your natural heart to become honourable rather in your own country than a strange; and to leave a monument of your name at home to all posterity.

Let no other country bereave us of this felicity, that only, yea, only by you, I say, is to be expected. And now let no time be more driven off and lost; considering we are all mortal; you that should be author hereof, and this noble queen that should be the receiver thereof.

All this letter is by me written, as an answer to your letter sent by Mr. Dyar. And now I may not omit to thank you for the mountain or rock that you sent, and was safely brought to me from Stoden: which I will place in my house, where I do bestow other rare things of workmanship; and shall be a memorial of your kindness. Wishing I might enjoy some small receipt from you, that might comfort my spirits in mine age, rather than my coffers with any wealth: for I esteem health above wealth.

NUMBER 4.

Sir Francis Knolles, knt. treasurer of the chamber to queen Elizabeth; to the lord Burghley, lord high treasurer. A letter of some sharpness against the superiority of bishops.

IHAVE received your lordship’s letter of the first of August: wherein I have received very small comfort, and small hope of the good maintenance of her majesty’s safety, consisting in the sincere maintenance of her majesty’s supreme government, against the covetous ambition of clergy rulers. For your lordship saith, the question is very disputable, whereof I wrote unto your lordship. And I must needs confess, that Campion’s disputation against the humility of Christ’s doctrine, and for the advancement of Antichrist’s doctrine, was not only allowed to be disputable, but also it was very plausible in the minds of all those that favoured the worldly, pompous rule of Christ’s government. For the nature of covetous ambition in church governors hath always despised the humble and base style of Christ’s doctrine and government. For the high priests and governors of the church of the Jews, when Christ came unto them, they made it disputable, whether Christ were worthy to die, or not. But their disputation lasted not long: for the proud ambitious rulers of the church resolved quickly that Christ was worthy to die. And Christ himself bewailing the proud ambitious government of the Scribes and Pharisees, burst out and said, O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, &c. Whereby appeareth, that the church governors in all times, that are once stuffed with the ambitious pride of worldly rule in the church, could never away with the humility of Christ’s heavenly doctrine and spiritual rule in the church.

And as touching the superiority of bishops to be disallowed, as a false claim, it seems to me, that Christ himself hath plainly decided the matter, at what times as the apostles at two sundry times did seem to murmur and strive, who should be the greatest after Christ’s departure from them.

Where it seems to me, that Christ condemned plainly all claiming superiority among his apostles: the which rule if our bishops would follow, as no doubt they would, if her majesty’s supreme government were stoutly stand unto, then they would be contented to forbear their claimed superiority of government in the church, which Christ condemned in the apostles; and they would be satisfied with that equality which Christ left to the church among the apostles.

But here you must not take me, that I do deny that bishops may have any lordly authority or dignity that they have enjoyed, so that they claim it not from a higher authority than directly from her majesty’s grant. But I do not mean hereby to contend with your lordship, through whose assistance I have always hoped that her majesty’s safety (consisting in that thorough maintenance of her majesty’s supreme government) should be jealously preserved; but yet your lordship must pardon me, although I do not think that her majesty’s safety is any thing the better preserved, because our bishops dare not oppose themselves and their credit against her majesty’s supreme government. For it is the Jesuits, and not our bishops, that must bring her majesty’s safety into peril, if this maxim may be allowed unto the same Jesuits, that our bishops of England are not under-governors to her majesty of the clergy, but that they are superior governors over the said inferior clergy by God’s own ordinance, [i. e. jure divino. ] Whereupon it must needs follow, that her majesty is not supreme governor over the clergy, if so be that our said bishops be not under-governors to her majesty, but superior governors by a higher claim than directly from her majesty.

But my trust is, that the cause of your lordship’s writing unto me, that the question is very disputable, is not for that your lordship is of that opinion, but rather for that your lordship would bridle and stay me from running too fast before your lordship in the matter of her majesty’s safety. But although I have always been and must be plain with your lordship, in the matter of her majesty’s safety, yet if it shall please your lordship to set all the bishops and all their favourers against me, to prove me a disturber of their government in their suppressing of preachers, or otherwise, your lordship shall find, that none of them shall be able to prove any substantial matter against me, since the time that long since her majesty at Windsor did command me, that I should not deal with the puritans, as then her majesty called them, because her majesty did commit the government of religion to her bishops only. Since which time I have dealt no more with matters of religion than doth appertain to her majesty’s safety, consisting in the true preservation of her majesty’s supreme government. The which may best be called matter of her majesty’s policy, and not matter of religion; although the Jesuits do call all their treasons matter of religion.

Thus fearing that I have been too bold with your lordship, although I do know your lordship doth love to hear all men’s opinions, that your wisdom may the better judge thereof, I do most humbly take my leave.

Your lordship’s to command, At Ewelline Lodge, the 4th of August, 1589. F. KNOLLYS.

NUMBER 5.

Sir Francis Knollys to the queen, upon some displeasure she had taken against him. Occasioned by his controversy about the superiority of bishops.

My most gracious sovereign, ALTHOUGH I be unworthy to be trusted, yet I am not unworthy to be tried, or false in matters concerning the safety of your majesty’s crown and dignity. I found my old error, that is to say, that I have not heretofore (in weighty matters) used such temperancy of speech as wiser men have done to your majesty. Neither have I suppressed mine abundance of affections, (in so weighty causes,) as wiser men have done or should do. Now to avoid these my old errors, I do most humbly crave at your majesty’s hands at this present, that it will please you, that my lord treasurer may be pleased to be a faithful reporter and true dealer between your majesty and me, and also between me and such as I shall accuse for injuring your majesty’s safety, and your majesty’s supreme government, so sore presently assaulted by the pope and the king of Spain, and their Jesuitical adherents. This writ by another hand, being a copy sent to the lord treasurer Burghley, and found among his papers.

NUMBER 6.

One Mrs. Dier had practised conjuration against the queen, to work some mischief to her majesty; for which she was brought into question for it. And accordingly her words and doings were sent to Popham, the queen’s attorney, and Egerton, her solicitor, by Walsingham the secretary, and sir Tho. Heneage, her vicechamberlain, for their judgment of her case; whose opinion was, that Mrs. Dier was not within the compass of the estatute touching witchcraft; for that she did no act, and spake certain lewd speeches, tending to that purpose: but neither set figure, nor made pictures. The attorney’s and solicitor’s letter in answer follows. OUR humblest duty done unto your honours. It may please you to be advertised, that we have perused the several examinations which your honours sent us concerning Mrs. Dyar. Where we find very lewd and undutiful speeches by her concerning her majesty, and of very bad practices intended towards her highness. Which matters would require, in our opinions farther examination. Whether any thing concurring with her purpose; and the times thereof would be directly set down. Which we may guess at by Hamelton’s letter. But it would be plainly set down, where every thing was done or spoken. And for other matters of her witchery intendeds it appeareth not by any the examinations, that any action of witchcraft was put in use; but a speech used of such a purpose: which doth not bring them in danger of the law in that behalf made. Therefore it would be well looked into whether any thing were done, as picture, figure set, and such like. And the times would be set down plainly, when and where every thing was done. We have also here returned unto your honours the several examinations sent us concerning that cause. And so do humbly take our leaves. The 7th of Jan. 1589.

Your honours humbly, JO. POPHAM. THO. EGERTON.

NUMBER 7.

Sir Francis Drake to the lord treasurer, concerning the fleet landing in Caskays with don Antonio, for recovery of his kingdom of Portugal.

Right honourable, my very good lord, SINCE my last letter sent to your lordship from the Groine, we have landed our army twelve leagues from Lisborn, and passed with a navy to Caskays, which is within five leagues of Lisborn, where we landed such forces as we might conveniently spare. The long contrary wind at the Groine, and the continuance of the same in all our passage from thence hitherwards, hath been the cause of their intelligence so long before, of our coming with don Antonio. By which means the enemy had gathered their whole strength out of Portugal and Gallicia into three several places. The first and greatest they continued at Lisborn. The second in a fort of very great strength, in the very entrance and mouth of the haven of Lisborn. And the third in twelve galleys.

Our first army remained three days in the suburbs of Lisborn, aud our other troops at Caskays remained there six days.

All this time there never repaired unto us of Portugal soldiers above two hundred, or thereabouts. They have taken of the second sort of Portuguezs, their wives and children for their pledges and assurance, that they should be loyal to king Philip: and sent the gentlemen, and men of best account in Portugal, either into Spain, or kept them in prison.

We are all of opinion, that if we had comen first for Lisbon, the city had been ours: and that being once won, the whole country might well, and would have comen in unto don Antonio. The numbers of our soldiers and mariners are greatly decayed by extreme sickness happened in the army, to the great discomfort of the rest. We have not yet altogether concluded of our resolution for any farther service, although we have often sat to determine it: because we hear not of our supply, which is to come out of England. But mind, God willing, to determine it very shortly; and then to advise your lordship of the particulars thereof.

Thus I humbly take my leave of your lordship. From aboard her majesty’s good ship the Revenge, in the road of Caskaiz. This 2d of June, 1589.

Your lordship’s always ready to be commanded, FRA. DRAKE.

Within these three days we have taken threescore sail of hulks and bottoms; all, or the most part of them, laden with rye, wheat, and all manner of provisions, and bound to discharge at Lisbon.

By which means we have letted him of his purpose to come with an army this year.

The country, in all places where we came, is in great want of corn, yet the king’s store-houses full of all manner of provision. Which they caused to be burnt in every place where we came.

NUMBER 8.

A discourse of Anthony Coppley, the 6th of January, 1590, (of his abode and maintenance beyond the seas,) to Mr. William Wade. [ Who was lieutenant of the Tower.] He seems to be the son of Thomas Coppley, a prime popish fugitive in Q. Elizabeth’s reign, and was made great master of the Maes by the king of Spain; and afterwards knighted by the French king, and the title of baron given him; as Camden, under the years 1575 and 1577, writeth. THAT being fifteen years of age, and a young student of Furnival’s Inn, under the charge of a kinsman, Mr. T. Southwel, (now himself beyond seas,) he stole away, (him unwitting,) and got over to Rome, to his father and mother; who were dwelling there at that time, viz. 1582. And continued there two years, or thereabouts. Brought up by them and instructed in the knowledge and certainty of the faith I profess. Afterwards it was obtained by a lady of the prince of Parma’s court, that I might, if I would, be his page. But my father, supposing that a place not convenient for my younger years, albeit it were a place of honour, and a ready way, in time, to further preferment, either in court or camp, (as it is daily seen,) yet my father, perceiving in those my younger years a desire rather to travel, than any good liking I had of that condition, condescended to my own choice of the two. To be short, I rather chose to journey to Rome: whereunto my father the rather willingly condescended, by reason that at that very time a kin of my own, Mr. Rob. Southwel, a Jesuit in Rome, brother to the president Tho. Southwel, hearing of my being beyond sea, had of his own accord and love towards me procured ten crowns pension of pope Gregory for my better maintenance there, in case my friends would allow of that course. And herewithal by his letter to my father, then fled, advertised him of the whole.

Whereupon I was sent to Rome, where I remained the space of two years, having my chamber and table in thc English college, as Mr. Gilbert and Mr. Cha. Basset, and others in like manner had before me: living upon my pension of the pope at that while. And at last the pope died; and his nephew, the cardinal Sixto, likewise; (of whom I had confirmed my said pension unto me, while he lived.) These being dead, and so my pension lost, I returned again into Flanders; where I found my father was likewise dead, and my mother and elder brother returned into England. Only my brother Stanihurst I found there; who by Hugh Owen’s means got me forth twenty crowns pension of the prince of Parma.

So that since that time, till now that I am returned into England, I have served the king of Spain in his wars in Flanders. For which I humbly crave pardon of her majesty and my country; hoping now hereafter, and (protesting it) always to deserve better, in reparation of this my offence.

As for my religion, I protest unto you, sir, I will so behave myself therein, as no scandal shall be given. Neither will I refuse conference with any learned man, minister or other; to the end to be resolved in another faith, in case they can of certainty prove it unto me, that I believe amiss.

And, good sir, I beseech you, let my honourable good lords of her majesty’s council, namely my lord treasurer, be satisfied in my faith and truth to my prince and country; and to make proof thereof in whatsoever they shall please to employ me. Surely, sir, I am not returned to enjoy lands nor livings in any country: for fortune hath not so assigned me: only to the duties of a true and sincere subject I am returned: to stand with my prince and country to my life’s end. It grieveth me to hear abroad of Spanish preparations yet once again against England; namely, under pretence of title to the same. Which doubtless importeth in the enemy a mind resolved in a conquest of the realm, if ever they get on shore; which God defend.

Namely, I beseech you also, good sir, to move Mr. Vice-chamberlain in my behalf. His honour is long since privy to my return. I hope, therefore, that upon information of my present state, I shall, by your good means, find him my honourable good lord: which I humbly crave. Perchance my father’s and my brother’s demerits may make against me, but I refer myself to the favour of my good lords.

Anthony Coppley.

This seems to have been wrote by him in the Tower.

In the year 1608, Anthony Coppley was proclaimed to be apprehended, as likewise sir Griffin Markham, Watson, Clark, priests. Stow’s Annals.

NUMBER 9.

Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, to the justices of peace in Kent: for release of the clergy from composition-corn. An original.

To my very loving and assured good friends the justices of peace in the county of Kent, assembled at the sessions of Canterbury. AFTER my right hearty commendations. I am given to understand by sundry ministers of East Kent, that for some years last past (by what means I know not certainly). they have been assessed among others to the provision of corn, &c. for her majesty’s most honourable household. It is conceived that this hath first grown, when as heretofore most part of the benefices there were in the occupation of laymen, as fermours, or otherwise; whereby they were contributaries. But seeing that it is not unknown unto you, that by the most ancient laws all ecclesiastical persons are freed from this and like charges, that the ministers thereabouts are both of very mean ability, and also deeply charged to other public services and contributions; and that there is no reason, that they more than the ministers of other parts of this shire (perhaps upon some former negligence or mistaking) should endure this burden, which you of the commission of peace that have the yearly assessment thereof may easily remedy. I do therefore very heartily, upon these considerations, pray you and every one of you, to whom this may appertain, to have a friendly and pitiful regard for their release herein: and that the rather by your good means and furtherance they may without discouragement go forward in their vocation; enjoying but the benefit of law and of other subjects of their sort. Which exception, when all things shall be well weighed, will not be (as I persuade myself) any whit prejudicial to her majesty’s due provision, being a matter which, according to my bounden duty, I do otherwise greatly tender, and am most willing to prefer and set forward in all good and lawful manner I may.

And so I commit you all to God’s holy protection. Your very assured friend, From my house at Ford, the 21st of July, 1589. JO. CANTUAR’.

NUMBER 10.

The bishop of Winton to the lord treasurer. A contest between the president and fellows of Corpus Christi college, Oxon: deferred to their visitor the said bishop, with his sense of it, shewed to the said lord treasurer; who had sent to him to put an end to it. MY duty considered, right honourable. Upon the sixth of February, I received from your lordship a letter in behalf of the seniors of Corpus Christi college in Oxford. It may please you to understand that the controversy, which they move for the election of their officers, and for any other griefs, was never brought unto me until the 8th of January last. And yet had they before Christmas, contrary to their statute, sought remedy at other places; never making me privy of any thing. At which time, and ever since, I have had business of great importance, very nighly touching myself, my office, and charge. And yet did I not delay their cause, but presently bestowed an whole day and more in conference of their allegations: which were so difficult as I could not presently make my resolution, except I should have done it without just ground of conscience. Therefore I presently wrote to the president and them, [the seniors,] that for this time only they would quietly condescend to some indifferent election, until I could so peruse both their statute and the statutes of other colleges, that I might with safe conscience make my resolute interpretation. This counsel would not be accepted; but five of them without the president confirmed their former election. Yet did I plainly signify unto them, that as I stood then persuaded, I thought, that neither the president alone, nor five without the president, could make a just election.

Whereupon I wrote again unto them, to the end the business of the college might proceed, that they would suffer those persons, that were officers chosen by them the last year, to continue; and to execute their office, until they received my full resolution, which I would send them with as much speed as I could. Which direction, I understand, at Candlemas-day last, was accepted of: and therefore my hope is, I shall in reasonable time so end their controversy, that I shall in good part take away the factions that have been among them these six years.

I heartily desire your honour to have this persuasion of me, that I do more tender the good state of a college in Oxford, than I do mine own particular house and commodity. And it grieves me to see these places, which were ordained to be schools of good learning, modesty, and obedience, to be turned to be nurseries of discord, dissension, and stubbornness towards superiors, as that house hath been almost this seven years; seldom without questions, but never without factions and parties, one striving against another; and commonly raised and maintained by Leonard Taylor, the principal follower of these matters. For he hath wrought himself to be chosen bursar by these five: and therefore will willingly admit no moderation for the mean time. He hath of late years more studied to maintain wrangling interpretations of their statutes, than to increase his learning. I do not defer my resolution without great cause and sincere meaning. For I am prescribed by their statute to make no other interpretation, but secundum literalem et grammati-calera sensum. Which, by the interpretation of both parts, is made very intricate for me to declare what the founders meaning was, unless I did throughly peruse their statutes, and the statutes also of other houses. Which I cannot do in such haste as they would have me; unless my resolution should go before the judgment of my conscience.

Moreover, if I should resolve that five young men of small experience should choose all the officers in the house, and thereby overrule, and, as some of them have spoken, curb or bridle the president, I should plainly, against honest conscience, establish and allow (to a very hard example) a pack or conspiracy against the head, and also hazard the good estate of the house. For, as I see, that inconvenience may follow, if the president, being but one man, should have all in his own hands, (which I do not like in any wise;) so I do foresee great inconveniences may come, if four or five young persons, without or against their head, should do what they list, without some bridle to restrain them. I have been too well acquainted with the factious dealing of young scholars. And I know what is the root and first beginning of this faction against the president, and to what end it will come, if they be not stayed. I have known him head there these 23 years.

And this I dare say upon my credit, that for scholastical government and order in that house, he hath so ruled it, as few in Oxford have done the like. But whatsoever he be, I will neither for him nor for any other man, God willing, determine any thing that shall be against the good state of that house, if the clamorousness of these men do not overbear me.

But I trouble your honour too long. I pray God preserve the same in health to his glory. This 8th of Feb. 1590.

Your honour’s in Christ assured to his power, THOMAS WINTON.

NUMBER 11.

Merick, bishop of the Isle of Man, to the lord Burghley, lord treasurer. Complaining of his being charged above his ability.

Shewing his needy condition. Writ April, 1590.

Right honourable, PARDON me. I am forced to be troublesome. I came the last summer to Wales; having been the year afore in Man: as I am commonly between both: not of my own choice or will; but things are so, and causes I might allege to satisfy the wise, but too long for your honour’s affairs. Neither hath any bishop, my predecessor, been otherwise this [hundred] years. My living is but Lxxxxl . in money; wherewith I travail by sea and by land.

Landing here seven years since, and finding my friends in prison, I lent them my stock for that year, and borrowed them as much more: I have lacked it ever since, and would give the one half to be paid the other; and am in debt to others at that while: and did afore the last parliament assign the same money to others for my discharge.

Yet in respect of this the cessers for the temporalties in Anglesey, envying my friends that benefit, have rated me in goods worth more than all this isle is besides. And of truth, as I shall prove, I have neither house nor home here. No other debts, goods, but such as I carry about for my necessary expenses, and to bring me over again; no kind of benefit ecclesiastical or temporal, but three travelling nags, to carry me to and from the water-side.

Where lying sick and waiting for passage, being loath to continue subject to process, or to be thought fraudulently conveyed, or of not loyned my goods, I am well willing to be tried. And am constrained thus to signify to your honour; humbly beseeching your lordship, that I may not be wrongfully vexed; as I shall pray the Almighty God to give your honour abundantly de rore coeli et pinguedine terroe; increase your spiritual and temporal gifts; to prosper your public doings, and bless you and your posterity. Anglesey, the 4th of April.

Your honour’s most humble, Jo. Meryck, of the Isle of Man.

NUMBER 12.

Hutton, bishop of Durham, to the lord treasurer, that his lordship would be a means to satisfy the queen concerning, the bestowing of Sherborn hospital. Writ in March, 1590.

My most humble duty remembered, &c.

IAM now to crave your lordship’s favour more than ever in my life. For I understand by Mr. Secretary, that her majesty is much offended with me for the bestowing of Sherborn house. The matter is this. Immediately after the decease of Dr. Dale, I bestowed the hospital of Sherborn house upon a kinsman of mine, one Mr. Hutton, a bachelor of divinity, and one of the senior fellows of Trinity college in Cambridge, and this year head-lecturer in that house. But because the living chiefly consisteth upon husbandry, and he a mere scholar, I was content, at his suit, to bestow that hospital upon Dr. Bellamy, an honest man, a preacher and a physician, to have charge both of the souls and bodies of the poor, impotent, sick persons of that hospital, and Dr. Bellamy to give over one of his benefices, and his prebend in Durham, to Mr. Hutton. This was done in November and the beginning of December last. For after I did receive a letter from Mr. Secretary, that her majesty’s intention was to qualify sir Henry Lee with a dispensation, and to bestow upon him the said house, I did answer, that I being patron by statute, (whereunto her majesty had given her royal assent,) with best advice, had already given it as fully and effectually as I could.

So the matter slept from that time until the beginning of March, when I did receive, to my great grief, another letter from Mr. Secretary, that her highness was greatly offended with me for the bestowing of it; because I, knowing her majesty’s determination, had presumed to bestow it without her leave. I answer that which was most true, as I shall answer before the living God, that I had given it before Mr. Secretary’s letter, signifying her majesty’s pleasure, did come unto my hands; and that I did it with the testimony of a good conscience, to bring into this ignorant country two godly preachers by two benefices which Dr. Bellamy did resign.

But this week I did receive a third letter from Mr. Secretary, signifying, that he had acquainted her majesty with my answer. Wherewith her highness was nothing satisfied; but that her majesty’s resolution was, that I should restore Dr. BeUamy to all his former livings, and he to give over the hospital; and that I should send up forthwith to the court Mr. Hutton, to compound with sir Henry Lee for the hospital; and then he to have the same. Which thing, if it please your good lordship, lieth not in me to do.

For I am not patron of all Dr. Bellamy’s livings, and he refuseth to give over the hospital which he doth lawfully possess. And Mr. Hutton was instituted and inducted into the benefice and prebend in the beginning of December last; and, as I hear, hath already compounded for first-fruits. Yet have I sent my servant to Mr. Hutton at Cambridge, where he is preparing for his removing to his benefice, now at Easter, and willed him to make his present repair thither, and to answer for himself.

Thus standeth the matter. Now my humble suit is unto your honour for your accustomed favour. First, That Dr. Bellamy and Mr. Hutton be not compelled to give over their livings, which, as I take it, they do lawfully possess. Secondly, That the hospital appointed by her majesty and the whole parliament to a preacher, and the relief of the poor, may not be converted to worse uses; which is like to be, if sir Henry Lee be compounded withal. Thirdly, That her majesty be not offended with me for doing that which I thought I might do lawfully, and did with the testimony of a good conscience. I beseech your honour, that as you and my lord’s grace of Canterbury were the means, without my suit, for my placing in this country, so at my earnest humble suit you will be a means to defend me in my well and lawful doings. Thus with humble thanks to God for restoring you to health again, and to your honour for your great favour towards me at all times, I humbly take my leave. Aukland, the 30th of March, 1590.

Your lordship’s most bounden, MATTH. DUNELM.

NUMBER 13.

Harberd, bishop of Hereford, to the lord treasurer; informing him of one brought before him for seditious words.

Right honourable and my very good lord, WHEREAS William Wier of Middleton Scriven, in the county of Salop, yeoman, coming before me for a cause ecclesiastical, was accused; for that he, in the hearing of three others, (who have also certified the same,) had said, that priests’ wives were whores, and their children bastards. And that it was pity they were unburned. And that he did hope the true law should shortly be restored. And then they should be either hanged or burnt. And that it was pity the queen did reign, to suffer them unhanged or unburnt.”

And I thereupon have sent him to her majesty’s council in these parts, notwithstanding the said party in very vehement sort denied the speaking of any such words, and said, that because of controversy with them, they did bear him malice; I thought it my duty in this wise to certify your honour thereof, that such further order might be taken with him as to your wisdom shall seem convenient. And so I humbly commend your good lordship to the protection of Almighty God. From Whitburne, the 4th of October, 1590.

Your honour’s to command, HARB. HEREFORD.

NUMBER 14.

Memoire a monseigneur le grand tresorier, pour Geneve. A paper following so endorsed was drawn up by Le Lect, agent here for Geneva; shewing their present miserable condition, and craving his interest with the queen on their behalf.

Monsegneur, JE n’insisteray point a vous representer le pauvre estat de la ville de Geneve, ni les dangers et necessitez qui l’environnent: lesquelles vous avez peu voir par les lettres de mes superieurs; et qui est assez notoire a un chacun, &c. To this tenor in English; That he would not insist to represent to him the poor estate of the town of Geneva, nor the dangers and necessities that compassed them about; the which he had seen a little by the letters of his superiors, and which was sufficiently notorious to every one. But he should beg him only in all humility and reverence, and pursuing the new charge which he had from them, as he [the lord treasurer] had seen by the same letters, that he would please to make them finally perceive and experiment the effects of his zeal and compassion, favouring them (against their malice) toward her majesty.

So that it might be her good pleasure to succour them with some portion of her good means. He proceeded; My lord, you see us before your eyes, a church none of the least signalized, and of importance, and which hath always been very affectionate towards this realm, to sustain for fourteen months intire God’s two most terrible scourges, war and famine; having to do with the most powerful and obstinate enemies of the religion, the king of Spain and the duke of Savoy; except that they might not yet any ways perceive the issue of such assaults; which yet now began again more than ever.

In the midst of which, the hope which comforts and relieves my superiors and all our people, is the assistance of her majesty and this realm; which they wait for from day to day, not seeing to shine any appearance of comfort, neither from France, nor from Swisse, nor elsewhere.

In the mean time, my lord, I am in this realm seven months with so little fruit of my solicitation, and daily pains of body and mind, [a collection was granted for them February last; and the governors of Geneva, in a letter dated that month to the treasurer, did thank him for the same, as Le Lect had signified to them. But it seems the collection was not yet finished,] that I know no more to whom I may turn; being in truth such delays did not proceed (as he proceeded) from a disfavour or want of good affection of her majesty, or of the good will of her council towards their poor town; not knowing nevertheless to whom to attribute the causes of it. That his lordship saw, that poor Geneva had not been preserved, and subsisted to that present, but by an extraordinary, miraculous assistance of God, and against all human appearance. Yet his superiors, through extreme want of money, whereof they were exhausted, were constrained to keep together their soldiers, and to keep themselves close within their walls. And that the same almighty power and mercy of God could save them immediately without man. But his [the lord treasurer’s] prudence might easily judge how long it would be easy in human appearance for the enemy to oppress them; having also yet more forts and garrisons in one or two places near them. By means whereof it fell out (alas!) that they attacked them at their gates.

It remained, that in all appearance her majesty would more easily send them succour than they could ask it, since the war was made and conducted principally by the king of Spain and by his expenses; that is, by the capital enemy of this realm [of England.] Who being employed and detained thereabouts, [at Geneva,] and not being able to prevail over their weakness, without doubt he should not be able so easily to disquiet her said majesty in the Low Countries, nor in other places. That they knew the charges of her majesty, [mere nourrice, ] the mother nurse of the church, both near and far off. They knew also the ancient obligation which they owed her. But extreme necessity compelled them to implore again once more her aid, and not such or so large as might bring any prejudice or discommodity to the rest of her affairs upon all this happy peace which it had pleased God to give her. In sum, it lay in the power and good-will of her majesty to save, by a moderate beneficence, a city and church, by the loss and ruin whereof she would receive great displeasure, and France and other churches no little damage like to come. And, in a word, they alleged the most strait and sacred tie of religion and Christian charity, which could not be frustrate of blessing in respect of God, and perpetual praise in respect of men.

He added, [addressing to his lordship,] that every one knew how much of weight her majesty attributed to his good advice; and he hoped also so much of her kindness and clemency accustomed, and of that good affection which it pleased her to declare to him some months ago from her own mouth, towards their town, that she would not be inexorable to the most humble and most instant request towards their poor estate, so much afflicted, and as it were reduced to beggary. Nevertheless, if his lordship pleased also to give him [the agent] access to her said majesty, to represent to her matters further, as from his superiors, it would be a singular happiness and contentment; praying him, in the name of God, (of whom his lordship was an excellent servant in this realm,) not to hinder him in a cause so urgent, so pious, and so favourable; and if you would oblige more and more his superiors, and a whole Christian people, to acknowledge him for their father and benefactor; and to pray to God for his preservation, and to render themselves wholly at his service. From London, the 7th of June, 90. Subscribing, Your most humble and most affectionate servant, Jacobus Lect, in the name of the senate and town of Geneva.

This Lect was a man of great learning and esteem at Geneva; a lawyer, an orator, and a poet; and died about 1612. Spondan.

NUMBER 15.

The magistrates of Geneva to queen Elizabeth, thanking her for a collection sent to them, and craving further aid in their distress. A la serenissime royne d’Angleterre, de France, et a’Irlande.

Madame, NOUS avons entendu par les lettres du sieur Lect, nostre bien ayme frere, conseiller et depute, tant le gracieux accueil, quil a pleu a votre majeste luy faire, qu’aussi l’ottroy, d’une cuillette en vos pais. Et combien que nous aions eu desja paravant concu certaine esperance de n’estre point esconduits d’une si pitoyable et Chrestienne princesse, toutefois, madame, nous nous sentons tellement chargez et des obligations ancienes et de la presente, que nous aymons mieux les avouer et recognoistre meurement en nos esprits, que d’entrer en une ennuyeuse prolixite pour les representer en papier. Or puis qu’ainsi est, que comme nous scavons tresbien notre petitesse nous rend du tout incapables de faire jamais service a vostre majeste qui responde en quelque sorte a tant des bienfaicts, nos successeurs toutefois qui paraventure jouiront d’une meilleure condition, et ausquels nous en lairrons la memoire, sereputeront tres heureux, si Dieu leur faict la grace de pouvoir aumoins paier leur arerages des dettes crees par leurs devancieurs. Et nous aurestes avec tant d’autres qui pres et loing seront temoins de vostre charite, ferons devoir de prier ce bon Dieu tout puissant d’accomplir et ratifier en vostre personne les promesses excellentes qu’il a faictes aux princes et princesses nourricieurs et nourrisses de son Eglise, comme aussi des longues annees tout le monde voit clairement les rares et admirables benedictions qui accompagnent vostre couronne. Quant a nostre estat present, et a ce qui s’est passe depuis nos derniers, nous ne pourrions brievement le discourir; mais en escrivons plus amplement a nostre depute avec charge d’en faire scavoir les particularites vostre majeste, s’il luy plaist s’en soucier. Bien dirons nous que si ville subsiste oncques par une misericorde de Dieu extraordinaire et totalement miraculeuse, c’est une povre Geneve. Ce qui comme certaines arres nous faict esperer, que non obstant l’obstination et orgueil de nos ennemis, et tant de playes en apparence incurables que nous sentons par cette longue et miserable guerre, nous pourrons encores cestefois eschapper l’extreme ruine que le Pape et ses adherens nous ont machine depuis si long temps. Supplians vostre majeste comme tant la guerre que la disette de deniers, la famine et plusieurs autres povretes continuent, voire nous menacent de plus fort, vouloir aussi nous continuer de plus en plus vostre faveur et bonte, afin qu’au plustost, et le plus amplement que faire se pourra, nous puissions percevoir les fruicts de vostre beneficence tant attendus, et du long sejour de nostre depute par dela. Et en cest endroict nous prierons Dieu de tout nostre coeur qu’il luy plaise, Madame, veiller toujours a vostre conservation, et affermir vos sceptres et couronnes de plus en plus. De Geneve ce 8:Feburier, 1590.

Par messeigneurs syndiques et conseil.

Les tres humbles et tres affectionnes serviteurs de vostre majeste.

Les syndiques et conseil de Geneve.

NUMBER 16.

Thomas Cartwright, the, the puritan, to the right worshipful Mr. Puckring, one of her majesty’s sergeants at law; being sent for by a pursuivant, now deprived of his hospital at Warwick. THAT having received Mrs. Puckring’s letter upon Wednesday, I came no sooner with it, the cause hath been in part a strain in one of my legs, and in part the importunity of my friends, by the way, lying upon me to stay, until I had gotten some stability of my leg to travel with more commodity. And now I am come to town, that I bring not my letter myself, the cause is, for that being sent for by a pursuivant, I was loath to be attached before I had made my appearance without attachment, and that I might be mine own pursuivant, as it were; and partly also, because I was loath that your favour towards me should any way appear to any manner of hurt of yours, and no good of mine. And now, good sir, confessing myself greatly beholden unto you in my behalf, and in the behalf of my wife, my humble desire is, that I may yet further be beholden unto you in the behalf of the poor church of Warwick, that likely enough may be deprived of all manner of tolerable ministry, both for the good of your own family, which is great, and in regard of other poor souls there. That if the times will not bear us that are there present now, yet there may be such provided, as differing in judgment from us, may notwithstanding, both in some good skill and care, proceed in the edification of the church without bitterness of spirit against other poor men, which are otherwise minded. Which I am the bolder to crave at your worship’s hands, as I understand, (and was glad of,) that the town hath chosen you to the recordership, which may be singular means of doing much good unto the town. And among other, that good that it pleased you to talk with me of.

This I was bold to write, in fear of being severed from doing any more service there; and yet not aknown to myself of any breach of law, whereby I may be touched, saving only that I fear to be committed for refusing the oath ex officio mero. And thus I humbly commend you to the gracious keeping and blessing of God in Jesus Christ. May the 20th, anno 90.

Yours to command in the Lord, T. CARTWRIGHT.

NUMBER 17.

Some account of the trial and condemnation of John Udal, a minister, concerned with Martin Marprelate in publishing several schismatical books. Taken from the MSS. of sergeant Puckring; before whom and baron Clark the said Udal was brought to his trial, at the assizes held at Surrey. The indictment against John Udal, late of London, clerk. DEUM prae oculis suis non habens, sed instigatione diabolica seductus, et seditiose intendens et machinans ad rebellionem movend, et suscitand, infra hoc regnum, &c. ult. die Octobris, anno regni dict. dnoe regin. 30, at East-Mouldsey; then and there set forth, in English, a certain wicked, scandalous, and seditious book, entitled, A demonstration of the truth of that discipline which Christ hath prescribed in his word for the government of the church, &c. in all tymes and places, until the end of the world.

The passages alleged against him in this indictment, found in it, were these: “Who can, without blushing, deny you [speaking to the bishops] to be the cause of all ungodliness? seeing that government is that which giveth leave unto a man to be any thing save a sound Christian, in retaining that popish hierarchy first reigning in the midst of the mystery of iniquity, and that filthy sink of the canon law, which was invented and patched together for the confirming and increasing of the kingdom of Antichrist; ad magnum scandalum dict. dnoe. reginae, et subversionem legum hujus regni, et incitationem rebellionis infra hoc regnum Ahgl. contra pacem et in conterptum ejusd, dnae, reginae nunc, coron, et dignitatem suas, et contra formam statuti, in hujusmodi casu ordinat, et provis.”

NUMBER 18.

Articles delivered to the judges by Mr. Udal, shewing reasons why they should not proceed in judgment against him, notwithstanding the verdict given against him. This paper consisteth of nine articles.

I. IT seemeth my cause is not esteemed felony by the judges of the land, seeing they do usually sit in the high commission court, where the printing and dispersing of the same, or such like books, are usually inquired after, as transgressions of another nature.

II. No judgment by law ought to be given in ease of felony, but upon a party first tbund guilty thereof by verdict of twelve men. But I am not so.

For proof whereof I pray you it may be remembered, that your lordships gave the jury in issue only in trial of the fact, whether I were author of such a book, and freed them of inquiring of the intent; without which there is no felony.

III. I humbly pray you to call to mind by what means the jury was drawn to give that verdict they did. Whether they were left wholly to their own consciences, or were wrought unto it, partly by promise; assuring, that it should be no further danger to me, but tend to my good; and partly by fear, as it appeareth in that it hath been occasion of grief unto some of them ever since. And then I pray you to consider, whether upon such verdict drawn from twelve simple men, Christian judges, in a good conscience, may proceed to the sentence of death.

IV. In case the verdict were never so free, yet your lordships (being men of knowledge and wisdom) are to consider whether the statute whereupon I am indicted do agree to my case in the true meaning of it, there being nothing in the book spoken of her majesty’s person but in duty and honour; and whether that drawing of it from her royal person to the BB. [bishops,] as being a part of her body politic, be not a violent depraving and wresting of the statute. Which if it be, you, being Christian judges, cannot in any good conscience, upon such a ground, proceed to sentence, contrary to your own knowledge.

V. But if the statute be to be taken so as it is urged, it ought to be considered, that without malicious intent against her majesty’s person the statute itself maketh no act forbidden by it to be felony. Wherein I appeal first to God, and then to all men who have seen the whole course of my life; and to your lordships’ own consciences. Wherein I pray you to examine yourselves in the sight of God, whether, either by yourselves or by the just report of any others, you can find me guilty of any act in all my life that savoured of any malice or malicious intent against her majesty, or of any other behaviour, than standeth with the allegiance and duty of a most dutiful and Christian subject. Of which malice, if your consciences clear me before God, the act wherewith I am charged not being felony without such an intent, I hope you consider that you cannot with a good conscience proceed to judgment.

VI. Yet in case the statute and intent thereof were such as it is said, in case of life the evidence ought to be pregnant; and all living witnesses, I am sure by the word of God, (and I trust also by the laws of the land,) were to be produced face to face, to charge me. But I have no such against me, neither any other things, saving only the papers and reports of depositions taken by ecclesiastical commissioners and others. The which kind of proofs the judges cast away in case of lands, and by no means allow to be sufficient. And therefore are much less to be allowed in a case of life. The which being so, your lordships ought to have a consideration, that upon so weak evidence sentence of death be not pronounced.

VII. But if the same that hath been given in for evidence by writing had been testified by men living, standing out in the presence of the court, and of me accused, I trust your lordships will consider, that none of the evidences do directly prove me to be the author of the book in question.

Which, as it was, hath little force in it. As appeareth by this, that the author of the chief testimony is so grieved, that he is ashamed to come where he is known. Wherefore howsoever the jury hath not discerned thereof, yet you, being men of skill and understanding, are to have regard of it; and not upon so weak and impertinent proofs to proceed to judgment of death.

VIII. If all these things were such as in this case they might be, yet your lordships are to consider, (supposing me to be the [author] of the book in question,) that the said book, for the substance of it, containeth nothing but that which is taught and believed to be a part of the gospel of Christ by all the best reformed churches in Europe. Wherein nothing being diverse from them, I cannot be condemned for it without condemning in me all such nations and churches as hold the same doctrine. In which if there be no error in them, the offence can only be in some circumstance and manner of writing: the which some may think worthy an admonition; some, more severe, worthy correction or amercement. The sharpest cannot judge it to deserve more than some short time of imprisonment. But death for an error of such a kind, in terms and words not altogether dutiful, of certain BB. [bishops,] cannot but be extreme cruelty. The which seeing it ought to be far from any Christian man that hath the bowels of Christ in him, surely Christian judges professing the gospel, for a service of the gospel, ought not to proceed against one that hath endeavoured to shew himself a dutiful subject and faithful minister of the gospel, to give sentence of death.

IX. My offence not being aggravated, but remaining as it was the last assizes, when my submission was accepted, and judgment thereupon stayed, I trust your favour will be the same towards me now also, seeing I am ready to do the like.

If all this prevail not, yet my Redeemer liveth, to whom I commend myself, and say as sometime Jeremiah said in a case not much unlike; Behold I am in your hands to do with me whatsoever seemeth good unto you. But know you this, that if you put me to death, you shall bring innocent blood upon your own heads, and upon the land. As the blood of Abel, so the blood of Udal will cry to God with a loud voice; and the righteous Judge of the land will require it at the hands of all that shall be guilty of it.

NUMBER 19.

Udal was cast, but not condemned in the summer assizes, anno 1590; but in the Lent assizes after, he was; his submission not being sufficient. The sentence was forborne after he was found guilty in the summer assizes by favour, because he promised to make a submission. And a form of submission was sent November 18,1590, to Mr. Baron Clark and Sergeant Puckring. And this in these words. Udal’ s submission.

Most gracious sovereign, THE present lamentable estate wherein I stand, having against me the verdict of twelve men, that have found me guilty in their conscience of such matters, as the law having its course, I am to die for it; I most humbly prostrate myself at your majesty’s feet, submitting myself in most humble manner, as becometh a dutiful subject, to such order as it shall please your highness to appoint; to whom God hath given so high and sovereign a power as is able both to kill and to quicken, to bring to the gates of death, and to cause to return from thence to the comfort of life again. Before whom standing thus convict, I am not now to plead mine innocency, although I most humbly desire it may not offend your excellent majesty that I protest of the truth. Whereof I call God to witness, who knoweth the secrets of all hearts, and will judge both the quick and dead, that I have been always, not only far from any malice to your majesty’s royal state and person, but so dutifully affected towards both, in conscience of the ordinance of God, and in regard of many benefits, especially of the true knowledge of God, which I have attained unto under your gracious and happy government; that I was always ready by all means, and with the loss of my life, if it had been needful, to defend and maintain the same; and from my heart have instructed all those to whom my ministry appertained in like dutiful love and obedience.

But this defence being taken from me by course of law, and such proceedings as have passed against me, I do now only fly to your majesty’s gracious mercy; most humbly desiring your highness, of your merciful compassion, to grant me your gracious pardon, for remitting both the offence and the punishment which is now laid upon me. Other hope than this I have none, but the trust I have in God according to his promises, that your majesty, by a special gift of God, is gracious and merciful, and hath vouchsafed to shew mercy even to such as were not only by imputation of law, but indeed malicious and mortal enemies unto your highness; and therefore I hope that the same goodness of so princely a nature may be moved, and will shew forth itself in like gracious compassion on my behalf.

Which gracious pardon, upon my knees, I most humbly crave of your excellent majesty to grant unto me. By which special favour being raised as from the dead, I proraise and vow to lead the rest of my life in all humble and dutiful obedience unto your majesty; praying comtinually for the preservation of your highness’s precious life and happy government; to the honour of Almighty God, and the comfort of all obedient and dutiful subjects.

In another form of submission there was this material clause added; (otherwise agreeing in substance with this;) being found guilty by verdict to be the author of a book entitled, The demonstration of discipline, &c. and being, without your gracious pardon, to die for the same.

NUMBER 20.

Sentence was given upon Udal, February ,1590, being in the Lentassizes. After which sergeant Puckring wrote this letter to the lord chancellor Hatton about their proceedings with him at the Lentassizes.

Right honourable, IT was late on Saturday before it came to the time we were to give judgment on the prisoners. So as I could not before this make certificate of our proceedings. According as we were directed, we sent upon Thursday in the afternoon by sir William More, Mr. Dr. Forth, and Mr. Parker, unto Mr. Udal the submission prescribed, for him to consider of, and caused those sent in private to deal with him in the same. We also caused the same submission to be left with him all night, further for him to consider of. And on Friday forenoon we sent sir Will. More and Mr. Boyes, justices of peace, (Mr. Forth and Mr. Parker being absent,) further to persuade with him, and to bring his answer. But none of these prevailing with him, ourselves, on that Friday in the afternoon sent for him, and conferred with him privately by the space of an hour, (sir Will. More being only present;) and not prevailing with him to the form of submission prescribed, nor to the like effect, we willed him to write what manner of submission himself best liked to make. Whereupon he hath wrote to us a manner of submission, such as we not allowing of, (the copy whereof here enclosed I send to your lordship,) we after, on the Saturday in the afternoon, when we came to call the prisoners to judgment, called him among the rest, asking him what he could say why judgment should not be given: he spent an hour with us, debating to and fro; but no matter yielded unto for any submission, such as we could like of, (albeit in that public place we moved him thereunto.) We therefore proceeded, and gave sentence against him; and commanding openly of execution of all that were adjudged, (he being one.)

But in private this morning we commanded the respite of his execution, (as by Mr. Dr. Bankrot’s [Bancroft’s] letter I understand your honour’s pleasure was we should,) till her majesty might understand of these our proceedings, and her highness further pleasure known.

And to end, we have, as was appointed, written all this to my lord chamberlain, and sent our required submission, and also his last offered submission, enclosed in that letter, that her majesty may be informed of the same; and have sent the same to the under-sheriff of Surrey, ourselves being presently going towards Sussex: otherwise we should ourselves have waited on your honour with the same, and to have made relation at large of all the manner of our and his dealings and speeches together, which were too large to write.

At the last, when we charged him, that he had written in his petition to her majesty, that he did submit himself to such order as it should please her highness to appoint, and now by us her highness’s justices of assize that manner of submission which we prescribed him was thought meet to be required of him for her highness; he answered, that those words in his said petition he meant only as to abide her order for life or death, as her majesty should appoint, and not otherwise to yield to any thing that might concern him in conscience in that doctrine which he had taught, as by the words before and after the sentence, he said, it might be so understood. But offered in his last speech that that submission which he had made to her majesty, and any other submission that he had made, he would perform.

Marry, he and we did differ what was the manner of the submission he had made by words at Croyden assize.

So as, my very good lord, we are not able to get of him such a submission as was prescribed for him to make, nor to like effect, we have proceeded as aforesaid; leaving him now at her majesty’s pleasure. This Sunday morning, the 21st of Feb. 1590.

NUMBER 21.

The copy of the submission required by the judges, Feb. ,to be made by Udal.

I JOH. UDAL have been heretofore by due course of law convicted of felony for penning or setting forth a certain book, ealled, The demonstration of discipline. Wherein false, slanderous, and seditious matters are contained against her majesty’s prerogative royal, her crown and dignity, and against the laws and government ecclesiastical and temporal by law under her highness, and tending to the erecting of a new form of government, contrary to her said laws. All which points I do now, by the grace of God, perceive to be very dangerous to the peace of this realm and church, seditious in the commonwealth, and infinitely offensive to the queen’s most excellent majesty. So as thereby I now seeing the grievousness of mine offence, do most humbly, on my knees, before and in this presence, submit myself to the mercy of her highness; being most sorry, that so deeply and worthily I have incurred her majesty’s indignation against me. Promising, if it shall please God to move her royal heart to have compassion on me, a most sorrowful, convicted person, that I will for ever hereafter forsake all such undutiful and dangerous courses, and demean myself dutifully and peaceably. For I do acknowledge them to be both lawful and godly, and to be obeyed by every faithful subject.

NUMBER 22.

The last offered submission of Udal, Febr. 19, 1590. CONCERNING the book, whereof I was by due course of law convicted, by referring myself to the trial of the law, and for that by the verdict of twelve men I am found to be author of it; for which cause an humble submission is worthily required and offered of me: although I cannot disavow the cause and substance of the doctrine debated in it, which I must needs acknowledge to be holy, and (so far as I conceive of it) agreeable to the word of God, yet I confess the manner of writing of it is such in some part as may worthily be blamed, and might provoke her majesty’s just indignation therein. Wherefore the trial of the law imputing unto me all such defaults as are in that book, and laying the punishment of the same in most grievous manner upon me, as my most humble suit to her most excellent majesty is, that her mercy and gracious pardon may free me from the guilt and offence, which the said trial of the law hath cast upon me; and further of her great clemency to restore me to the comfort of my life and liberty; so do I promise, in all humble submission to God and her majesty, to carry myself in the whole course of my life in such humble and dutiful obedience as shall befit a minister of the gospel and dutiful subject, fervently and continually praying for the good preservation of her highness’s precious life and happy government, to the honour of God, and comfort of her loyal and dutiful subjects.

NUMBER 23.

Dr. Bancroft, chaplain to the lord chancellor, to Mr. Sergeant Puckring, to stay execution of Udal. To the rt. worshipful Mr. Sergeant Puckring, justice of assize in the county of Surrey.

Sir, MY lord’s [lord chancellor Hatton] advice is, that, if Mr. Udal’s submission do not satisfy you, that you should proceed to judgment. But that you should stay his execution: and forthwith this day to write to Mr. Vice-chamberlain [sir Tho. Heneage] of his obstinacy, desiring him to inform her majesty of it, and to know her pleasure for the execution, whether it shall be further stayed, &c. And so in haste I take my leave. At Ely-house, this 20th of February, 1590. [ This following enclosed, in the same hand.] You must then command execution. And after defer the same, until her majesty’s pleasure be known.

NUMBER 24.

Udal to sergeant Puckring, after his return from the assizes to his prison in the White Lion, November 11, 1590. In which letter may be observed his lofty and unrelenting behaviour: his justifying, of his innocency: his calling for execution, or deliverance from his imprisonment. Chargeth sin upon his judge: resenteth the disgrace that was done him; and such like. AFTER that it pleased God (as I trust, for my good) to return me from the assizes unto the prison, loaden with such a burden as never was, (so far as I can learn,) in the time of the gospel, by Christian magistrates, for such a cause, laid upon any minister of the word; I settled myself unto my former condition of imprisonment, waiting for that issue (as I do yet, and I trust to do ever) which it shall please the Lord to give thereunto: hoping that your lordship and your associate, [baron Clark,] by whom so deep disgrace was inflicted upon me, would have been the means to have wrought my release.

But when I heard of those speeches which each of you uttered in several places of public judgment, tending further to my disgrace than I (through God’s mercy towards me) gave any cause of; and more to the delighting of yourselves in the court holden against me, than (if you rightly esteem of it) you had just occasion, I persuaded myself rather to look for perpetual imprisonment, or other further severity, than any sense of relief by your means.

Yet at length I have resolved with myself (seeing your lordships do profess the same religion whereof I have been a teacher) to call to your remembrance my hard estate, the discourse whereof I pray you to accept, as proceeding from him that wisheth so well unto you as to his own soul. I need not offer unto your lordship’s consideration into what miserable estate I am brought, not only by being deprived of that living, whereby myself, my wife, and children, should have been maintained, and spending of that little substance which God had given me, in this tedious state of imprisonment; but also in the exposing of me and them unto utter beggary in the time to come. Only I pray you to call to mind in your private meditations, (and that in the presence of God,) by what course this misery was enforced upon me. And if you find by due consideration, that I am worthy to receive (from the sentence of uptight justice) the penalty which I do at present undergo, I pray you to hasten the execution of the same. For it were better for me to die than to live in this case; being irksome to myself, grievous to my friends, chargeable unto many, and profitable unto none. But if it appear, (as I hope your conscience will testify,) that no malice against her majesty can possibly be in me, being of the same religion that her highness professeth and maintaineth, and praying daily for the increase of her grace’s prosperity and happiness, both of soul and body, then do I humbly and heartily desire you to be a means that I may be released. So shall you give me just occasion, (which I hope to do, howsoever it fall out,) not only to forget that hard opinion conceived of your courses against me, but also to pray heartily unto God to bury the same, with the rest of your sins, in the grave of his Son Christ Jesus. Thus trusting to receive the comfortable effect hereof, which I, minister of the gospel, have just cause to look for from the hands of a Christian magistrate, I humbly take my leave. From the White Lion, Nov. 11.

Yours to command, in the Lord Jesus Christ, Jo. Udal, prisoner.

NUMBER 25.

November 18 following, Udal writ both to the baron and the sergeant: who had told him that upon his submission they were willing, to become a means to her majesty for his pardon.

Hereupon he sent his letter; IN as humble and dutiful a manner (he said) as he was able to express it: praying their honours’ favourable mediation unto her, that he might be discharged of the miseries and dangers wherein he was.

Nov. 25, he writ to them both again, upon their sending to him a messenger, that his former submission did not content them: whereupon he had drawn another. Which albeit, he said, it did not in so many words satisfy their lordships, as peradventure they desired, yet he humbly prayed them to be contented therewith, seeing it was both as much as he could yield, and as he trusted her fight excellent majesty would lay upon him. He trusted that they would favourably accept of that his last and furthest relenting, and to esteem of him, as one that had a care (whatsoever became of his outward state) to keep a good conscience even unto his death.

Jan. 1, 1590, Udal writ yet another letter to the sergeant, one of the justices of the assize of Surrey; to vouchsafe him his lawful favour in a matter that might be very comfortable unto him. That since God had pleased so to dispose of him, that he had been almost a year in prison, and was like, for any thing that he could discern, still so to continue; that he found such a sickness of body approaching upon him by reason of corrupt air, and want of exercise, as must needs endanger, if not take away his life; unless it would please God to move his lordship with compassion towards him.

And besides, that he had been so long deprived of the holy exercises of religion, as he found himself much vexed and grieved, and his soul to hunger after the same, as the hunted hart desired the water-brooks: wishing that some corner of the church were in his prison; and esteeming, with the prophet David, the bird happy that built in the roof of that place, where they might hear the voice of God sounding in the ears, and his praises coming with so holy a harmony from their mouths. In regard whereof he craved of his lordship to grant him thus much favour, that he might go with his keeper to the sermons within the borough, for the comfort of his soul, and into the fields to take the air, for the relief of his body.

NUMBER 26.

Mr. Udal’s belief. Drawn up to pacify the queen, who conceived an high displeasure against him, and such as he; in asserting, that the prince had nothing to do in spiritual matters, and that she was subject to their censures. Therefore in this paper he represents himself as favourably as he could with respect to his subjection to her, or the temporal magistrate. “I DO believe, and have often preached, that the church of England is a part of the true visible church of Christ.”This published in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift, under the year 1591, page 375.

NUMBER 27.

Tho. Cartwright to the lord treasurer Burghley, June 23, 1590, concerning the bad estate of his hospital at Warwick, upon the death oft he earl of Leicester, the founder. Writ from London.

Rt. honourable, and my singular good lord; IMAKE conscience of troubling your lordship with particular causes, whose strength of body and mind (for longer continuance among us) I could desire were consecrated to the general and state causes of the whole realm; yet the case I bring before you pressing so greatly, and your honour being, as I am informed, the only person by whose means relief may be obtained, I am even as it were constrainedly drawn, in most humble suit to appear before your honour at this time, first and principally in behalf of the poor hospital at Warwick; and after, in the second place, in mine own behalf.

The cause, if it please your lordship, is as followeth: The rt. honourable the earl of Leicester endued the hospital in Warwick with 200l . by year, whereof 150l . are to the use of the twelve poor men, and the other fifty for the stipend of the master, which he requireth to be a preacher. For performing whereof he giveth certain lands in Warwick and Lancaster shires, whose rents, raised unto the highest, amount unto that sum, and no more. These lands, about a three years before his death, he conveyed by deed to his hospital; which, because it was not enrolled within the year, according to trust, he put in one Mr. Sutton, from Lincoln; which was esteemed, in strict construction of law, insufficient. Whereupon the house was compelled to take a second grant of the like honourable earl of Warwick, or of his heir.

Further, the earl of Leicester, over and above the other stipend of the master, gave me, by letters patent, other 50l . during my life; not charged indeed out of any certain lands, but payable by him and his heirs, receivers general. Which, notwithstanding, is agreed by the learned in the laws of the land to be good as long as the heir hath assets, or otherwise wheresoever the land should become, if I had brought a writ of annuity at any time before the lands had come into the hand of a stranger: which I might indeed have done, (the rent being one whole year behind,) but that it was not meet for me, a man of so low degree, to call such honourable persons into question of law, especially such as I was so greatly bound unto.

Now it is said constantly, that her majesty’s extent shall go forth upon all the lands that the earl of Leicester was seized of, either at the time of his death, or in the 24th year of her majesty’s reign. Whereupon not my stipend only will fall, but, which is more lamentable, the whole college of his twelve poor, old, impotent men, for the present, shall be constrained to beg; and for the time to come shall be in danger to be utterly scattered and overthrown.

Besides this, considering that the hospital cannot obtain of the countess of Leicester any whit of the legacy of 200l . which the earl of Leicester devised by will in the name of a stock unto it, the master is constrained to lay forth the charges of one half year, before he receive one penny of the rent appointed unto his hospital’s maintenance. All which he should liese, if the extent should lie upon all the earl’s lands without exception, before the half year’s rent be due.

Hitherto also belongeth, (the rather to move commiseration towards the hospital,) that of the 200l . of yearly rent, 20l . have been demanded from the death of the earl of Leicester by the unjust dealing of one Mr. Ugnol, a rich citizen of London, and one, who comparing his great wealth with the extreme poverty of the hospital, thinketh to defraud the hospital of that 20l . for ever.

I speak not here of my continual labours and suits in the behalf of the hospital, ever sithence the death of the earl of Leicester; whereby, contrary to my disposition and bringing up, I have been driven to give attendance here at London in the termtime, and contrary to that my poor state doth afford, I have been constrained to be at great charges for the hospital. And for to make me satisfaction again, having no manner of stock. Which truly, but for the continuance of so good a work to posterity, and duty toward the deceased lord, that the good work he honourably and faithfully proposed might not be dispurposed, I would never have endured until this time. I pass by also, that the living my lord of Leicester took me from, to bring me to this, was for profit much better, in regard of the charges that this place casteth upon me, which the other did not.

Having thus nakedly laid down the cause before the eyes of your honourable compassion, besides my most humble suit only in behalf of the poor, and of myself, I mean not to labour your lordship’s affections with such reasons, as the pitifulness of the cause will yield; as that which might be offensive to your honour, because of other your most weighty affairs; and hinder us also, while the reasons by us alleged would be short of that which your lordship of your own accord will conceive for us, better than we can lay down for ourselves, &c. London, the 23d of June, ann. Dom. 1590.

Your honour’s humbly to command, THO. CARTWRIGHT.

NUMBER 28.

The lord treasurer Burghley to the lord chancellor of Scotland, lord Maitland; to persuade the king his master to suppress the professed enemies of the gospel in his kingdom, and the adversaries of the common amity. This letter was occasioned by commendations brought to him by the earl of Worcester, sent in the year 1590 ambassador to that king, to congratulate his marriage; and withal to put him in mind betimes to suppress the popish faction, which grew strong in Scotland.

My very good lord, THERE are too manifest causes to move me to write to you in all kind manner, as every one of them alone is sufficient to me to write, and your lordship to receive the same in friendly sort. The old familiar acquaintance, in a very strict amity with your elder brother, the young laird Lethington, he a secretary to that crown, and I then to this crown, was so beneficial to both these crowns, by restoring them by our ministry into such a brotherly peace as never had been in many hundred years before; as the memory of the same is very agreeable to survive towards you his brother and a secretary by office, as he was, though now also placed in an office, being chancellor, which I account the principal secretary of that realm.

Next to this, the amity professed and accorded by treaty between the princes of both these realms, require conjunction of good-will in such ministers as are known to have credit with their superiors. Wherein, as I know you are with the king almost the only counsellor for managing of those affairs, so, without presumption, I may affirm, that I find myself, with some others interested, to be acquainted with the affairs of this realm: and in that respect I am the more willing to have intelligence with you for the furtherance and continuance of our sovereign’s amity.

And to add some more cause of my present writing, by receiving of your kind letter at the hand of sir John Carmichel, and by report of the earl of Worcester of your kind acceptance of my commendations sent to you by his lordship, I am to render your lordship thanks for the same. And to end our letter with that which might be the ground-plat of a long letter, I do in God’s name, and for the surety of your good king, require your lordship to advance the good intention of the king, testified by his majesty to the earl of Worcester, for the suppressing of the professed enemies of the gospel, by name Jesuits and seminaries, and the civil adversaries to the common amity, by name Spanish conspirators. And these being thoroughly suppressed, the king shall prosper in the sight of Almighty God, and shall be beloved and honoured of all honest men in the whole island. And joining in this manner of accord with the Christian princes that profess the gospel, he shall be feared as a potent prince of the adversaries, I mean papists: who truly, my lord, I know, being straitly pursued, are but cowards, like their father the pild priest at Rome. And in this act facies hominis will do in your young lusty king facies leonis. And so I leave all the rest that I might write of this argument to the bearer, sir John Carmichel, one very ready to serve with your lordship in this action, and one that honoureth and esteemeth your lordship worthy the place which you hold.

NUMBER 29.

The lord treasurer Burghley to count Figleazzi, with the duke of Florence; that he would acquaint the duke with the queen’s kind acceptance of his good-will towards her, and in his offer to mediate a peace between her and Spain: and the cause of contention between her and the king of Spain stated at large.

Occasioned by a letter sent to secretary Walsingham, since deceased.

Sir, ICANNOT otherwise think, but you have afore this time heard, or else I am sure you shall hear before this letter can come to your hands, of the death of Mr. Secretary Walsingham; who left this world the 6th of April, as we account by ancient custom. Whereby, though he hath gained a better state, as I am fully persuaded, for his soul in heaven, yet the queen’s majesty and her realms, and I and others, his particular friends, have had a great loss for the public use of his good, painful, and long services, and for the private comfort I had by his mutual friendship. But since it hath so pleased God, we now that are left in this vale of earthly troubles are to employ ourselves to remedy the loss, by applying ourselves to supply such defects as the loss of him hath brought; and for grief of the want of him that is dead, not to neglect actions meet for us, whom God permitteth still to live.

Wherefore, upon this action, the queen’s majesty hath recommended to me the consideration of such things as have passed between you and him divers months past. And for that purpose I have gathered together such letters as of late time have been sent from you to the said master secretary, and of such minutes as have been sent from him to you. And perusing of such as were found extant, and making her majesty acquainted therewith, (for in truth, Mr. Secretary had before his death always from time to time imparted all that passed between you) but yet since his death some of your letters directed to him were brought to me, by means of Philip Corsini, an honest merchant, and a dutiful subject to the great duke. Whereof I have also made her majesty privy.

And upon consideration of all things contained in these letters that passed between you and him, her majesty hath thought it very meet, yea, necessary, for the first, that the great duke should understand how thankfully her majesty accepteth his sincere and friendly disposition towards her and her state; and also that the intelligences begun between you and Mr. Secretary should not be let fall or broken off by his death, but continued by the interposition of me, being of her council, of her affairs, and matters of state of longest continuance here, and also of inward acquaintance with the said Mr. Secretary in all his public actions, since he came first to public service. And therefore by commandment of her majesty, I do require you to give the grand duke knowledge, that her majesty hath conceived of long time very good opinion first of the grand duke his father, of noble memory, as one that always by his friendly demonstrations deserved her majesty’s reciproke good-will to him and his noble family. Which mutual good-will now the present duke hath also not only continued, but, as it appeareth manifestly by sundry your letters, hath sought to increase. And therefore her majesty requests his excellency, that he would make such account of her majesty’s good-will and honourable opinion of him as she meaneth to deserve upon any first occasion that may be offered to be shewed by her towards him.

And where it appeareth that he hath had an earnest disposition to be a mediator, to compound the differences between her majesty and the king of Spain, she doth allow the same in him, as an office very Christian and honourable: and of her own part she never hath shewed any repugnancy to incline thereto; as well for the quietness of Christian peace, as for the avoiding of much Christian blood, and the ruin of the subjects of both their dominions. But yet her majesty wisheth that the grand duke might understand (which cannot be expressed in one letter) how long her majesty hath been urged to her long continuance of defensible forces for the safety, not only of her own life, (which she esteemeth not so much as the state of her kingdom and faithful subjects,) but for preservation of her noble crown, and the lives and liberties of her people. Against the which the king of Spain hath ever almost, since God called her to this crown, (being now almost thirty-two years,) moved matters, partly by practice of his ministers within this realm, and sustentation of secret rebellious actions within her realm against her person; partly by open hostilities with pretence to conquer her dominions. For withstanding whereof, when her often ambassadors, by persons of great honour sent into Spain divers years, could not prevail to move him to renew the form of the ancient amity that had been aforetime between their two fathers, the emperor Charles V. and king Henry VIII. both of most noble memory, with offer on her part to live to perfect amity with him, and in peace with all his subjects; her majesty was moved by the law of nature, and according to the power that God had given her, to defend her kingdom and subjects, finding no other remedy, to make all preparations requisite to be able to defend herself and countries.

As hitherto God hath blessed her actions in the sight of the world, rather in a sort miraculous, as by his divine favour, than natural by the work of men’s hand, if the forces, riches, greatness of countries, and multitudes of subjects at his commandment, out of very many his kingdoms and dominions, be compared with her majesty’s small portions of her kingdoms of England and Ireland, two small isles.

And howsoever her majesty’s actions, by having some of her forces in the Low Countries, are calumniated on the king of Spain’s part, yet her majesty doubteth not, but all such as are wise in matters political, and are not blinded with partial affection, will judge her majesty’s actions in that behalf most necessary, and therefore not unjust. In one action both to keep her enemy out of her own country, and to succour her neighbours, being by tyranny oppressed; as by ancient alliances and compacts, not only with her majesty, as the supreme prince of this crown, but with her subjects, and most of her particular cities, who are especially bound to the city and every town of the Low Countries, by mutual solemn bonds remaining in force, to maintain them in their freedoms and liberties. As also the like may be truly said for defence of her actions in suffering her subjects, having been spoiled of their ships and goods in Spain, in times of all outward appearance of free traffick, to be revenged upon the seas against the subjects of the king of Spain, as well in the continent countries as in the islands.

But for a full satisfaction in defence of her majesty’s intention to prove her Christian disposition to desire peace, what can be of more force than this, which is most true, and publicly known, that she refused not in the year 1588, now past, to send sundry noblemen of great birth, and of her council, to Flanders, to offer and to treat of peace with certain of the king’s part.

Where tong time was first spent on the king of Spain’s part, by delay of a sufficient commission, and of commissioners well authorized; and afterwards by other dilatory cavillations, during many months; until even when the king’s commissioners were directed from Spain; and coming to some likelihood to conclude an accord, wherewith her majesty was very glad, the king of Spain’s monstrous navy and great mighty army was come to the sea, and was come to the seacoast in sight of the queen’s commissioners, (that expected a conclusion of peace,) near Calais; ready there to have come and landed in England, if a navy, which her majesty had, far inferior to the Spanish, had not valiantly attempted to stay them from landing. And so, partly by the force thereof, and partly stricken with fear, the said mighty navy gave place; and was, partly by fire, and partly by the courage of the English navy, forced to flee away in all haste from the coast to the north of Scotland. And so they were led by God’s mighty hand to their ruin, the west coast of Ireland; and by the savage people of that land spoiled, and very cruelly handled; whereof it is too well known in Spain what losses the said navy and army sustained, and what great number of prisoners came to the commandment of her majesty, both in England and Ireland; and the same sent home into Spain upon small ransoms, without loss of their lives, although their set purpose was to have spared no man’s life; no, not the life of old or young, nor of any sex, as they have confessed.

But of this matter I mind not to treat any longer in the body of a letter; neither meant I in the beginning of my letters to have treated hereof; but entering into some consideration how her majesty’s actions are depraved by her rebels and her adversaries, and knowing how false the reports are made thereof, even by printing of public false libels, I could not stay my pen, being in the hand of one that in my heart and conscience do know how false the same are. But now to make an end hereof, leaving the consideration hereof to your judgment, either to keep the same to yourself, or to impart the same to the grand duke, or to any other prince or person of public vocation, I do affirm unto you, on my honour, and in the faith of a Christian, that all that I have written hereof is true, and to be proved many ways for just and true.

Now followeth that which I am commanded to report to yourself, which is, that her majesty finding your private disposition to follow the natural affection of the grand duke, your lord, her majesty commandeth me to give you her hearty thanks, and assureth you, that following and furthering the grand duke’s disposition, of his love and. goodwill towards her majesty, you shall never find cause to repent yourself. And as for the matter of mine, to reduce her majesty and the king of Spain to accord and to live in peace, her majesty knowing how inculpable she is, either for any beginning or for continuing these troubles, she cannot devise how to reform her course; but as the king of Spain hath and shall shew himself either contented to live in peace, or to make proof of his great power by using that hostility against her majesty, her people, and countries, so she must and will be answerable to the one course or other; that is, most willingly to live in peace with the king, if he so will yield thereto; and if not, then she findeth the favour of God to be ready for maintenance of her rights, with such Originally published Oxford, 1824 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 66-20694 Printed in the U.S.A. powers as God hath given her: as she will never yield to his threatenings, nor, by God’s grace, will be unready to defend herself and her dominions against the king of Spain, how mighty or strong soever he shall be by sea or land. And though this be her majesty’s princely resolution, yet she will not refuse any friendly advice of so noble a prince as the grand duke is. But if he shall attempt by any means to become a mediator for peace between her majesty and the king of Spain, she will always incline to follow his advice, as of a person of state and dignity, knowing what be-longeth to the honour and reputation of monarchs: among whom,although she is a woman, yet she esteemeth her honour as worthy to be regarded as the honour of any man, being an emperor or king.

When I had written thus far, and looked back to the quantity of the lines written, I began to mislike the length thereof, as not convenient for a letter; but considering how the matter led me to that length, being of that nature as I could have continued much longer therein, in respect of the multitude of writings published in sundry countries by men, partly malicious, partly ignorant of truth, to deprave and condemn her majesty’s actions, necessarily and justly taken in hand, for defence both of her own person and country.--But this being my first letter to you, I do now rather choose to break off, and retain in silence a great deal of matter that might be revealed, than to breed loathsomeness or mislike, either in yourself by reading, or in the grand duke by your report; and do conclude as I began, to require you, that the grand duke may be most assured of her majesty’s kind acceptation of his good-will, and that she can be well content to remit to his wisdom to deal between her and the king of Spain, to have all controversies cease, and to resort to love: but with condition of peace for themselves and their subjects, as their fathers of most noble memory did during their whole lives. Whereunto the queen’s majesty will be found most ready to yield to any reasonable conditions, so as the same may be treated upon with more respect of her honour than was used by the treaty in Flanders, in summer 1588, when the king’s navy came violently, and broke up the treaty in such sort as her majesty found herself thereby dishonourably used, although the goodness of God turned the same, by the destruction of the king’s navy, to her good and honour.

NUMBER 30.

A certificate under the hands of several of the lords of their allowance of one Edg, an espial, employed into the camp of the duke of Parma, for intelligence. Drawn up by the pen of the lord Burghley. October 9, 1590. WHEREAS John Edg, gentleman, in the county of Lancaster, serving the queen’s majesty in Berghen op Zome, as a gentleman in the horse band of sir John Pooly, knt. hath offered, by such familiarity as he hath with some gentlemen, his countrymen, that do serve in some bands under the duke of Parma, to discover some things in the said duke’s army profitable for her service, and there to perform some special service, allowable, and worthy of commendation and reward: and lest he might incur some danger or reproof for his familiar conversation with any of his said countrymen, he hath required us to allow of his offer, and to preserve his credit against such as might maliciously, or ignorantly, and for lack of knowledge of his good intent to do such good service to her majesty, condemn or reprove him:

We, to whom the said John Edg hath declared this his good intent and offer of service, do allow thereof. And if he shall, by his conversation with any his countrymen in the said duke’s army or retinue, discover any thing worthy of knowledge, and shall perform any action laudable, and profitable for her majesty at any time, within the space of here after the date hereof, we will acquit him against any that shall accuse or reprove him for his absence from his place of service at Berghen, and for his familiarity and conversation with any of his countrymen, serving under the duke of Parma.

In witness whereof we have signed this writing with our hands, and are content that it shall remain secretly in the custody of sir Robert Sydney, governor of Flushing.

NUMBER 31.

Richard Topclyff, a discoverer and taker up of popish seminaries, and other papists, his discourse of them in a letter sent to the lord treasurer; about the year 1590, in this time of danger. SEEING it hath pleased you to use me heretofore as a watchman, and thereby am of some experience of the natures, properties, and subtle conditions of those unnatural subjects the papists, &c. He therefore sent a discourse to the said lord, entitled, A simple opinion of a diligent scout or watchman in my country, suddenly done, as the time gives occasion, touching the most perilous and dangerous recusants and dissembling papists throughout England.

First, he treats of the persons to be shut up, and of what sorts and degrees, in this time of danger now expected.

Secondly, where and how they are to be shut up and guarded.

For the first, I do perceive your lordship is very resolved to shut up under safeguard and keeping all the principal recusants within this realm, lest that (as traitorous priests have confessed) they should join with the catholic enemy; for so the enemy expecteth, or else he would never presume to come, especially, to invade. And the plain and bold papists do, both in their open confessions and in their secret speeches, avow so to do, whensoever they find fittest time.

But I know that there is a great danger in many others, who sometimes do come to the church, and yet be papists, both in their inward hearts and in their outward actions and conversations, refusing to receive the communion; and in every thing else as ill as the worst. Of which there be also two sorts. The one goeth to the church for saving of the penalties of thirteen score pounds a year, yet his wife and whole family, or most of them, continue resolute recusants, and harbour traitors. The other sort go to the church because they may avoid suspicion of the magistrates the better; and is dispensed withal by some secret dispensation of a delegate, or such a great priest as hath episcopal authority; to the end they may the better, and with the less suspicion, serve the turn of their cause catholic, in receiving and harbouring the most notable priests and intelligencers, in consulting with them and others, in conveying to and from letters and advertisements; or, if they be either great of power, wit, knowledge, courage, or desperation, (termed resolution by father Parsons,) to serve the turn, any way, when their day of Jhesus cometh, as the traitors Jesuits call it, &c. Dr. Parry is my witness, taking the oath in the parliament-house.

The traitorous dissimulation of that vile person is not forgotten, nor the memory of the friars; one being the death of the prince of Orange, and the other of the late French king.

There be also ladies, gentlewomen, as well married as widows, needful to be shut up, in effect, as much as men. And, though they cannot go to the field, and lie in camps, (for the sex and shame,) yet they want no desire nor malice, every one being furnished with a lusty priest harboured in her closet, who shall serve as her lieutenant, when that holy day of Jesus cometh. Or else she is prepared of a lusty catholic champion, servant, tenant, or neighbour, or son, for her purpose: command her purse, horse, armour, and tenant. And whether she be wife, widow, maid, or whatsoever, harbours, receives, and relieves priests and traitors fugitives, or else ready to assist foreign invasion.

And seeing far greater is the fury of a woman once resolved to evil, than the rage of a man, I humbly beseech your lordship, that that sex of women be not overlooked: the rather, seeing Gregory Martyn, the translator of the Testament, in his English book, entitled, The treatise of schism, wisheth, “among all the constant catholic gentlewomen of England, one constant Judith, to cut off Holo. fernes head, to amaze all the heretics, that they might never defile their religion again, by communicating with heretics in any sort. And severely one constant Judith would make many like servants.

A thing much to be wished for the catholic bringing up of young gentlewomen, who otherwise be in danger of Holofernes, and his ungracious enemies. And so goeth on, teaching how a Judith may dissemble, until she strike off Holofernes head.

Of these patronesses of priests, it is incredible how great a number there lurketh in and about London.

There is also a third sort, of mean gentlemen in degree, franklings, head yeomen, artificers, husbandmen, &c. whose malice be hot and barbarous.

And how great or small soever their wealth and power be, their credits be grown big among country people and papists; and some of their powers and knowledges, to kindle a rebellion, as much as captain Cobler in Lincolnshire, or captain Ket in Norfolk, were.

These mean papists, now, in the absence of the grand papists and landlords, from their strength and countries, shall have authority, or else without authority, by the love and credit among common people, papists and malecontents, to will and command the servants, tenants, freeholders, and people of all sorts, as much, and many of them more, than the grand papists, lords, masters, might do, if they were at home, and had liberty.

My wish is, not to have all papists to be shut up; for the prisons of all England cannot retain them. But if the worse spirits be regarded, it will not be amiss.

For the place where, and how, all sorts should be shut up.--Where the persons may be kept most surely, and their counsel and power to do least harm.

Then it is sure the prisoner, being committed far off, in distance from his own country, friends, and power, shall be most sure, and do least hurt. As for example, the papists in Yorkshire to be committed in some strong house in Kent or Surrey, from the seaside; and, for exchange, the papists in Kent and Surrey to be committed in Yorkshire: and so the papists in Cornwall and Devonshire, of the west parts, to Norfolk, Kent, or in the east parts; and, contrary, they in Norfolk, Suffolk, to go westward. The papists not to be near their own habitations, living, strength, or power: for who doubteth that a resolute papist, especially the son, the next heir, a loving servant, or kind tenant, or near neighbour, tied by natural or kind bonds, but chiefly bound by bondage he hath avowed to the catholic church of Rome, when he was received into it, as a true child and member thereof, and whereof he received his God, to his damnation, if he continued not obedient, will not adventure, if he hear news of the catholic power, or of a civil rebellion, to ride in a secret or stormy night, or two night journeys, with 40 or 50, or more, desperate and resolute catholics, kinsmen, servants, friends, or tenants, to redeem and set at liberty his father, master, landlord, or friend, by some stratagem, murder, or policy, out and from the place where a plain bishop or gentleman hath as many gentlemen in hold as prisoners, wanting nothing to set themselves at liberty but sharp weapons, as the number of these persons amounteth unto who guard those prisoners.

And I well remember, that when the Spanish fleet was upon the seas in summer in 88, at what time the papists were restrained, and a number of them sent to Ely, I know some three or four of them, who in that place were within two nights and two days journey of their habitations, servants, tenants, kinsmen, and friends, who among them had been able to have raised near an hundred able men; and most of their own affection.

Then it is dangerous and disputable, whether it be convenient or not to have any multitude of papists in one place together; especially in such a place as the Isle of Ely, where the tenants, servants, and friends of all those papists so restrained, once gathered together by one and by two, (as going to some fair,) they might have troubled all England. Such is the trouble of the place.

NUMBER 32.

A prayer composed for the good success of the French king; printed 1590, with this title: A Prayer used in the queen’s majesty’s house and chapel, for the prosperity of the French king and his nobility; assailed by a multitude of notorious rebels, that are supported and waged by great forces of foreigners, August 21, 1590.

O MOST mighty God, the only protector of all kings and kingdoms, we, thy humble servants, do here with one heart and one voice call upon thy heavenly grace for the prosperous state of all faithful Christian princes; and namely, at this time, that it would please thee of thy merciful goodness to protect by thy favour, and arm with thine own strength, the most Christian king, the French king, against the rebellious conspirations of his rebellious subjects, and against the mighty violence of such foreign forces as do join themselves with these rebels, with intention to deprive him most unjustly of his kingdom; but finally, to exercise their tyranny against our sovereign lady, and her kingdom and people; and against all others that do profess the gospel of thy only Son our Lord Jesus Christ.

Now, O Lord, is the time when thou mayest shew forth thy goodness, and make known thy power. For now are these rebels risen up against him, and have fortified themselves with strange forces, that are known to be mortal enemies both to him and us. Now do they all conspire and combine themselves against thee, O Lord, and against thy anointed. Wherefore now, O Lord, aid and maintain thy just cause; save and deliver him, and his army of faithful subjects, from the malicious, cruel, bloody men; send him help from thy holy sanctuary, and strengthen him out of Sion.

O Lord, convert the hearts of his disloyal subjects. Bring them to the truth and due obedience of Jesus Christ. Command thy enemies not to touch him, being thy anointed, professing thy holy gospel, and putting his trust only in thee. Break asunder their bands that conspire thus wickedly against him: for his hope is in thee. Let his help be by thee. Be unto him as thou wast to king David, whom thy right hand had exalted, the God of his salvation, a strong castle, a sure bulwark, a shield of defence, and place of refuge. Be unto him council and courage, policy and power, strength and victory. Defend his head in the day of battle. Comfort his army, his true, faithful noblemen, the princes of his blood, and all other his faithful subjects. Strengthen them to join their hearts and hands with him: associate unto him such as may aid him to maintain his right, and be zealous of thy glory. Let thy holy angels walk in circuit about his realm, about his loyal people; that the enemies thereof, though they be multiplied in number, though they exalt themselves with horses and horsemen, though they trust to their numbers, to their shields, and glory in strength, yet they may see with Elizeus the unresistible army of angels which thou canst send for the defence of thy inheritance; and that thy enemies may know and confess that thy power standeth not in multitude, nor thy might in strong men: but thou, O Lord, art the help of the humble, the defender of the weak, the protector of them that are forsaken, and the saviour of all those who put their trust in thee.

O merciful Father, we acknowledge thy gracious goodness in our own former deliverance from the like kind of enemies and rebels against thy anointed, our sovereign lady and queen, professing thy gospel. So will we do in this, and be as joyful of it, and no less thankful for it; and make the same to be for ever an occasion unto us of our more faithful subjection to our own dread sovereign. Whom, Lord, we beseech now and evermore most mercifully bless with health of body, peace of country, purity of religion, prosperity of estate, and all inward and outward earthly happiness and heavenly felicity. This grant, merciful Father, for the glory of thine own name, and for Christ Jesus’ sake, our Mediator and only Saviour. Amen.

NUMBER 33.

Spanish advertisements, delivered by Thomas Willys, a Leicestershire man, Feb. 2, 1590. so endorsed.

The declaration of Tho. Willys; taken the 21. of Febr. 1590.

HE saith, that he set sail from Cales in Spain the 2d of February, and arrived at Portsmouth on Tuesday, at night, the 17th of the same.

The news at Spain, at his being at Port St. Maria, is this: He saith, that at Gibraltar the admiral of the galleys, called don Martin de Padila, had two galleons now building. The king gives him the wood and the nails. The report of some is, that they shall go of merchandise to the Indies; and some say, they are made to keep the Straits, that the English may not pass into Barbary.

There is lying in the bay of Cales a great galleon of Florence, of the burden of 1500 ton. To what purpose he knoweth not: but, as they say, she is dismissed from the king’s armada. There is a report that the king of Spain is fallen out with the duke of Florence. The reason is this; the duke having lent the king one million of treasure, the king required to borrow another of him: which he refused to do, and desired to send him back his galleon, and that which he already ought him: and then he would lend him another million.

He saith, that a Fleming coming into Cales, being a great hulk, was seized for the king’s service, as he thinketh, for carriage of masts and provisions to the king’s armada.

He saith, that there are six men of war, furnished by the king, and appointed to keep at the Cape of St. Vincent.

He saith, that there be twelve new ships building in Biskay after the English fashion, as the report is, and do lack nothing but masts. These ships are accounted to be the best and most principal that the king hath. The report is at Cales, that there are at the Groin and at Ferrol about 50 or 60 great ships, which went to the sea in August to meet their fleet coming from the India, and fearing they were to stay thatand not come away, they returned back to Ferrol, with the loss of two ships, and the dispending of one.

That day on which he came from Cales there were six captains of galleys to be beheaded at the Port St. Mary by the king’s express commandment. For that in August last they met two English ships between Lishbone and the Port St. Mary, and durst not set upon them, being in the whole fourteen galleys.

He heard that the Indian fleet is in the Havana, and did determine to set sail for Spain about the first of February; accounting to be at home about the end of March next.

At his coming from Cales there was a certain report that the earl of Cumberland had besieged the Havana with 150 sail of ships, and had driven the Spaniards to that extremity, that they must deliver up all their ships, and whatsoever they had, unto him and his fleet. This was so generally bruited at Cales, that the people did cry out against the king, saying, that he had robbed them, and both they and were undone. And that they gave him their money, but could not have any remedy.

He saith that in the indies there are six or seven new builded, and do come along with the fleet; and there are fifty ships more which do coast them home; and sixty laded with treasure. And he saith this is the whole number of the fleet, as he heareth.

There is a report that at the Groin there are a great number of soldiers: some say 14,000; some say 10,000; and he never heard under 8000. And those are very good and old soldiers, which are belonging to the ships that are there. Some say that there are 30,000 soldiers; whereof 10,000 horsemen enpressed to go for France.

He saith that the impost which the king doth levy of the people is so great, as that they cannot sustain them. And he understood, a little before his coming away, by one Hugh Leton, an Englishman, and a merchant of Sevil, who told it him in secret talk, that the president of Sevil had told him, that their king could not hold out one year longer, as he did begin, except there were some great remedy.

He saith that the king hath taken this order, that what Spaniard soever shall put himself forth for a gentleman, and is none, shall find him a man and an horse, to the maintenance of the war. And because they are of a proud nature, rather than this shall be a question of their gentility, they have offered a great sum of money, (which he heard and named.) But at this time they are compounding with him for it. Moreover, the king hath the tenth of all things that are sold. So as if it be sold ten times, he hath the price of the thing itself.

He saith also that there is one that’goeth up and down all Spain, requiring a gathering of free gift (without enforcing) of all dukes, condies, and the nobility, and also of all the chief cities and towns, for the king’s wars.

He saith, that there is an Englishman come to St. Mary Port, and so is gone to the king; and hath 50 crowns a month of him, as a pensioner: he calleth himself Williams, alias Morgan; a little short man, with long black hair.

There are five or six Englishmen which serve in the galleys under Martin de Padilia; and have pay of the king: whereof there is one called captain Crippes; who hath fifty crowns a month; and the rest, some 10, some 8, some 4 crowns a month. And those who have four crowns a month have their meat and drink.

He saith that the Scots which brought him home had a Scotchman with them, a pilot, who had once served the king in his armada, and by some means got away; had come now with them into Andaluzia, thinking he should not be known. But notice was presently given to the admiral of the galleys of his being there. Whereupon he was sent for, and put into the galleys.

He hath also brought a note of the names of all the English which are now slaves in the galleys.

NUMBER 34.

An Office to be deputed. In a suit to be a general register of all the christening’s, marriages, and burials, within her majesty’s realm of England and Wales: with the reasons for the same. To the lord treasurer Burghley.

THE benefit that will grow to her majesty and her successors thereby: 1. An annual rent of an 100l . by year to her majesty and her successors for ever. 2. That it will be much profit to her majesty, for the explaining of the ages of her wards, being now greatly abused by excheaters and feodaries, in the benefits and commodities which may thereby grow to her subjects. 3. That it shall tend to the great good of many, which shall have occasion to have certificates, either for lawful copplement in matrimony, or in case of bastardy. 4. That it shall dearly avoid all cosenages made by those under age, either in levying of fines, suffering recoveries, acknowledging statutes or recognisances, or doing any other matter of record. 5. That the entrance of the baptisms, as it shall be provided for, will be a clear deciphering of all half bloods, or controversies daily happening under colour of half or whole blood. 6. That it will be a curb for those who pretend to be sundry times married. 7. That it shall much tend to the deciding of many controversies, which daily grow by reason of the life or death of persons. 8. There shall be also yearly delivered unto your honour, and unto every lord treasurer, from the time being, a summary of the whole.

Whereby it shall appear unto you and them, how many christenings, weddings, and burials be every year within England and Wales, and every county particularly by itself, and how many men children and women children in either of them severally set down by themselves. A patent for this was sent from the lord treasurer to the archbishop of Canterbury, for his judgment.

NUMBER 35.

Inconveniences of parish clerkships. WHEREAS about the year 1590, somebody had endeavoured to obtain such an office to appoint all parish clerks, whether in the city of London only, or of greater compass, appeareth not; but there was a paper shewing the inconveniences thereof, drawn up by archbishop Whitgift, as it seems; for it is his secretary’s hand; and found among the lord treasurer’s papers: who had desired the archbishop’s thoughts of such an office, which some had made suit for.

INCONVENIENCES IN THE PETITION MOVED FOR A GRANT OF THE PARISH CLERKSHIPS, OR FOR SURVEYING THEM.

1. Law and custom hath in all parishes established the appointing of the parish clerk and sexton in the minister and in the parishioners. 2. Their service is to the minister in church matters, for the use of all the parishioners; therefore fittest to be chosen by them; as it is observed every where. 3. They receive their fees and accustomed wages of the parishioners; therefore a stranger cannot be obtruded well upon them: for if any of another’s appointment be their clerk, they will think it hard measure that they should be forced to maintain him. 4. He that is no way beholden, either to the minister or parishioners, nor in any awe of them for his office, will neither perform duty nor diligence. 5. If the grantee shall do the office in his own person, then can he have but the employment of one parish: for he must be attendant thereon upon all occasions, early and late. If by a deputy, such one will hardly leave his wages, when their common servant is appointed by another: besides, the grantee will for his own commodity reserve some part for himself. And so the service will be either performed by an insufficient man, or at least be very greatly neglected. 6. The office of surveying all parish clerks is but a shift to pick out money from the poor men, and in no respect requisite or needful: for the reformation of them, being negligent or faulty, is by law already settled in the ordinaries. 7.

These and such like grants, as they are very extraordinary, so are they burdensome to the queen’s subjects, and unprofitable for the commonwealth, and serve only for the private gain of private persons: which nevertheless prosper not when they have them. [A secret check to these suitors, whereof there were many in these times.] By the copy of the patent, which your lordship sent unto me, there is granted the buying of books, clappers of bells, and other necessaries for the use of the church, at the parishioners’ cost and charges: a matter most unreasonable. For so he may still poll them, and make what accounts he list, and they have no remedy. 9. Besides, the laws and her majesty’s Injunctions lay this trust upon the churchwardens of the parish, being of the substantialest men, whom the rest think good to trust; and therefore do make choice of, to disburse their money in that behalf.

NUMBER 36.

Sir John Smyth’s letter to the lord treasurer, May , 1590, upon the suppression of his book of directions concerning military discipline.

Right honourable, &c. WHEREAS I certainly understood, that the book I composed, and was lately printed, is now forbidden to be sold, greatly to the hinderance of the poor printer; certainly, if the said suppression do still continue, it will (although unjustly) greatly redound to my reproach and shame. That the world shall imagine, that I have been of so small foresight and consideration, as to compose and set forth a book containing so disordered matters, that it should be extinguished almost at the first coming out of the same.

Besides, that it will hereafter not only be a great encouragement upon employments military unto our such men of war again to follow such detestable courses as are contained in my proem, to the great evil of the realm.

How good an intention soever I have had, to the uttermost of my power, done beforetime, to the honour and service of her majesty and my country, it hath been very little or nothing regarded; and therefore labour lost.

Neither employed at home nor abroad; but only in the mustering and training of the regiments of this shire of Essex in the year 1588. Which by the malicious and false reports of Leycester, that I did was all turned to my disgrace. And now since his death, I mean the last summer, I was here in the shire, I was to my disgrace put out of the commission of subsidy. And in the ever since I came to keep house here, I have been made inferior in all affairs of the shire to divers that are but of the same call ing which I am, and that were but boys, and went to school, when I had spent some time in the service of some princes, &c.

I have at this present above 1001 . land by the year less than I had when her majesty called me from beyond the seas. Besides that, I am at this present seeking, by all the means that I can, to sell a great deal more of my patrimony, partly to pay her majesty, and other my debts.

All men may see, that sir Roger Williams, [a great captain in the Netherlands,] in a little book that he composed of late, doth in the beginning thereof in terrible sort touch some chieftains of ours, such men of war, as I call them, that had served in the Low Countries. And the same he hath so plainly set down, and with such signs and tokens, that, in the opinion of divers gentlemen that have served in these parts, he doth, as it were, evidently shew whom he meaneth. And besides, in the latter end of his discourse, he doth in some sort touch and disable the opinions of the old men of war, or silently, yet living of our nation. All which notwithstanding, his book hath been very well allowed of, and never called in question for any suppression.

Because I have been no ways employed in so many years, and that I have no skill nor desire to follow hunting and hawking, but do live almost continually retired in my house, (except when I go further, to the court;) I, for lack of other things to do, have given myself to compose four or five little books, all treating more or less of matters of arms. And that I have done with intent, that in time to come the same might some ways profit the crown and realm. See something more of this gentleman’s quality, and of his troubles, being committed to the Tower, under the year 1590. Entered in the starchamber.

NUMBER 37.

Thomas Cartwright to the lord treasurer Burghley. Liberty now granted, ted by the archbishop of Canterbury to him and other puritans in prison. He is falsely charged about a purpose to excommunicate the queen. WHEREAS I have been and continue an humble suitor to your good lordship, that by your honour’s mediation I may obtain some relief of my long and tedious imprisonment, it may please your lordship (for better furtherance of it) to understand, that my fellow-prisoners in the Clink and White-lion have all from his grace this degree of liberty granted, upon their own bond of 401 . only, upon this condition alone, to return to their prison at night; that they may go to church upon the sabbath day; and to such as allege special cause of business for it, any other day in the week; namely, to Mr. Fenne, Mr. King.

Further also it may please your lordship to be informed concerning the rest of the def. [defendants,] myself, and the deponents in our cause, according to the note which I have here enclosed. [This note wanting.] Moreover, what I hear, that some misinform against me, that I should both write something undutifully, touching the excommunicating of her majesty, and also be in a plot for the execution of the same, I beseech your lordship to hear my true answer to as unjust an accusation as ever was devised against any. For I unfeigned]y protest to your lordship, in the presence of Almighty God, the searcher of all hearts, that I am so far from being any party, or privy to any such execution, as that such a thing never entered so much as once into my thoughts.

As for the rest, how meanly soever they that have so informed esteem of my discretion, yet I assure myself it shall never be proved by true note of my writing or speech, that I have undutifully and in unseemly manner treated at any time of excommunication; or ever applied it to the person of a prince, much less precisely to her majesty’s royal person. Wherefore I assure myself, that when this private surmise shall be examined, (which I most humbly desire it may be to the uttermost,) it will fall out to have no more truth than the public accusation, that I had given over my ministry, and taken a new and truer ministry in my hands, was in Martin’s libel, where I of the clean contrary part both maintained my ministry against some excepting unto it, as no ministry, and was ever an enemy to Martin’s disordered course.

Such doctrine also as I taught of excommunication, either by writing many years ago, or sithen by preaching, is no singular opinion, but the same which the universal church of God, and particularly this our own church of England both now alloweth, and always heretofore; as in our most humble supplication presented unto her majesty in all our behalfs is more fully declared: except it be in the excommunication of the emperor Theodosius.

Where I maintain that it was neither done, nor to be done by any one man, Ambrose or other, but by synod or council. And his grace affirmeth it to have been done by Ambrose only; yea, and setteth forth the commendation of the same; as may appear in our books. Other difference, I know none.

Which being so, I humbly beseech your lordship, as to your wisdom shall seem convenient, to use your honourable means for my liberty or bail, as it may be obtained, for ease of this heavy affliction, and for dealing in such business as I have to do; which greatly importeth both mine own estate and some of my friends; especially the hospital, whereof I have charge, and which is diversly defrauded by men that pull from it, &c. Fleet, the 15th of January, 1591.

Your lordship’s humbly to command, THOM. CARTWRIGHT.

NUMBER 38.

Tho. Cartwright to the lady Russel. Moving her to intercede with her relation, the lord treasurer, for his liberty, and other puritan ministers in prison. Writ in August 1591.

I AM glad, right honourable, that that which I might truly do, I did also agreeable unto your honour’s liking, touching the mention of your worthy father, [sir Anthony Cook,] in my letters I wrote unto you. Howbeit, to commend you by your father is is ajpo< th~v skia~v ejpainei~n thanta h\ ajpo< tw~n ojnu>cwn toonta ): which is a slender praise, when there are better notes than these are. For beside the mark of learning in yourself, rare in your sex, that is also worthy commendation, that you favour those which are learned, or rather (meaning myself) which desire to be learned; yet this is not that wherein your praise doth or ought to consist, as that which already of all other parts of the flower of the grass tarrieth longest, yet fadeth it away, and is no better than a summer flower, not able to resist the scythe of death, if by the winter storm of sickness or of old age it be not before prevented. So that the fame and report that riseth from thence hath no more steadiness, than the voice which is committed to the air, or writing engraven in the water. Godliness only is that which endureth, and maketh to endure such as have gotten possession of it. For which, although I might persuadedly commend your honour, as having heard somewhat of others, and some experiences myself; yet I had rather exhort you to a further increase therein, than enter into the praise of that which the Lord hath already begun. For that beside it wanteth not peril in slacking our course toward the goal of the crown of glory, when we are established into opinion of some good advancement that way, the praise of that which is good in us is seldom safe, unless it be mingled with the reproof of that which remaineth still amiss, and shall remain as long as we be compassed with this body of sin. Which latter, when it belongeth not unto me, that know not your honour’s wants, as I have been made acquainted with the good things which the Lord God hath planted in you, I easily see a law of silence laid upon me in that thing which my suitors especially do willingly pursue.

Albeit here I cannot pass by your singular and very rare favour towards me, whom it pleased to become after a sort a suitor unto me, that your honour might do me good, by preventing, through your honourable offer, that which partly my poor estate, and partly the small means of access, by any duty of mine sent before, did shut me from. Yet forgat I not your honourable and kind usage of me, when I was with you some five years past: so far as it pleased you to call in two noble plants, your daughters, and in my hearing to tell them, that I was a man whom for good reports you favoured, and willed them for the same, in respect as any occasion might serve to righteousness. But, alas! good madam, what encouragement could I take thereby, when looking into myself I see so little that might bear out that opinion you had conceived of me. Howbeit, seeing it pleaseth you in your honourable disposition thus to break upon me, and after a sort to enforce your honourable assistance towards me, it were too foolish and rustical a shamefastness to refuse so honourable a hand reached forth unto me.

Wherefore, with very humble and thankful acknowledgment, I lay hold of your honourable favour; which, although it should come alone, and unaccompanied, yet is it that for which I will take myself greatly beholden unto your honour. Then I lay hold of the fruits of your favour, so far forth as the same may be convenient for your estate in your honourable mediation towards such as you shall think good; especially towards my singular good lord, the lord treasurer. Of whom, what to desire, I know not. His honour knoweth the pitiful case wherein we stand. I trust also he knoweth how innocent we are of the things we stand charged with, if for his great and weighty affairs it had pleased him to inform himself of the proceeding with us. We thought the suit of ministers, upon reasonable bail, to return to their houses, (among whom some of us have preached the gospel xxx years of her majesty’s reign,) would not have been refused: being that which oftentimes is yielded unto felons; but hath been often to recusants, papists. We being therefore refused herein, I know not what we should make suit for.

Again, it astonisheth me, that we are not easily suffered to come to her majesty by our most humble supplication. In the empire of Rome there was not the vilest servant to whom the emperor’s image, standing in the midst of the market-place, was not a good sanctuary, if he once laid hold of it.

And with us it hath always been far better; that by supplication the poorest subject might come, not to the image of our most gracious prince, but unto the prince herself. These things make me, that, as I said, I know not what to desire. But if I might understand what were likely to be granted, although it were never so little, and whereof it would please his honour to be an honourable means, there is no ease so small, but we would gladly and thankfully embrace.

Now, besides the common calamity of us all, mine hath something by itself.

For all the other prisoners for this cause having access to them from all their friends, the warrant of the high commission restraineth me from all, saving my wife, and such as have necessary business with me. Which thing I would be well contented with, if it were afforded me accordingly. For if I might, I would not, for divers causes, have many come unto me. But the warden [of the Fleet,] whether esteeming thereby to gratify the bishops, and others whom he thinketh this will be pleasing to, or of his own hard disposition towards me, construeth it more strictly against me than the meaning of the high commission was. For I take that upon experience of the multitudes that visited me the last time I was in prison, (as much to my misliking as theirs,) they sent the warrant of this restraint. Yet dare I not complain of the hard usage of me more than other keepers to their prisoners, lest he might use that for a mean to cause the BB. [bishops] to restrain them also of the access of their friends. But it is a thing which I can, I thank God, well bear. And therefore will not trouble your honour with the suit of so small a matter.

Again, if I should make suit in regard of my infirmities, the gout especially, which gaineth on me, it is like that the council is informed that I complained of them without a cause. For the bishop of London speaking openly, that I had therein abused her majesty’s privy-council, they would not, although I humbly beseeched him to suffer me to answer one word unto it. For if he would, I could have alleged the testimony of the physician, who had witnessed it under his hand: which the archbishop taking from my wife, would not restore again. I could also have brought good testimony, how having but small comfort from the physician that physic would do me good in prison, (as that which the air itself would give the check unto,) yet was I fain to take divers strong purgations, one within three or four days of another, to such a pulling down of my body, as I was scarce able to bear mine own clothes. Now to do all this without cause of disease, I think, might be rather judged phrensy than hypocrisy. And surely I was far from being ambitious in laying down my infirmities before the board of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council, that I did not once make mention of the sciatica, wherewith I have been exercised many years.

But I perceive I have too much given the reins to the grief of my mind; out of the which my pen hath been very liberal to utter my complaint unto your honour. Wherefore I will make an end, leaving all to your honourable consideration, what to keep to yourself, and what to communicate to his lordship, what to ask, or what to leave unasked: that is to say, what you think his lordship can conveniently and with his good liking effect, making no doubt but that his honour standeth favourably inclined toward me. If I obtain nothing else, yet I most humbly pray his lordship that I may remain still in his good opinion that he hath conceived of me; at least so far as to be free from those misdemeanours which the L. BB. do surmise. And thus with my humble thanks for all your honourable favour and care of me, I commend your honour and your whole household, and children especially, unto the gracious keeping and blessing of God in Jesus Christ. Fleet, the l3th of August, an. 91.

Your honour’s humbly to command, T. CARTWRIGHT.

This letter was sent to the lad y Russel, who had offered to Cartwright to intercede (for any request he had to make to the lord treasurer ) for him.

And she sent the whole letter to him, with these words of her writing set in the superscription; “Good my lord, rede this thorow; and do what good you can to the poor man.”

NUMBER 39.

Cartwright to the lord treasurer, dated October the 4th. Cited before the commissioners, and apprehensive of great troubles to follow upon the queen’s displeasure with him. SO it is, if it please your good lordship, that with much grief of mind I have understood of her majesty’s heavy displeasure against me, in whose gracious favour, next under God, the comfort of my life and of all those that depend upon me cloth consist. Wherefore it may be, that at this time I stand under the arrest of her high commission, in causes ecclesiastical, for appearance upon Thursday next: when what matters may be objected I know not. But this I well know, that from the writing of my last book, which was thirteen years ago, I never wrote, nor procured any thing to be printed, which might be in any sort offensive to her majesty or the estate; much less had any hand, or so much as a finger, in the books under Martin’s name.

And although there have been divers books of Antimartin printed, and read by all; wherein I have not only been contemptuously derided, as unlearned, but my good name most slanderously rent and torn in pieces; as, to be a dicer, to have thrust one through the leg with a knife; also, that I love a cup of sack and sugar, and other such like; (whereof, I thank God, there is not the least suspicion;) yet am I able to make good proof, that from the first beginning of Martin unto this day I have continually, upon any occasion, testified both my dislike and sorrow for such kind of disorderly proceeding.

For my ministry also, which I have exercised now almost five years sithence my return out of the Low Countries. [When he was at Antwerp.] Notwithstanding, there have been directed to the place of my abode, twice or thrice, men that have made whole arguments and invectives against me, yet have I as sparingly spoken of any matter in controversy between us and our brethren as any whatsoever in the country having the same judgment which I have.

Wherefore my most humble suit unto your lordship is, that it would please you either by counsel, favour, or both, which the Lord hath so plentifully bestowed upon you, to relieve me against the troubles that are coming upon me; especially against her majesty’s heavy displeasure, &c. This Sunday morning, October the 4th.

NUMBER 40.

The bishop of Bristol, and Dr. Aubrey, LL.D. to the lord treasurer: in answer to his order to them to take into their examination certain gross crimes, laid to the charge of one Matthew Heton, a minister. And found to be scandals.

OUR duties to your good lordship most humbly remembered. Where it pleased your lordship to refer the examination of certain articles preferred by one William Marsham, gent. against Matthew Heton, minister; we took the same to be as here followeth.

I. That the said Heton being charged that his father was punished for incest, he answereth, that he is not to be charged in reason with his father’s faults: adding thereunto, that though his father were accused and punished for the same, yet by the order of law he cleared himself of the same crime by the sworn testimonies of seven ministers, graduates, of London; whereof Mr. Crowley was the foreman.

II. That where he was charged with an untruth suggested unto her majesty, touching the benefice of Langham in the diocese of Norwich, to have two benefices besides; it doth not appear unto us, that he had any full title unto the same of Langham; but had only a bare presentation, without any institution or induction.

III. That he was indicted of buggary in Sussex. It doth appear, that the matter was maliciously procured by his father-in-law three years after his departure thence.

IV. Likewise, where he is charged with the same indictment in Sussex, returned into Devonshire, three years again after that indictment; we find, that the same could come to no trial, because there was a general pardon followed after, wherein the same crime was remitted, so that he could not clear himself that way. But it appeareth, that he was so careful of the preservation of his credit, that he brought the said matter before the commissioners ecclesiastical: who, upon deliberate examination, found him clear, and freed him from the said offence, and all the circumstances thereof, and decreed unto him letters testimonial under their hands and seals of office in that behalf, as we have seen.

V. That he was accused of the like heinous crime at St. Andrew’s in Holbourn. We have seen testimonials from the bishop and mayor of London for his clearing, upon examination of the boy and his mother.

VI. To that, that he is charged with a letter of the bishop of Exon, written to the bishop of London, that he was vehemently suspected and defamed for the selfsame crime in that county of Devon, his answer is, (which we find to be true,) that the said bishop of Exeter, upon a later examination of that matter, by authentic testimony under his seal of office, did certify, that he took him for clear, notwithstanding his former letter.

This is the sum of the chiefest points which appeared unto us of the matter so objected by Marsham against Heton. And so we humbly take our leaves, the 20th of March, 1591.

Your good lordship’s most humbly at commandment, RICH. BRISTOL.

ANT. AUBREY.

NUMBER 41.

Overton, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, to the lords and others of the privy-council: complaining, of a practice of abuse in the loan and subsidy, by subsidy-men. And his advice how to reform it.

Right honourable, I AM bound, as well in regard of my duty to the queen’s majesty, as also of my dutiful and faithful service to the realm, to open unto your lordships (if it be not already opened unto you by some others) a certain strange kind of practice long time used, as it should seem, among the people of these parts, and now of late come to light, by sending abroad of the privy seals. Such a practice, indeed, as I cannot but think to be the very chief original cause, that the said privy seals take no better place than they do.

So it is, my honourable good lords, that the subsidy-men, which is one of the chief grounds that you work upon in these loans, are for the most part poor and needy persons, suborned by the richer sort to bear the name in the subsidy-books, and to take the matter upon them, that the others might escape: and yet in the mean time are borne out and supported of the others by privy contribution with some advantage. And which is more, not only one for one, but one oftentimes for many, is suborned to take the matter in hand: whereby the subsidies are greatly impaired, and the queen’s majesty very much defrauded. Surely an evil practice, and a very unnatural part in the rich to suborn the poor, to blind the commissioners’ eyes, and to defraud the queen of her right. For by this means both we are notably deluded which are in commission for the subsidies, and the queen’s majesty is wonderfully defrauded, to whom the benefit of that service doth appertain: especially when many rich contributors shall join together to suborn one poor man to serve all their turns. And yet this practice, as it now appeareth, hath not been only to serve their turn that ways to deceive the queen, and to ease themselves in the subsidies, but also to keep their names out of the subsidy books: whereby they might prevent all other after-claps that might follow, as now in these privy seals they hope will come to pass.

But if it please your lordships to give me leave to interpose my simple opinion and advice, I doubt not but that this practice of theirs, the light of their covert dealing being now come abroad as it is, will not only not at all hinder the good purpose of those privy seals, but also further them very much, when two or three or four abler men shall be found out, to make double or treble supply of every unable man’s defect; which, by your commissioners [sent] down into the country for that purpose, ye may easily work, if it so please you. Or if this practice shall not fall out so generally true as is supposed, (for in some places peradventure it may happen to be otherwise,) yet if it please you to direct your commissions down to every shire unto such careful and skilful men, as by your authority may allot, according to their own knowledge and good discretion, some contributors to those that are overcharged in these privy deals; or, if need be, to discharge them clean, and to take others in their places that are better able to bear the burden; ye shall see, that the whole proportion of money that was first meant in these loans will rise well enough, and be performed without any great ado.

For mine own part, I seek no discharge, although how weak my state is some of yourselves do well enough know. But yet, because by mine example I will give no man occasion of drawing back, I am content, and have taken order that my privy seal shall be satisfied; as also I will have a care that the rest of my clergy, that are of the abler sort, shall do the like.

Of whom I understand, that some, though most able of all, have by false suggestion gotten themselves unconscionably released and discharged. But in this, or any service else, as it shall please you to impose the charge upon me, and not otherwise.

Thus much I thought good to disclose unto your lordships of the practices here in these parts, upon the occasion of many that have been with me, and have detected the same; being the parties themselves that have been suborned, and now seek relief in this new burden that they have drawn upon themselves by their own folly. And so, leaving the further consideration thereof to your own honourable gravity and wisdom, I humbly take my leave. From Eccleshal, the 4th of May, 1591.

Your honour’s humble to command, W. COVEN. AND LICH.

NUMBER 42.

A declaration of great troubles pretended against the realm by a number of seminary priests and Jesuits, sent, and very secretly dispersed into the same, to work great treasons under a false pretence of religion. With a provision very necessary for the remedy thereof. Published by her majesty’s proclamation. With Notes set in the margin. ALTHOUGH we have had probable cause to have thoughts, that now towards the end of 33 years, being the time wherein Almighty God hath continually preserved us in a peaceable possession of our kingdoms, the former violence and rigor of the malice of our enemies (especially of the king of Spain) would, after his continuance in seeking to trouble our estate, without any cause, so many years, have waxed faint, and decayed in him; and also others depending on him, and been altered into some peaceable humour, meet to have disposed him to live in concord with us, and other Christian princes, his neighbours; and by such good means to establish an universal peace in Christendom, now by his wars only, and no otherwise disturbed: yet to the contrary we find it by his present mighty actions, (great as he never before attempted the like,) whereby it so pleased the Almighty God of hosts, as we are persuaded, to suffer the ruin or correction of such as will not be content to live in peace with their own: and to that end, to permit the said king, now in his declining years, (meetest for peace,) and when he ought to be satisfied without seeking of more kingdoms by violence and arms, (seeing he possesseth at this day more crowns and kingdoms and countries, and more earthly wealth than any of his progenitors, or any other prince Christian ever had,) now to begin a most unjust and a dangerous war for all Christendom against the French king; as in like manner he meant two years past to have done the like against us, by invading of our kingdoms in the very time of a treaty of peace with us; whereof God gave him and his whole army a just cause of repentance.

And therefore seeing we do now manifestly understand, that he hath of late (to fortify these his strange violent attempts with some new colour) procured a Millanois, a vassal of his own, to be exalted into the papacy of Rome, and hath seduced him, without the consent of the college of cardinals, to exhaust the treasures of the church, and therewith to levy forces in Italy (which had no sound of war in it these many years) and in many other places, to be guided by his nephew, and sent to invade France, a kingdom that hath been always a maintainer of that church in all their oppressions. And for that this war, so generally and mightily against France, concerneth our state very greatly, and cannot but be directly very dangerous to our dominions; and that it is also known to us by sundry means, besides the preparation of other great forces for his seas, against our crown and dominions, the same be greater for this year to come than ever he had before: and for furtherance thereof hath also lately, by eolour of this his peculiar pope’s authority, which he hath now hanging at his girdle, practised with certain principal seditious heads, (being unnatural subjects of our kingdom, but yet very base of birth,) to gather together with great labour upon his charges a multitude of dissolute young men, who have, partly for lack of living, partly for crimes committed, become fugitive rebels and traitors; and for whom there were in Rome and Spain, and other places, certain receptacles made to live in, and there to be instructed in school-points of sedition; and from thence to be secretly and by stealth conveyed into our dominions, with ample authority from Rome to move, stir up, and persuade as many of our subjects as they dare deal withal, to renounce their natural allegiance due to us and our crown, and upon hope, by a Spanish invasion, to be enriched and endued with the possessions and dignities of our other good subjects. For which purpose they do bind our subjects upon whom they practise, (by oaths, yea, by sacraments,) to forswear their natural allegiance to us, and yield their obedience, with all their power, to this king of Spain, and to assist his forces.

And for the more forcible attraction of these unnatural people (being weak of understanding) to this their bend, these seedmen of treason bring certain bulls from the pope: some of indulgences, pretending to promise heaven to such as will yield; and some of cursings, threatening damnation and hell to such as shall not yield to their persuasions. And though this manner of popish attempts have been of long time used, yet in some sort also they have been impeached by direct execution of laws against such traitors, for mere treason, and not for any points of religion, as their fautors would colour falsely their actions, which are most manifestly seen and heard at their arraignment, where they are neither executed, condemned, or indicted, but for high treason: affirming, among other things, that they will take part with any army sent by the pope against us and our realm. And of this, that none do suffer death for matter of religion, there is manifest proof, in that a number of men of wealth in our realm, confessing contrary religion, are known not to be impeached for the same, either in their lives, lands, or goods, or in their liberties, but only by payment of a pecuniary sum, as a penalty for the time that they do refuse to come to church. Which is a most manifest course to falsify the slanderous speeches and libels of the fugitives abroad.

That it is now certainly understood, that these heads of these dens and receptacles, which are by the traitors called seminaries, or colleges of Jesuits, had very lately assured the king of Spain, that though heretofore he had no good success with his great forces against our realm, yet if he will now once again renew his war this next year, there shall be found ready, secretly, within the queen’s dominions, many thousands (as they make their account for their purpose) of able people, that will be ready to assist such power as he shall set on land: and by their vain vaunting they do tempt the king hereto; who otherwise ought in wisdom, and by his late experience, to conceive no hope of a safe landing here; shewing to him in Spain, by the special information of a schoolman, named Parsons, arrogating to himself the name of the king catholic’s confessor, and to the pope at Rome, by another scholar, called Allen, now for the treason honoured with the cardinal’s hat, certain scrolls, or bedrolls of names of men dwelling in sundry parts of our countries, as they have imagined them, but especially in the maritimes, with assurance that these their seedmen, named seminaries, priests, and Jesuits, are in the sundry parts of the realm secretly harboured; having a great part of them been sent within these 10 or 12 months; and shall be ready to continue their reconciled people in their lewd constancy to serve their purpose, both with their forces and with other traitorous enterprises which the Spanish powers shall be ready to lend.

Upon which impudent assertions to the Pope and to the king of Spain, (though they know a great part thereof to be false,) they have now very lately advertised into divers parts by their secret messengers, (whereof some are also very lately taken, and have confessed the same,) that the king, upon their information and request, hath promised to employ all his forces that he could by sea this next year, to attempt once again the invasion of this realm; wherewith, because some of his wisest counsellors doubt that he shall not prevail, therefore he is otherwise persuaded, that if that his purpose shall not take place here, yet the same may be well employed against France or the Low Countries, or against some part of Scotland, into which realm there hath some number of the like brood been sent.

Wherefore considering that these the intentions of the king of Spain are to us in this sort made very manifest; and although we doubt not but Almighty God, the defender of all just causes, will (as always hitherto he hath) make the same void, yet it is our duty, as being the supreme governor under the Almighty hand, to use all such just and reasonable means as are given to us, and therewith to concur, or rather attend upon his most gracious favour, by the help of our faithful subjects, both to increase our forces to the utmost of our power, and by execution of laws, and our other public ordinances, to impeach the foresaid practices of these seditions and treasons.

And, before all other things, we do first require of the ecclesiastical state, that the like diligence be used by the godly ministers of the church, by their diligent teaching and example of life, to retain our people steadfastly in the profession of the gospel, and in their duties to Almighty God and us; as it is seen a few capital heads of treason are continually occupied with their seminaries, in withdrawing of a multitude of ignorants to their enchantments.

And, secondly, for having sufficient forces in readiness by sea, we hope, by God’s goodness, and with the help of our good subjects, to have as great or greater strength on the seas than at any time we have had, to withstand these puffed vaunts from Spain. And for our forces by land, our trust is, that seeing we have distributed our whole realm into several charges of lieutenancies, that they by themselves, when they may be personally present, and otherwise by their deputies and assistants of other our ministers, will now, after the general musters which have been by our special order lately taken, consider of all things requisite to perform and make perfect all defects that shall appear necessary, to make the bands both of horsemen and footmen fully furnished with armour, weapons, and munition, and with all other things requisite for their conduction to the place of service; and there also to continue, as time shall require, to defend their country. And so we do most earnestly require and charge all manner of our subjects, with their hands, purses, and advices, yea, all and every person of every estate, with their prayers to God, to move him to assist this so natural, honourable, and profitable a service; being only for defence of their natural country, their wives, families, children, lands, goods, liberties, and their posterities, against ravening strangers, wilful destroyers of their native country, and monstrous traitors.

And, lastly, to withstand and provide speedy remedy against the other fraudulent attempts of the seminaries, Jesuits, and traitors;. without the which, as it appeareth, his forces should not now be used, the same being wrought only by falsehood, by hypocrisy, and by undermining of our good subjects under a false colour and face of holiness, to make breaches in men’s and women’s consciences, and to train them to their treasons; and that with such a secrecy, by the harbouring of the said treacherous messengers in obscure places, as without very diligent and continual search to be made, and severe orders executed, the same will remain and spread itself as a secret infection of treasons in the bowels of our realm; most dangerous, yea, most reproachful to be suffered in a well ordered commonweal.

Therefore we have determined, by advice of our council, to have speedily certain commissioners, men of honesty, fidelity, and good reputation, to be appointed in every shire, city, and port-town within our realms, to inquire, by all good means, what persons, by their behaviour or otherwise worthy to be suspected to be any such persons, or have been sent, or that are employed in any such persuading of our people, or of any residing within our realm, to treason, or to move any to relinquish their allegiance to us, or to acknowledge any kind of obedience to the pope or to the king of Spain; and also of all other persons that have been thereto induced, and that have thereto yielded: and further to proceed in the execution of such their commission, as they shall be more particularly directed by instructions annexed to their commission.

And furthermore, because it is certainly known and proved by common experience, upon the apprehension of sundry of the said traitorous persons sent into the realm, that they do come into the same by secret creeks and landing-places, disguised both in names and persons; some in apparel as soldiers, mariners, or merchants; pretending that they have heretofore been taken prisoners, and put into galleys, and delivered. Some come in as gentlemen, with contrary names, in comely apparel, as though they had travelled into foreign countries for knowledge. And generally all, for the most part, as soon as they are crept in, are clothed like gentlemen in apparel, and many as gallants; yea, in all colours, and with feathers, and such like, disguising themselves; and many of them in their behaviour as ruffians, far off to be thought or suspected to be friars, priests, Jesuits, or popish scholars.

And of these many do attempt to resort to the universities and houses of law; from whence, in former time, they departed many into services of noblemen, ladies, and gentlemen, with such like fraudulent devices, to cover themselves from all apprehension or suspicion. And yet, in process of time, they do at length so insinuate themselves, to get themselves credit, with hypocrisies, as they infect both the masters and families; and consequently adventure also, yet secretly, to use their offices of priesthood and reconcilement: whereby all such as do retain them are worthy to be suspected, and may be charged by law, to their great danger.

For avoiding whereof, and either to discover these venomous vipers, or to chase them away out of the realm from the infecting of many more, we order, and strictly charge and command our temporal noblemen, gentlemen, lord, lady, master or mistress, or owner whatsoever of any house, family, lodging, yea, the very officers of our own household, and governors of any societies, to make a present, due, and particular inquisition of all manner of persons that have been admitted or suffered to have usual resort, diet, lodging, residence, in their houses, or in any place by their appointment, at any time within the space of one whole year now past and ended at March last; or that from thenceforth have or shall be admitted or suffered so to resort, enter, lodge, reside, or attend. And by such inquisition and examination to be duly and particularly informed of what condition and country any such person is, and by what kind of means he hath heretofore lived, and where he hath spent his time for the space of one whole year before. And likewise to know whether he hath used or doth use to repair to the church at usual times to divine service, according to the laws of the realm. And to cause those inquisitions, with their answers, to be put into writing particularly, and the same to be kept in the manner of a register or calendar, to be shewed when they shall be demanded. That upon case of suspicion of any such person, the same may be further tried by the commissioners above-mentioned of those places, whether the same persons so examined be loyal subjects or no. And if any such shall be found unwilling to answer to such inquisitions, or shall be found by his doubtful answer not likely to be an obedient subject, the same person shall be stayed by the householder, or him that ought to have examined him, and shall be sent to any of the commissioners above-mentioned next adjoining. And if any person having government or command over such servant or resiant, shall be found not to have performed the points of the foresaid inquisition, as is above limited, the same shall be called to appear before the said commissioners, or before our privy-council, if the quality of the person shall so require; and shall be further used and ordered for such default, as the said commissioners or our council shall have just cause to deal with such a person.

And, finally, we admonish, and strictly charge and command all persons that have any intelligence with any such so sent, or come from beyond the seas to such purpose, to detect them to the commissioners, in that behalf to be assigned as aforesaid, within twenty days after the publication hereof, in the shire-town, or city, or port, within the precincts of the said commission, upon pain that the offenders herein shall be punished as abettors and maintainers of traitors. Wherein we are resolutely determined to suffer no favour to be used for any respect of any persons, qualities, or degrees; nor shall allow, nor suffer to be allowed, any excuse of negligence for not detection, or for not due examination of the qualities of such dangerous persons, according to the order hereafter prescribed, being nowise contrary, but agreeable to the most ancient laws and good usages of our realm; devised for the good order of all manner of subjects in every precinct of any leet, to be forthcoming, to answer for their behaviour towards the dignity of our crown and the common peace of our realm.

Given at our manor of Richmond, the 18th of October, 1591, in the 33d year of our reign.

NUMBER 43.

Articles annexed to the commission, for a further instruction to the commissioners how to proceed in the execution thereof.

FIRST, you, to whom the commission shall be brought, shall, without delay, notify to the rest of the commissioners that shall be in the country, or that may shortly repair thither, the receipt of the said commission, with some signification of the contents thereof; and shall require them to meet at some convenient time and place, to consider of the contents thereof; and thereupon to accord upon sundry days and places in every quarter of the shire, ordinarily to meet about the same. So as now at the beginning, the oftener they shall meet, the same shall be the better. And after your first meeting, you shall, according to the quantity of the shire, make some partitions among yourselves to execute the commission with more ease: and yet you shall every forty days, for this present year, assemble all together, to confer upon your several proceedings: so as you may once every quarter give knowledge to her majesty’s council of your actions. Item, You shall send to the bishop or ordinary of the diocese, and to the chancellor or official, and to the archdeacon of the same, to certify you of all persons, with their dwelling-places, whom they shall know to have been presented to them as recusants, and that do so continue in their recusancy.

And the like certificate you shall require from the custos rotulorum, or the clerk of the peace, and from the clerk of the assize of the county, to know such as have been presented and indicted as recusants, as well women as men; and what process hath been sent forth against them. And likewise you shall by any other means inform yourselves of all such as within your county are commonly noted to be receivers or comforters of persons that are suspected to have come from beyond seas, as seminaries, priests, Jesuits, or fugitives. And after that you shall be duly informed, by these or any other means, of such persons so to be suspected, as principal offenders or accessaries, you shall retain to yourselves secretly the names of the same, without any publication thereof, until you shall afterwards find probable and good cause to warn any of them to come before you, or otherwise to apprehend and examine them according to the contents of your commission. Item, In your examination of any persons by virtue of this commission, you shall not press any one to answer to any questions of their conscience for matter of religion, otherwise than to cause them answer whether they do usually come to church, and why they do not. And if you shall perceive that they are wilful recusants, then you shall examine them upon any matters concerning their allegiance to her majesty, and of their devotion to the pope or to the king of Spain; or upon their maintenance of any Jesuits, seminaries, priests, or other persons, sent from Rome, or from any parts beyond seas, to dissuade any subjects from their obedience to the queen’s majesty.

And to give you some particular instructions in what sort you may conceive convenient questions, whereupon to examine persons that are to be suspected to adhere to the pope or to the king of Spain, contrary to their duty of allegiance, you may observe the form of these questions hereafter following. The questions ensuing to be answered by oath, by such as shall be verily suspected to have been moved to give assistance to the forces of the pope, or king of Spain, when they shall happen to invade this realm; whereby such wicked seducers may be discovered.

Whether have you been moved by any, and by whom, and when, and by what persuasion, to give aid or relief, or to adhere to the forces of the pope or king of Spain, when they should happen to invade this land for any cause whatsoever? The questions following to be ministred without oath; to discover such as shall be suspected to be priests, seminaries, or fugitives, dangerous to the state.

Whether have you been at Rome, Rheimes, or in Spain, at any time within these five years? When returned you last into this realm? And to what purpose? And where have you been ever since your coming from thence?

Be you a Jesuit or priest made after the Romish order? Where and when were you so made? And by whom? Have you been at the seminaries or colleges for the English, Welsh, or Irish nation at Rome, Rheimes, in Spain, or elsewhere? How long were you in any of them? And where were you last sent from any of them into England or Wales? And to what end? Item, Where, by her majesty’s late proclamation, whereof you shall take knowledge, it is ordered, That all manner of persons, of what degree soever they be, without any exception, spiritual or temporal, and so forth, shall make particular inquisition of all manner of persons that have been admitted, or suffered to have resort, diet, lodging, &c. within the space of one year past, &c. if you shall be informed of any such person so lodged, or comforted, &c. as in the proclamation is at large expressed; in such case you shall require the party that is appointed to make such inquisition, to deliver the same his inquisition to you in writing. And thereupon you shall do your best to try out, if there have been any suspected person so lodged or comforted; and further used according to his deserts. Item, Because the like commission is sent into all other shires of the realm, and like instructions annexed thereto, as these are, and that you may percase be informed of some persons meet to be apprehended or examined, which are gone out of that shire in some other parts, or do remain in places out of the jurisdiction of your commission; in such cases, we require you to send secret knowledge thereof to the commissioners of the counties where you shall think such suspected persons do remain; requiring them, in her majesty’s name, to use all diligence for the apprehension of such, and by such information as you shall give them to examine the parties, and to proceed against them according to their commission. Item, You shall do well to make choice of some persons, of honest behaviour, and loyal in religion, in every quarter of the shire, and especially in every port-town, market-town, or great large parish; and where the parsons or vicars are faithful and careful of their cures, to join them together, with charge to observe all such as refuse obstinately to resort to church. And such persons you shall call before you, and, without dealing with them for their recusancy, (for which they shall be otherwise by law punished,) you shall, as in your direction think meet, (respecting the quality of their persons,) require them to answer to the two former questions, or to either of them: for that by their recusancy they do give cause to suspect to be disloyal in their duties to the queen’s majesty and the state, or to favour the common enemies.

NUMBER 44.

Anthony Fitzherbert, a popish gentleman in the gaol at Darby, to the earl of Shrewsbury; relents, and prays favour from his imprisonment.

Right honourable, and my very good lord, IMOST humbly beseech your honour to commiserate my poor and distressed estate, remaining here a prisoner within the gaol of Darby, by your lordship’s commitment and direction from the lords of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council. Forasmuch as I have been examined before your lordship of divers articles, and have answered thereto; so as, I trust, your honour doth well perceive me no meddler in matter of state, but only misled in points of religion; wherein I have been nursed up from my infancy, never tasting any other grapes. But now more and more weighing with myself, and daily considering your most honourable admonitions and sage counsels, wherewith your lordship did persuade me; which have taken deeper root in me, and moved me more than any durance of imprisonment or terror of law could ever have done. So that now, my good lord, I well perceive mine own blindness, and acknowledge myself to have too too long wandered in the darksome night of ignorance, never escrying a daylight before.

Wherefore, I most humbly beseech your lordship, for charity sake, to be a means to the most honourable lords of her majesty’s privy-council for my enlargement. For my trust is, their honours will be as merciful to me as they have been to others, in like case as great offenders as I am. And if your honour will this once be compassionable, you shall be an eyewitness that I will conform myself, and come to the church, as I promised your honour, and avoid the company of all such dangerous persons as your lordship gave me warning of, and bear myself hereafter like a most loyal, obedient subject. Pardon me, my honourable good lord, I humbly beseech you, my importunate boldness, in the straitness of this place, and most odious for many causes, with the loathsome and unsavoury smells, and the cumbersome companions which be here committed for all vices, (wherewith I am pestered,) do so daily increase the many infirmities of my weak body, with some other more special and particular causes, which I made known to your honour at my being with you, as, unless I find your honour to stand my good lord, I shall rather wish a short and speedy death, than so wearisome and consuming a life. My real confidence is, your honour will not be unmindful of me: and I shall pray to God for your honour’s happy felicity and daily increase of all honour. From the gaol of Darby, the 21st of May, 1591.

Your lordship’s most bounden in all duty, ANTHONY FITZHERBERT.

NUMBER 45.

The earl of Darby,from the court at Greenwich, to the earl of Shrewsbury: concerning preparations for war; and the execution of two seminaries.

My very good lord, THIS place of late hath afforded little worthy letters for your lordship’s view; which hath been the reason I have forborne to write unto you: yet now some discourses being come hither of exploits and services in Britain, not long ago performed, I thought good to send them to your lordship here enclosed. My lord of Essex is furnishing and preparing himself towards the king of France, attended with sundry of account; namely, the earl of Lincoln and his son, and these captains contained in the enclosed; as also 4000 soldiers.

This morning two seminaries, Beisely and Scot, were executed in Fleetstreet: who, among other their bad opinions, traitorously affirmed, that if her majesty had an army against the pope here, they would fight with the pope against her majesty; or if the pope should command them to lay violent hands upon, or kill her majesty, (whom the Lord of heaven long preserve to reign over us,) they would willingly do it.

And so for this time, till further occasion of writing be proffered, with my most hearty commendations to your good lordship, I wish the same as to myself. From the court at Greenwich, this 1st of July, 1591.

Your lordship’s assured loving cousin, and faithful friend to use, H. DERBY.

Postscript.

My good lord, ONE of these seminaries was at the high race at Croyden, all in green and velvet, well mounted upon a good gelding, having also a pistol at his side; insomuch as it was conceived he meant ill toward her majesty, if she had been there.

NUMBER 46.

The confession of Boord before the lord treasurer, anno 1591, being in the Gate-house, Westminster; who was a spy as it seems, for seminaries. EDWARD BOORD, a soldier in France, goeth thence to the prince of Parma with one Tusser; there offereth his service to the king of Spain. And at Brussels, Hugh Owen and Mr. Dennis, desirous to know what service they could do for the king; to whom Dyer made answer, That he came to do the king service, and that he would be willing to hazard his life, and any thing whatsoever. Whereupon they asked him, Whether he would undertake to burn the queen’s ships? Which sudden motion made my heart ache, saith Boord. But remembering my pretence, and the cause of my coming, [which he had said before was to endeavour to discover what they could, and so to come over into England and declare it,] he told them, That so they would give him [i. e. Boord] reason for the performance thereof, he would do his best. [Thus Boord said.] Their means were these. They would have built two vessels to row with oars; and in them they would have had room for seven or eight small boats; every boat should have had fifteen or sixteen men apiece in them; and with a device made to break the chain, they would have rowed into the harbour; and the first small boat should pass so many ships as there were boats before she began to give fire; and by that time the last boat would be with the first ship in the river, and set them afire at one instant; and to row to their ships as well as they could, though it were with the loss of some of their men and boats. This will be adventured when the prince is gone.

Upon this motion I went to Mr. Paget, because I would be sure to have his love, and told him what matters there were in hand, and how they would use me as an instrument in the cause; and withal entreated him to give me the best counsel he could: so that he took this so kindly at my hand, that he told me, that if he could do me any good, or give me advice, I should be as bold to use him as any man whatsoever. This counsel I took to enter into him, and to make myself familiar with him, who afterwards used me very kindly; for I knew that Owin and he did not affect either one another, &c.

Now having the knowledge of these men coming over, we devised with ourselves [Tusser and himself] how we should give your lordship [lord treasurer Burghley] intelligence hereof, [by our getting into England.] We went to Owin, and told him, that if he would procure us a passport, we would go into England, and make all the money we could, and bring a ship with us; which made him have a very good opinion of us, and told us, that if we did the same, we should do the king very good service. But when we heard him say so, we told him we feared that when we returned that should be taken from us. And then he did give us his word, that he would procure us a commission to serve the king by sea; and because he could not do it presently, he procured a letter from the counsellor in the causes of the admiralty to the governor of Dunkirk, that if we should come in, to use us very well. By this means I brought over this gentleman: for I told him, if that he would go, he might procure him money to live in good surety. This was our persuasion unto him; for we knew he could bring us to divers masses; by which means we might cause many seminaries to be apprehended. For if I had not been brought to your lordship, my meaning was to have come unto you, and to have made your lordship acquainted with our proceedings, as by Mr. Tusser’s course and mine we had proceeded; who, if your lordship please to speak with, I will send for him.

For he stays to be directed by your lordship, whom I humbly entreat to have a care and regard that he perish not in the hands of those vile and wicked persons, who seek the blood of our people and ruin of our country.

By the means of a ship, I will tell your lordship how you may either take Dunkirk or burn all their ships with very little charge, and no loss of men; to which end Tusser is gone thither.

I have a direction to find out a priest, whose name is Southwel, and the chief dealer in the affairs of our state of England for the papists.

Mr. Paget’s persuasions to Mr. Tusser and myself was, that whether we brought a ship or nay, or whether we brought money or not, that we should not fail to return again: for, saith he, you shall know of the effecting of greater matters than you know of or can imagine. Whereupon he wished your lordship’s head upon London-bridge: for, saith he, there is no prince in Christendom hath the like statesman.

And thus I beseech your lordship to have so much pity of me, and not to let me lie in prison, unless it be the better to effect the causes abovementioned: for if they think I am a papist, my friends will do nothing for me. This gentleman knoweth of none of our proceedings; for we brought him only to discover seminaries and Jesuits: for he told us he would bring us every day to mass. SUBSCRIBED, EDWARD BOORD.

NUMBER 47.

Colleges of English in Flanders. BOORD and Tusser, whither they went. Boord, in his foresaid relation, sheweth, how they went from France to Erre, [Arras,] where they were directed by Harrison, principal of the college, to Apavile, [Abbevile,] to one Anthony Denham, friar, and born in Exeter.

At Abbevile we found Michael Richardson, a northern man, and dealer for the transporting of money for the scholars of Erre, [Arras,] who told us, that within six weeks he would go into England. There is one Richard Owin, an Irishman, that serveth mons. Rambares.

We went to Arras, where we found Clement Hanmer, servant to the abbot.

At Doway, Somerfield, Dr. Web, Dr. White, Chambers, Tayler, Edwards, and Baily, who is dead.

At Valensine, [Valensienne,] Pilkington.

At Mounts, Dr. Sanderson. Then we came to Brussels; when Hugh Owin and Mr. Dennis came to them, to know what service they could do for the king of Spain [as before mentioned.] Upon the backside of this paper is writ, by the lord Burghley’s own hand, XI. N°. 1591. Boord in the Gatehouse.

NUMBER 48.

Designs and attempts of Hacket, Coppinger, and Arthington, anno 1591, to dethrone the queen, and overthrow the government on pretence of revelation. Being collections from a book entitled, Conspiracy for pretended Reformation. Printed 1592, in divers articles. 1. THEY intended to appeach two great and honourable counsellors, [the lord treasurer and lord chancellor,] whom they thought would stop the course they had taken, and hinder their purposes, as if they intended some wicked practice against the queen’s person. 2 . A conspiracy of the death of certain lords of the council, when they should be at the Starchamber, in case they should give a judgment against certain that were sometime preachers, and then prisoners for misdemeanours, [viz. several puritans,] perilous to the peaceable state of the realm. So Coppinger wrote in a letter to Lancaster, “That if the lords should give a hard censure against those parties, the next day, if God shewed not such a fearful judgment against some of those lords, as that some of them should not go alive out of that place, then never trust him.” 3. They prepared the minds of the people, to stir them up to be in a readiness, and this done by certain seditious letters that were purposely scattered five or six nights before in many streets of London: and a book was printed by Wiggington, who was a turbulent preacher, and in prison, that set on Hacket and the rest. It was entitled, The fools bolt; and on the other side of the sheet, A father’s exhortation to a young courtier. It was in a halting rhyme, roaring lewdly, not only at the governors ecclesiastical, and at other ministers, but at sundry having civil authority and high places; beginning thus: “My son, if thou a courtier sue to be, In flower of youth, this lesson learn of me:

A Christian true, although he be a clown, May teach a king to wear sceptre and crown.” These papers were dispersed by one Browne, and particularly to several women. He was examined about them by the privy-council and others.

Wiggington, in his chamber, was heard to say, That if the magistrates do not govern well, the people might draw themselves together, and to see a reformation. 4. The purpose of theirs was, not only to make an alteration in the state of the church-government, and to plant in every congregation their eldership or consistory of doctor, pastor, and certain lay-elders, with the appurtenances; but also to change the civil policy of this realm. For which consideration they meant to displace all the lords and others of the privy-council, calling them therefore by their bare names, or with this addition, late lord-chancellor, late lord-treasurer; and in their stead they had nominated and set down certain others, in truth very honourable and worshipful persons, that should be counsellors. 5. And last and most damnable designment was, the deprivation of her sacred majesty of her crown and dignity, and the destruction of her royal person. Arthington, who confessed afterward, did say, How that these things were to be effected, they opened not unto him; and pretended that he himself was always unwilling to hear any of them.

But whether it was meant to do it by some open violence, or secret practice; but sure it is, that popular tumult was not the least means they trusted on; which tumult they hoped to stir up by their pretence of so great holiness, and by calling the realm to repentance in the open streets of London, by offering joys and mercy to the penitent, and by a proclamation also which they made in Cheapside.

NUMBER 49.

Some remarks of Hacket, and his two prophets, Coppinger and Arthington. 1. THEIR great pretence was the Spirit, and to be moved by the Spirit. 2. They would not pull off their hats before the magistrates.

When two were sent by the queen, lords of the privy-council, and these two prophets brought before them at the lord mayor’s house to be examined, they shewed them no reverence or duty, nor would put off their hats till they were plucked off by others. And when some asked them, if they knew before whom they stood, they answered, They knew them right well, but would yield them no duties or reverence, saying, They were greater persons than those before whom they stood. 3. These two prophets used horrible imprecations, confounding and damning themselves, if it were not true as they said.

At one Kay’s house in Knightrider’sstreet, where Hacket lodged, he defaced the queen’s arms there; and being examined about it, he said, He was moved thereunto inwardly by the Spirit, to take away her whole power of her authority; and that he would have done worse, had it not been for disquieting his hostess where he lay; because when she found it, she was very angry; and that he was not sorry, nor is sorry, for doing that act, because he was commanded by God to do it, and durst not do otherwise.

He put out also the lions and dragons eyes in the arms; and being asked, Why? he answered, That he did know that lion and dragon did let God’s people. He rased out also the cross pictured on the top of the crown. Kay and his wife also deposed, That they found the queen’s picture picked with some bodkin, or iron instrument, in the very place representing her royal heart: and this they did with great anger charge Hacket with. He answered, That he had done it, and must and would answer it; adding, That he had greater matters to answer than that; and therefore they need not make such ado for it. But at his examination he denied this point, or said, He did not remember it.

Hacket said, That the queen had forfeited her crown, in that her ministers used extraordinary means to set up religion; and said, There was a man at Walker’s house that laid claim to the crown of England, meaning himself: and acknowledged, That he had published in Hampshire, three or four years past, and afterwards in Hertfordshire and in Northamptonshire, that her majesty was not queen; and that she had forfeited her title to the crown. All this he confessed without any torture.

When he was put upon the torture, he confessed her majesty to be his lawful queen, and affirmed that he honoured her, and was sorry for his offences: and added, That if Coppinger, Wiggington, and one other, (whom he named,) were well sifted and straitly examined, they would utter and declare sundry matters of treason.

He was brought to his trial from Bridewell, July 26, [that is, a week after his and his companions doings in Cheapside, which was July the 19th,] at the sessions house near Newgate, before the lord mayor, lord Wentworth, sir Gilbert Gerrard, master of the rolls, sir Wolstan Dixy, sir Richard Martin, aldermen, sergeant Fleetwood, recorder of London, and others in the commission. After two several indictments against him, he was bid to hold up his hand, which he did. Then the first indictment was read; which was for his saying several times, That the queen was not queen of England; and that queen Elizabeth did represent all hypocrisy; and had forfeited her crown; and was worthy to be deprived. And that he defaced her arms in Kay’s house: and that he said, He was moved thereto by the Spirit. He pleaded guilty, saying, All must be as you will.

The second indictment was for defacing the queen’s arms, and rasing a certain picture of the queen’s majesty in the said Kay’s house, and thrusting an iron instrument into that part of the picture that represented the queen’s breast and heart: and for treating with Coppinger and Arthington at Walker’s house concerning his traitorous purposes and imaginations. And being asked, Whether he were guilty or not guilty to this indictment? he began to answer more perversely, saying to the bench, You have wit enough to judge for me and yourselves. Being asked again, he said, Few words are best: it is good to know much and say little. Being asked again, Whether he were guilty or not? He said, Ambo; [that is, Both; ] and afterwards he pleaded, Not guilty. Then being asked, By whom he would be tried? he said, By the country. And afterwards he said again, By the jury. And then burst out into blasphemous and hellish words against the majesty of God, in truth, not to be heard by Christian ears, and therefore not to be uttered.

Then the queen’s attorney desired, in behalf of the queen, That seeing he could not be brought to any other plea, that judgment might be entered; and that he had pleaded guilty to the one indictment, and stood mute to the second: whereupon he was to be convicted of both indictments. The attorney and the solicitor, for the better satisfaction of the world, thought fit somewhat to shew how heinous and how evident his treasons were. The recorder then gave judgment upon Hacker.

Preachers travailed with him before the day of his execution. At first he gave froward and lewd answers; but at last they brought him to a serious consideration, as it seems, of his own state, and of the grievousness of his treasons. On the 27th of July, the day before his execution, Mr. Richard Young, an active justice of peace of London, wished him to submit himself, and confess his fault before Almighty God. Hacker did accordingly. Then he wished him to take patiently what God had laid upon him. Hacker said, He would unfeignedly so do; and withal asked the queen forgiveness, saying, He was sorry for the words he had spoken: and said, It was a gracious and happy turn that their treasons were in time revealed, for otherwise it would have cost a number of innocent men their bloods, and himself he thought should nevertheless also have been slain among them: but now he trusted in God that others also would confess their treason; and that her majesty was a gracious princess, and would forgive them if they asked mercy. Upon his desire Mr. Yong gave him some money; Hacket thanked him, and desired Mr. Yong to pray for him. In this good temper he continued that night and the next morning, until looking out at one of the windows to the street toward Cheapside, he saw all the streets filled with people expecting his execution; thereupon he began very desperately and blasphemously to answer such as exhorted him. Coming down the stairs, one of the sheriffs wished him to be mindful of Christ’s death, who suffered for him; he uttered execrable blasphemy against Christ’s blessed passion.

The rest of his behaviour and hideous expressions may be found in our historians.

The next day after, Coppinger, wilfully having abstained from meat seven or eight days together, died in Bridewell, and Arthington lived still in the Counter in Wood-street, reserved, as was hoped, unto sincere repentance; for immediately after Hacket’s execution, he wrote a letter unto two great counsellors (whom, among others, he had lewdly slandered) of submission, and afterwards more at large to the body of the council, the whole course, as he pretended, of this action, so far as he was made acquainted with it; humbly craving their lordships’ mediation unto the queen’s most excellent majesty for his pardon; and acknowledging his dangerous error and devilish seduction.

To all the rest this may be added. When Arthington was with Hacker at Walker’s house in Broken-wharf, on the same day when he and Coppinger had proclaimed Hacket in Cheapside to be the prophet sent from God, Haynen, parson of St. Mary Somerset, (an honest and learned preacher,) was present, and looked upon some of Hacket’s papers that were then seized; but Hacker reproved him for it, and said, It appertained not unto him, but unto the magistrates, to read those papers. Arthington then told that preacher, That the judgments that were over the city were very great, and that the time was come that God would reform his church, and root out all idolatrous priests; and the ministers of the city were no better. This preacher demanded of Hacket, Why he seduced Arthington to bring him into such blasphemy? (for he, at the end of all his expressions, used horrible imprecations, and said, If it were not so, God confound me. ) Hacket answered, That abundance of zeal caused him to exceed in that sort.

Further, he asked Hacker, How he liked that Arthington ascribed unto him an office peculiar to Christ? Hacker answered, That God had a great work to bring to pass by himself in this land; affirming also that he was a prophet.

And to conclude. What understanding there was between these wretches and Marprelate and his company may be gathered from part of a letter from Coppinger to Udal, who was then a prisoner in Southwark: telling him, That the cause why he repaired not unto him (and the rest who were in prison) so oft as he was wont to do, was for doubt of more trouble and danger that might grow to them thereby; and that in respect of an action which he had to do.

NUMBER 50.

A petition of divers prisoners, puritans, in the Fleet and other prisons, to the lord treasurer, for the furtherance of their humble petition to the lords of the council for their enlargement. Dated December 4, 1591. HAVING a purpose, right honourable, by most humble petition, to come unto the lords of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council for bail, agreeable unto law, (as we are informed,) until their lordships shall please to call us to further trial of our innocence in that we are charged with: we thought good, besides our petition to the lords, to address our most humble suit particularly unto your lordship, not only as defendants to a principal judge of the court where our cause dependeth, but also as children of the land to a chief father of the same; which taketh no pleasure in this our afflicted state, but will, as we are persuaded, tenderly weigh it, so far as any equal course of justice may relieve it. For we nothing doubt but your lordship, in discourse of reason, and in experience of the state of students, can easily discern that a year’s imprisonment (which we all, with a surcrease, have suffered) will strike deeper into our healths, having regard to our bringing up, than some number of years of others, whose bringing up hath been other, and which have followed their trades of life.

It is well known, that divers papists, not only denying her majesty’s lawful authority, but giving the same to a stranger, yea, to the sworn enemy of ours, and of all Christian princes, have yet received favour of freedom from their imprisonment. There is never an one of us but hath been sworn to her majesty’s supremacy, and some of us, upon occasion, divers times. And if we be doubted how we stand affected this time, notwithstanding we have given no cause (as we are persuaded) of that suspicion, yet, to satisfy the authority under which we live, we will be ready to take the oath again.

And notwithstanding some (not so well affected towards us as we are towards them) do suggest that we carry some other interpretation with us than the meaning of the law is, yet have we verily no other than all the reformed churches have in the dutiful acknowledgment of the authority of their several magistrates; none other than her majesty’s own admonition in the end of her injunctions, and the 37th article of the convocation; and especially the most authentic and classical writers of this church, both bishops, deans, and other men of note, with privilege, with allowance, with oversight of the bishops themselves and finally, with great commendation of all, have written of that point. Finally, we may affirm, with truth to be justified, that we hold no other than that some of the chiefest of them, whose hand is against us in this cause of further reformation, have set down, when they either quietly have written of this point, or have buckled with the papists, &c. However, writing (ajgwnistikw~v ) against us, and put on by mislike of the persons against whom they write, crossed and contradicted their own judgment.

And thus craving pardon of our boldness in detaining you from so weighty affairs of watching continually for the good of this commonwealth, and expecting that favour from your lordship which either equity or a regardful consideration of our afflicted state may require, &c.

Your lordship’s most humble to command, Prisoners in and about the city, THOM. CARTWRIGHT, EDWARD LORD, HUMFREY FEN, EDMUND SNAPE, ANDREW KING, WILLIAM PROUDLOVE, DANIEL WYGHT, MELANCTHON JEWELL. JOHN PAYNE,

NUMBER 51.

The heads of the colleges in Cambridge to the lord Burghley, their high chancellor: concerning Legate their printer, who was hindered the printing of the Bible and Psalms in metre by the stationers in London; whose part the heads took as their printer.

Right honourable, and our singular good lord, SUCH is the importunity of our adversaries, in devising against us new complaints, as we are forced eftsoons to renew our just defence, ever while they charge us as doing wrong to Mr. Barker, [the queen’s printer,] in printing a Bible of the lesser volume. Now they accuse us as offering like injury to Mr. Day, in publishing therewith the Psalms in metre. They seek, in dividing the persons, to make us seem guilty of many crimes. Whereas, in very truth, our printer having for his copy one only volume, wherein both those books are joined together, could not conveniently set forth the one without the other, seeing both do jointly and usually serve for the public celebration of divine service. The suit which they have made unto your lordship for the stay of our printer until the next term is so prejudicial to the poor man, as if they should prevail therein, it could not but tend to his utter undoing; especially Sturbridge-fair now drawing near; being the chiefest time wherein he hopeth to reap greatest fruit of this his travail.

We are the rather therefore right humbly to crave of your good lordship, that if they cannot be pacified otherwise, your lordship would be pleased to require the opinions of the master of the rolls, the lord chief justice of the common-pleas, and justice Peryam; who all, or some of them, as we hear, either already are, or shortly will be there in London. Ourselves have conferred with divers of good skill of the laws of the land, who, not drawn to favour us in respect of our fee, but uttering freely their resolute judgment, find no just reason whereon the adverse party may safely rely.

For the chief ground they seem to lay, viz. that the prince, by virtue only of prerogative, may, by a later grant, either take away or abridge a former, being no ways hurtful to the state, is not only against the rule of natural equity, but also dangerous to all degrees, opening a way to the overthrow of all patents and privileges, as well of inferior trades, as of offices, lands, and livings whatsoever.

We have not sought to call in question the validity of their monopolies and engrossments, whereby such effects do daily ensue, as poor scholars are either driven to be destitute of most needful books, or to buy them, to their singular hinderance, at excessive prices. We shall account ourselves well appaid, if our poor printer may, with their good patience, now and then deal with some few of the most saleable copies for his necessary maintenance in honest art; if your honourable persuasion (whereunto it might well beseem him, in a case of such equity, to give better ear to) cannot induce them to yield to this, rather than our dutiful regard should seem to be wanting in the necessary defence of this our charter, so equitable in itself, so commodious to the students of the university, so beneficial to many other subjects of the realm, granted by her majesty’s most noble father, ratified by the gracious bounty of herself, established by act of parliament so many years past, may not be thought sufficient against their grant so late obtained, we know not upon privilege we may hereafter repose our trust.

Wherefore once again most humbly beseeching your good lordship to continue your honourable favour toward the university, in preserving the ancient and lawful charters of the same. From Cambridge, the 16th of July, 1591.

Signed by, Robert Some, vice-chancellor, WILLIAM WHITAKER, THO. BYNG, THO. LEGG, THO. PRESTON, LAWRENCE CHADERTON, ROGER GOAD, UMPHREY TYNDAL, JO. DUPORT.

Before this, Legate [their printer] had printed Terence a year or two ago, in a small volume for the use of the scholars; and the impression the stationers had seized, or as many as they could get.

And before that, Thomas Thomas [the printer before Legate] had made a dictionary of his own, and printed it; and the stationers printed it at London upon him, to his great hinderance. These matters the university complained of to their chancellor.

NUMBER 52.

Hugh Broughton, the learned Hebrician, his letter to the lord Burghley; occasioned by Bishop and Newburgh, stationers, who had seized his books newly printed, and taken out of his chamber.

Desiring his lordship’s order to have them restored. MELCHIZEDEK. CONSIDERING your lordship’s great business, I would not trouble you but in a matter proceeding from yourself, and again waiting upon your determination. The sum is concerning books taken from me by Bishop and Newbury, wardens of the Stationers, which were printed by allowance, paid for by myself, and carried to my chamber; having no one word against religion or policy, nor bitter against any man. Of which the archbishop of Canterbury required to judge, of his honour and learning, said to one Mr. Hobkinson, That if they had been brought to him, he would have allowed them; and sent him to Bishop the stationer, with word, that he should bring them home: which yet the stationers refuse to do without a warrant, which will not be granted without your lordship’s word. I think I may in justice require so much of your lordship; for the book was written upon urgent provocation of two D.D. [doctors of divinity,] extremely against themselves and her majesty’s ground of religion; viz. The stay of scripture, in defence of my book dedicated to her majesty: wherein, I am sure, that posterity may see chief points in few hours which cost me many years.

Wherein also I settled a consent of Jew and Gentile, of Moses and Evangelists, ever as all ages understood them; and one of the two still, where we strive.

I chose two points to dash at their stuff, to spare their fame, to close up the matter, that the learned might see a victory, and the simple might think that there was not great variance, thought a lapse in a treatise of Melchizedek; dealing against Dr. Croke, and where sorest he might be disgraced. But where learned men being of his mind, his fame should less be annoyed, though he were deceived. And Dr. Reynolds, who strives, that si angelus dixisset post octies 70 annos excidetur Christus, hic praecise et proprie locutus esset angelus, be not known to be so culpable, but convicted in one word, that Daniel expressly telleth, That the angel made him understand by his own grant should yield; who granted, That if Daniel knew his own meaning, and rightly knew what the angel meant, the words were to be taken properly.

Thus I thought of a quiet apology, sparing learned men. The suppressing of my book wrought them harm; for I was forced to call them both to account, and to object an hundred theses of great importance against each of them; whereby all learned condemn them both. Your lordship feared harm by the book, &c. I pray your lordship that you would send them word by some of your men, to deliver me that which by law they could not take away, and to let them pass under your protection, to mitigate the rumour against two learned men.

Your lordship’s to command, H.BROUGHTON.

NUMBER LIII.

Anno 1591, Nov. 16. A note of the Indian fleet of king, Philip, dispersed and cast away, Sent to the lord treasurer.

On this paper is written, by the lord treasurer’s hand, Sir Tho. Gage, as from whom this information came.

OF 102 ships, lost 54; men lost, 1000. The treasure landed at Havana.

By examination of divers Spaniards and Portugals, upon their oaths, we find the loss sustained by the king and his subjects to be as followeth. Nova Spania fleet outward bound, was of 52 sail, whereof returned to Havana but 33; so lost 19 stiff, and therein 2600 men; by account whereof many soldiers and passengers.

Terra Firma fleet outward bound was 50 sail; whereof some stole away for Spain by one or two at a time; and some were taken, and some sunk; so that only 23 ships came to the Havana; missing 27 sail with about men, by estimation.

At Havana met and joined together, 33 sail from Nova Spania; 23 sail from Terra Firma; 12 sails of S. Domingo; and 9 sail from Funduras; 77 sail in the whole; and set sail about the 17th of July. The admiral and vice-admiral being of 600 ton apiece, carrying 30 pieces of brass, and 500 men apiece; which kept company together until the 10th of August. At which time, and within twenty days after, ail the great ships were cast away; so that by the end of August they were all perished, saving 48 sail; whereof about 16 sail recovered to Tarseries only; all the rest forced by a storm to keep the sea, and not like to escape, but either to be taken or cast away: and in those ships cast away is thought to be about 5000 men. But the king’s treasure is all landed at Havana, to come home in six frigates in January next.

This Spanish plate fleet, ann. 1591, was waited for by the English, by several of the queen’s ships, Thomas Howard, second son of the duke of Norfolk, in the admiral, unsuccessful.

NUMBER 54.

The queen’s charter of Quietus est, with her broad seal appendant, to the lord treasurer Burghley, discharging him from attendance on her, and to enjoy his beloved Theobalds, anno 1591. Drawn up by the queen herself in a facetious style, to cheer the said treasurer, who was, it seems, melancholy, and desirous to retire to a private life at his seat at Theobalds.

Transcribed by some writer in old text hand; but the spelling is kept according to the queen’s own writing. It is dated at Theobalds thus: Teste meipsa apud Tytbolles. ELIZABETHA Anglorum id est, a nitore angelorum, regina formosissima et felicissima: [the rest is in English.] To the disconsolate and retyred spryte, the heremite of Tyboll, and to al oother disaffected sowles, claiming by, from, or under the said heremit, sendeth greting. Where, in our high coourt of chancerie it is given us to understand, that yoou, sir Heremite, the abandonate of natures fair workes, and servaunt to heavens woonders, have (for the space of two years and two moonthes) possessed yoor self of fair Tybollt, with her sweet rosary the same tyme, the recreation of our right trusty and right wel beloved, sir William Sitsilt, knt. leaving to him the old rude repoze, wherein twice five years (at his cost) yoor contemplate life was relieved, which place and fate inevitable hath brought greefs innumerable, (for looer greef biddeth no compare,) suffering yoor solitary ey to bring into hir house desolation and moorning, joyes destroyers and annoye frendes; whereby paradice is grown wilderness, and for green grass are comen gray hearz, with cruel banishment from the frute of long laboure, the possession whereof he hath holden many yeerz, the want of the mean profit thereof (health and gladness) having been greatly to hiz hindrance; which tooucheth us much in the interest we have in hiz faithful servicez; besides the law of biz looving neibours and frends, infinite, as by the record of their countenance most plainly may appear.

Wee upon advised consideration have commanded you heremit, to yoor old cave, too good for the forsaken, too bad for oour worthily belooved coouncillour. And becauz we greatly tender yoor comfort, we have given poour to oour chauncillour, to make oout such and so many writs, as to him shal be thought good, to abjure desolations and mourning (the consumer of sweetness) to the frozen seas and deserts of Arabia Petrosa, upon pain of 500 despights to their terror, and contempt of their torments, if they attempt any part of yoour hoous again; ENJOYNING YOU to the enjoyment of yoour own hoous, and delight without memory of any mortal accident or wretched adversary.

And for that you have been so good a servaunt to common tranquillity, we command solace to give the ful and pacifick possession of al and every part thereof: not departing until oour favour (that ever hath inclined to yoor meek nature) have assured you peace in the possession thereof. Wherein we command al causez within the prerogative of oour high favour to give you no interrupdon. And this under the paine aforesaid they shal not omitt. Teste meipsa apud Tybolls, 10mo die Maii, regni nostri 33o. On the backside of this charter is, Per Cancellar. Angl. CHR. HATTON.

NUMBER 55.

Advertisements from Spain to the lord high treasurer of England, so endorsed. A brief of such news as I, Henry Carmink, of Droushed, a merchant, could learn in Spain; arriving there the 1st of March 1590, and departing thence home the 2lst of April 1591. THERE departed from Ferrol, about the 20th of February last, to the number of 25 sail for Britain, with 6000 soldiers; and being at sea were dispersed, some to the coast of France, and four of them back again to the port Vivers in Gallicia, where they remained fourteen days in very foul weather. After which time there came commandment, that they should set forward again toward the port where they were bound.

Also I heard, that the duke of Savoy hath entered into Mersellia, and holdeth the same by the right of his wife.

It is reported, that the king of Spain hath promised to help the leaguers with 12,000 men by the last of May next.

There was lost 11 of the best ships that were bound forth for treasure to the Indies, and not any saved in them. After which loss the king sent forth sixteen other ships for a new supply. There is by report come home three small ships with four millions of treasure. Nevertheless some think it not so, but only a speech given out; thinking that if Drake hear that the treasure be come home, that then he will not set forth; and also that by this report the soldiers will the rather enter into pay. For as they were accustomed to be paid monthly, they have been of late five months behind.

Sir William Stanley [that betrayed Deventer to the Spaniard] is at Madrid, and hath by report 200 ducats by the month. He hath six men attending upon him, and yet is scarce able to maintain the port of a mean gentleman.

And also the Irish gentlemen that be there, and have the king’s pay, are scarce able to pay tor their victuals, their apparel being very bare and simple.

There grew in Madrid a mutiny by the commons of the town against the king, for that he pressed them and all the country with new impositions. So that they wish that Drake were their king, then should they live as freemen, whereas they are now but captives. Upon which tumult, there were to the number of 60 hanged, and about 200 whipped and carted.

There came post from Madrid to Ferrol, by sir William Stanley’s footman, commanding every general captain and officer whatsoever, to be in a readiness presently to withstand sir Francis Drake; for there came letters to the court at Madrid, that Drake had promised that he would keep his Easter in Ferrol. Whereupon they commanded muster to be taken from to 60; and for so many as I saw, (to the number of 4000,) they were but simply weaponed, and poor naked people, and such as, in my judgment, would never stand to fight. And to prevent the English fleet from coming into the river of Ferrol, the Spanish have moored five great armathos, and two galliasses, as bulwarks to keep the enter of the harbour.

Moreover, I heard that. there was (since the 1st of November) three popes seated in Rome; whereof two are killed or poisoned. For that they held with the right of the king of Navarre, now king of France. Moreover, it is further reported, that there is a strong fleet builded at Blevet, and to straiten the same here lieth in the harbour five armathos and two galliasses.

By me, Henry Carminck.

NUMBER 56.

The cardinals to the city of Paris, from Rome; giving the news of pope Gregory’s death, anno 1591. Miseratione divina episcopi, presbyteri et diaconi sanctae Romance ecclesiae cardinales, dilectissimis nobis in Christo salutem et sytnceram in Domino charitatem. MAGNO cum dolore et plane inviti has ad vos literas damus, quas cor vestrum scimus quasi peracuto doloris gladio pariter transfixuras. Nam quo major vestra est cum hac sancta apostolica sede conjunctio, quo illustrior pietas et ergs Christi vicarium beati Petri successorem devotio et obedientia, eo acerbiori maeroris sensu vos commoveri certum est, cum aliquid nobis luctuosum accidit, qui vos paterne diligimus, aut ecclesise Romanae matri vestrae charissimae lachrymarum materiam praebet, quae vos in visceribus Christi complectitur.

Sed jam tandem illud enunciandum quod et mens et lingua effari effugit; pater noster sanctissimus pater amantissimus, in quo maxime conquiescebamus, Gregorius XIIII. summus pontifex nocte hesterna, sicut Domino placuit, caducae hujus vitae brevem cursum absolvit et ad sempiternae vitae gaudia migravit; sic enim pie nobis persuademus. Vitae enim integerrimae actae mors consentanea fuit. Nam ut omittamus quod sacris omnibus sacramentis Christiano ritu communit`us seipsum et innocentem animum Creatori suo cum omni humilitate libentissime tradidit, illud certe praeterire non possumus, quod paulo antequam e vita discederet, sacrum nostrum collegium ad se vocavit, et magna constantia et pietate, ut talem pontificem decebat, gravissimis verbis testatus est unam esse catholicam fidem, quam Christus Dominus noster docuit, sancti apostoli et eorum successores praedicarunt, quam sancta Romana ecclesia omnium ecclesiarum mater et magistra docuit semper et docet; in qua se per Dei gratiam vixisse, in ea se velle mori. Tum praeterea magno quodam affectu, ut plane ex intimo corde promanare perspiceremus, commendavit nostro sacro collegio causam nobilissimi et Christianissimi regni Franciae, hoc est causam Christi, causam catholicae religionis, causam totius reipublicae Christianae; cujus tam insignis et tam nobilis portio regnum illud est. Nosque magnopere admonuit, ut quae tanta spe inchoata sunt non deseramus.

Nos autem sanctissimo patri, etsi multis cum lachrymis, ea respondimus, quae tam justa et tam salutaria momento respondere debebamus, idem omnium nostrum ardor et desiderium erat: quare illius saluberrimas cohortationes cordi nostro infixas fore diximus, et reipsa jam efficimus.

Scribimus enim ad dilectissimum nobis in Christo Herculem montis Mastiani ducem, et militum exercitus sedis apostolicae praefectum generalem, ut provinciam sibi a sanctissimo patre impositam strenue sustineat, in opere tam praeclare inchoato insistat, mandata illius sanctae memorise quam accuratissime exequi pergat, eadem nos cupere, eadem mandate, eandem nostram voluntatem esse.

In eandem sententiam scripsimus et ad apostolicos nuntios in regno isto ne latum unguem a praescripto itinere discedant.

Quare etsi negare non possumus multum in optimo pontifice amissum esse, qui de istius regni salute dies noctesque cogitabat, tamen aequum est ut D.

D.W. [dominationes vestrae] seipsas consolentur, et bono ac forti animo sint, et in Dei providentia confidant. Vivit enim per Dei gratiam apostolica sedes, eadem apud vos materna charitas, oblivisei illos non potest quos in Christo genuit. Sacrum hoc nostrum collegium quantum in Domino poterit vos semper arctissime complectetur. Novimus virtutem vestram, novimus animi magnitudinem, novimus invictam fortitudinem istius regiae et nobilissimae civitatis pro fide catholica tuenda adversus omnes Satanae machinationes et omnes inferorum portas. Vestra constantia bonis aliis exemplo fuit; et nunc quoque caeteros catholicos corroborat et sustentat.

Quare, dilectissimi nobis in Christo, constantes estote, viriliter agite, et confortetur cor vestrum in eo qui potens, et eo qui facit mirabilia magna solus.

Nos paulo post in apostolicum conclave ingrediemur, et ab infinita Del clementia cito pontificem summum impetraturos confidimus; nec dubitamus eodem animo, eodem spiritu, eadem erga nos charitate illum fore qua sanctae rec. [recordationis] Gregorius fuit. Itaque vos magnopere hortamur, ut tot perpessos labores, tot merita vestra perfectae patientiae opere cumuletis, et caeteris, quod hactenus fecistis, vestrae gloriae splendore praeluceatis. Rogamus autem vos in Domino, ut sollicitudinem nostram vestris orationibus adjuvetis: ut ecclesiae catholicae sponsus et caput visibile, pastor universalis Domini gregis nobis a Patre misericordiarum, brevi concedatur, qui nostrum et vestrum et bonorum omnium desiderium in istius praesenti regni causa salutariter auxiliante Domino perficiat. Dat’ Romae in palatio apostolico, et congregatione nostra generali, sub sigillis trium nostrum in ordine priorum, die XVI Octobris 1591. Apostolica sede vacante.

Suprascriptio. Subscriptum Silvius Antonianus. Dilectissimis nobis in Christo senatui, clero, praeposito mercatorum et scabinis populi civitatis Parisiensis.

NUMBER 57.

Londino-Gallica ecclesia. John Castel, minister there, in the name of the members of that church, upon occasion of a supply to be sent to the French protestants in France. His letter writ to the archbishop of Canterbury and the lord treasurer, sending to this church to make their contribution for them under persecution.

Castel gives account of the members of this congrgation, and their poor condition, in a Latin letter to this tenor. THAT their church consisted of strangers, that were deprived of their goods and estates out of their own countries. That one part, and that the least, were Frenchmen: and they denied not, but that heretofore more were most kindly received by this nation into this port. But such as were of better condition long since returned, to defend their own seats against the rage of the enemies: but the men of meaner condition, and of military age, being helped by the liberalities of good men, (their wives and children being left to this church’s care,) followed the king’s camp: that those that remained there being exhausted with perpetual calamities, and had often suffered shipwreck, by reason of the continual tempest of war, did very hardly live.

That the other part [of this church,] and that the greatest, were Hannonii, Artesii, Flandri, Gallicani, that is, sprung out of the countries which obey the Spaniard; and in less need and want (some few excepted) than the rest.

That from the good God it is granted to them, that in some certain manufactures [opificia ] they excelled: but nevertheless since those works almost lie buried, all provision by the injury of times taken away, and commerce with other nations extinguished. That it is a wonder, and scarce to be believed, what great miseries the too deep silence of the merchants draws along with it. That they had about ten or twelve months since borrowed a great sum of money to relieve their poor, that they might not beg from door to door, to the disgrace of the church: out of which debt they could not tell how to get free, unless by some miracle from God.

NUMBER 58.

Robert Beal, clerk of the council many years, now in some employment in York: his letter to the lord treasurer, upon the queen’s sending for him to wait again, after some long absence, about the year 1591. WHEREAS not long sith your honourable lordship signified unto me, that her majesty’s pleasure was, that I should be sent for to wait again, I having considered of the matter, shall most humbly desire your lordship to inform her majesty as followeth, on my behalf, or else to procure me so much favour, as that I may deliver as much unto her majesty myself.

First, I never refused to wait, nor ever refuse to wait so long as I shall be able. Upon the granting of my office at York, Mr. Secretary told me, That her majesty’s pleasure was, that I should continue in these parts; for that I might be employed about foreign causes. As also I then was of the states of Denmark, &c. refusing nothing, although it were to my great trouble and charge. I did then willingly yield unto my companions, that were not otherwise provided, (as I was,) not to intermeddle in any thing whereby any profit might be gotten: and yet promised to be always ready to assist any of them upon any important service of her majesty; as I did the whole summer when the Spanish fleet passed by. And another summer I was with the earl of Leicester in the Low Countries.

The principal cause why I have not attended is the weakness and unability of my body to stand long, and to go up and down as I have done. My eyes wax dim. It is well known I am many times troubled with the gout and the stone, twice sith the beginning of this month. By much standing my feet will commonly swell. And if I do not prevent at the first the falling down of the burnout, I am forced to use fomentation, poultices, plasters, and other physic a good while after. I have almost attained the declining year of fifty of mine age. In my youth I took great pains, and travailing in divers countries on foot for lack of other abilities. Besides, I have served nineteen years complete in this place, which is a longer time than ever any did serve sith the office was erected, one only excepted: and therein have spent much labour to attain to some ability of service, without any regard of my private estate or commodity.

I cannot deny but that it hath grieved me, that having served so long without being convicted or charged with any disloyalty or dishonesty, I have had so little favour; which hath discouraged me so much, that whereas I sometime had some account with princes, and divers others abroad, as their letters unto me, if need be, could testify: yet for that I have not had that favour, they both have less account of me; and myself have withdrawn myself from any letters or action, either with them or any other.

The chiefest mean of my living consisteth only upon the moiety of the casualties of the office at York: so as if I should be called to any service, I should not be able to do it, but under some other, without leaving my family unprovided. And whensoever I shall die, it will be found that I shall leave the poorest wife and children that ever any of my place did.

Nevertheless I do content myself with my mean estate, and shall be still contented to serve, as far as I shall be able. But my desire is, that it may be so, as my body may be able to perform it: and therefore most humbly beseech her majesty to yield me the favour, that seeing there be many others, that have like and greater fees, without either serving as I have done, or daily attendance, which is required of me, I may enjoy my place and fee of clerk of the council still, and attend as the state of my body will give me leave.

NUMBER 59.

Mr. Beal,s voyages and embassies: which he writ and sent to the lord treasurer, to manifest his public services and good deserts.

AVOYAGE to the prince of Orange; carried with him seven persons [attendants] with him, and had allowance of her majesty 40s . per diem.

Then he solicited the merchants’ causes [against the pirates.] One of his businesses was to prosecute the injury done to my lord of Oxford; whereof three were found, and one imprisoned, and some of his stuff recovered. He was then in danger of drowning, and taken by the Spaniards, who lay at Brewers-haven, by which he ventured to pass.

He went a second voyage to Holland, being abroad six months, and had with him eight men; and his allowance was 40s. per diem. Passing the seas, he and his company were spoiled of 250l .ready money, besides all their apparel and other furniture.

He made a long and winter journey, making a circuit to and fro of English miles at the least; repairing personally to nine princes, and sending her majesty’s letters to three others.

Although I never desired to be employed, yet being put into it, my endeavour hath been to discharge the credit committed to me, as might be for her majesty’s honour. And as for her highness’s sake great honour was in sundry places shewed me, so could I not but by some remembrance requite the same. And I protest upon my allegiance, that the gifts that I gave at the duke of Brunswick’s and the landgrave’s in ready money, and money’s worth, for her majesty’s honour, being her gossips, and having had nothing to my knowledge sent unto them, (and in other places,) came to better than 100l . And whoso knoweth the fashions and cravings of those princes’ courts may well see, that, having been at so many places, I could not escape with less. My charges came in this voyage to 932l . one ways or other.

Before my going over I sold a chain, which I had of the queen of Scots, for 65l. The duke and duchess of Brunswic gave me a present of 1500 dollars, which is at the least in current money 340l .

These journeys into Holland and Germany were about the years 1577 and 1578. Another letter to the lord treasurer, April 1578.

The queen at sundry times uttered hard speeches of Beal’s expensiveness, and the charges he put her to in these two voyages; which occasioned him to write to the lord treasurer, and to give particular account of his expenses.

He complained he was in such poverty, that he could not longer hold out, but must give over, and go to some corner, without the queen assisted him I thank God, I have the testimony of a clear conscience, that I have served her majesty truly and uprightly Touching my ordinary places, if I have been a briber or encroacher, or have covetously behaved myself, upon just proof, I desire no other favour than to be hanged at the court gates. If I have gotten any thing by serving any man’s turn, either foreign or within the realm; (as I hear that some of my predecessors did;) and if I would have been dishonest, (perhaps needed not to be so importune for relief at her majesty’s hands,) I crave the same reward.

Besides the losses of money and other things I sustained upon the seas, I would not be in like danger to be assaulted, and so violently taken hurt, kept under hatches, menaced with killing and drowning, in so terrible a sort, as it amazeth me to think of it: and after left without bread, drink, money, or other furniture, to the mercy of the seas, for ten times the charge her majesty hath been at being appointed to take the charge in hand, [that of an ambassador from the queen,] although I bear low sail in court; yet was I not in that service forgetful of her majesty’s honour and my duty, but so far forth as my allowance and ability could stretch, I omitted not to do that became me.

Besides my six years continual attendance and service, I will not report the good-will I had to serve her majesty’s ambassador in France, since the year 1564, and in Germany; as Mr. Henry Knowles and Mr. Killigrew can witness, without any charge to her highness.

If it be suspected, that because in my ordinary service I make no great show, because I behaved not myself as it became me abroad; I thank God I know how to use myself in both. And as the countenance of the one was, I trust, for the time sufficiently maintained, so am I not now forgetful of my poor state, whereto I was to return, deposito officio. I can frame myself to live after the old manner, as long as it shall please her majesty, in a bare cloak in this pistrina, or out of it, rather than to be employed any more in so dangerous and costly voyages.

NUMBER 60.

A letter of the Puritan ministers imprisoned, to her majesty, in vindication of their innocency. Dated April 1592.

May it please your excellent majesty, THERE is nothing, right gracious sovereign, next to the saving mercy of Almighty God, that can be more comfortable than your highness’s favour, as to all other your faithful and dutiful subjects; so to us, your majesty’s most humble suppliants, who are by our calling ministers of God’s holy word, and by our present condition now and of long time prisoners in divers prisons in and about the city of London. For which cause our most humble suit is, that it may please your most excellent majesty, graciously to understand our necessary answer to such grievous charges as we hear to be informed against us. Which, if they were true, might be just cause of withdrawing for ever from us your highness’s gracious protection and favour; which above all other earthly things we most desire to enjoy. The reason of our trouble is a suspicion that we should be guilty of many heinous crimes: but these supposed crimes we have not been charged with in any due and ordinary course of proceeding, by open accusation and witnesses. But being called up to London by authority of some of your majesty’s commissioners in causes ecclesiastical, we have been. required by them to take an oath of inquisition, or office, as it is called. For not taking whereof we were first committed to prison, and since have continued there a long time, notwithstanding that all of us, save one, have been deprived of our livings, and degraded of our ministry.

Whereof, for that the oath is the next and immediate cause of our trouble, we have made our answer first to that; and then after also to the crimes that are suggested and secretly informed against us. And then they go on to vindicate themselves under these several heads, viz. the oath, schism, rebellion, supremacy, excommunication, conferences, and singularity.

THE OATH.

As for the oath, the reason why we took it not is, because it is without limitation of any certain matter, infinite and general, to answer whatsoever shall be demanded of us. And of this kind of oath we find neither rule nor example in the word of God. But contrariwise, both precepts and precedents of all lawful oaths reported in the same, lead to this, that an oath ought to be taken with judgment, and so as he that sweareth may see the bounds of his oath, and to what certain condition it doth bind him, &c.

This oath is to inquire of our private speeches and conference with our dearest and nearest friends; yea, of the very secret thoughts and intents of our hearts, that so we may furnish both matter of accusation, and evidence of proof against ourselves, which was not used to be done in causes of heresy nor of high treason. For these are the words of the statute of your most noble father king Henry VIII. For that the most expert and best learned cannot escape the danger of such captious interrogatories, (as the law calleth them,) which are accustomed to be administered by the ordinaries of this realm. As also that it standeth not with the right order of justice or good equity, that any person should be convicted, or put to the loss of life, good name, or goods, unless it be by due accusation and witness, or by presentment, verdict, confession, or process of outlawry.

And further, for the avoiding untrue accusation and presentments, which might be maliciously conspired and kept secret, unrevealed, until time might be espied, to have men thereof by malice convicted; it was ordained, that none should be put to answer, but upon accusations and presentments taken in open and manifest courts by the oath of twelve men.

SCHISM.

As to the charge of schism: and that they so far condemned the present state of our church, that they held it not for any true, visible church of God, as it is established by public authority within the land; and therefore refused to have any part or communion with it in public prayers, or in the ministry of the word and sacraments; which, if it were true, we were of all men living the most unthankful, first to Almighty God, and next to your excellent majesty, by whose blessed means we are partakers of that happy liberty of the profession of the gospel, and of the true service of God, that by your highness’s gracious government, &c. we do enjoy We acknowledge unfeignedly, as in the sight of God, that this our church, as it is by your highness’s laws and authority established among us, having that faith professed and taught publicly in it, that was agreed of in the convocation holden in the year 1562, and such form of public prayers and administration of the sacraments, as in the first year of your most gracious reign was established, (notwithstanding any thing that may need to be revised and further reformed,) to be a true, visible church of Christ; from the holy communion whereof, by way of schism, it is not lawful to depart.

Our whole life may shew the evident proof hereof: for always before the time of our trouble, we have lived in the daily communion of it, not only as private men, but at the time of our restraint (as many years before) preached and exercised our ministry in the same, and at this present most earnestly beseech all in authority that is set over us, especially your excellent majesty, that we may so proceed to serve God and your highness all the days of our life.

REBELLION.

Another crime suggested against us is, that we should practise or purpose rebelliously to procure such further reformation of our church as we desire, by violent and undutiful means. Whereunto our answer is, That as we think it not lawful to make a schism in the church for any thing that we esteem needful to be reformed in it; so do we in all simplicity and sincerity of heart, in the presence of Almighty God, (to whom all secrets are known,) and of your excellent majesty, (to whom the sword is given of God for just vengeance and punishment of transgressors,) that for procuring of reformation of any thing that we desire to be redressed in the state of our church, we judge it most unlawful and damnable by the word of God to rebel, and by force of arms, or any violent means, to seek redress thereof.

And moreover, that we never intended to use, or procure any other means for the furtherance of such reformation, than only prayer to Almighty God, and most humble suit to your excellent majesty, and others in authority, with such like dutiful and peaceable means as might give information of this our suit, and of the reasons moving us thereunto.

SUPREMACY.

The third crime misinformed against us is, that we impeach your majesty’s supremacy. For answer whereunto we unfeignedly protest, (God being witness that we speak the truth herein from our hearts,) that we acknowledge your highness’s sovereignty and supreme power, next and immediately under God, over all persons, and in all causes, as well ecclesiastical as civil, in as large and ample manner as it is agnized by the high court of parliament, in the statute of recognition, and is set down in the oath of supremacy enacted by the same; and as it is further declared in your majesty’s injunctions, and also in the articles of religion, agreed in the convocation, and in sundry books of learned men of our nation, published and allowed by public authority. We add yet hereunto, that we acknowledge the same as fully as ever it was in old time acknowledged by the prophets to belong to the virtuous kings of Judah; and as all the reformed churches in Christendom acknowledge the same to their sovereign princes in their confessions of their faith, exhibited unto them, as they are set down in a book named the Harmony of Confessions, and the observations annexed thereunto.

And besides this protestation, we appeal to the former whole course of our lives, wherein it cannot be shewed that we ever made question of it; and more particularly by our public doctrine declaring the same, and by our taking the oath of supremacy, as occasion hath required.

EXCOMMUNICATION.

It hath been odiously devised against us, concerning the person subject to excommunication, and the power thereof, how far it extendeth. Touching the former, we judge not otherwise herein, than all the reformed churches that are this day in the Christian world, nor than our own English church, both always heretoforo hath judged, and doth still at this present, as may appear by the Articles of Religion agreed by the convocation, and by a Book of Homilies allowed by the same; and also by sundry other books of greatest credit and authority in our church. Which is, that the word of God, the sacraments, and the power of binding and loosing, are all the ordinances of Almighty God, graciously ordained for the comfort and salvation of the whole church. And that therefore no part or member of it is to be denied the comfortable wholesome aid and benefit thereof, for the furtherance of their faith, and (as need may require) of their repentance, &c.

For the other part, how far this censure extendeth, we profess that it depriveth a man only of spiritual comforts; as of being partaker of the Lord’s table, and being present at the public prayers of the church, or such like, without taking away either liberty, goods, lands, government, private or public whatsoever, or any other civil or earthly commodity of this life.

Wherefore from our hearts we detest and abhor that intolerable presumption of the bishop of Rome, taking upon him in such cases to depose sovereign princes from their highest seats of supreme government, and discharging their subjects from that dutiful obedience that by the laws of God they ought to perform.

CONFERENCES.

Concerning our conferences: we have been charged to have given orders, and made ministers, and to have administered the censures of the church; and, finally, to have exercised all ecclesiastical jurisdiction. To which suggestion we answer, That indeed of long time we have used, as other ministers have done, (as we think in most parts of the land,) to meet sometimes, and to confer together. Which being granted to all good and dutiful subjects, upon occasion to resort and meet together, we esteem it is lawful for us so to do.

For besides the common affairs of all men, which may give them just cause to meet with their acquaintance and friends, mutually to communicate, for their comfort and help, one with another; men professing learning have more necessary and special use of such conferences, for their furtherance in such knowledge as they profess But such as are professed ministers of the word have sundry great and necessary causes so to do more than others.

Because of the manifold knowledge both of divinity and also of divers tongues and sciences, that are of great use for the better enabling them for their ministry: in which respect the conferences of the ministers were allowed by many bishops within their dioceses: and to our knowledge never disallowed or forbidden by any. Some late years also have given us more special cause of conferring together, where Jesuits, seminaries, and other heretics sought to seduce many. And wherein also some schismatics condemned the whole state of our church, as no part of the true visible church of Christ, and therefore refused to have any part or communion with it. Upon which occasion it is needful for us to advise of the best way and means we could, to keep the people that we had charge to instruct, from such damnable errors.

Further also particularly, because some reckoned us to have part with that schism, and reported us to agree in nothing, but to differ one from another in the reformation that we desire; we have special cause to confer together, that we might set down some things touching such matters, which at all times, whensoever we should be demanded, might be our true and just defence; both to clear us from partaking with the schism, and to witness for us that we agreed in the reformation that we desire.

But as touching the thing surmised of our meetings, that we exercise in them all ecclesiastical jurisdiction in making ministers, in censuring and excommunicating, in ordaining constitutions and orders upon such censures to bind any; we protest before God and the holy angels, that we never exercised any part of such jurisdiction, nor had any purpose agreed among us to exercise the same, before we should by public law be authorized thereunto.

Further also, touching such our meetings, we affirm that they were only of ministers, (saving in some parts where a schoolmaster, two or three, desirous to train themselves to the ministry, joined with us,) and the same, but of six or seven, or like small number in a conference; without all deed or appearance that might be offensive to any.

SINGULARITY.

Which, though it be not subject to any punishment of law, yet is suggested against us by such as favour not our most humble desire of a further reformation; to disgrace us, and to make us odious, both with others, and chiefly with your excellent majesty. Wherein our answer is, That the discipline of the primitive church is ancient, and so acknowledged by the Book of Common Prayer in these words: “That there was a godly discipline in the primitive church. Instead whereof, until the said discipline may be restored again, (which thing is much to be wished,) it is thought convenient to use such a form of commination as is prescribed.”

Further also, if it please your majesty with favour to understand it from us, we are ready to shew, that in such points of ecclesiastical discipline of our church, which we desire most humbly may be reformed, we hold no singular or private opinion, but the truth of the word of God, acknowledged to be such by all the best churches and writers of ancient time and of this present age.

Thus have we declared, right gracious sovereign, truly and sincerely, as we will answer it to God and to your majesty, upon our allegiance, what judgment we are of, concerning the matters informed against us. And further testify, that no minister within this land, desiring a further reformation, with whom we have had any private acquaintance or conference of these matters, (whatsoever may be otherwise informed,) is of any other mind or opinion in these cases that have been named. By which declaration, if (according to our earnest prayer to Almighty God) your majesty shall clearly discern us to stand free from all such matters as we are charged with, our most humble suit is, that your ma.. jesty’s gracious favour (which is more dear and precious to us than our lives) may be extended to us; and that by means thereof we may enjoy the comfortable liberty of our persons and ministry, as we did before our trouble. Which if by your highness’s special mercy and goodness we may obtain, we promise and vow to Almighty God, and your excellent majesty, to behave ourselves in so peaceable and dutiful sort in every respect, as may give no just cause of your highness’s offence: but according to our callings, both in doctrine and example, as heretofore, so always hereafter, to teach due obedience to your majesty, among other parts of holy doctrine, and to pray for your majesty’s long and blessed reign over us, &c. The ministers that made this petition to the queen, were, as it seems, the same that addressed their letter to the lord treasurer, December 4, 1591.

NUMBER 61.

A petition to the lord treasurer from another rank of puritans, that were separatists; presented near this time: thus endorsed: This humble petition was put up of many poor Christians, imprisoned by the bishops in sundry several prisons in and about London. THEY humbly beseech your honour either to grant them speedy trial together or some free Christian conference, or else in the mean while that they may be bailed according to law: or else to put them in Bridewell, or some other convenient place, where they may be together for mutual help and comfort. Or if your honour will not yourself alone grant this their request, that then it may please you to be a mean for their speedy relief unto the rest of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council.

The Almighty God, that hath preserved your lordship unto these honourable years in so high service to our sovereign prince, and to the unspeakable comfort of this whole land, give your honourable heart so tender compassion, and careful consideration in equity of the poor afflicted servants of Christ; and that before the Lord plead against this land for Abel’s innocent blood, that is shed in the several prisons, your honour may open your mouth for the dumb, in the cause of the children of destruction.

You may open your mouth and judge righteously, and judge the cause of the afflicted. As the people of Israel, when they went to war, first made peace with God, and removed all occasion whereby his wrath might be incensed, lest he should fight against them in battle. For if this suppression of the truth, and oppression of Christ in his members, contrary to all law and justice, be without restraint prosecuted by the enemy in the land, then not only the persecuted shall daily cry from under the altar for redress, but God’s wrath be so kindled for the shedding the innocent blood of men, even the blood of his own servants, (of whom he hath said, Touch not mine anointed, ) that though Noah, Daniel, and Job should pray for this people, yet should they not deliver them.

Pleaseth it then your lordship to understand, that we her majesty’s loyal, dutiful, and true-hearted subjects, to the number o£ threescore persons and upwards, have, contrary to all law and equity, been imprisoned, separate from our trades, wives, and children, and families; yea, shut up close prisoners from all comfort; many of us the space of two years and an half, upon the bishop’s sole commandment, in great penury and noisomeness of the prisons; many ending their lives, never called to trial; some haled forth to the sessions; some cast in irons and dungeons; some in hunger and famine: all of them debarred from any lawful audience before our honourable governors and magistrates, and from all benefit and help of the laws: daily defamed, and falsely accused by published pamphlets, private suggestions, open preaching, slanders, and accusations of heresy, sedition, schism, and what not. And above all, (which most utterly toucheth our salvation,) they keep us from all spiritual comfort and edifying, by doctrine, prayer, or mutual conference, &c.

And seeing for our conscience only we are deprived of all comfort, we most humbly beseech your good lordship, that some more mitigate and peaceable course might be taken herein: that some free and Christian conference, publicly or privately before your honour, or before whom it would please you, where our adversaries may not be our judges; but our case, with the reason and proof on both sides, might be recorded by indifferent notaries and faithful witnesses. And if any thing be found in us worthy of death or bands, let us be made an example to all posterity. If not, we entreat for some compassion to be shewn in equity, according to law, for our relief. That in the mean time we may be bailed, to do her majesty service; walk in our callings, to provide things needful for ourselves, our poor wives, disconsolate children and families relying upon us, &c. or else, that we might be prisoners together in Bridewell, or any other convenient place at your honour’s appointment; where we might provide such relief by our diligence and labours, as might preserve life, to the comfort both of our souls and bodies. And if your honour will not of yourself grant us this suit, yet we most humbly entreat your honour will make the rest of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council acquainted with our distressed estate, and together grant us some present redress. The names of your poor suppliants, prisoners. — In the Gate-house. — Father Debnam, — John Gualter, — Edmund Thomson, — John Nicolas, — Thomas Freeman. — John Barnes, — In the Fleet. — John Crawford, — Henry Barrowe, — Thorns Conadyne, — John Greenwood, — Thomas Reeve, — Daniel Studley, — William Dodshoe, — Robert Badkyne, — Walter Lane. — In the White-lion. — In Newgate. — Thomas Legat, — William Dentford, — Edmund Marsh, — Widow Borrough, — Anthony Johnes, — Roger Waterer. — Cook, — In Bridewell. — Auger — William Broomal, — In Wood-street Counter — James Forrester, — George Snells, — Anthony Claxton, — Christoph. Bowman, — Nicholas Lee, — Robert Jackson. — John Francis, — In the Poultry Counter. — William Forester, — Rowlet Skipwith, — John Clark, John — George Kinsstone, — Fisher, John Bucer, — Thomas Eyneworth, — Roger Rippon, — Richard Hayward, — Robert Andrews, — John Lancaster. — Richard Skarlet, — Prisoners deceased. — Luke Hayes, — John Chaundler, out of the Poultry Counter, — Richard Maltusse, — George Dinghtie out of Wood-street Counter. — Richard Umberfield, — Out of Newgate. — William Fowler, — Richard Jackson, — William Burt, — Widow Mainard, — William Hutton. — Widow Row, — — In the Clink. — Nicholas Crane, — George Collier, — Thomas Stephens. — John Sparrow, — Out of the Clink — Edmund Nicolson, — Henry Thomson, — Christopher Browne, — Jerom Studley. — Thomas Mitchel, — Out of Bridewell. — Andrew Smith, — John Pardy. — William Blacborrow, — Thomas le Mare, In all prisoners Christopher Raper, In all dead in prison Quintin Smith.

NUMBER 62.

The humble supplication of the faithful servants of the church of Christ, in the behalf of their ministers and preachers imprisoned, to the lords of the council: the separatists shewing at large their case and reason in breaking off communion with the church established.

To the right honourable the lords and others of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council. YOUR honours venerable authority, gravity, and wisdom, assembled in this high place of council, for the redress of abuses, and for the godly and peaceable government of this land, under her most excellent majesty, giveth us, her poor oppressed subjects, boldness, yet in all humility, to express before your honours our most lamentable usage and distressed estate; whose entire faith unto God, loyalty to our sovereign, obedience to our governors, reverence to our superiors, innocency in all good conversation towards all men, cannot avail us for the safety of our lives, liberty, or goods, not even by her highness’s royal laws, and the public charter of this land, from the violence and invasion of our adversaries, her majesty’s subjects, whose dealing with us your honours shall further understand, when we have briefly declared the true cause thereof unto you; which is this:

Her highness publishing the holy scriptures, and exhorting all her subjects to the diligent reading and sincere obedience thereof in their callings; we thereby, upon due examination and assured proof, find the whole public ministry, ministration, worship, government, ordinances, and proceedings ecclesiastical of this land, by authority established, to be strange, and quite dissenting from the rule of Christ’s Testament; not to belong unto, or to have any place or use, or so much as mention in his church; but rather to belong unto, and to be derived from, the malignant synagogue of Antichrist, being the selfsame that the pope used and left in this land; where we dare not by any means defile or subject ourselves in any outward subjection or inward consent thereunto, both in regard of the whole first table of God’s law to the contrary, and of the wrath denounced, Revelation 14:9,10,11, and 18:4.

Again, we by the holy scriptures find God’s absolute commandment, that all which hear and believe the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ should forthwith thereupon forsake their evil walk, and from thenceforth walk in Christ’s holy faith and order, together with his faithful servants, subjecting themselves to the ministry, those holy laws and ordinances which the Lord Jesus hath appointed, and whereby he only is present and reigneth in his church. Wherefore, both for the enjoying of that inestimable comfort of his joyful presence and protection, and to shew our obedience to God’s holy commandment, we have, in his reverent fear and love, drawn and joined ourselves together in that Christian faith, order, and communion, prescribed in his word, and subjected our souls and bodies to those holy laws and ordinances, which the Son of God hath instituted, and whereby he is present, and ruleth his church here beneath, and have chosen to ourselves such a ministry of pastor, teacher, elders, deacons, as Christ hath given to his church here on earth to the world’s end; in attending there the promised assistance of God’s grace, (notwithstanding any prohibition of men, or what by men can be done unto us,) according to God’s holy commandment, to worship him aright, and to frame all our proceedings according to the prescript of his word, and to lead our lives in holiness and righteousness before him, in all dutiful obedience and humble subjection to our magistrates and governors set over us by the Lord.

Then they go on to shew, how that in both these, as well their attempts in forsaking the one, as endeavouring the other, that they undertook and were ready, before their honours, to approve against all men, as they were publicly avowed in the confession and practice of foreign churches, so to be warrantable by the word of God, allowable by her majesty’s laws, no ways prejudicial to her sovereign power, or offensive to the public peace of the state.

That their only special adversaries, that found themselves offended hereat, were the officers of Antichrist’s kingdom; namely, the Romish prelacy and priesthood left in the land. Their dealing with us is, and hath been a long time, most injurious, outrageous, and unlawful, by the great power and high authority they have gotten in their hands, and usurped above all the public courts, judges, laws, and charters of this land; persecuting, imprisoning, detaining at their pleasures our poor bodies, without any trial, release, or bail permitted yet; and hitherto, without any cause either for error or crime, directly objected. And some of us they have now more than five years in prison; yea, four of these five years in close prison, with miserable usage, as Henry Barrow and John Greenwood, at this present in the Fleet. Others they have cast into their limbo of Newgate, laden with as many irons as they could bear: others into the dangerous and loathsome gaol, among the most facinorous and vile persons; where it is lamentable to relate how many of these innocents have perished within these five years.

And of these, some aged widows, aged men, young maidens, &c. Where so many as the infection hath spared shall lie in woful distress, like to follow their fellows, if speedy redress be not had. Others of us have been grievously beaten with cudgels in the prison, as at Bridewell; and cast into a place called Little ease there, for refusing to come to their chapel service; in which prison they (and others of us not long after) ended their lives.

Upon none of us thus committed by them, dying in their prison, is any search or inquest suffered to pass, as by law in like case is provided.

Their manner of pursuing and apprehending us is with no less violence and outrage. Their pursuivants, with assistants, break into our houses at all hours of the night. There they break up, ransack, rifle, and make havock at their pleasure, under pretence of searching for seditious and unlawful books. The husbands in the deep of the night they have plucked out of their beds from their wives, and haled them unjustly to prison About a month since, their pursuivants, late in the night, entered, in the queen’s name, into an honest citizen’s house upon Ludgate-hill, where, after they had at their pleasure searched and ransacked all places, chests, &c. of the house, they there apprehended two of our ministers, Francis Johnson, without any warrant at all, and John Greenwood; both whom, between one and two of the clock after midnight, they with bills and staves lecl to the counter of Wood-street; taking assurance of Edward Boys, the owner of this house, to be true prisoner in his own house, until the next day that he were sent for at which time the archbishop, with certain doctors his associates, committed them all three to close prison; two unto the Clink, the third again to the Fleet, where they remain in great distress.

Since this they have cast into prison Thomas Settle and Daniel Studley, lately taken, and Nicolas Lane, upon a Lord’s day in our assembly, by Mr. Richard Young, and committed to prison, and afterward bailed by the sheriff of London, to be now again called for and committed close prisoner to the Gate-house.

Others of us they have in like manner proscribed, and sent out their pursuivants to apprehend; so there is no safety to any of us in one place.

Now you have heard our case and usage: it were long to relate to your honours all their secret drifts and open practices, whereby they seek to draw us into danger and hatred; as by their subtle questions propounded, not having or knowing any matter to lay unto our charge; by their subordinate conference, now almost three years since, sent into the prisons to well nigh sixty faithful Christians, whom they there against all law, and without all cause, detained; by indicting us upon the statutes made for disloyal, idolatrous, recusant papists, (whom yet after thirty-three years obstinacy, they use not after this manner,) though they know that we sincerely hold all the grounds of religion, published by her majesty in harmony of confession, and never refused any wholesome doctrine or truth, shewed us in God’s word, but only withstand such popish enormities as they bring in and urge, contrary to the word of God; by defaming and divulging us as anabaptists, though they be not able to charge us with any one of their errors to our faces; as Donatists and schismatics, though we have Christian communion with all that truly hold and walk in the Christian faith; as seditious, covenant-breakers though they still by their tyranny drive us into these secret places and meetings; as abridgers of and encroachers upon the royal power of the queen, though we from our hearts acknowledge her sovereign power, under God, over all persons, causes, and actions, civil or ecclesiastical though we gladly obey, and never willingly break any of her godly laws; though we never attempted either secretly or openly of ourselves to suppress or innovate any thing, how enormous soever, by public authority established, patiently suffering whatsoever the arm of injustice shall do unto us for the same; doing such things as Christ hath commanded us in his holy worship, but always leaving the reformation of the state to those that God hath set to govern that state; yet are we all accused as pernicious unto the state and public peace of the land, though we endeavour nothing but the pure worship of God, and sincere obedience to the law of our Lord Jesus Christ, within the limits of our calling, &c.

Likewise they untruly suggested, that we, by our opinions and proceedings, utterly cut off and condemn her most gracious majesty, your honours, and all others not of our mind, as infidels, reprobates, &c. wherein they much wrong your honours and us. God knoweth our reverent judgment, loyal hearts, and entire love to you all; how we seek, desire, yea, and have hope of your salvation as our own.

But, right honourable, this dealing will not for ever uphold their ruinous kingdom, or keep your honourable wisdoms from the sight and search of God’s truth in these matters; which, if it may please your honours but to permit to be tried with them, cannot longer be hid. We can but in all humble manner beseech, offer, and commit our cause and whole proceedings to be tried by the scriptures of God, with any that is of contrary or divers judgment, before your honourable presence. Where we confidently undertake, both to disprove their public ministry, ministration, worship, government, and proceedings ecclesiastical, established, as they vaunt, in this land; and also to approve our own present course and practice by such evidence of scripture as our adversaries shall not be able to withstand. Protesting, if we fail herein, not only willingly to sustain such deserved punishment as shall be inflicted upon us for our disorder and temerity, but also to become conformable to their line and proceedings. If we overthrow not them, we will not say, if they overcome us Neither may your honours without great charge deny, or any longer defer this Christian and peaceable course, prescribed and commanded of God in these causes, seeing it tendeth to the appeasing and ending great contentions already begun, and like to increase, to the satisfying many doubtful consciences, &c.

In the mean time they prayed in the name of God, and our sovereign queen, for the present safety of their lives, the benefit and help of her majesty’s laws, and of the public charter of the land; (to the observation and preservation whereof your honours have sworn;) namely, that we may be received unto bail, until we be by order of law convict of some crime, deserving bands We plight unto you our faith unto God, our allegiance to her majesty, that we will not commit any thing (unwilling) unworthy the gospel of Christ, or to the disturbance of the common peace and good order of the land; and that we will be ready forthcoming at such reasonable warning as your lordships shall command. It standeth not with your honourable estimation and justice, to suffer us to be thus oppressed or punished: yea, thus to perish, before trial and judgment; especially imploring and crying out to you for the same However, we here take the Lord of heaven and earth, and his angels, together with your own consciences, and all persons in all ages, to whom this our supplication may come, to witness that we have here truly advertised your honours of our case and usage, and have in all humility offered our cause to Christian trial.

NUMBER 63.

James Yong, a Jesuit, taken 1592. His confession August 27. the said year, before the lord keeper Puckering, lord Buckhurst, and Mr. Fortescue, chancellor of the exchequer: being his letter under his own hand, as followeth: Right honourable, BEING much comforted with your friendly dealing, as I have imparted unto your lordships that which is so much as my life is worth; so most plainly I shall now set down, what my whole knowledge comprehendeth in each sort, as I expect to find any favour with your lordships.

My place of birth was in the bishopric of Durham, in a town called Eglescliff. My father’ s name was Thomas Yong, who died about some years ago, and appointed that I should be brought up at school, as after I was, until the year 1579; at which time I departed from Durham school, (where I was the queen’s scholar, receiving five marks by the year of the college there,) under colour that I would go to the university of Cambridge, but indeed to go beyond seas. When coming to London, I was acquainted with one Richard Bartet, an old master of arts of Oxford, with whom I stayed here in London some two months; and both of us together went down to Gravesend, and from thence to Dover, going under pretence as though we would go to the camp of duke d’Allenson, who then was going into Flanders. We arrived at Bulloin the same night, in company with one of my lord of Leicester’s men called Johnson, who carried letters to Monsieur. From thence we went to Paris, where I stayed but six or seven days, and talked with one Darbishire, a Jesuit, who first counselled me to go to Rhemes; for I did not know the place before, neither what was the manner of their living or profession. Brought thither, and seeing some of the same school with me to give themselves to priesthood, I applied myself, though with great repugnancy, to follow the same trade: whereupon I was counselled to study logic: and shortly after I was sent to Rome, where anew I began to study logic, physic, and metaphysic; which I ended in three years, and then went to school-divinity four years. At the end of which time I was preferred to defend printed conclusions of divinity in the university of the Roman college, having before made a sermon in Latin before pope Sixto and the cardinals, in the chapel of St. Peter’s, upon St. Stephen his day, the same year that the duke of Guise was put to death.

After this it was thought good that I should not come into England, but that I should read a lecture of divinity in Rhemes: for which I did prepare myself. Yet before I could be sent down, father Parsons wrote out of Spain to the rector of the English college at Rome, that he should send no priests into England that year: but if any should accept of it, as a benefit, to send them to Spain, for that he had obtained in Valladolid a new college. Then the rector told me, that he thought it would be greater credit for me to go into Spain, to see and learn the fashions of the Spaniard. Whose counsel I following in the year 1589, at Michaelmas time, together with four other priests, took shipping at Genua, and landed at Alecante, and from thence came directly to Madrid. At which time the king was absent, because of the plague which was then in that country thereabouts. From thence, after the space of a month, I was sent with two other priests to Valladolid, where we found but four students in the college. But the number was increased to thirty-six before my coming away.

The Spaniards, who returned out of England, spake much of the persecution here, much pitying our cases, who were there brought up, to venture our lives by returning home again. Whereupon father Parsons took occasion to write a little book of the end of the college, and the students therein, which he published in Spanish, and dedicated it to the king’s daughter, which made the fame of the college greater; which the better to maintain, he hastened to send a mission hither into England. Which he did, carrying six priests with him from Valladolid unto St. Lucar’s in Andaluzia; by the way causing us to go to noblemen, and to collegical and cathedral churches, the more to stir them up to favour with their alms the foundation of the new college at Valladolid; when I made a short speech to the cardinal of Toledo, signifying the great good that might come to the catholic church, if his grace would favour the poor beginning of Englishmen, who began now to shew the fruit of the alms received, by sending into the vineyard of England, for the conversion of souls, in one year six priests. He promised to maintain yearly two students in the college, and to further with his letters to noblemen the maintenance of more; as likewise many more, to whom the rest of my fellows made speeches, did promise.

At last being come to Sevilla, our journey was in manner stayed, upon hopes of a new college there to be erected by the cardinal and citizens of that city; where staying six months, and understanding that the fleet could not come from Indies, because it was besieged by the earl of Cumberland in Havana, as the report went, we were disposed of after this manner: first, four were sent over under pretence of galley-slaves taken in the Portugal action; the other two, of which I was one, should have gone with two Scottish ships, and to have landed in Scotland, because it were near mine own country: yet being weary with the tedious journey, and not able to brook the seas, and parted from my fellow, who was in another ship, by a little storm, I arrived here in Thames; and being set on land, lay abroad under a hedge all that night, and the next day came to London in my Spanish attire, which presently I changed, and went from place to place to get victuals, not knowing any one in London, for that my purpose was not to land here: yet remembering a token which I heard father Parsons speak of to one of them who came like galley-slaves, I inquired for one Thomas Wiseman, about the inns of court; with whom, at last, I met; and he got me acquainted with my lady Throgmorton, with whom I remained a month, she being unwilling to keep me any longer, because of speech which was bruited of a proclamation, and continual search which should be for to find out such as of late came from Spain. Then she gave me twenty marks, with other linen, and obtained, that I should table in Clarkenwel, at one Mompersons: where I lay as one that made suit to a young gentlewoman, who then was at table there.

It happened about Christmas last, that the officers came suddenly to search the house, from whence I escaped by a back-door; another priest, who was then at that house, being taken, and shortly after executed. Then came to Wiseman Then tabled by his means with one Coole, a schoolmaster in Holborn. Then to Wiseman again.

Then he lay at an inn, the White-swan in Holborn-bridge, where he remained until his apprehension, and bringing before Mr. Yong, at the beginning of Easter term last, and ever since was prisoner in the counter in the Poultry. That since his first arrival he never went out of the city, unless it were sometimes to walk in the fields.

This is the most true and sincere report of my whole manner of conversing, since my first departing over seas and return home again.

During the time of my abode in Rhemes, I understood nothing of any matter pretended by any against the realm; for that I was young, and not admitted into the company of the seniors in the college. After my coming to Rome, the first thing that ever I heard of was of the intent of Ballard and his complices; which I never understood perfectly, until I heard of their execution in England. Then I heard Dr. Allen say, that he had dissuaded Ballard, (who had revealed the matter unto him,) with all the earnest persuasions he could. But the other addicted rather to Morgan and Charles Paget coming to Paris, there laid the plot of their devise, with which he came into England, meaning to have effectuated it with speed.

The next matter that I heard was of the great hope there was of the king of the Scots, that he would become catholic. Which was the rather believed, for that one Tyry, a Scotch Jesuit, and one William Holt, an English Jesuit, who both came from thence, reported his inclination that way. With whom they had spoken privately divers times: as likewise with many other noblemen in that country. And Morgan wrote divers letters to the cardinal in Rome, that shortly all the Scotch holy bishops should be recalled home to their livings, and made suit that help might be made for the reclaiming of England by aiding the Scottish king. Which matter was much furthered by Dr. Lewis, now bishop of Casan, and agent for the Scottish nation.

Yet after the death of the queen of Scots, both Dr. ALlen and Parsons wrote to stir up the Spanish king, who, as I have heard Parsons say, could never be persuaded to attempt any thing against England in her lifetime, objecting that he should travail for others. That she being dead, the expectation was increased for the last invasion.

News being brought of the great preparations in Spain and Flanders, and Dr. Allen made cardinal, Holt and Creswel sent into Flanders to come with the prince; and hourly the cardinal was to be sent, as legate from Rome, the Michaelmas before the Spaniards came: for that it was certainly thought that the invasion should have been at the Christmas before; because that they understood that the English navy was altogether unprovided at that time. But the marquis of Santa Cruz, as it was reported, did hinder the attempt in wintertime. When it was heard of their coming to before Callis, and their cutting of their cables, and way towards Scotland, Parsons said, that better news would be heard shortly: for that they should land in Scotland, where the matter was already agreed upon with the king, whose guard was maintained by the king of Spain’s pension, and 40,000 crowns of gold, which he hath already received. When this was ended, as I did hear, sir William Stanley himself said, a new attempt was to have been made the Christmas after out of Flanders. For which purpose, he said, four months’ victuals were already prepared, with 16,000 men. But it was countermanded by letters from Spain, some five or six days before it should have been effected.

The matter of sir John Parrot I never heard named until my coming here in England, the Michaelmas twelvemonth after the Spanish attempt.

I was sent into Spain to Vallidolid, to be one of the beginners of the new college, where I attended the schools, to give example to the younger sort: although I had already ended my course of divinity in Rome. And to make Englishmen known in the university there, I did many public exercises.

About a year after, sir William Stanley came into Spain with one Owen, Anthony Standen, Thomas Fitz-Herbert, Rolestone, and three others his servants, who all went to the court, and stayed six weeks: Fitz-Herbert was sent to Paris, Standen to Burdeaux, where he was taken prisoner.

Rolestone sent to St. John de Lus, where also he was imprisoned, but escaped, paying to the governor eighty crowns. Owen returned into Flanders again. These men should have given certain intelligence to don John Idiaques, a counsellor and secretary to the king; but they were descried in each place before their coming by a Frenchman, who lived in the court, under colour of a priest, and apprehended in Madrid, by the information which Rolestone gave against him. Each of them had twenty crowns a month in pension, and one hundred and fifty crowns in their purses at their departure.

When Rowlston departed back again, he came to Stanley, who said, Thou art welcome, I hope; thou shalt be employed in as good service for the lady of which we have often talked. At which time he said no more. Yet being demanded after by one Dr. Stillington, what that lady was, O! saith he, if we had her, the most of our fears were past, for any one that could hinder us in England. It is Arbella, saith he, who keepeth with the earl of Shrowsbury: whom most certainly they will proclaim queen, if their mistress should now happen to die. And the rather they will do it, for that in a woman’s government they may still rule after their own designments.

But here is Symple, saith he, and Rowlston, who, like cunning fellows, have promised to convey her by stealth out of England into Flanders: which if it be done, I promise unto you she shall shortly after visit Spain: and, as I judge, they will prove men of their word. Shortly after, Symple and Rowlston were sent into Flanders: since which time I never heard any thing of the men.

Stanley then going to the court, was sent back in commission to see the army then at Pharol and at St. Anders, where don Alonso de Basan is general: who entertained Stanley with great honour, in hope for to gain his goodwill, that he might be general over the army when it should come for England. Stanley at his return much magnified the strength and furniture of thirty-six ships, which he saw at Pharol, as likewise of others in Biscay.

Wherein he found no fault, but that the gunports were cut too high above the watery which he laboured to have amended: but it could not be granted. That all our Englishmen were sent to Pharol, where they were entertained with fifteen crowns a month. He that had the least in his company in this voyage was one captain Cryps, an Englishman, who hath forty crowns a month for his service done in the Portugal action: a man greatly favoured with the adelantado of Castilia, general now of the galleys about the Straits. For whom all our Englishmen much labour that he may be general in the fleet.

There came also into Spain one Morgan, a captain, who some time had served my lord admiral: but the man I never saw. I heard that he had given him fifteen crowns at his first coming; and that he was to be sent to Pharol.

Farnham, Johnson, and Hagthorp were sent into Flanders in pilgrims’ weeds, as coming from St. James de Compostella. One Smith was sent by sea in a little pataz after: and a month after with a sufficient store of moneys and a letter to Owen to provide more at their coming, for their despatch into England, to provide mariners in the west about Plymouth, and about Norfolk and Newcastle: Farnham having in charge specially to deal with captains, and other officers, and to promise them large entertainment if they would accept of the king’s service. Whether these men be in England, yea or no, I am not able to say with any truth. The man I knew well by eyesight. And Hagthorp is mine own countryman, born at Chester in the Streets some six miles from Durham. Yet so long I am certain they stayed in Flanders, until a post came with letters, wherein Farnham gave notice of thirty-six pieces of artillery, and armour for 18 or 20 men: which was received safely from Amsterdam; and a little before was come out of England.

In my travel from Valledolid we were brought to the grand prior of Castillia, an ancient man: who talking with us of our voyage into England, and the danger of our entrance; I would to God, salth he, you might have but as safe arrival, as I hope to have there, before many years make my head more gray.

We asked father Parsons what was the meaning he said, that he looked to be general, and that he had entreated him to prefer his cause to the king; promising to maintain four scholars, and to shew all courtesy that he would command for any Englishman.

At last coming to Sevilia, where I stayed well nigh six months, upon expectation that a college should be there erected, I had daily access to father Parsons his chamber. Of whom I could never learn other, but that shortly an armado should be sent for England; and that the king had sworn he would be revenged of England, although he should spend all he had,. even to the socket of his candlestick. One day I being with father Parsons in his chamber, he was called by his sacristan to his mass, but willed me to stay till he returned, which I did. At that time he was writing to sir Will.

Stanley, who was shortly to go into Italy to see Rome, and from thence into Flanders. In this letter he sent him word, how now at length, by the favour of Idiaques, the king had yielded to his request for the first attempt against England; but not Before the year 93, because of the great hinderances that arose in France daily. Yet they hoped by that time to have Brest in Britanny: from whence he should have sixteen great ships, with 10,000 men. From which place he should have more commodity to come to the Irish Kernes his old acquaintance; and from thence easily to arrive near his own country, where 19 would he ready to assist him, and that young one 14 he hoped would also help; although now he would hold no water, but disclosed every one that seemed to move him in the matter.” I have, said he, ascertained the king upon your word concerning nineteen.

And the king saith, he remembereth the man very well: for that he was one of the last noblemen which was married in his time. And if the young one 14 had been unmarried, there had been none more fit to have been proclaimed king at their first arrival than he, thereby to gain the hearts of the people. Who these personages should be, upon my credit, I could never learn directly, other than by conjecture thus. After dinner captain Crips came into the Jesuits’ college at Sevilia, where, in my company talking with father Parsons, he spake of an ambassage, wherein my lord of Darby was sent; and of a minister that came there, from whom a soldier stole a port-manteau, while he was disputing with others about religion. Nay, saith Parsons, I would he had stolen my lord his golden breeches from him, with which he hath been known this thirty years at least. The last time, saith he, that I did talk with the king, he told me, he did remember him and his marriage, which was one of the last in his time. By which words I remembered that which I had read in his letter of 19, but I durst not seem to take any knowledge thereof.

This assault by Stanley should be in April next. [The invasion to be April 1598.] Of whose arrival so soon as word should be brought, the whole fleet of Spain should be ready. Wherein Parsons himself would be present, and the cardinal should come down from Rome; but not into England, until the event of the navy should be seen.

At the same time of my abode in Sevilia, one Creeton, a Scotch Jesuit, came from the Escurial, where the king lay, and was presently to go into Italy, and from thence into his own country; sent with instructions to deal with noblemen for some harbour, if it should happen that their ships came there; and to have men in readiness for their own defence, as though they should be invaded; but in truth to send aid, when notice should be given out of England.

The two intelligencers, (for which I feigned myself to be sent,) they were both beyond the seas at Midsummer last a twelvemonth: and now remain, the one in Genus and the other in Antwerp; for to give notice to father Parsons in Spain, who a great time had been without any news, as I did know, some three months together.

This is the whole substance of all that ever I knew contrived or pretended by any person in or without this realm against my country, or any person therein: which, upon the word of a priest, and as I look for any favour to be shewed me by your honour, is the truth in all points, as I have set it down: humbly therefore requesting your lordship to stand my patron and helper in this my misery and long imprisonment. What thing soever I shall be able to do my sovereign any service, (whose gracious favour I crave upon my knees to be extended towards me,)faithfully I protest to shew myself ready to perform it, and continually to pray for her majesty’s long and prosperous reign, to the overthrow and confusion of all her enemies, and comfort of true and loyal subjects. From which if I have swerved in any point from my duty, from the bottom of my heart I repent me; and promise hereafter all duty and obedience, as far as becometh any true and Christian subject.

Your honour’s poor suppliant, JAMES YONGE, PRIEST. This letter was sent by the lord keeper, and lord Buckhurst, and Fortescue, to the lord treasurer, (being then with the queen in her progress, ) with their letter accompanying: which were read to the queen by sir Robert Cecyl, her secretary. Whereof the said lord treasurer acquainted those privy-counsellors with, in this letter following.

NUMBER 64.

The lord treasurer to sir John Puckring, lord keeper, and to the lord of Buckhurst, and Mr. Fortescue, chancellor of the exchequer.

MY very good lords, I have shewed unto her majesty your lordships’ letters of the 28th of this month, [August,] and the declaration of Yonge, now so named, the seminary priest. Which her majesty, beside my report, was pleased to have both the letter and the declaration leisurely read to her by Robert Cecyl: and none other present with her majesty but myself. Upon your letter she hath conceived that your lordships have dealt very wisely and cunningly to procure him to open himself so liberally as he hath done.

Upon the declaration she findeth many matters worth to be marked. And she would Wiseman, Cole, and others named by him, to be apprehended; and charged with some other things, and not with relieving of this Yonge.

Of whom she would have a general opinion conceived, that nothing can be had of himself: neither that it is like that he is acquainted with any matter of weight. So as he may retain his former credit with his complices; thereby to discover more recent matter. Her majesty would not any here of her council know that part of his confession, but only myself and Robert Cecil, because seeing the length, to ease me, she caused him to read it.

If your lordships privately can induce him to remember more matter, especially to discover in what persons our rebels put their trust, assuring him of keeping the same secret, so as he should never be blamed for the same, her majesty would greatly like it.

Yet her majesty is offended, that no sharp, yea, no capital punishment hath been done upon the number that rescued the rogues in Westminster.

Whereof she knew not, but reading the letter of you, the lord of Buckhurst, to the vice. chamberlain. From the court the 30th of August, 1592.

Your lordships’ assured loving friend, W. BURGHLEIGH.

NUMBER 65.

Thomas Christopher, alias George Dingley, that came from Rome: committed to the counter about mid April, 1592. His confession.

MSS. lord keeper Puckr.

HE took a corporal oath, that he had received the communion in Egglescliff, in Durham, Easter-day last, and came to London to get service; and was never beyond seas. And after said, he had been sixteen years in Scotland with Anthony Dingley, his uncle, that went away at the rebellion in the north.

After, at a third examination, said upon oath, that sir William Stanley, at his last coming from Rome, being entertained with great courtesy by my lord the bishop of Montesiaston at supper, discoursed largely of the state of England. Among other things, saying, that one young lady, as yet unmarried, was the greatest fear they had, lest she should be proclaimed queen, if it should so happen that her majesty should die: yet there was hope that some will be found to hinder this matter. So he would not name the lady, his man being there in presence. Yet at my coming to Paris, and talking with one Mr. Robert Tempest, I repeated again these words, demanding, if he did know any thing concerning this young lady? He answered, that very shortly he trusted to God to meet with her here at Bruxells: for that one Simple, a Scot, and one Rowlston, had undertaken to convey her out of England. The lady doth abide with an earla, whose name I do not remember. And she is allied to the queen of Scots. Divers letters which I saw in Tempest his study from father Parsons in Spain: but when he came to name any person, then he used to set it down in ciphers. Other things I cannot call to mind; but that most certainly there was nothing meant for England this year, by reason of Britain affairs.

Tho. Cofer.

He confessed, that he came from Rome by the way of Paris, and that four other persons came in his company into England. That they came over at Easter last from sir William Stanley, as soldiers; and do go under the passport of sir Roger Williams; and landed at Rye, having good store of money; and were directed to go to captains houses, to see if they could procure them to serve the king of Spain. And they had also in charge to gather mariners, which should be ready immediately after Michaelmas. And there should be a hoy, or ship, made ready for them at the Thames mouth.

And they should promise the said mariners ten crowns a month wages. And they were sent unto all parts of England to gather up mariners; and were appointed to travel as beggars, as though they had no money.

Subscribed, THOM. XXFER.

NUMBER 66.

The lord treasurer Burghley’s speech in the lords’ house, ann. 1592. Containing the causes of the queen’s entry into a defensive war with Spain. With an account of the queen’s extraordinary charges by the said war. All writ with his own hand; and transcribed thence, It beareth this title on the top of the page: The causes of the queen’s entry into these defensive actions.

TO make a declaration of the first cause and original beginning, whereby her majesty was provoked to arm her realms with forces, were a labour lost in this place; where in former times the same hath been often declared; and wherein a great number of the nobility here present have heard many circumstances thereof, at the proceeding with the late queen of Scots. For whom and by whom thee quarrels were first made against the queen’s majesty’s person, against the religion and quietness of the realm.

And therefore leaving the repetition of that cause, by which her majesty was detained in a kind of war, to withstand both the kings of France and Spain, who intermeddled in the case of the queen of Scots against her majesty; yet there hath followed continually such a deadly malice from the king of Spain, the bishop of Rome, and their confederates, as unto this day, wherein no intermission hath been of attempts against her majesty and the realm; although at some time more vehement than at some others: as appeared in the year 88 by his open armies both by sea and land; being of greater force than ever was known made by his father the emperor Charles, or by himself, or by any prince Christian within any memory of man.

But minding to overpass all the attempts afore that huge enterprise, that was frustrate by God’s special goodness beyond the expectation of the world, I considering there hath been no assembly of parliament since that time, wherein her majesty might publicly declare to the states of her realm the continuance of the former attempts, but the increase of more dangers than were seen in any time before. Therefore, as was delivered by the lord keeper of the great seal, her majesty hath summarily imparted the same to this assembly, referring the consideration thereof to the whole three estates, whereof two are in this place; how the same danger may be withstood, and by what provision her majesty and realm may be preserved in domestic peace, as yet it is, as in a centre of happiness, where the circumference is in open calamity.

And because it is all our parts and duties, first to God, and to our sovereign head, and our native country, to apply all our endeavour, being every one of us called to this place by special commandment in express words, upon consideration of the hardness of the business, and the perils imminent, to treat with her majesty, and with the prelates and great men of the realm, and to give our counsels, so as it is convenient for us all, first to consider the perils, and then to give counsel.

Wherefore in discharge of my duty, with your patience in suffering an old man, beside his years, decayed in his spirits with sickness, to declare some part of his knowledge of the dangers and perils imminent: but for advice and counsel haw to withstand tho same, I shall be constrained, for lack of sufficient understanding in so great cause, to require some further conference with your lordships, or with so many as shall appear more able than I am to give some good entry thereto.

As to the dangers, that they be great and imminent, that they have both lately grown, and likely to increase, these be manifest arguments. First, the king of Spain, since he hath usurped upon the kingdom of Portugal, he hath thereby grown mighty by gaining the East Indies. So as how great soever he was before, he is now thereby more manifestly great. But for increase hereof, to be greater; yea, greater than any Christian prince hath been. He hath lately joined with his intended purpose newly to invade this realm with more might than before he did the invasion of France by sundry ways. Not as in former times, when the emperor Charles and the French kings, the great Francis and the warlike Henry, made former wars for towns their greatest wars. Yea, when the present king of Spain had his great army against Henry of France. For in those wars none of them intended any thing more but to be revenged of supposed injuries, by burning or winning of some frontier towns by besieging. And after such revenges, mutually had to the satisfaction of their appetites, wherein neither party had any special advantage, they fell to truces, and in the end with knots sometimes of intermarriages. And by these kind of wars none of them did increase in greatness to be dangerous to their enemies. And in these kind of wars our kings of England had their interest for the most part, to expense of men and money, and never to the loss of any small portion of any ground in England and Wales, nor otherwise; but by yielding to the king of Spain, by means of the marriage of queen Mary, to make war with France, the realm lost that noble town and port of Calais, with great seignories and territories thereunto belonging.

But now the case is altered. The king of Spain maketh these his mighty wars by the means only of his Indies; not purposely to burn a town in France or England, but to conquer all France, all England, and Ireland. And for proof hereof, first for France, he hath invaded Britain, taken the port, builded his fortresses, carried in his army; waged a navy in Britain; [received into wages] a great number of his subjects, as rebels to France.

And there he keepeth a navy armed, to impeach all trade of merchandise from England to Gascoign and Guyne: which he attempted to do this last vintage. And so he had had his purpose, if to the great charges of the merchants, and by countenance of her majesty’s navy sent to the coast of Britain, the shipping of England had not been much stronger than his.

Besides this his possessing a great part of Britain towards Spain, he hath at his commandment all the best ports of Britain towards England. So as now he is become as a frontier enemy to all the west of England. And by his commandment, and his waged troops in Newhaven, he hath enlarged his frontiers now against ali the south parts of England, as Sussex, Hampshire, Isle of Wight. Yea, by means of his interest in St. Malo’s, a port full of shipping for the war, he is a dangerous neighbour to the queen’s isles of Jersey and Guernsey, ancient possessions of this crown, and never conquered in the greatest wars with France.

Of this matter of Britain a man might enlarge, the danger so great to England, as if he had attempted nothing at all in Normandy and France; yet the danger hereof might appear so great, as ought to induce England to spare no cost to withstand it. And herewith he is not contented to seek this dukedom, but he destines all his forces to conquer the kingdom of France, the principal kingdom of Christendom. And to achieve this enterprise, he hath, these two years day and more, corrupted, with great sums of money and large pensions, certain factious noblemen, not of the blood of France, nor the great officers of the crown; and by them, and with these rebels, and by waging of his soldiers in some of the principal towns of France, as Paris, Roan, Orleans, Lyons, Toloze, and others, he hath procured a rebellion against the king, against all the princes of the blood, against all the great officers of the crown. But finding these rebels not strong enough of themselves, notwithstanding they are well waged by him to withstand the king, he hath to his great charges levied and sent into France, even to Paris and Roan, armies collected of Walloons, Lorrainers, Italians, Spaniards, Almains, and Switzers. Wherewith he hath twice entered into France; though God gave him no good success, but great loss and reproach.

Besides these foreign armies sent from the Low Countries, he hath caused his son-in-law, the duke of Savoy, to invade France by Provence and Dolphine; and the duke of Loraine by Burgundy and Champaign, and to environ France. Further, he hath sent armies by sea out of Spain to invade Languedoc. And even now at this present, all these foreign forces are newly made ready to enter into all parts of France, made by a colourable assembly of the rebels in Paris to represent the three estates; yet without a king or a head. He intendeth to be the king of that realm, or to make his daughter the queen, and to appoint her a husband to be as his vassal.

He hath also the pope so addicted to him, as he that never was wont to send to any parts only of Italy, by bulls with lead and parchment, did now levy and send an army into France. And though he coloureth it with matter of defence of catholic religion, yet both he and the king of Spain make war against all the princes of the blood, and officers of the realm, being sound catholics. And so they have by their ambassades lately advertised the pope; as by the cardinal Gundy, and marquis Pysany, ancient counselsors of France, and catholics. So as the pretence of the pope and the king of Spain in that point are merely France.

These are the dangers in France, and must of consequence draw England into like peril, without God’s special goodness, and the speedy support to be given to her majesty for prevention thereof.

Now to manifest the king of Spain’s attempt to invade England, whereof I think no good Englishman so want of feeling to think otherwise, yet I will remember to you divers manifest arguments thereof; and afterwards, to supply the want of any man’s feeling only by arguments or tokens, I will declare to you the very truth of his determination by manifest proofs. So as none ought to think, because he was disappointed of his intention for the conquest of England by his huge navy, therefore he will put that disgrace up, and leave off with that loss. But it is certain he hath the two last years builded a great number of ships of war, as near as he can to the mould and quantity of the English navy; finding by experience his monstrous great ships not meet for our narrow seas. He hath lately armed a number of galleys on the coast of Britain, which he intendeth to send this summer to Newhaven. He hath also these two years days both bought and built great ships in Eastland. He hath both from thence, and by corruption of our faint and covetous neighbours in Holland, recovered with silver hooks both mariners, ships, cordage, and all provisions. These being now on the point of readiness to serve on the seas, a good argument may be made that this navy must be for England. For now that he hath all the maritime coast of Britain, and that he hath in Normandy Newhaven, there is no service by sea to enter into any part of France with this navy.

How he and the pope ply themselves to win a party in England to be ready to second his invasion, I am sorry and loath to relate; and how far they have prevailed herein to gain so great a multitude of vulgar people; yea, of some that are of wealth and countenance, to adhere to these invaders at their entry, with vain hopes to attain to the places, honours, and livelihoods of such as are now known true, natural Englishmen, and good subjects.

But to such as these arguments will not suffice to be persuaded, that this intention of the king of Spain to invade this realm is certain, this that followeth shall fully satisfy any man, yea, any man that useth to believe nothing until he shall see it. There are taken in Scotland and imprisoned, certain that came first out of Spain, near afore Christmas, from the king; how before he had been sent out of Scotland to the king of Spain. These messengers brought assurance to certain noblemen of the greatest calling in Scotland, that if they would send their bonds under their hands and seals to serve the king of Spain for the invasion of England by land this next summer, the king would send an army of twenty-five thousand to the west of Scotland; and would give the noblemen wages for ten thousand Scots to be joined with twenty thousand of his, to invade England; and would keep five thousand of his in Scotland, to aid them to overrule the king of Scots, and to change the religion. This accord was perfected by three noblemen earls, Arrol, Huntley, and Angus; promising their own assistance, besides assurance in general words of divers more, not yet discovered. And for an earnest penny, these earls have received good sums of money from the Low Countries.

Now for proof hereof, the messenger that was sent, and on shipboard, was taken, with the bonds of the noblemen: some signed and sealed by them all, and of every earl apart in several bonds in French and Latin. The messenger hath confessed the whole to the king; who so carefully proceeded therein, as if he had not travailed therein himself, such of his council as were appointed to examine the parties that were taken durst not, for fear of the greatness of the noblemen that had offended, and were fled, examine the messenger of any thing that might concern these noblemen.

They are all fled; and yet the king hath gathered of his good subjects a certain power to pursue them. But it is doubted that they will flee into the west islands. And from thence either to pass into Spain, or to have forces sent out of Spain. But the king, the day before he went, caused one Fentry, an old practiser with Spain for the queen of Scots, a man of a good house and great wealth, to be executed, being a principal contriver of this conspiracy. To animate the king to follow this action, her majesty hath sent my lord of Bourgh.

Thus far have I observed my purpose to shew the danger; and to give counsel to the remedy, Hoc opus, hic labor est. And I would gladly to have some company, of whom I might have some light, how to find out the darkness of the question: wherein, when time shall serve, I will not be silent, but deliver mine opinion, and reform it upon good ground.

NUMBER 67.

The queen’s extraordinary charges by means of the war, moved by the king of Spain. Set down by the lord treasurer in the same paper.

FOR defence of the Low Countries 130,0001 . by year.

For the charge in Mr. Huddleston’s time for years 154,000l.

To the earl of Leicester for Sluce 31,000l.

Feb. 1586. To sir Tho. Shirley 531,000,120l .

Total In Normandy with my lord Willoughby for 6000 men 49,2831 .

In Normandy with my lord of Essex, with thousand men ----- In Britain with sir John Norris with 4000 men ----- In aiding the French king with money ----- For maintenance of the navy on the narrow seas, sometime with 800, sometime with 700 and 600 232,0001 .

Besides the ordinary keeping of the navy, 12001 . a month.

Per ann 44,4001 .

For the office of the ordnance 62,0001 .

Scotland 15,0001 .

NUMBER 68.

Thomas Markham to the lord treasurer: concerning his affliction for his son Robert Markham, going beyond sea for his conscience.

Right honourable, my singular good lord, IHAVE sent your lordship here enclosed the most grievous and unlooked for letter that ever I received; and from my second son, (your lordship’s late servant,) simply as he sent it to me. My grief is the greater, for that expectation and opinion was so firmly settled of his good and dutiful behaviour, both to her majesty and the state; beside the former hope that I had to see him enable himself by his diligent study to serve the same. All which hope by his lewd and undutiful practice is now frustrated. I take God to witness, not a little to my discomfort, he hath counterfeited my hand, as by his own confession your lordship may perceive. Whereby my good friend Mr. Robert Taylor is without lawful security for his 1001 . For in true faith it is not my deed; neither was it received with my privity. But by the same faith the gentleman shall be as truly paid in the beginning of next term, as though he had my statute for it.

I have no more to say to your lordship touching this matter, but humbly to beseech your honourable, grave, and true censure of me, and that her majesty by your honourable means may not misconceive of me, but of her princely and gracious wisdom rightly deem of me; and that is all I crave concerning this matter. Thus, with my humble duty for this time, I humbly take my leave; beseeching God long to bless you with health and honour, From Kercbybellers, this 8th of Sept. 1592.

Your lordship’s, THO. MARKHAM.

NUMBER 69.

The letter enclosed. Robert Markham to his father, upon his departure beyond sea.

HAVING striven thus long in vain to write a letter at large in excuse of my hasty travail, which my mind, overburdened with grief, and not able to endure one word tending towards departure, will not suffer me to do.

Accept, therefore, I humbly beseech you, most dear father and mother, these few lines, which for tears I cannot see to write, and for inward grief cannot endure to read again, as an excuse for my hasty journey. For which, upon my knees prostrate before you both, I humbly crave pardon and forgiveness; being perplexed in mind upon the reading the chapter against delay in the book of Resolution, I endeavoured myself to settle my conscience as well as I could. Whereupon I betook myself to the study of divinity. Wherein for the space of two years I have bestowed some time, together with the conference of divers learned on both sides. Upon reading and conference my conscience grew at length undoubtedly settled, that the Romish religion was the most true, catholic church: whereof unless I should become a member, I could not be saved. Hereupon endeavouring myself to be reconciled, I find, that that reconciliation to the church of Rome is high treason by act of parliament. Which odious name of a traitor I do so much detest, (besides the infinite trouble and charge which I know it would bring unto you both,) as I rather choose to leave my country than to hazard the staining of our house and name with treason, which as yet was never attainted.

Having therefore resolved this course, and having not means to convey myself away, I must confess my villainy. I took up an 100l . in your name of Mr. Taylor of the Exchequer; with which I hope to convey myself either to Malta or Vianna. Where I hope to find some entertainment; in how base a place I care not, so that I may be assured of your safeties, which I tender above all earthly treasures. Howsoever I shall fail of entertainment at either of these two former places, I assure you, by the duty I owe unto you, that I will never serve in France or Flanders against her majesty; neither, whatsoever beggary betide me, will I ever serve the king of Spain, nor any of his agents, so long as he remaineth enemy to England; neither be guilty to any conspiracy against her majesty’s person, but reveal it, if ever any such matter chance to come to my hearing. And to conclude, my conscience only reserved to myself, (whereupon dependeth my salvation,) as I hope to be saved at the latter day, I am and will be as good a subject to her majesty for allegiance as any is in England. But such is my present estate at this time, that every hour presenteth a hell unto me. On the days I go like a man distract of senses for fear of death at this instant. In the night I cannot sleep, nor take any rest; so monstrous is the horror of my conscience. When I pray, I am discomfited: for I pray without hope to be heard; because I am not of his church, or that church which I believe undoubtedly to be his church.

All these things hasten my journey, and command my absence. If ever I fail in any part of my allegiance, which heretofore I have protested, willingly or wittingly, disclaim me for your son; and instead of blessing, which now upon my knees I do most humbly desire, give me accursing: which God never let me live to deserve. Forgive me and forget me, I humbly beseech you, who desire to be forgotten. For since it is not God’s will (which I have always desired) to suffer me by my study at law to do you some service, I will assure you so to behave myself, if it be possible, as to do you no harm. Be good to this poor man my servant, I humbly beseech you, in helping him to a master, who deserved a far better master than myself, and who I protest did never know my determination till the instant of my departure.

Thus humbly beseeching you to give me your daily blessings, which I will strive to deserve by my daily prayer for your prosperity, most humbly craving pardon for all that is past, I cease.

Your distressed son, desirous, Gravesend, this 27th of August. desirous to be more dutiful, RO. M.

NUMBER 70.

The queen in her progress, now at Sudley. From thence sir Tho.

Heneage, her vice-chamberlain, writes to the lord keeper Puckring; relating the queen’s kind expressions concerning him.

MS. Harley.

My good lord, UPON the receipt of your letters, I acquainted her majesty with your joy of her so well passing so long a progress, and your great desire to understand how her highness did, now at the furthest of her journey, the good news whereof (being so far divided from her majesty) did give you life and most contentment. I also.shewed her majesty, (as this gentleman, the bearer hereof, told me,) how your lordship had been in Waltham forest, and was not pleased to take your sport alone, but would have the company of the ambassador, whom you invited to dinner, and made partner of your pastime.

Touching the first, her majesty willed me to tell you, that she found, by your often sending, your love and great care of her. And for the next, she bade me say, that she found you could not only speak well, but also do well, and perform things with judgment and honour; praising you to me exceedingly. For I could not use any one word of just commendation of your lordship, that she gave not allowance of, and adding too of her own gracious conceiving. Whereof I (that will never be found to deceive you) can assure your lordship, you have great cause to take comfort. This is the best news that I can either now or at any time send to your lordship. But as soon as I come out of France or Italy, worthy the writing, I shall send your lordship a brief of them. And so with my humble commendations rest. At the court at Sudely, the 12th of September, 1592.

Assuredly at your lordship’s commandment, T. HENEAGE.

NUMBER 71.

Sir Thomas Heneage, vice-chamberlain to the queen, to lord keeper Puckring; signifying from her majesty, how well she took his assistance at the celebration of the 17th of November. MS.

Harley.

Further, her highness willed me to signify to your lordship, how well she taketh your honourable handling the remembrance of the day of her entrance into her government, and willed me to tell you, that she thinketh that the good sermon that was then made (which her highness greatly praised) did utter the words of your mind; and that your great alms and liberality, with the honourable celebrating her memory, did shew her highness’s choice to be of a man worthy your place, [of lord keeper of the great seal,] and did deserve her thanks and best acceptation. Which is all I am now commanded to write to your lordship. To whom I humbly commend myself, and the service of my good-will. At the court, this 23d of November, 1592.

Your lordship’s at commandment, T. HENEAGE.

NUMBER 72.

March the 5th, 1592. Notes for inspection into charitable gifts. Set down by the lord treasurer. This being a time of great dearth.

TO send to the lord mayor, to send some answer to the money received.

To move both houses of parliament to make collections. To appoint collectors by both houses.

To appoint distributers, to distribute to the soldiers reasonable stipends pro viatico with public order.

To make commission to certain to survey the Bridewell, and to certify the disorders; and the revenues to be better bestowed.

A bill to enact, that all lands that were limited to the hospitals to be assured again; and commissioners to view the state of them.

A commission to view all hospitals, how they are misused.

A commission to view and survey all colleges that have had lands for relief of the poor, and for mending of the high ways.

NUMBER 73.

A fleet of Spaniards ready to invade England. In a letter from the lord Howard, lord admiral, to the lord treasurer. Endorsed by the treasurer’s own hand, Aug. 29, 92. To the right honourable, my very good lord, the lord treasurer. For her majesty’s service. C.

Howard.

Haste, haste, posthaste. Haste, haste, with all speed. My very good lord, I SEND you here enclosed a letter, which came to me from Portsmouth.

The messenger thought to have found me at the court; but missing of me there, came hither. I wished that he had delivered the letter to your lordship, that you might have spoke with him yourself. He is so weary that he is scarce able to stir. In the morning I will send him to your lordship.

The effect of his speech is this: that about Friday was sennight he coming from St. Maloes, where he left a fleet of Spaniards, being sixteen sail of double flyboats, two galleons, and two galleys, riding in the range there; within two days after, met another fleet of Spaniards, being very great ships; and one of them a great galleas. Six of them gave him chase. Yet he hath sped. Yet they took the governor from off Sherbroke. Afterwards they bore all eastward. So that this bearer, being a skilful sailor, thinketh, that certainly they be either put in at Newhaven, or into the narrow seas.

I understand by another letter from a man of mine at Portsmouth, that captain Grove in the Tremontane, and men with him, are put out to discover upon the coast.

My lord, if these things fall out so, I am very sorry that her majesty should be so far from home. Whereby things will be longer in doing, as they ought to be done. I have written in all posthaste unto captain George Fener into the narrow seas, that he be not taken improviso; and to see what he can discover with good safety. I have also written to my lord Cobham, that the beacons may be well kept at the seaside, and that regard may be had of this matter. I mean, God willing, upon any alarm that shall be given, to repair thither, with the small company which I have of my own people. And so in great haste I bid your lordship most heartily farewell. From Byflete, the 29th of August, 1592.

Your lordship’s loving friend to command, C. HOWARD.

Postsc. It is not amiss my opinion, if letters be writ with some speed to Flushing; that they may have warning there, to prevent the worst. I cannot imagine, if they pass Newhaven, whither they should go to the eastward, unless it be for some enterprise upon us, or in Scotland. Then follow three lines of the lord admiral’s own hand, as the rest above is writ by his secretary.

My lord, I see the king of Spain is determined to block up England; and so to weary us with time, since by experience he sees he can prevail no other way. It must be looked into in time. We have heretofore looked for a summer war from [Spain]; but now we shall taste of it in winter.

NUMBER 74.

Another letter writ by the lord admiral to the lord treasurer: shewing his advice, judgment, and diligence upon this dangerous juncture. Thus endorsed by the lord treasurer, Ships to be put to the seas; with his marginal notes in some places of the letter.

September 1, 1592.

My very good lord, AFTER the receipt of your letter of the 30th [of August,] for the sending of the three ships to the narrow seas under the charge of George Fener to Plymouth, to waft the carack to Portsmouth, I have received another letter from your lordship of the 3lst, in answer of certain letters of mine, containing the intelligence of certain forces which were seen at sea. I sent also the party himself that saw them.

First, It appeareth by your lordship’s letter, that her majesty thinketh much, that her ships that have served in the narrow seas have taken no Leaguers, [against the queen and French king,] nor Dunkerkers. But methinks it should be more wondered at if they should take any. For they were ever kept as passengers, and not men of war, that should only go to take ships.

Thank is to be given to God, that not one of her own ships have been taken, going so slenderly....... as much they have done, I marvel, how her majesty hath forgotten, that when sir Henry Parmer was sent only to take ships, he did take fourteen-Newhaven men. I do not know that they were ever ninety-seven days free; that either they were to waft over men, or something else. But since I know her majesty’s pleasure, I will see her hand before any shall go on waftage, but only to go to see what they can catch.

And yet I think there hath been little cause to grieve at any hurt, that either Dunkerker or Leaguer hath done these three years’ day. And I am sure her merchants and subjects have had the narrow seas free without danger. But three ships and a pinnace or two cannot guard the narrow seas, the western seas, the northern seas, the coast of France, and the coast of England, and all. I pray God it may hereafter be as well defended as it hath been hitherunto, &c.

For the safeguard of her majesty’s navy at Chatham, I have sent sir John Hawkins, sir Henry Palmer, and Mr. Burroughs. And upon any alarm I will myself be there presently.

I did write unto my lord Buckhurst for Sussex, in that sort, as I did to my lord Cobham for Kent. And I mean into every of these places, upon any alarm, to repair with what speed I can. But I am of opinion, that if this fleet be put into Newhaven, that they will forbear to do any thing upon England until the nights be longer. In the mean time they will do that service that will serve their turn about Newhaven, and up that river of Roan, and impeach our sending of men to Deepe. It appeareth by him that saw them, they have many vessels that row with oars. Her majesty’s pinnaces had been in good case to have been in the river there now. I did never take it meant, either by your lordship or myself, that they should lie like cromsters in the river for any plea. It were better her majesty should pay that little charge they have been at, (which is not great,) than to hazard the dishonour, which they had been very likely to fall into by staying there......

Now, my lord, whereas you require my opinion concerning what force and strength of shipping were fit to be put to the seas in respect of this great fleet, if it should be answerable with proportion that might equal them, it would be too much to be done in that time, that would be fit for it, both in respect of the victualling of them, and the pressing of men; which at this time will be hard to come by. Yet it is fit that something should be done, and that some force should be had in a readiness to defend, though not able to offend much. The rest that follows is my lord admiral’s own hand.

These ships, I think, most fit to be put in some readiness.

Men, Men, The Lion 250 The Swiftsure The Hope 250 The Rainbow The Dreadnought 270 The Advantage 1310 At the margin of this letter, against the names of these ships, the lord treasurer noted several other ships, which were then on the seas, and their number of men, viz.

Men. Men.

Trementane 70 The Moon Another 100 The Charles 250 The admiral proceeded thus: If these ships be liked of, as indeed they be the fittest for winter service, they may be grounded, and sent in some readiness. But I could wish, that the Rainbow and Advantage were sent into the narrow seas with all speed, and sir Henry Palmer to have the charge, if your lordship think good, or other of these may be put unto them; either the Dreadnought or the Swiftsure. It may fall out there may be no need.of the rest. Yet the other three may be put in readiness, if need require. If your lordship find her majesty to like of this, then you must send for. Mr. Gr----, and take order for their victuals; and that I may hear from you for putting the ships in readiness.

This fleet that was discovered were fifty sail; and had among them a galleas or two. These and those of Britain under Sebures are two several fleets.

For by the parties saying, he left but the day before the sixteen flyboats, and the two galleys, and four pinnaces in the range of St. Maloes, it is greatly to be doubted, if they be not gone into Newhaven, that they be gone for Scotland. If your lordship do remember what Mr. Mowlre, the Scot, declared unto your lordship and myself at Greenwich, this may very well fall out to be the same. And if it be so, it must be more than I here set down a good deal, that will fetch them out of the Frith, if they once possess it.

My lord, as you write, it is fitter her majesty were at some standing house near, than wandering so far off, to see but that she hath already seen [in her progress]; and not much worth the labour. God bless her majesty, and send her well home. And that these great and weighty causes may be weightily considered. For every year will grow more dangerous than other. The enemy hath the start of us too much already. Let us meet with it in some time. The plot is great and dangerous that is laid; and although it hath been once checked, [in the year 88,] the malice was not gone, nor the game ended. We must look for more play. And God send us no worse luck. And so I commend you to the protection of the Almighty, to keep you in health.

For by the Lord we cannot spare you in this world. From Byflete this 1st of September, at eleven of the clock at night.

Your loving friend, and ever at your commandment, C. HOWARD.

NUMBER 75.

Sir Roger Manwood, lord chief baron, to the lord treasurer Burghley: his submission upon several abuses: committed, and under restraint.

My good lord, IPROTEST before Almighty God, that I have in my heart always much honoured your good lordship for your rare gifts and incomparable service in this commonwealth. And I never had thought to contend or contest with your lordship. Howbeit, forasmuch as I did write one letter to your lordship, with sundry particulars of my losses and hinderances, otherwise than in duty I ought, I do humbly confess my folly, and do for the same humbly submit myself. Beseeching your good lordship to remit the same, my first offence, and, I trust in God, shall be the last; protesting before Almighty God, and upon my salvation, that I had no intention to have offended your lordship; but in the anguish and agony of my grieved heart against the untrue complaints against me, I did so much write and offend, which I do not stand in to justify; but do confess, and humbly beseech your good lordship, that this my commitment and restraint of liberty in city and country spread abroad, to my great discredit and heavy grief of myself, my wife, children, and family, may by your good lordship’s means be discharged in charity, without any further revenge, according to your lordship’s letter to me. And the rather, my good lord, because it is the first commitment and restraint that hath happened on me in the whole course of my sixty-seven years life. And now in this mine age most like to hasten mine end, after my lord Wray, who is with God, I trust I may find, that hac miti castigatione contenta sit tua bonitas. And I shall be most bounden unto your good lordship in all the brief remnant of my days, to pray to Almighty God for the long preservation of your good lordship. From my poor house in Great St. Bartholomew’s, London. With a most grievous afflicted mind. This l2th day of May, 1592.

Your good lordship’s most humbly, Rog. Manwood.

NUMBER 76.

The lord chief baron’s submission to the lords: by whom he had refused to have his causes tried.

IDO acknowledge to your most honourable lordships, that where by my late letters, written both in general to your lordships, as to her majesty’s privy-counsellors, and to some others of this table in private manner, your lordships have conceived, that I have refused and been unwilling to have any causes of mine, whereof complaints have or should be made to her majesty, or to your lordships, to be ordered or heard otherwise than by the ordinary course of the common laws; I am most sorry to have given your lordships such just cause to have conceived of me; and for that I did by my said writing otherwise than in duty I now know that I ought to have done.

I do most humbly submit myself for the same: beseeching your good lordships to remit the same, being my first, and, I trust, shall be my last offence.

And for further declaration of my dutiful mind hereafter, and for reformation of my said offence, I do assure your lordships, that I will never refuse to make dutiful answers to her majesty, or to your honourable lordships, or afore such as her majesty or your lordships shall authorize to hear any such complaint against me; being firmly persuaded, that neither her majesty, nor your lordships, will commit the bearing or ordering of any such complaints from herself, or from yourselves, but to persons of knowledge and indifference, in such sort as upon favourable hearing of the probable allegations of both parties, and upon due report made to her majesty, or to your lordships, if the complainants shall not be otherwise satisfied by my answers, her majesty or your lordships may truly understand in whom the fault shall be, either for the correction or reproof of the complainants, if they shall have complained without cause; or if the fault or error shall be found in me, then I shall be most willing, as in duty I ought to be, to reform myself, and to make amends to the parties, as by her majesty, or your lordships, shall be thought reasonable. Or otherwise, if the causes of the complaints shall, upon hearing thereof, appear to her majesty, or your lordships, to be more apt to be tried by the law than by such extraordinary hearing; then I also shall be ready to be directed to the trial and judgment of the law, or as the nature of the causes shall require, to her majesty’s ordinary courts, ordained for causes of equity. Whereunto also I shall always be obedient.

And for satisfaction of your lordships for my late fault committed in my foresaid writings, I do most humbly beseech your lordships, that this writing, voluntarily subscribed by me with my hand in your lordship’s presence, may be favourably accepted, and be a testimony of my intention never hereafter to commit the like fault. Signed at Greenwich before the lords of the council, the 14th of May, 1592. These were the minutes corrected by the lord treasurer’s own hand.

NUMBER 77.

Another letter of the said lord chief baron to the lord treasurer: upon divers complaints and lawsuits against him.

My good lord, UPON my last speech to your lordship, I found your lordship very bitter, not patient to hear me, to my great grief: I am now forced by these to put your lordship in mind briefly, that the intent and sum of my late written particulars to your lordship is, (for all things done and past,) I do with David hold myself contented, accounting the same to be God’s visitation upon me, when any such bad folks in their bad causes have heretofore prevailed against me. And so do leave the same to your lordship’s own conscience. And for things to come, that I may with your lordship’s good favour enjoy the freedom of a loyal subject, not to have any of my goods drawn from me upon private complaints of any of mine adversaries, without due course of justice in some of her majesty’s public courts. And thus do briefly cease; praying God long to continue your good lordship. At Sergeant’s-Inn, this 18th of April, 1592.

Your good lordship’s humbly, ROG. MANWOOD.

Postsc. My writing aforementioned was not of any other intent, I take God to my judge: and Intentio judicat quemque, in rules of charity.

NUMBER 78.

A case of Tho. Diggs, esq. against Manwood, steward Of the chancery and admiralty court at Dover, in the ports; afterward lord chief baron. Found among the lord treasurer’s papers. ABOUT the year 1570, the queen granted him a fee-farm of such encroachments as had been made in Kent, upon her majesty’s seas shores and navigable channels, with licence also to and enclose such lands; so as it were not hurtful to any of her majesty’s havens, &c. By virtue of this her grant in the time of judge Saunders, lord chief baron, the said Diggs did recover certain lands, and had judgment in the exchequer for them; and her majesty received 3l . a year rent for ever for them. And in the time of the succeeding chief baron, there were divers matters in suit; but by reason of the wealth of the intruders, and the devices of their council for delay to weary him, he could not come to any full trial till justice Manwood was lord chief baron. But he being Digge’s extreme enemy, by reason of his leases of Barton Wingham marshes, whereof Manwood sought to defeat him, he found such imperfections, or pretences of imperfections, in all former pleadings, verdicts, &c. as all the two or three years’ charges were utterly lost; and in every new suit he found him so much his enemy, as in every suit there was no hope for him of any good. And therefore made suit unto him, that he would give judgment against her majesty, that in the end he might surrender his grant, and let her highness know her grant was nothing.

He procured also Mr. Secretary Wylson to move the queen for her commandment unto him, to proceed unto some final judgment. Whereupon her majesty did, by secretary Wylson, require him to do Diggs justice without delay. The like suit he made to the lord treasurer; but all in vain.

For albeit the law was so evident on her majesty’s side, as the lord chief baron dared not give judgment against her; yet was his hatred so vehement against Diggs, that he would not give judgment for his benefit. And therefore by sundry kinds of strange delays sought to weary Diggs, as he plainly saw, that while he lived, and had that place, there was no possibility for him to have any end. And therefore seeing he should but consume himself with charge, gave it quite over as a matter desperate, as long as he continued chief baron: who most unconscionably, [as he expressed it,] by subtile and cunning practices, and extreme rigour of law, sought to have utterly defeated him of those leases of Wingham Barton, and his brother William Diggs of his grand lease; nor could come to any conclusion with him, but to his loss, contrary to all equity and conscience, a thousand pounds at the least, besides the extreme charge of suit many ways by the unjust vexation of the tenants.

Then Diggs related the baron’s dealings with him and his tenants; and then goes on in these words:

In this time of my persecution, there was brought unto me by a number of several persons in Kent, by the chief baron in like or worse sort oppressed, above twenty several such and so foul matters, as the least of many (by the very justice of law prosecuted and approved on him) would have confiscate all the goods, and chattels, and lands he had in England; and some such as concerned also highly her majesty’s honour, as by their memorials, yet remaining with me, may partly appear. But the advancement to the place of chief baron so terrified all men from complaining against him, that they committed all to God, without seeking any redress, as myself also was fain to do, to my detriment above a thousand pounds.

NUMBER 79.

The bishop of Lincoln to the lord high treasurer of England; shewing the true state of the vicarage of Hocknorton; endeavoured to be alienated from the church, upon pretence of concealment; John Williams, B. D. then vicar. About the year 1591 or 1592.

MAY it please your honour to understand, that the parsonage and vicarage of Hocknorton are by Huckfold, Mr. Croker’s own bailiff, deposed to be let out yearly for 400l. and above. That there be communicants in the parish of Hocknorton almost five hundred. That after Palm-Sunday last, Mr. Williams turned back from communicating about forty persons, most of them of the age of thirty years, or above; who knew not how many Gods there were; or knew who made them, or who redeemed them, or what they came thither to receive.

That there hath been not any hospitality kept at either parsonage or vicarage this many years by Mr. Croker. And three of the parish died lately, within the compass of one fortnight, of mere famine. All these are proved to my lord keeper.

MR. CROKER HIS STATE IN THE VICARAGE OF HOCKNORTON.

Mr. Croker challengeth the vicarage of Hocknorton to be appropriate by an union made to the abbot of Oseney by pope Leo only, without authority of the king, in the 4th of king Henry the Eighth. Which union he hath not authentical; but hath on]y an extract out of an old book without date; and also by a lease made by King, abbot of Tame, and commendatory of Oseney, the 29th of Henry the Eighth.

WILLIAMS HIS ESTATE IN THE SAID VICARAGE.

Mr. Williams allegeth, that he hath been presented by her majesty, and formally instated, and inducted into that said vicarage. And to prove it institutive, sheweth xx several institutions. And that the said vicarage hath been still presented from ann. 1209 to 1536, without intermission, as the several institutions recorded do shew, against the pretended union alleged.

A later institution, and the statute of the 28th of Henry the Eighth, with many other statutes now in force. And against the lease he allegeth, that being granted of a vicarage presentative, and never leased before, it can-no way be good.

And your said orator most humbly beseecheth your honour so to favour the cause of a poor scholar, as that your honour, in the right of church, will finally determine the matter in your court of the exchequer chamber, according to the order set down in that honourable court; and not dismiss it to the common law, to your orator’s further molestation and utter impoverishing. So that your orator be ever bound to pray for the increase of honour to your lordship.

NUMBER 80.

Instructions for the speaker’s speech; drawn up, in several articles, by the lord treasurer Burghley, Feb. 13, 1592. 1. HER majesty’s loathness to call any parliament frequently, as her progenitors have always usually done, almost every year, or second year one; or to call any at all, without great and urgent cause. 2. And for that purpose it may be noted, that in her first thirteen years there have been called but four; the rest thirteen, but three; and the rest, being nine, but three. 3. The causes now are grown greater than any have been, and more necessary to be further considered; and by good counsel to be provided for, against the greatness of the dangers that are grown more manifest, and greater than heretofore. 4. The king of Spain hath, since his attempt by invasion by sea in 1588, (wherein God fought for the realm,) been occupied these late years in building of great numbers of new ships, making many of them fit to fight with the ships of England. He hath made also such provisions out of all parts of the east for the arming of his navies, as he intendeth to make the strength of this his navy double to that it was. 5. He hath begun a mighty war in France by so many ways, as without God’s goodness, for the justice of the French king’s cause, it is doubtful that he will shortly possess that crown, to make himself thereby a monarch of all Christendom, and a conqueror of all his neighbours. 6. The means of his wars against France are these that follow: first, he hath already gotten the best part of all Britain, in manner of a conquest by sea; a place as dangerous to be possessed by him, for invading of England, as if he had conquered the Low Countries. 7. Secondly, he maintaineth, with continual wages, and pay, and great pensions, a number of rebellious subjects in France against the king; retaining also at his devotion the principal towns to rebel, and to be at his command. 8. He hath presently so corrupted the rebels, although they consist of but a few nobility; yet of great towns and vulgar people. And although he hath no prince of the blood, or ancient officer of the crown, holding part with him; yet the rebels presently do make a pretence and counterfeit of an assembly of three estates at Paris. Therein to make an election of a king, wherein he hopeth by his corruption to gain the multitude of voices for himself, or for his daughter, to match her, where he may command the crown. 9 . Besides this, as he did of late years invade France with a mighty army by the duke of Parma, and by another sent from the pope, (who never heretofore shewed his hostility otherwise than by bulls and excommunication,) so he now intendeth to renew the same again this year; having begun already to enter into a part of the frontiers of France with part of the army, which he mindeth to increase. 10. He maketh also invasion into France by the duke of Savoy, into Dolphine and Provence; and useth also the duke of Lorrain to do the like in Burgonie and Monpaignie. And at the present he hath addressed an army to enter into France by the way of Navar. So as there is no part of any frontier of France by which he doth not attempt this invasion; besides the invading of the body of the realm by the rebellion. 11. Besides this, his purpose to renew the invasion of this realm is discovered to be done by Scotland: where very lately a treasonable conspiracy is found to have been intended by divers noblemen in Scotland, being papists. For assurance whereof to the king of Spain, they had sent him divers bonds under their hands and seals; which being ready to be shipped, and sent into Spain, have been taken. In which conspiracy hath been determined, that the king of Spain should send the conspirators certain great sums of money to wage forces to join with his forces, which he should send by sea to Scotland. And therewith to enter, and make invasion into England; and to overrule the king there, and to make change of religion within that realm. 12. At that instant also the king of Spain promised to make invasion into England by sea. And what may follow in Scotland, to the stay of this conspiracy by the apprehension of the conspirators, is yet doubtful; the conspirators being so great men, and fled to remote parts of the realm, and thought to have a secret party, and many more with them not yet known. 13. These dangers are worthy consideration how to provide for them: a matter so needful for this parliament, as her majesty thinketh it no ways convenient to treat of any other, but of such as tend to the means of some remedies hereof. 14 . Finally, her majesty cannot overpass to let this assembly understand, that though they have heretofore, for lesser dangers than these are, offered some relief to her majesty towards her charges, yet the same hath been so abused generally through the realm in the tax of the men of wealth, that should have given most aid, as if it should be by some examples specified of some commons by name in every country, to this assembly, how little the men in greatest livelihood in countries have yielded, it would seem an absurd thing for her majesty to receive it with thanks; considering with what good words the parliament did grant the same. And except such abuses may be remedied, her majesty shall account her service to be in words, and not in deed; and so herself abased in her expectation, and the realm frustrate in their intentions, and in danger irreparable. Some remarkable letters of sir Walter Raleigh, admiral of the fleet, concerning, the great Spanish carack, richly laden from the East Indies, taken by some of his ships.

This huge carack was called The Mother of God; it was seven decks high, 165 foot long, and manned with 600 men. Of which ship, the treasure, and the taking of it, Camden, in his Annals of Queen Elizabeth, gives some brief account, under anno 1592.

NUMBER 81.

Sir Walter Raleigh to the lord treasurer, concerning the robbing’ of the great Spanish carack. Upon sir Robert Cecil’s coming down to examine the matter, Sept. 21, 1592.

THE particularities of all done, your lordship shall receive from sir Robert Cecil. If the like diligence had been used at Plymouth, where the earl [of Cumberland’s] ships arrived; at Portsmouth, where the Foresight arrived; at Harwich, where the Dainty arrived, as hath been here, their value of the carack would then have resembled itself in some sort. But if the earl a were presented of voluntary gift with so many thousands of pearls and diamonds, and these only from such of his men as were abiding in the carack, what is to be thought of the rest remaining? His own ships I leave to your lordship’s discretion: and what was unpresented was of some account, if it had been recovered. For mercenary men are not so affectionate or religious, but that they can, with safe conscience, lick their own fingers.

What will be done hereafter, I know not; but I dare give the queen ten thousand pounds sterling, for that which is gained by sir Robert Cecil’s coming down; which I protest, before the living God, I speak of truth, without all affection or partiality, (for God is my judge,) he hath more rifled my ship than all the rest: and yet she only stayed by the carack, lost most men, most of all spoiled; and only remaineth here under commandment. The rest are gone, every one his way. And truly, my lord, Cross was most to blame, and dealt lewdly, to leave the carack, and afterwards to steal from sir Martin [Frobisher]. I have always served him to my power; but his mad behaviour is too insolent in this action. Thus with remembrance of my duty I humbly take my leave, and remain most ready to do your lordship all honour and service. W. RALEGH.

NUMBER 82.

Sir Walter Ralegh to the lord treasurer; to send down a commission for examination and inquiry concerning the robbing of the carack, Sept. 17,1592.

My humble duty remembered. If it please your lordship to send us by this bearer’s commission, to examine upon oath, as well mariners as townsmen, and all strangers of other places, what hath been bought or sold, I doubt not but we shall find out many things of importance. For the earl of Cumberland’s, who had the chiefest pillages, arrived at Plymouth, and made portsale of diamonds, rubies, musk, ambergris, and all other commodities. And not one of the commissioners ever moved or sent thither; but only sacked my ship, which only attended the carack, even to the very keelson. The earl’s ships, the Dainty, the Dragon, the Foresight, and the rest, ran from her into several ports, and ever sold all; only my poor men and ship was stripped for her good attendance. And if she had forsaken the carack, as the rest did, she had been cast away.

Also, if it please your lordship to send a commission to, alderman Marten and others, to make inquiry into London, what goldsmiths or jewellers are gone down, and that at their return they may be examined upon oath, what stones or pearls they have bought; I doubt not but many things will be discovered. If I meet any of them coming up, if it be upon the wildest heath in all the way, I mean to strip them as naked as ever they were born. For it is infinite that her majesty hath been robbed, and that of the most rare things.

Whereas I wrote to your lordship for 20001 . if we load the same ships with the goods, we shall not need to pay but part, and the rest at London. So as I think one thousand will serve. This in haste, I humbly take my leave.

From Hartelbery, this Sunday morning.

Your lordship’s humbly at commandment, W. RALEGH.

If it please your lordship to send commission to myself, sir John Gilbert, sir Francis Drake, Mr. Killigrew, Mr. Christopher Harris, and Mr. Payden, the customer, and Tristram George, because some other dwell upon Saltashe river, and shall be able among their tenants to find out other things.

NUMBER 83.

Sir Walter Ralegh’s cause for the carack. Drawn up by himself.

THE account of our whole charge amounteth to 34,000l . Her majesty hath given order that we shall receive 36,0001. so as there is given to us of profit 20001 . The city of London is to have 6000l . profits by her majesty’s order.

Then are they to have her majesty’s allowance of 2000l . upon all; and 40001 . profit more out of our principal. By that means we are to lose 4000l. of our money disbursed.

The help which we have, 3000l . of the queen. And then we lose but a 1000l . But of that 30001 . of the queen, 1200l . was bestowed on her own ships to make them perfect.

Then there remaineth 1800l . towards the loss of 40001 . so as the loss will be 2200l . In respect whereof we have the remains and our ships again. But we are not allowed for our ships in this account, as they were worth in adventure, but only according to the loss which we sustain by them. And that remain is nothing to us; for we take our ships in part of payment.

The earl of Cumberland is allowed also 36,000l. and his account came but to 19,000l .; so as he hath 17,000l . profit. Who adventured for himself. And we that served the queen, and assisted her service, have not our own again.

Besides, I gave my ships salt and cables to furnish the carack and bring her home, or else she had perished. My ship first boarded her, and only stayed with her, and brought her into harbour; or else she had also perished upon Silley. I was not present, and therefore had not extraordinary profit. I was the cause that all this came to the queen; and that the king of Spain spent 300,000l . the last year. And I lost the last year, in the voyage of my lord Thomas Howard, 1600l . beside the interest of 11,000l . which I have paid ever since this voyage began. And further, my ship, and sir John Hawkins, that were takers with the Foresight of the queen’s, have no other allowance than those that were absent.

And whereas the city only disbursed 6000l . and have 12,000l . again; the same being taken out of the halls of London among a multitude: I that adventured all my state, loss of my principal; and they have double. I took all the care and pains; carried the ships from hence to Falmouth, and from thence to the north cape of Spain; and they only sat still, and did but disburse 6000l . out of the common store; for which double is given to them, and less than mine own to me; and to the earl of Cumberland 17,0001. profit; who adventured for himself, and I for the queen.

NUMBER 84.

Sir Walter Ralegh to the lord treasurer; concerning, the carack, worth 200,0001. How muck thereof came to the queen’s share. Now under restraint. Dated Sept. 1592.

SIR GEORGE CAREW hath dealt with me, to know in particular how her majesty might be profited by the carique, according to the offer I made. My promise was not to buy my bondage, but my liberty. And I hope of her majesty’s favour...... Before I heard of the taking of the carack, I thought not worth the labour [to compute the account of the voyage.] And myself being the greatest adventurer, I was contented rather to smother my loss, than labour to publish an hopeless overthrown estate, &c.

Briefly, of 5000 ton of shipping, her majesty hath but 1100.... Of 18,000l . in money, her majesty hath but 1500l. for the other 1500l. was employed on her two ships, as by sir John Hawkins’s account will appear. To conclude, her majesty’s adventure will come but to the tenth part. Which of 200,000l . (such I think is the value of the carack) her majesty’s part will be 20,000l. And I know her majesty will not take the right of her subjects from them, contrary to her hand and seal; in consideration, that for her service sake, and the rather for your lordship’s persuasion, they were contented to adventure.

And this is not the last time that her majesty shall need their contribution. If her majesty had set out the journey of her own charge, it would have cost her 40,000l . And now it stood her but in 1500l . besides her two ships.

Instead of this 20,000l. if I had made it 100,000l. and done injury to none but myself, I hope it may be thought that it proceeded from a faithful mind, and a true desire to serve her. Fourscore thousand pounds is more than ever a man presented her majesty as yet. If God have sent it for my ransore, I hope her majesty, of her abundant goodness, will accept it. If I speak with the least, I greater sum, I greater sum will be more thankworthy. If my imprisonment or my life might do her majesty more good, I protest, before God, I would never desire either liberty or further respite of breathing.

And if her majesty cannot beat me from my affection, I hope her sweet nature will think it no conquest to afflict me. What her will shall be, I shall willingly obey. And so I humbly take my leave of your lordship. From this unsavoury dungeon this of Septemb.

NUMBER 85.

Sir Walter Ralegh to the lord treasurer. His advice for the division of the treasury of the carack. Sept. 16, 1592.

BY your lordship’s great favour, I have obtained liberty to ride down. I hope it shall be profitable for her majesty, and a quietness and satisfaction to the rest...... Present payment must be made the ships, that they come not under further charge..... The way to profit her majesty’s cause be in this wise. To take a fifth part of her custom. Secondly, a tenth part or more for her particular adventure. And next, and chiefly, I will put the third part of all into her hands for the mariners: which I did undertake to pay; and of right belongeth unto myself: which will amount to the one half of the carack..... I did bind myself to all the ships’ company to pay them. Which indeed I did; and confessed to sir Robert Cecil, while I was a prisoner..... I will aver, that I undertook on us, in the name and right, who had promised me to save me harmless; hoping of her majesty’s goodness otherwise. For I protest before thc living God, both my three years’ pension of the Customhouse, which was 6000l . and all I have besides is in this journey.....

All the wages of the seamen will not amount to 6000l. For that the third, I doubt not, but will be threescore thousand.

NUMBER 86.

Henry earl of Darby to the lords of the privy-council; concerning the papists in Lancashire; and direction for dealing with them.

Bell a seminary’s informations.

May it please your lordships, SINCE I despatched Bell, the seminary, I have well considered of that he revealed. And forasmuch as by mine own experience and knowledge of the party, I conceive that many of his informations be true; and that a number of these whom he chargeth are either known papists to the world, or at the best temporizers, keeping in their houses those that are badly given; I have thought meet hereby to signify that my opinion to your lordships, and to let you know, that in hope of your like conception of the information, I still expecting some round direction of proceedings from your lordships, have forborne hitherto to deal much against the papists; on purpose only to draw them into a doubtless and secure mind of troubles; to the end I might, upon a sudden receipt of your lordship’s direction, perform a better piece of service than I should, if I had stirred much in this mean time. For in vain it were to have attempted any matter or service of importment immediately upon Bell’s sending up.

Nevertheless, forasmuch as your lordships see by our last certificate the great relapse of the people into blindness, and neglect of their duties towards God and her majesty; which cometh to pass only by means of the backwardness and deep dissimulation of the principals, whom the meaner sort follow. And thus you perceive well by Bell’s information the inclination of sundry of calling. As also that those that stand out as recusants do shift and convey themselves away; so as they cannot be met withal.

I will spare to trouble your lordships with mine opinion of mine own, but leave all to your grave considerations: nothing doubting but your lordships will devise such remedies for the suppressing of these enormities, and presumptions of continuance of lenity, as shall stand with God’s laws, the safety of her majesty, and the quiet of the whole commonwealth. Praying also your lordships to credit this gentleman, Mr. Fleetwood, parson of Weegan, a discreet and painful labourer in the church of God; who can truly make known unto your lordships upon demand the state of this country, and private affection of the most persons of account. And so commending your lordships and your labours to the direction of God’s holy Spirit, do end.

Your lordship’s assured loving friend, New-Park, my house, this and at commandment, 30th of Octob. 1592. H. DERBY.

NUMBER 87.

The earl of Derby to sir Tho. Heneage, vice-chamberlain, and chancellor of the duchy. With a copy of the former letter to the council enclosed. The bearer, Mr. Fleetwood, parson of Wigan.

Papists, temporizers many.

Sir, ALBEIT I well know my letter to your lordships will come to your hand, yet to the end you may be the better armed to further my intent, which is to have the presumption of public and secret papists, being temporizers, suppressed, here enclosed to send you a copy thereof; being well assured, that answerable to the hope of all well given subjects in these parts, you will effectually further the good of the church, and the suppression of the maligners thereof. For any particulars touching that sort of this county, this bearer, Mr. Fleetwood, parson of Weegan, a discreet and learned preacher, can inform you truly, whom you may believe. And so with my heartiest commendations do end; wishing to you as to myself.

Your assured loving friend, New-Park, my house, the always faithfully to use, 30th of Oct. 1592. H. DARBY.

NUMBER 88.

The earl of Darby to the lord treasurer; that upon the directions of the lords he was in prosecution of the recusants.

My very honourable good lord, WHAT success your lordship’s very grave directions (which I assure your lordship have much revived and comforted all well given subjects here) have taken will appear by my letter to your lordship, and Mr. Wand’s reports; who, having been an eyewitness of all proceedings, hath carried himself very discreetly, and with great diligence in this service. The which, although it hath been hindered by such means as are set down in my letter, yet within a short time, and upon the sudden, when all things be quieted, I hope will appear to effect some good service in the apprehending of Jesuits, seminaries, and such like traitorous persons. The rather by intelligence and help of those whose appearance there is dispensed withal for a time for good purpose; who by bond and oath (dwelling in corrupt places) have undertaken to discover them.

And so nothing doubting but your lordship will further the continuance of these well begun proceedings, I do commit your good lordship and your labours to the direction of God’s holy Spirit.

Your lordship’s assured loving friend, New-Park, my house, the always faithfully to use, 27th of Novemb. 1592. H. DERBY.

NUMBER 89.

Friar Robert Southwel, a dangerous conspirator, taken. Richard Topcliff writ to the queen a letter in June concerning him, and his taking and keeping; and concerning Anth. Coppley.

IHAVE him here within my strong chamber in Westminster churchyard, [i.e. the Gate-house.] I have made him assured for starting or hurting of himself, by putting upon his arms a pair of: and there, and so to keep him either from view or conference with any but Nicolas, the under-keeper of the Gate-house, and my boy; Nicolas being the man that caused me to take him.

He sent an examination of him to the queen, faithfully taken, and of him foully and suspiciously answered; and for what: knowing the nature and doings of the man, may it please your majesty to see my simple opinion, constrained in duty to utter it.

Upon this present taking of him, it is good forthwith to enforce him to answer truly and directly; and so to prove his answers true in haste; to the end that such as be deeply concerned in his treachery may not have time to start, or make shift to use any means in common prisons; either to stand upon or against the wall, (which above all things exceedeth, and hurteth not,) will give warning. But if your highness’ pleasure be to know any thing in his heart, to stand against the wall, his feet standing upon the ground, and his hands but as high as he can reach against the wall, (like a trick at Trenshemarm,) will enforce him to tell all; and the truth proved by the sequel. 1. The answer of him to the question of the countess of Arundel. And, 2. That of father Parsons deciphereth him.

It may please your majesty to consider, I never did take so weighty a man, if he be rightly considered.

Young Anthony Copley, the most desperate youth that liveth, and some others, be most familiar with Southwel. Copley did shoot at a gentleman the last summer, and killed an ox with a musket. And in Horsham church threw his dagger at the parish clerk, and struck it in a seat in the church.

There liveth not the like, I think, in England for sudden attempts; nor one upon whom I have good grounds to have watchful eyes, for his sister Gage’s and his brother-in-law Gage’s sakes. Of whose pardon he boasteth he is well assured.

And so humbly submitting myself to your majesty’s direction in this, or in any service with any hazard, I cease until I have your pleasure. Here at Westminster with my charge and ghostly father, this Monday the 22d of June, 1592.

Your majesty’s faithful servant, RYC. TOPCLYFF.

NUMBER 90.

An inscription upon the coffin of Roger Rippon, a Barrowist, who died in Newgate this year, 1592.

THIS is the corps of Roger Rippon, a servant of Christ, and her majesty’s faithful subject. Who is the last of sixteen or seventeen, which that great enemy of God, the archbishop of Canterbury, with his high commissioners, have murdered in Newgate within these five years, manifestly. for the testimony of Jesus Christ. His soul is now with the Lord; and his blood crieth for speedy vengeance against that great enemy of the saints, and against Mr. Richard Young, [a justice of peace in London.] Who in this, and many the like points, hath abused his power, for the upholding of the Romish Antichrist, prelacy and priesthood. Many copies were taken of this libel and shewed about.

NUMBER 91.

Francis Johnson, a Brownist, in prison, his letter to the lord treasurer, Jan. 18, 1593. with a paper of certain reasons enclosed; upon his being to be indicted. ALTHOUGH when I last presumed to write unto you, right honourable, I thought then no more to trouble your lordship with my letters; yet now of late hearing that if the session had holden at Newgate the beginning of the last month, as was appointed, two of us (which are falsely called Brownists) were to be indicted, I have once again made bold to write these few lines unto your lordship; and herewithal to send included two reasons, by which it is proved, that we are not within danger of the statute of the 35th of Eliz. chap. 1. whereupon we have thought they would indict us; much less of the statute of the 23d Eliz. chap. 2. as I doubt not but your lordship evidently perceived by the reasons which that faithful witness of Jesus Christ, John Penry, sent unto your honour touching that matter in his lifetime. With this therefore I thought not needful to trouble your lordship again at that time.

Who they be that are indicted, we cannot learn. The two that are indicted, one of the commissioners openly spake it, when he sat with others at Westminster, the 5th of the last month. At which time also a preacher, one of us, being called thither: and upon their speeches and demands, answering, that he marvelled, who hath been above eleven months prisoner, they should deal with men by iraprisonment, and other rigorous means, in matters of religion and conscience, rather than by more Christian and fit proceedings; protesting unto them, that he should but dissemble with them, and play the hypocrite, if he should, to please them, or to avoid trouble, submit to go to church, and to join with the public ministry of those assemblies, as it now standeth; he being persuaded in conscience that it was utterly unlawful. The aforesaid commissioner said to him again, Come to the church, and obey the queen’s laws, and be a dissembler, be a hypocrite, or a devil, if thou wilt. Pardon my boldness in mentioning this, I beseech your lordship: for their unchristian and heathenish speeches to us, and usage of us, force me unto it.

Mr. Justice Young also (who among the rest of the commissioners that usually sit with him, seems to carry matters as pleaseth him) will neither alone, nor with the rest, (when suit is made unto him,) suffer some of us so much as to have the liberty of the prisons (where we are.) Insomuch as my brother, called George Johnson, hath now been detained about eleven months, and myself about fourteen months, in several close prisons: he in a noisome chamber of the common gaol of the Fleet, and myself in the Clink.

Yea, when our poor old father, this bearer, sued to him but for liberty of the prison. For as he, with the dean of Westminster, would have sent him to prison, had not Mr. justice Barnes stayed them. He sent also, in her majesty’s and your honour’s names, to take away my papers and books, as I wrote to your lordship heretofore; and still detaineth some of my books, although they be allowed by public authority, and all my papers; which albeit for the most part they be against the prelacy and other clergy of this land, yet are not any way within danger of the statute, as your lordship may see by the reasons included. Yet it may be they will pretend something (though never so unjust) out of them against me, as they have dealt with my brethren already; whom they have killed; and now can do no more to them. Otherwise I cannot imagine whereon they will indict me, unless it be for sending to your lordship six books; (touching the Hauns ships which came to Middleborough while I was there, about three months since;) that is, for doing the duty of a loyal subject.

For indeed I remember, that when Mr. Barrow and the rest of us were examined the last Lent, I was asked, Whether I had ever seen [any] of those books? Whereunto I answered, That being at Middleborough, one Mr. Ferrers, then the deputy of the merchant-adventurers there, shewed me one of them. And because he understood not the Latin tongue, desired me to look upon it. Which when I had done, perceiving it to be written against this land, and he telling me that six of them came to that town, I wished him to buy them all up, and to send them with all speed to your lordship; which he accordingly did, and caused them to be delivered to your honour, (as I take it,) either by Mr. Saltonstal, alderman of this city, and governor of the company of merchants aforesaid, or by some others of his appointment. Your lordship may think it strange, that ever we should suspect them to be so unreasonable and wickedly minded, as to trouble us for these things, wherein we have done the duty of good and faithful subjects. But, my lord, we have found such unchristian usage at their hands, and perceived their hearts so to thirst after our blood, as if they were not restrained, partly for fear of her majesty and your honours, partly for shame of the world, and chiefly by the mighty and overruling hand of God, we might justly fear they would bring as much innocent blood upon this land at this day, as ever Arundel Gandymer, Stokesly, Boner, Story, Dunning, or any such like bloodsuckers have done heretofore.

Now the scripture saith, [Numbers 35:33.] that blood defileth the land; and that the Lord, when he maketh inquisition for blood, [Psalm 9:l2.] remembereth it. Therefore it behoveth your lordship, for the love which you bear to this land, to her majesty, to yourself, and to your posterity, to be a means (according to the authority God hath given you) in time to stay their wicked and bloodthirsty purposes: lest otherwise our blood and God’s curse be upon you and yours; because you have not holpen the Lord against the mighty, as it is written, [Judges 5:23.] I know, right honourable, that if you look at our persons, we are a people despised and reviled of all men; yea, every where spoken against, as schismatics, seditious persons, subverters of the state, and what not. But this (alas!) hath been the lot of the truth, and servants of God; [2 Timothy 3:12. Acts 28:22. Acts and Monuments every where.] yea, of the prophets, [Jeremiah 38:4. Matthew 5:11,12.] apostles, [Acts 17:6,7. and 24:5, 6.] and of Christ himself, [Luke 23:2. John 19:12.] thus to be railed upon, and persecuted for the truth’s sake; and commonly under other colour and pretence.

Therefore are we not ashamed of the gospel and sufferings of Christ: neither ought your lordship to withhold your help from us, inasmuch as we suffer these things only for refusing to have spiritual communion with the Antichristian prelacy, and other clergy abiding in this land; and for labouring, in all holy and peaceable manner, to obey the Lord Jesus Christ in his own ordinance of ministry and worship, prescribed in his last testament, and sealed with his precious blood. Wherein if we did err, yet prisons and gallows were no fit means to convince and persuade our consciences; but rather a quiet and godly conference, or discussing of the matter by deliberate writing before equal judges. Which we have often sued for, but yet could never obtain it.

And now again therefore do in all humble manner sue to your lordship to procure it for us; not that we doubt of this cause, whereof we are fully persuaded by the word of God, and are still ready, by the grace of God, to seal it with our blood; but to the end that, the truth being found out, and made manifest, the false offices, callings, and works of the prelacy, and other clergy of this land, might be quite abolished out of it; and their lordships and possessions (which so long as they are the maintenance of this false ministry, were fitly of old, by the lord Cobham, that blessed martyr, said to be the venom of Judas shed into the church) might be converted to her majesty’s civil uses; (to whom of right they belong;) as were, not long since, the like livings of the abbots, monks, and friars in these dominions; that thus there might be more free passage to the gospel of Christ, and more peace to the church. So as no more innocent blood might be brought upon this land; but God might be worshipped in peace, according to his word; and her majesty obeyed, not for wrath only, but also for conscience sake.

And of these things we are bold to write to your lordship, being persuaded, that it is high time for your honours with speed to consider hereof: especially now, that the Lord hath already begun to plead against this country and people by so contagious and deadly a plague, as in wonderful manner hath been brought upon this land and inhabitants thereof, since the shedding of the blood of those faithful servants of Christ this year last past.

And considering also, that her majesty, as we hear, in a gracious and tender compassion of our distressed estate, hath given commission to discharge us all. None of which things seem to be regarded of our adversaries; at least not so as they ought.

Unto your lordship therefore I am bold, in the name also of my brethren, once again to make this complaint: humbly praying your good honour to shew that love unto Christ [‘Matthew 25:34, 35, &c.] at this time in us, his poor afflicted children, which he requireth at your hands, accounted as done or denied unto himself; and therefore will accordingly recompense in that great day.

And thus in all humble manner craving pardon for this boldness, I betake your lordship to the protection of the Almighty; praying him still to lengthen your life in this world, to the praise of his name, and furthering of the truth; and to give you everlasting life in the world to come, to your endless comfort by Jesus Christ. Amen.

Your honour’s most humble suppliant, FRANCIS JOHNSON, From the Clink, Pastor of this poor distressed church; Jan. 8, 1593. and still in close prison for the gospel of Jesus Christ.

NUMBER 92.

Francis Johnson’s paper, enclosed in the letter before, had this title. “That F. J. for his writing’s, is not under the danger of the statute of 35 Eliz. ca. 1. made to retain the queen’s subjects in their due obedience, appeareth thus.” FIRST, By comparing together the words of this statute with the statute of the 1 Eliz. 1. wherein her majesty’s authority in ecclesiastical causes is declared; and with the interpretation and defence thereof allowed by public authority. 2. It will appear that he is not within the danger of the statute aforesaid, by demanding this question of the prelates and ministers: to wit; whether her majesty, with the consent of the parliament, may suppress and abolish this present prelacy and ministry of the land, and transfer their revenues and possessions to her own civil uses, as her father, of famous memory, Henry VIII. did with abbots, monks, &c. and with their livings. 3. His writings are only in defence of such doctrines of the religion of Christ, as being against the canonical function of the pope, were accounted Lollardy and heresy in the holy servants and martyrs of Christ in former days. As for example, John Wickliff held, that archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, officials, deans, were disciples of Antichrist. Acts and Monum. 4 edit. vol. 1:p. 450. 4. Seeing his writings are only in maintenance of such points of religion as were in the aforesaid martyr accounted Lollardy and heresy, then would follow, that this statute reviveth those three statutes of the 5 Rich. II. cap. 5. and 2 Hen. IV. cap. 15. and 2 Hen. V. cap. 7. and that of 25 Hen. VIII. cap. 14. and that also it repealed the statute 1 Edw. VI. cap. 12. 5. If this statute of 35 Eliz. be against such writings and books as reprove the ecclesiastical ministry and government of archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, deans, &c. then the writing and printing of the public confessions of the reformed churches of Helvetia, Tigur, Geneva, Shaffhuse, &c. wherein they write, that as touching arch-prelates, metropolitans, arch-priests, deans, sub-deans, and all that rabble, they pass not a rush. And the public confessions of the reformed French and Belgick churches: which write, that the church ought to be governed by that regiment or discipline which Christ hath appointed; to wit, so that there be in it pastor, elders, and deacons. 6. In his writings he hath proved his assertions by the word of God, which her majesty protesteth and defendeth, &c. 7. His writings are in defence of the right and liberty of the church of Christ; which the great, charter of England granteth shall be free, and have all her whole rights and liberty inviolable, &c. 8. If every persuasion, not to have spiritual communion with the ministry of these assemblies, be within danger of this statute, as tending to impugn her majesty’s authority in ecclesiastical causes, then if any should persuade another quite to forsake the aforesaid ministry, and to join himself altogether to the French, Dutch, or Italian churches, allowed by her majesty in London, Norwich, Sandwich, &c. he should also incur the penalty of this statute. 9. He never maliciously persuaded any to abstain from the church, &c. much less to the end and purpose that they should deny, withstand, or impugn her majesty’s authority in causes ecclesiastical, &c. 10. He never did, nor doth obstinately, without lawful cause, but upon conscience, grounded upon God’s word, and approved by consent of the confessions of the reformed churches, &c. and of the faithful servants and martyrs of Christ, &c. refuse to hear, and to have spiritual communion with the public ministry of these assemblies, as now it standeth.

Finally, These things standing thus, as is aforesaid, and he having been close prisoner ever since a long time before this statute of 35 Eliz. was made, he cannot, in regard of his writings, or any other thing whatsoever, be lawfully convicted to have offended against this statute. And therefore is not under the danger thereof.

NUMBER 93.

Some books printed and set forth this year, 1593, against the new disciplinarian model of church government. DANGEROUS positions and proceedings, published and practised within this island of Britain, under pretence of reformation. Which was printed by John Wolf, 1593. The author was Dr. Bancroft; not long after bishop of London; and removed, after archbishop Whitgift’s death, to Canterbury. In his advertisement to the reader, he writes, that the author was required by some persons of honour, [Hatton, as it seems, lord chancellor, and the archbishop,] who might dispose of him and his labours, to set down, by way of an historical narration, what he had observed touching certain positions holden, and some enterprises achieved or undertaken, for recommending and bringing the presbyterian discipline into this island of Britain, under pretence of reformation. A survey of the pretended holy discipline. Containing the beginnings, successes, parts, proceedings, authority, and doctrine of it: with some of the manifold and material repugnancies, varieties, and uncertainties in that behalf: faithfully gathered, by way of historical narration, out of the books and writings of principal favourers of that platform. This was writ by the same author, printed the same year, and by the same printer.

Thomas Bilson, D. D. warden of Winchester college, set forth another book this year, entitled, The perpetual government of Christ’s church. Designed to confute the new discipline of the government of the church by a presbytery of pastors and lay elders.

And as the former books of Bancroft were historical, so this of Bilson was argumentative: to disprove the reasons and arguments that these disciplinarians used to establish their discipline. The whole title ran in these words: “The perpetual government of Christ’s church. Wherein are handled the fatherly superiority which God first established in the patriarchs for the guiding of his church; and after continued in the tribe of Levi and the prophets; and, lastly, confirmed in the New Testament to the apostles and their successors. And also the points in question at this day touching the Jewish synedrion: the true kingdom of Christ: the apostles’ commission: the lay presbytery: the distinction of bishops from presbyters; and their succession from the apostles’ times and hands: the calling and moderating of provincial synods by primates and metropolitans: the allotting of dioceses: and the Popular electing of such as must feed and watch the flock: and divers other points concerning the pastoral regiment of the house of God,---perused and allowed by public authority.

Printed by the deputies of Chr. Barker, printer to the queen’s most excellent majesty.”

In the epistle to the reader, he shewed the reasons of his undertaking this controversy: viz. “That when he saw the peace of God’s church violated by the sharpness of some men’s humours, and their tongues so intemperate that they could not be discerned from open enemies, he thought, as in a common danger, not to sit looking till all were on fire, but rather by all means to try what kind of liquor would restinguish this flame.” Another reason leading him to this enterprise, “was the discharge of his duty to God and her majesty.” For finding that some broached their disciplinary devices under title of God’s eternal truth, and professed they could no more forsake the defence thereof than of the Christian faith; and others defaced and reproached the government of the church here received and established, as unlawful, irreligious, and anti-christian: he was moved in conscience not to suffer the sacred scriptures to be so violently arrested and overruled by the summons and censures of their new consistories; as also to clear the state of that injurious slander: as if, not knowing or neglecting the manifest voice of Christ’s Spirit, we had entertained and preferred the dregs of Antichrist’s pride and tyranny. And that these causes, of great and good regard, led him to examine the chief grounds of both disciplines, theirs and ours; and to peruse the proofs and authorities of their part. That, by comparing, it might appear which side came nearest to the sincerity of the scrip tures, and society of the ancient and uncorrupt church of Christ: the main supporters of their new devised discipline being the general equality of all pastors and teachers, and the joining of lay elders with them, to make up the presbytery that shall govern the church.

In this year 1593 came forth also another book for ecclesiastical courts; written by some learned civilian, (Dr. Cosins, as it seems,) in favour of another matter in the church, clamoured against; namely, the ecclesiastical courts, and the proceedings in them. It was entitled, “An apology for sundry proceeding’s by jurisdiction ecclesiastical; of late times by some challenged; and also diversly by them impugned. By which apology, (as it followed,) all the reasons and allegations set down, as well in a treatise as in certain notes that go from hand to hand, both against proceeding ex officio, and against oaths ministered to parties in causes criminal, are also examined and answered; and upon that occasion lately revived and much enlarged, above the first private project; and now published, being divided into three parts. The first part chiefly sheweth what matters be incident to ecclesiastical cognizance; and so allowed by statutes and the common laws. The second treateth of the two ways of proceeding in causes criminal; viz. by way of accusation, and ex officio judicis. The third, concerning oaths in general; but more especially the lawfulness of such as be ministered touching supposed offences, either of themselves that swear, or of their brethren.”

NUMBER 94.

Two kinds of schismatics, and the danger of their opionions, either directly or by necessary consequence gathered to be holden by those who urge a new church government, commonly called puritans. These be of two sorts. First, some that will communicate with us in prayers, sermons, and sacraments. Secondly, others that will not. The first sort hold opinions dangerous; first, to her majesty and the crown; or, secondly, to the state, and to the policy of the realm. This paper seems to have been drawn up by the lord keeper Puckring, to be produced against them in the Starchamber, after their examination before him.

THE opinions especially touching her majesty and the crown, are either against, first, the revenues of the crown; or, secondly, her highness’s prerogative and supremacy; or, thirdly, the prince’s safety in the kingdom.

Their opinion against the revenues of the crown. That the detaining of the possessions of religious houses and impropriations (being given once to the church) is sacrilege, and ought to be restored to the church again: that the ministers and others of the ecclesiastical function ought to be exempt from paying first-fruits, tenths, subsidies, and other impositions; like as the priests of Egypt were, even under a heathen king.

Their opinion against the prerogative and supremacy: They take away all gifts of bishoprics and deaneries from her majesty, by dissolving them.

They take away all patronages from her.majesty and others, and her highness’s patronage paramount for benefices lapsed: for they make all ecclesiastical functions merely elective by the people, or their elderships.

When the supremacy was justly restored to the crown, one chief supereminency was, that the last appellation in all ecclesiastical causes was to be made to the king in the chancery. This they take away. For they make the appellation from an eldership consistory to a colloquy or conference: from thence to a provincial synod: and lastly to a national; and that to be final.

They deny the prince’s authority in making laws ecclesiastical; which they do attribute to their synods. No, not so much as to prescribe what apparel the minister should wear: which, they say, cannot be done without injury to the minister. And that the church, nor no man else, may restrain the people from bodily labour in any of the six days.

Though in words they will not deny the oath of supremacy, yet in very truth they take it away. For they say, she is supreme governor over all persons and all causes ecclesiastical, but not [in causes ecclesiastical. ] For they attribute no more to her, but to establish their discipline at the first, and to defend them from time to time in the execution of it. Which is nuda potestas facti, et non juris: an authority attributed by the papists unto their princes.

That her majesty, being a child of the church, is subject to the censures of excommunication by their eldership, as well as any other people. And that no man ought to aid, comfort, salute, or obey an excommunicate person.

And that so long as one is excommunicated he cannot exercise his magistracy.

That all persons, as well as meaner persons, must willingly be ruled and governed, and must obey those whom God hath set over them; that is, the just authority of ecclesiastical magistrates; and must lick the dust of the feet of the church.

That the elderships and synods are to call and proclaim public fasts.

That the prince ought to give leave at the first to the churches to call their synods from time to time, as they see cause.

That if the prince without God’s warrant will enter in, intermeddle with the church, as Gideon, and Nadab, Abihu, Uzza, Uzziah, and Saul did, he must think it none injury to be disobeyed.

That we are not bound to obey the prince’s law for conscience sake, because only God’s laws do bind men’s consciences.

That the prince may not nominate to the people an ecclesiastical person to be chosen. That the prince must take heed that he pass no weighty matter of the commonwealth, without the assembly of all the estates of the land.

Whereby he is barred from treating and capitulating, either for war, peace, or league, with any other prince, without making the parliament privy to it.

That every governor of a commonwealth ought in duty to appoint a successor, according to the laws of the land, before his death.

The late libeller, Martin, wisheth that our parliament would bring in reformation, and put down lord bishops, with all other points of superstition, being for the good of the commonwealth; though it be by withstanding the proceedings of their sovereign. That our churchgovernment is an unlawful church-government, though her majesty and the state allow of it. It is a false government, not prescribed by the word.

That the offices of this church of England are invented by the magistrate, and so no members of Christ’s body. That she doth injure the church, to keep the true officers out. That she maimeth and deformeth the body of Christ. That every Christian magistrate is bound to receive this government by pastors, doctors, elders, and deacons, into the church within his dominions, whatsoever inconvenience may be like to follow the receiving of it. That those who withstand it, hold it to be lawful for her majesty and the state to bid God to battle against them; and that they make our prince and governor wage war against God.

That these four officers are now the only true members, that is, the only true officers of the visible body of Christ. So that her majesty, nor any other but these, is a true officer or member in the visible body of the church, by this assertion.

That the highest ecclesiastical authority in all matters of the church is belonging to their eldership.

AGAINST HER MAJESTY’S SAFETY IN THE KINGDOM.

That the government of the church is aristocratical, or popular: and that the government of the commonwealth must be framed according to the government of the church; even as the hangings to the church.

Among the Lacedemonians there were certain magistrates, called ephori, which had authority to depose their kings. They now make such magistrates to be God’s ordinance in every monarchy, to put a king down, if he be thought by them to be a tyrant: and do think it lawful and behooveful, even in a kingdom inheritable, for such magistrates, or the assembly of the estates, to depose the king, if he shall be thought by them to have broken all or the chief covenants that he made at his inauguration in that commonwealth.

AGAINST THE STATE AND POLICY OF THE REALM.

That baptism is to be administered to no known papist’s children; to none excommunicate person’s children; and to none but to their children that be within the church. These they expound to be those that submit themselves to their order of discipline. So that all others shall be accounted as out of God’s covenant, and no true Christians.

That the judicial law of Moses, for punishing divers sins by death, is in force, and ought to be observed in every commonwealth, as commanded by God. And therefore that no prince nor law can or ought to save the lives of wilful offenders, not offending by ignorance only; nor of blasphemers of God’s name; nor of conjurers, soothsayers, persons possessed with an evil spirit; heretics, perjured persons, wilful breakers of the sabbath-day, neglecters of the sacraments without just reason; disobedient to parents, or that curse them; incestuous persons; a daughter committing fornication in her father’s house; adulterers; all incontinent persons, saving single fornicators; and all conspirators against any man’s life.

That lex talionis, that is, an eye for an eye, a hand for a hand, &c. ought to be observed of necessity in every commonwealth. That all matters arising in their several limits, (though they be mere civil and temporal,) if there may happen to be breach of charity, or wrong be offered by one unto another, may and ought to be composed by the eldership. And he that shall refuse to be ordered is to be excommunicated.

That not only the state ecclesiastical, being one of the three in parliament, may, but also ought to be cut off. And so laws to be made by the lords temporal and commons only: one of the other like essential members being wholly taken away. And to this purpose it is said, that all the laws of England were made in the first year of the queen’s reign, when there was never a bishop in the parliament. Martin, in his last book.

That it is unlawful for any state to tolerate the present government ecclesiastical. That it is false, unlawful, bastardly, unchristian. That none can be a good and sound subject that defends it. That they are traitors to God and his word that so do. That they are all enemies to her majesty and the land. That they are to answer for the blood which the Spaniard or any other enemies are like to spill. That they bring in hazard her majesty’s life, and the prosperity of the whole kingdom, and are the greatest enemies it hath. That her majesty and her people are seduced out of the right way.

That ministers of duty not only may, but ought to determine and decree of all, both civil and ecclesiastical causes, though not of the very fact, as civil magistrates do; yet touching the right, and what the law is: for that thereof they are appointed of God to be administrators.

THE SECOND SORT OF PURITANS, NOW CALLED BARROWISTS.

They do hold all the former positions. And, besides, they also hold these errors following: 1. That it is not lawful to use the Lord’s Prayer publicly in the church for a set form of prayer. 2. That all set and stinted prayers are mere babbling in the sight of the Lord, and not to be used in public Christian assemblies. 3. That the public prayers and worship of God in England, as it is by law in the church of England established, is false, superstitious, popish, and not to be used in any Christian congregation. 4. That the church of England, as it is now established, is no true member of the church of Christ. 5. That the government of the church of England, as it is now established, is no lawful government, nor Christian, but antichristian and popish. 6. That the sacraments of baptism and the Lord’s supper, as they are administered in the church of England, be not true sacraments. 7. That infants ought not to be baptized according to the form of baptism administered in the church of England. But are rather to be kept unbaptized. And that such as have been baptized according to that form are not rightly baptized. 8. That the laws ecclesiastical, that are established by authority of the queen and realm, be not lawful. 9. That if the prince or magistrate do refuse, or defer to reform such faults as are amiss in the church, the people may take the reforming of them into their own hands, before or without his authority. 10. That the presbytery and eldership may for some causes, after admonition, (if there ensue no reformation,) excommunicate the queen. 11. That the church of England (as it standeth now by law established) professeth not a true Christ, nor true religion. That it hath no ministers indeed, nor sacraments indeed. And therefore they will communicate with us neither in prayer nor sacraments, nor come to our churches: which they call popish parish assemblies.

NUMBER 95.

Cardinal Allen, from Rome, to Richard Hopkins, fugitive, August 14, 1593. So endorsed by the lord treasurer’s own hand. This letter of the cardinal was in answer to one from Hopkins, at Antwerp; upon report of a treaty between England and Spain; to endeavor a liberty of religion for the catholics.

Good Mr. Hopkins, YOURS of the 10th of July came safely to my hands; and gave me knowledge of a certain overture made to you by one that might seem to do it by some secret commission of treaty of an accord between England and Spain, with desire of my sense therein, either of myself or with the pope, upon some reasonable conditions for toleration of the catholic religion in our country. Which argument, how grateful it should be unto me, you that of old know so well my opinion and desire in that cause may easily deem.

And after a little pause of mind upon so sudden and unwonted news, I could think no otherwise, but that God himself hath stirred up in their hearts this motion for the saving of that realm from the present fears, and dangers, and perplexities it is fallen into. And thereby also a special [favour] offered at length unto me, once ere I die, not only to give the willing desired comforts ir owe unto my afflicted catholic friends and brethren, but therein also to serve, most faithfully and profitably, even my very enemies. Though otherwise than through these unfortunate differences and debates in religion, (our Lord God forgive the author thereof,) I know Ir have none; or to do to the one or the other, and above all to my neighbour country, most dear unto me, so much good as an unfeigned peace would bring, I would travail to the last drop of my blood.

I thank God, I am not so estranged from the place of my birth, most sweet, nor so affected to foreigners, that I prefer not the weal of that people above all mortal things; whereof, if it pleased the queen’s majesty or council to take a sure taste, I desire no more but that they would confidently use and command me in this matter. And in truth, upon the receipt of your letter I had not slept before I had dealt with his holiness, if the party that made the motion unto you had brought any warrant in the world from any in authority, or any sufficient proof or attestation of their contentment therein: which might have been (as yet it may be) kept as close as themselves would require. That they so did not, if they meant any matter indeed, I marvel. And you did well and wisely to stand on that point: without which I cannot in reason nor honour attempt a thing of that weight and quality with the pope, much less bring our purpose to pass, either with him or the king. With whom also, not only by his holiness’ mediation, but by myself, in matters concerning our country and religion, I may perhaps do more than I need now to say: and whatsoever I can do with either of them, I would employ in this case myself to the uttermost.

Though to say the truth, if the pope were a temporal prince only, being no less injured (though in another kind) than the king himself, his person were not so fit to be a moderator of this pretended peace. But being a spiritual person, and the common and most loving father of all Christians, and attending above all human respects the service of God, and the advancement of religion, without all formalities and punctos of worldly honour, I am assured he will embrace this cause with all hearty affection.

For I know many ways his most tender heart and desire towards our country’s weal, both in God and in the world.

Only we want good grounds of her majesty’s intention, and good acceptation of our travails herein: which if you can by writing or other equivalent means obtain, let me alone for the rest, promising mine own pains without exception; and not much doubting but that his holiness will most favourably and earnestly employ his authority for the same.

In all which matters, as myself would proceed with much more alacrity, if I m!ght understand how far and in what sort they of themselves would condescend in matters of religion, so I am sure that upon a reasonable toleration, according to that state of that realm, we may induce his holiness to take this motion to heart, and to proceed carefully, steadily, and effectually in the same. Where otherwise, if he be not well warranted of some reasonable accord for religion, (as I know he will never deal, but with all possible force debar all other treaty of peace,) so it is no less certain, that the king, of his like zeal and piety, will never make peace (or if I suppose his posterity after him) without some important moderation in religion.

Therefore this point well established and cleared, and the places holden of England rendered to the king, I trust, without all other restitution or recompense of losses, spoils, or damages, the king, by his holiness’ means, and by labours, may be induced to a peace, most necessary and happy for England, and profitable for the whole Christian world; whereof if I might, by any office of my life or death, be a promoter or procurer, I would reckon the remnant of my few years I have to come more fortunate than the many evil and long years of all my life past; assuring myself, that there is no other way but this to save my beloved country from imminent ruin temporal, and, as it may be feared, perdition eternal. From either of which I would willingly deliver it by my death.

Of this my desire and entire affection to serve and save them in this cause, I pray you, as you have occasion, make them in England to understand: wishing them, if they mean sincerely, as I do faithfully, and as before God and my soul, for their general and particular good desire it, to send over some one or two of their civil or temporal wise lawyers, of catholic inclination, void of passion and partiality, that know how far the state of the realm may comport [with] the exercise of the catholic religion; and how far the queen and council can be contented to condescend therein, for a firm and stable peace. Which persons joining with you there, and with some such of our principal English clergy and gentlemen in those parts, as you shall choose, may set down such articles as among you shall be agreed upon, and so send them hither to me, that I may present them to his holiness: that thereby he may the sooner be incited to take this matter in hand. Or if the parties think better to come hither with her majesty’s licence, and you, if it be thought good, with them, for more speed and substantial despatch of all things; I will give them, or any of them, protection, and procure them large passports, and benign audience of the pope: and all this with as much secrecy as themselves shall desire.

But these, and all such like particulars, I commit to your discretions, praying you to advertise me of the receipt hereof. And so with my hearty commendations I bid you farewell. From my house in Rome, this 14th of August, 1593.

Yours assuredly, W. CARDINAL.

NUMBER 96.

Holt, a Jesuit, to cardinal Allen: writ from Brussels, January the 6th, 1593. Found among the lord treasurer’s papers.

AL Illmo et Rmo cardinal de Ingleterra a Roma. The rest in English. Very gracious and good lord, It is a comfort to all these, as I think, that are resolved to follow your grace’s opinion in any matters, and namely myself, when from your grace’s self they may know either your grace’s resolute mind, or else some light to guess; as by these of the eleventh of December, partly I do, in two or three things. And indeed in some accidents it is very necessary, as far as the secrecy of the things do permit, lest by ignorance some traverse may happen, which neither one part or other doth desire; nor is good going farther off than these affairs can well permit.

And concerning D. Barret and the seminary matters, as I have little to do, so as little to say: I do bear both to him and them that affection I was wont and ought. Neither for one thing between us two did I ewer require or advise any satisfaction at all, whatever I said, or whatsoever ad justam defensionem meam, where I was touched: as also to procure him to return to his old good affection: which seeing, he saith, he is, all is well. There needeth no more, and your grace may be careless of any particular between us: of which point, if I be well remembered, I have wrote to your grace some weeks past. So that you may see we prevented your desire. [it was some quarrel between them about the gobvernment of the seminary.] The inequality committed concerning our nation, excepting only my lady Hungerford, Mrs. Allen, and Mr. Hugh Owen, were of so small importance, that exceeding small occasion men had to be offended. And in other nations such griefs be daily found. There were but three other poor men for special respects that got a double pay: which was Mr. Tyrrel, who is agent of the nation; George Persons, at his brother’s request; and Mr. Verstegan, in respect he is continually employed, as your grace knoweth: and these but with a double pay for this time. Others have found oftentimes the like or greater favour. And towards redress as Persely, before he died, 300 st. Mr. Paget, not long ago, 200; the earl of Westmoreland divers times, 200. And now and then so small, that in the king’s books there was nothing done to him and divers others.

So that in that matter, both the writing to your grace, and the noise that was made of it here, may well be accounted to proceed of no good fountain; but that all men seek themselves, and chiefly those which most complain, and it may. be, deserve it least.

Your grace hath by accident instructed me in a matter that some fifteen days ago I writ to be instructed of that within cipher you cause written.

God send all good speed, according to your grace’s good desire and intentions. Such as I can hear discourse of that subject do think it hard to be brought to pass: and assurance on all hands given; and whether 232. 229. [ciphers] do mean bona fide or no, it is no small doubt. If any thing would be really in hand, I would think 161 his going to I should be altogether necessary; where he shall both see the commodities and incommodities, faults and difficulties better, occasions and expeditions of things. Neither methinketh is there any repugnance with this and any thing 215 hath wrote to 212 concerning H. but altogether may and must be accommodated, &c.

Mr. Hesket will tell your grace of the non-appearance of the first letters to Stephano D. Ivara. Here is come hither an advice, that Richard Hesket of England is put to death for dealing with the earl modern of Darby: whether it be true or no, in short time we shall understand, as of the manner.

Sir William [Stanley] is here returned from Flanders, where he hath been with count Charles, to put order to the queen’s designments there: and he is well, and in very good conceit with the secretary chiefly, and all other men here. The rest of our nation be in the old sort, somewhat relieved by their last pays.

Here seems to be resolved upon a new voyage to France, with good forces, under the conduct of count Mansfeld, at least of 12,000 men, with provison more than heretofore: and indeed the payments begin to grow better. With more I have not to trouble your grace, but commit you to the protection of Christ Jesus. Brussels, this 6th of January, 1593, in the beginning of the new year: which, and many more happy, I wish to your grace.

Your grace to command, WILL. HOLT.

NUMBER 97.

Thomas Bell, a convert, to Mr. Young, a justice of peace in London: concerning printing his motives to renounce the Romish faith. Writ from Jesus college, Cambridge.

Good sir, MY very hearty and manifold commendations remembered: with like thanks for your cheerful friendliness and great courtesies. You shall understand, that I have now finished and made an end of that piece of work, wherewith you were partly acquainted at Lambeth. It containeth certain special motives, by which, as external means under God, concurring thereto, I was inwardly touched, as also fervently moved in heart and conscience, to renounce the Romish faith and religion. In which motives (as I trust and conceive the matter) the chief grounds of papistry are not only shaken, but the bulwark thereof is beaten down, as no papist in the world is or shall be able to stand in denial of the same: for I have unfolded the same by evident demonstrations, even by the plain testimony of the best, most famous, and renowned doctors in the church of Rome. More forcible than which, no proof can be brought against the pope and his religion: a thing to my knowledge never yet attempted by any man. If it be able to profit God’s people, his holy name be blessed for it, who began and accomplished that good work in me.

I beseech you, good Mr. Young, to do my most humble duty to the rt. hon. the lord treasurer, my singular good lord; and to acquaint his lordship with the said treatise or motives, in such manner as you conceive the same: and to know his lordship’s pleasure, if his lordship think it good, that I put them in print. Which done, I shall desire you to certify me thereof in your letter so soon as conveniently you may.

I pray you heartily do my humble duty to my honourable good friend sir Foskewe [Fortescue, chancellor of the exchequer.] My humble commendations to the right worshipful, my special and approved good friend, Mr. Attorney-general [Egerton]. And so in haste I wish you all happiness. From Jesus college in Cambridge, this 30th of June, 1593.

Yours, as his own, unfeignedly, THOMAS BELL.

Accordingly Mr. Young, a few days after, (viz. the 5th of July, ) acquainted the lord treasurer with Mr. Bell’s request, and humbly craved that he might know his lordship’s pleasure therein, what he should write unto him, adding these words: Nevertheless, under your lordship’s correction, I think it good that he should send up that treatise to your lordship, that so it might be committed to the view and examination of such persons as know what good or harm may come thereof. Although, for mine own part, I am very well persuaded of Mr. Bell, and do assuredly think, that as he is willing, so he is likewise able to do much good. He wrote other letters to Mr. Attorney-general, wherein he did advertise him of one Hardestie, a priest, who had lately submitted himself, and was then at Emanuel college in Cambridge, whom he commended to be very learned and well affected.

NUMBER 98.

Bell to the lord treasurer, from the north; where he preached at the desire of the earl of Huntington, lord president: who was desirous of his abiding there, for the instruction of that ignorant people. He is ready so to do, or to return to Cambridge, according to the lord treasurer’s directions.

Right honourable and my very good lord, BY reason of the late sickness at Cambridge, I took occasion to visit two brothers which I have yet living; with whom at this present I make my abode, at Thresk in Yorkshire. At my coming from Cambridge, I thought not upon that kind of exercise in which I was very shortly after employed by the earnest motion of my very good lord, the earl of Huntington, lord president, and lord lieutenant in these north parts: a man so zealous in Christian religion, so forward in the service of his prince, sovigilant in his charge, and so favourable to all labourers in Christ’s vineyard, as he may justly be thought appointed by God himself for that only end and purpose.

What good he hath done in these parts, since that honourable charge was first committed to him, your lordship knoweth, the country witnesseth, and myself am not ignorant.

At the godly motion of this honourable person, I have sundry times preached. To which my late exercise God hath given more large success, than I ever did or could expect. My lord president is desirous to have me stay in this country, that in these north parts, where the harvest is great, and the workmen few, in respect it may please God to use me as a weak instrument under him, for the profit and instruction of his people. Touching myself, thus the case standeth. My chiefest desire is to glorify my Lord God, to honour my dread sovereign, and to do what good I can to my native country: not to hunt after promotions, worldly riches, or transitory pleasures whatsoever. God (qui scrutatur corda et renes ) knoweth this to be. So now to accomplish this my honest desire, whether it be more expedient for me to stay in the country, or at the university, or elsewhere, in what place or manner soever, I wish not to be mine own judge or director therein; but with a lowly mind crave to be directed by my honourable superiors, the higher powers. In order hereof, I beseech your lordship in all dutiful manner, that I may know your lordship’s pleasure, and have your honourable direction in the premises: and so humbly take my leave. From Thresk, in Yorkshire, the 19th of March, 1593.

Your lordship’s poor servant, THO. BELL.

NUMBER 99.

Pierse, archbishop of York, and Henry, earl of Huntington, of the council of the north, to the lord treasurer; concerning an hospital and school, founded by Oglethorp, bishop of Carlisle.

Our very good lord, AMONG other things out of order in this country, we found about a year since, upon complaint, the foundation of a school and hospital, for a schoolmaster and twelve poor people, whereof licence was granted by queen Mary to Owen Oglethorp, late bishop of Carlisle, to found and incorporate the same, and to authorize 40l . a year to the same; and himself giving order by his will to his executors to perform it accordingly. Yet nothing in either done these thirty-six years to the establishment thereof, but a small stipend given to a schoolmaster, at the executor’s pleasure: and two poor folks only found by them there.

But we calling Mr. Robert Oglethorp, the surviving executor, and others of the name to it, find, that the bishop’s goods were so dispersed and spent in suits, and most of his lands that he bought to that end, and put in trust to his brother Andrew Oglethorp, by making him joint-purchaser with him to that end. Who, as is said, meant to perform it; yet he being suddenly slain by the rebels, that land came to collateral heirs, and is sold without recovery. Nevertheless, of that small portion of the said land which remaineth, by our persuasions and means with Robert Oglethorp, being surviving executor, who only by the letters patents and will hath power to establish the corporation, and after his death nobody, we have drawn him to incorporate the school and hospital, according to the licence. And among the rest of his name we are in hope to make it up; so as there shall be some stay of living for a schoolmaster, being a very happy place of the country for that purpose; and six poor folks to have 12d. a week, and their dwelling.

One only imperfection, there is doubted that a cottage in Tadcaster, which was a chantry-house that the said bishop purchased, whereupon the schoolhouse is built, and a small tenement in the country, called Cobcroft, which the bishop in his lifetime assures to this Rob. Oglethorp, that liveth, to the use of the schoolmaster and almshouse, executed by livery: yet some doubt hath been objected, because there is no letters of attorney yet shewed for any to make livery, that there is none such, which is hardly credible, because Rob. Oglethorp hath enioyed these lands ever since by that deed.

And we have persuaded him to assure his state and interest therein to the school and almshouse, according to the bishop’s will. Yet, lest any near lookers into such titles might procure it, as a concealment, by colour that no letters of attorney were from the bishop, then he being base-born, his title therein should escheat to her majesty; we are to be earnest suitors, that your lordship, for the perfecting of so charitable a work, (the rather for the quieting of the poor people, that have no purse to withstand the defence of a title so to be pretended, than for any doubt in itself,) that your lordship would be a mean, by the soliciting of this bearer, Mr. Edward Stanhope, that this cottage and tenement may either pass gratis, or for some small trifle, in the next book that any passeth for concealment, with assurance from the patentee with Mr. Stanhope, who hath promised to travail in it and to pass it over to the school and hospital, according as now they have it, by the intention of the late bishop of Carlisle.

Wherein we will think ourselves beholden to your lordship, and the poor people daily bound to pray for you. And even so we betake your lordship to the tuition of the Almighty. From York, the 14th of January, 1593.

Your lordship’s assured friends, JO. EBOR. H. HUNTYNGTON.

NUMBER 100.

Queen Elizabeth’s letter to the emperor of Germany; answering slanderous reports of her; especially, that she should stir up the Turk to have war with Christian princes. VIDE Camd. Life of Q. Elizabeth, p. 473. “At this time was set forth in Germany scandalous libels against queen Elizabeth, as if she had invited the Turk to make war against Christendom. And the letters which she had sent to the Turk were published, but most unfaithfully falsified and corrupted, many things being added; and divers contumelious and scandalous matters falsely feigned and devised. The queen hereupon sent a messenger to the emperor, and cleared herself from these calumnies and as persions. So that the books were prohibited, and the co pies thereof publicly burnt at Prague.” This letter was drawn up and composed by the lord treasurer, and written by his secretary Mr. Maynard: and at the latter end is an addition of his own hand. The letter followeth.

TO THE EMPEROR.

ALTHOUGH we have sustained these many years past continually great injuries from the king of Spain, and consequently from the pope, without any just cause given on our part, as should appear, if there might be found competent judges to deal in the causes of princes sovereign: wherein nevertheless we may doubt, that though in God’s presence we may clear ourselves, yet your majesty may conceive otherwise of our actions, by reason of the proximity of blood betwixt the king of Spain and your majesty, and for your devotion to the see of Rome, varying in some parts from ours: and lastly, because your majesty hath had no resident ambassador with us, nor we with you, to be participant of our mutual actions, as in former times hath been used, to the honour of both our estates. Yet no one thing hath more grieved us in all injuries done to us, than that there hath been spread abroad in infamous libels, amongst many other manifest lies, (wherewith we mind not in this our letter to trouble you,) this that is most horrible, that we have solicited the great Turk, an enemy against Christendom, to make war against Christian princes: which hath been, we take Almighty God to witness, far from our thoughts. And for good proof hereof, the actions of late years have manifestly declared the contrary of this false slander; when by our own solicitation we did procure such a peace betwixt the king of Polonia and the great Turk, when the Turk had entered with a mighty army into his country, and had publicly rejected the king of Polonia’s offer of tribute, and had threatened the devastation thereof. For a notable testimony whereof, we require your majesty to see the very words of the great Turk’s own letter, sent to us in June, 1590, as they shall be presented to you by this bearer, truly translated. [Then followed the Turk’s letter in Latin: which was omitted in this letter to the emperor, the bearer being to carry it, and deliver it to him by itself .] The like to these letters at the same time did Simon Bassa, the principal counsellor to the Turk, and Hedar Bassa, then governor of the army prepared against the king of Polonia, write to us, signifying, that if we had not earnestly solicited their lord to this peace, he would never have consented. And according to this, the king of Polonia, Sigismond the Third, did acknowledge this obtaining of peace, and diversion of so dangerous a war only to us, as by his letters and messenger from himself,and by the letters from his counsellors and general captain Joannes Samoski, is most manifest.

But of this our Christian action we never made any ostentation; neither now would have occupied your majesty with this recital, but for a late lamentable accident, as it is reported to us from Constantinople, properly concerning your majesty’s self, and your kingdoms bordering upon the great Turk’s dominions, and consequently the rest of Christendom. Which is, that upon the ordinary tribute, not sent to him in due time by your majesty, he hath published war against you and your countries: wherewith we are, as in Christian duty we ought, deeply grieved even to our soul.

And because we have been most falsely slandered to have heretofore solicited the Turk to have made war against some Christian kings; and not knowing whether any such reports have been by our enemies brought to your ears, as we may think, that many other untruths, yea, incredible lies, have been, without hearing or defence, to deprave our most just actions, taken in hand only for our natural defence; and those supported to this day with God’s favour, to our safety and preservation of our country in peace, even in the midst of all other countries adjoining to ours, that are in war only by reason of such as are all our common enemies; and we could not forbear to impart to you both our great grief for this accident now breaking out, and to assure your majesty, that if it may lie in our power, and were so allowed of by your majesty, we would spare no means to stay this intended violent war, as dangerous as the time is, wherein, as the pope and the king of Spain do proceed with their hostile actions, there is no part of Christendom that will be free from war; a case very rare and lamentable.

For as by the war that is to proceed from the Turk, all the parts of Germany, and the east parts of Christendom, and some great part of Italy, shall feel the burden of the same, with loss of Christian blood, depopulation of countries and towns; so on the other part of Christendom westward, it is lamentably seen, how all France, the Low Countries, our realms of England and Ireland, and now of late the kingdom of Scotland, is already threatened from Spain, and provoked to rebellion. All which are mightily infested by the wars; and France by the dukes of Savoy and Lorrain, by the solicitation of the king of Spain.

And here it is to be especially noted, that the king of Spain’s wars are at this day the more dangerous to make a destruction of the people of Christendom, in that he maketh not his wars, as in former times the emperor, his father, and other his progenitors did, to make incursions into France or Italy only for revenge, or to besiege or recover restitution of some towns: which commonly ended in a few months. That in a summer with some loss on both sides: but commonly stayed with a truce, or ended with a peace and intermarriages. But now all these wars, attempted by the king of Spain against so many kingdoms and countries, are wholly to conquer the same without any colour of title. As certain years past he did attempt, with an army by seas, upon our kingdom of Ireland, only upon a pretence that the pope would give it him to conquer; and afterwards, in the year 88, purposed certainly with an army by sea, which was termed by his Spaniards invincible; and by another mighty army by land, at the same instant brought by the seaside in Flanders, to have been transported into England, without any pretence of title. And that at the very time when our ambassadors and his were treating of a peace, and upon good terms of a conclusion. But by God’s invincible might, his armies, termed invincible, were proved both vincible and evicted.

But to shew this his continual purpose in making war for conquest, and total subversion of countries, he hath these many years attempted, with infinite charges and loss of his people, to make a conquest of his maritime Low Countries, to plant his Spaniards in the richest towns and ports; minding also thereby to have opportunity to invade and prosecute his intended conquest of England. And now for a further and a most manifest sign of this his unsatiable desire of conquest, he hath these last years openly with sundry armies invaded France, the greatest and most noble kingdom of Christendom; seeking by his great powers and treasures flowing from all his Indies, and by supporting of certain rebellious heads in France, that made leagues and confederacies against their last king, whom they procured to be murdered, to deprive the lawful king now living, Henry the Fourth, of his crown; whom, without any exception, all the persons, being of the ancient royal blood of France, and the great officers of the realm, and most of the governors of provinces, as they were left by the last king, being also catholics, do obey, and offer their lives to defend him as their lawful king. And because this attempt is found very difficult to compass, he hath stirred up the pope to send armies into France over the Alps, a thing never used by any pope; and he hath also provoked with his treasure the dukes of Savoy and Lorrain likewise to invade and conquer certain provinces of France, lying near to them. And how he himself hath gotten possession of the towns and havens in Britain, intending a full conquest thereof, is not unknown.

Beside these, to leave no part of Christendom westward in peace, the king of Scots hath lately discovered a full purpose of the king of Spain, by a compact and corruption of money offered to certain of his nobility, to give entry to the army of the king of Spain into Scotland this summer, both to conquer the realm and to invade England. For achieving whereof, great sums of money have been provided, and a good part hath been sent secretly into Scotland to such, as seeing their conspiracy discovered, are fled into the mountains of the land: and at this time are pursued by the king, both with force and proscriptions, as being notable traitors to himself and to their native country.

Thus your majesty, being the greatest prince in honour and degree in Christendom, may behold a lamentable spectacle of the whole state of Christendom as it were set on fire at one time: whereof, though that part where your majesty’s dominions are towards the east may feel a present danger from the common enemy; yet, if they that thus trouble the rest of Christendom here in the west (as no part is free from the calamities of war) would content themselves with their own patrimonial kingdoms and countries, and suffer other their neighbours to live in peace, (which they desire,) it were to be hoped that the Turk would also forbear this attempt of war against your majesty, with an opinion very probable to move him thereto; in that he might think, that the rest of Christian kings and potentates would (enjoying peace in their own countries) give your majesty aid, and so divert the Turk from offending of Christendom. [Here the instructions for the agent ended .] And thus having imparted our grief for this lamentable estate of all Christendom, we cannot but wish, that both your majesty being a sovereign of highest degree, and others that carry the titles of Christian and catholic princes, would be Christianly moved to take compassion of this woful estate of Christendom, and lay aside all minds of revenge, and of unlawful seeking of other countries, and make one solid union of the Christian countries for their defence.

THEN BEGIN THE LINES AGAIN FOR INSTRUCTIONS TO THE AGENT.

And where pretences are made, that these wars are taken in hand for maintenance of catholic religion, it may be well denied so to be in France, where the wars are prosecuted, not only against the person of the king, but against all his faithful subjects, the princes of the royal blood, the cardinals, bishops, and clergy, and the ancient nobility, that profess the catholic religion according to the church of Rome.

And as to the wars made against us and our people, and the king of Scots and his people, though in some sort we do not yield to be subject to the pope, as pretending an authority over our crowns, to dispose them where he will; yet we do not dissent from the true catholic religion established by the apostles, and continued in the primitive church. Neither hath the king of Spain, by any former example, any lawful authority, upon such pretences, to make any wars against us, being a prince sovereign, acknowledging no superior over us in earth, or any other kings and potentates agreeing with us in Christian religion; as are the kings of Denmark, Scotland, Sweden, and the chiefest of the princes temporal of the empire. But according to the example of all former ages, he ought to suffer decision of the controversies of the church to some free and general councils to be lawfully congregated.

How these declarations and arguments for our defence shall content your majesty, we know not. But if there were not such abounding malice reigning in this age, as that the same were not maintained and continued with most shameful slander and horrible untruths dispersed in libels, in all languages, but that nothing were divulged but truth, we would not doubt but both your majesty would, according to your office, admonish the pope, and advise the king of Spain to alter this their violent course, whereby they do kindle and stir up fire to inflame all Christendom. These lines following are of the lord treasurer’s own hand, and is the conclusion: And to shew our Christian disposition to have this intended dangerous war, now proceeding from the Turk, whereof cannot but great and inestimable damage happen to Christendom, which way soever Almighty God shall give the victory. We have, in the zeal that we bear to peace, (which is the chiefest blessing of God here on earth,) presumed to write and send to the grand seignor our letters and message also, to yield to a surcease of war.

And there by some colloquy betwixt your ambassadors to meet on your frontiers, to restore both your states to your former peace. And of this matter, and of our Christian purpose, this bearer shall further inform you; and of sundry other things, wherein we require you to give him credit. On the backside it is thus endorsed. The 14th of April, 1595, Minutes of a letter to the emperor. By D. Parkins.

NUMBER 101.

The letter of the great Turk to the queen, (who had interceded by her agent to him in behalf oft he king of Poland,) mentioned in the foregoing letter, was as followeth: REX Poloniae duos suos legatos ad portam nostram beatam et fulgidam mittens significavit, quod rex Poloniae missum munus augere vellet. Sed nos supplieationem regis Poloniae amplecti et acceptare noluimus: imo iterum exercitum nostrum in regem Poloniee mittere, et Creatoris omnipotentis auxilio regnum Poloniae subvertere constitueramus. At legato serenitatis vestrae ex mandato vestro pacem pro regno Poloniae petente, neve regnum Poloniae ex parte nostra turbaretur et infestaretur intercedente, serenitatisque hanc singularem et peculiarem esse voluntatem exponente, legati serenitatis vestrae significatio et intercessio nobis fuit grata et accepta. In favoremque serenitatis vestrae, cui omnis honos et gratia ex nostra parte debetur, juxta hunc modum literae nostrae ad regem Poloniae sunt datae.

Si ex parte serenitatis vestrae foedus et pax cum rege poloniae ineunda sollicitata non fuisset, nulla ratione foedus cum rege iniissemus; sed in favorem solummodo serenitatis vestrae, regno et regi Poloniae singularem prsestitimus gratiam. Quod et serenitas vestra et rex Poloniae certo sibi persuadere debeant.

NUMBER 102.

A commission to Mr. Chery, a merchant, from the lord treasurer, and others of her majesty’s principal counsellors, with her letter to the great duke of Muscovy: vindicating the queen against false and scandalous reports and libels spread abroad, of assisting, the great Turk; and in behalf of her merchants trading in those parts.

Being minutes drawn by the lord treasurer.

WE, who have subscribed this writing, being counsellors to the mighty queen Elizabeth, by the grace of God queen of England, France, and Ireland, and defender of the Christian faith; and being also the principal public officers of the realm and crown of England, do authorize you Chery, of the city of London, merchant, and the queen’s servant, to present unto the mighty king and great duke of Russia, to the noble prince lord Boricfederow Godo principal counsellors to the said great duke, the queen’s majesty’s royal letters, whereunto you have been made privy; containing in them her majesty’s most friendly salutations, and large thanks to the said emperor of the great favours of late times shewed on her majesty’s behalf to her merchants repairing and residing in his countries, with request to continue the said favours to them: notwithstanding the malicious practices of some subtile and unworthy persons, that have of late of the devilish mood attempted, by slanderous and false reports, to alienate the great good-will and affection which the said emperor hath of long time borne to the queen’s majesty, and his favour to her merchants and subjects.

Among which malicious persons, the queen’s majesty understandeth that sundry of them have been hired, and induced for the pleasing of the pope, and especially of the king of Spain, who are known to be her majesty’s professed enemies, to publish, not only in the parts of Germany, and the countries of the emperor of Germany, but also in the countries and court of the said great duke of Russia, that the queen’s majesty hath secretly aided the grand seignor of Turkey in his wars against Christendom.

For that one that is her agent for her merchants at Constantinople was in the camp of the great Turk, in summer was twelvemonth, being forced thereto by the Turk’s commandment, without the knowledge of the queen’s majesty. But yet he did thereby use many means to redeem divers captive Christians, and procured liberty to the servants of the emperor’s ambassador, to be freely sent to the emperor of Germany; for the which he received great thanks. And in other things he did not give anywise to the favour of the Turk, but employed all his labour to the redemption of many Christians. Which course he had held of long time at Constantinople, where he doth yearly procure the liberty of many captive Christians; a matter publicly known in all these west parts of Christendom.

And besides this, there is pretended, for some particular colour and end, proof of her majesty’s aid, (though most falsely,) that the said Turk hath had from her majesty sundry pieces of great ordnance, graven and marked with the arms of England; a matter utterly false, and vainly imagined. That there was not any intent to aid the Turk against Christendom, by any manner of means directly or indirectly, entered ever into her heart, being a professed Christian prince, as she will answer unto Almighty God.

And so we, being the principal counsellors of the realm, do in the presence of God affirm, that there was never any such purpose in her majesty to favour the Turk in his wars against the state of Christendom. But contrariwise upon our knowledge, and with our advice, her majesty hath employed her ambassador and servants, to her great charge at sundry times, to be means to cease the war between the said Turk and sundry Christian princes; whereof there is notable testimony publicly known of a peace of late years, by her majesty’s earnest solicitation, made between the Turk and the king of Pole. For the which her majesty hath had public and large thanks from that king and the states of the kingdom. And like thanks also hath she had from the emperor of Germany for her ambassage sent to solicit peace between, the said emperor and the Turk: which took not that effect at that time according to her majesty’s desire; because that the emperor affirmed, that he had at that time such advantage against the Turk, as he then found it not profitable for the estates to accept such conditions of peace as her majesty had by her agent propounded to be ready to be offered.

So as now for your further direction: you being thus informed of the contents of her majesty’s letters, you shall use your best discretion and diligence, by the acquaintance which you have with the lord Borycefederow, and by advice also of the principal merchants of our nation, there residing, present the said letters; first those which be to the lord Boryce, whom you shall use as the means of your access to the said great duke: and by the direction of the said lord Boryce, you shall present her majesty’s letters to the said great duke, and require, that his majesty’s public interpreter, only with your aid and knowledge, rightly and fully interpret the same into the Russian tongue. And so also shall you cause the like to be done for her majesty’s letters to the lord Boryce, with her royal salutations; and according to the contents of all those letters, as before you are here informed, you shall do your best to persuade the said great duke and the said lord Boryce, and other great counsellors of the great duke, that such false and slanderous report, s are only grounded upon the great malice that the king of Spain, and his faction, which he hath in Germany by the emperor there, and other his kindred of his house of Austria, beareth to her majesty, for her just defence of her dominions and subjects against the ambition and tyranny of the said king of Spain, labouring, by conquering of his neighbouring kingdoms and countries, to be a monarch of the greatest part of Christendom.

And for your more effectual proceeding herein, you shall cause this writing to be likewise interpreted into the Russian tongue, and offer the same to the lord Boryce to be seen, as the testimony of us four, being the principal counsellors and officers of the crown and realm of England. The first of us being the lord chancellor of England; the second, the lord high treasurer of England; the third, the lord earl marshal of England; the fourth, the high admiral of England; as yourself can report us. For testimony whereof we have subscribed this writing with our hands, and sealed the same with our seals.

NUMBER 103.

A memorial of sundry necessary things to be put in execution for the service of the realm, now toward the spring of the year: upon the formidable preparation of the Spaniard. Drawn up by lord treasurer Burghley. Dated Jan. 8, 1593. FIRST, letters to be directed by the council to all the lieutenants of the counties of the realm; to give them knowledge, that her majesty would have them presently, by themselves or their deputies, make a review of all the bands and forces, both of horse and foot, that have been a few years past put into bands, and that have been trained. And for that her majesty thinketh, that there hath been for these two or three years an intermission made of the musters of the said bands, whereby it is very likely that in number and in force the same are greatly decayed, as well by death or departing away of captains and officers, as of the private soldiers; and a diminution also of the horse, armoury, and weapons decayed, during the said intermission. Therefore her majesty most earnestly requireth the said lieutenants, by themselves, or their deputies in their absence, to view the estate of all the said bands, and to be duly informed of the defects thereof in all the foresaid lacks and wants, as well of men as horse and armour.

And upon the defects and wants found, to devise how to have the same supplied. And thereof to make particular certificates of the estate of the bands as they were aforetime, and of the particular wants and decays thereof: and likewise of the supplements to be made of the same wants and decays. And to make certificate unto her majesty’s council of their said services. Whereupon her majesty is determined, for her better satisfaction, to have some special persons to repair into those countries to see the said supplies, and for some other order about the said bands: and consequently to consult with the said lieutenants for the training thereof, to be ready for the service of her majesty and defence of her realms. Item, Consideration to be had of what counties there be lacking lieutenants, by reason of the death of the former. And her majesty to be moved to appoint fit persons to be authorized to better [become] lieutenants in the same shires, with like authority as the former have had. Item, Letters to be written to the towns that were appointed to have staples of powder and munition, to be in a readiness for the service of their countries. And to cause the same to be viewed, what want there is, either of the quantity thereof, or the ill condition for lack of good keeping: and charge to be given to supply the same. For which purpose order may be given to have the same supplied out of the queen’s majesty’s stores at reasonable prices for ready money; if otherwise the same cannot be had of merchants using the trade to bring in foreign powder into the realm.

A MEMORIAL FOR THE BORDER OF SCOTLAND.

The certificate of the earl of Huntingdon to be viewed, concerning the causes of such as have been in two several commissions certain years past, for the execution of the statute for the strengthening of the frontiers against Scotland: with a note sent also from the said earl, of a certain number newly by him named, that before were not in commission. And according to the act of parliament to have a commission made under the great seal of England, and under the seal of the duchy, as the cause shall require, according to the form of the said statute. And that the earl and the lords of those north parts may be directed to repair and reside in the same, to the furtherance of the said commission.

Countries lacking lieutenants, with the names of them that did serve there:

Middlesex and Northampton, lord chancellor: Stafford and Nottingham, earl of Shrewsbury: Lancashire and Cheshire, earl of Derby: Bucks, lord Grey.

A MEMORIAL FOR THE NAVY OF THE REALM.

The lord admiral to cause a perfect view to be made of all her majesty’s own ships; of what burden they are, and in what readiness they are or may be to serve for the war. Item, To understand the want of all habiliments fit for the equipping of the said ships; and to procure a particular certificate, what are the special wants needful to be provided for the arming and equipage of the said ships.

And what proportion thereof is to be had out of foreign countries, and what out of the realm. Item, To consider what shall be a convenient number of soldiers and mariners to serve in the said ships, as men of war; and where and from what places the mariners may be provided and had to be in readiness. And how many captains are to be provided for the government and rule of the said ships, to serve under the lord admiral, if he shall be directed to serve personally; or otherwise also the lord admiral to consider with himself, what special men there be, of service and experience, which he shall think meet in his absence to be employed in particular charges and voyages as admirals. Item, To be considered what kind and quantity of victuals is to be provided for the numbers that are to be employed in the said ships. Or if all the navy shall not be occupied, what quantity were fit to serve for the numbers to be employed in the half of the said navy, or in two parts thereof. And in both cases proportion to be made for five or six months, besides the rigging victuals. Item, Also to be considered of the number of the merchants’ and subjects’ ships, that be or may be made fit for men of war to accompany her majesty’s navy. And to foresee that none of them be permitted to go in any long voyage, to be absent out of the realm after the month of May.

THE OFFICE OF THE ORDNANCE TO BE CONSIDERED AS FOLLOWETH.

First, How the same is furnished with such proportions of powder, saltpetre, and muskets, and such other shot, with lead, and other necessaries for the same.

How the great ordnance is provided for with carriages, both for the sea and for the land: and wherein the wants do consist: and where to be provided: and in what time, and at what prices. Item, To take better order than in former times hath been, for bargains to be made for calivers and muskets, and such like. For the which greater prices have been allowed than were reasonable, upon pretence that the makers did forbear their money: which would be remedied, as the lieutenant of the ordnance hath thought the same convenient, having seen the faults before his own time.

A view would be had of certain engines, that were made by Engelbert and his brother; where they do remain, and in whose charge; and how they may be used.

A LIKE CONSIDERATION WOULD BE HAD OF THE OFFICE OF THE ARMOURY.

First, What quantity of armour is in the Tower, and what in other places of the queen’s store: and how the same is kept clean, or what were fit to be done to put it in better order.

CONCERNING THE RECUSANTS IN THE REALM.

The archbishop of Canterbury to certify his knowledge of such persons of quality as have been put to liberty upon bond: and where they are. His grace also would send to the rest of the bishops and commissioners ecclesiastical in the countries, to have the like certificates from them: so as the numbers of such ill-contented persons might be known, and to be defurnished of any force of armour, or such like. And likewise to have their offices of any rule under her majesty to be suspended.

The queen to be moved for a warrant for the buying of iron hoops, which certain merchants are to have, coming to 950l.

A warrant for money to repair the storehouses of Dover and Portsmouth, coming to 600l .

To have an account of the armour which the recusants had taken away from them.

To remember also that a magazine of victuals be provided in the north, to be used upon any occasion. As in Barwick, or in some place else, where it may be conveniently distributed.

NUMBER 104.

The vice-chancellor and heads of the university of Cambridge, to their chancellor, the lord Burghley: touching restraint of plays and shows; especially at that infectious season.

Right honourable, IT is now long since we presumed to offer unto your good lordship a supplication, as touching a restraint for public shows and common plays, to be delivered by our messenger unto the lords of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council, if it should so seem meet unto your honour. The occasion, as we thought, was then great, which moved us thereunto; as namely, the regard of our duty, in respect of the good safety of this place, wherewithal we are put in trust: and therefore, having first resolved then to send some of our body unto the university of Oxford, there to observe the entertainment given to her majesty, it seemed to us not unmeet, upon the occasion of that opportunity, to have it referred for that other also unto your good lordship’s most honourable discretion; either ourselves erring in judgment, as touching the fitness of that time, or our messengers in forbearing there the soliciting of your honour more than was meet, we know not how otherwise to excuse it, than by appealing unto your honourable and accustomed good acceptance: which hath induced us also at this time to undertake the renewing of that suit; the rather in regard of God’s great goodness towards us, who, having hitherto somewhat strangely preserved us from such infection as hath greatly touched many other parts of this land, are the likelier to find the continuance thereof, if by your honourable means we may be freed from that kind of people, who are, as we think, the most ordinary carriers and dispersers thereof. And so most humbly craving that it would please your good lordship, as touching the particulars of our desire, to be referred unto the copy of a letter which was, by your lordship’s honourable means, long since procured for us from the lords of her majesty’s most honourable privy-council, as also unto the bearer Speech, our messenger, as touching any thing concerning this matter, wherein it shall further please your good lordship to be informed; we do most humbly take our leaves, daily praying for your lordship’s most honourable, long, and happy preservation, as we are all most dutifully bound. Cambridge, the 17th of July, 1593.

Your honourable lordship’s most humbly to be commanded, Tho. Leggs, vice-chancellor.

Signed also by R. SOME, BARWELL, BYNGE, EDM. HOUNDE, DUPORT, THO. PRESTON, THO. NEVILE, TYNDAL, LAUR. CHADERTON.

NUMBER 105.

A certificate of certain principal traitors, by Diaper, [now a prisoner,] the 25th of September, 1593. So endorsed by the lord treasurer.

THE names of those whom I have seen on the other side [of the sea.] 1. The earl of Westmoreland. 2 . Charles Paget. 3. Sir Timothy Mocket. 4. Sir William Stanley. 5. Two of the Throgmortons. 6 . Throgmorton, since that executed. 7. Then there is one Owen. And, 8. One Smith, a Jesuit. 9. Also one Thomas Farayn. And, 10 . One Thomas Winter, of Fowlston in Kent. Also, 11. One Flowe, that studieth law. And, 12. Mowdy, known to your honour.

These, my lord, are daily about the court [of Spain.] And one Thomas Tresom. There are many others that I know, being there; but I cannot now call them to mind. I hope your lordship will pardon a prisoner, though I fortune to err in my gross writing; and wanting the book, my lord, I cannot write what I would of Westmerland’s life.

For the traitor Westmerland, it is not unknown to your honour, in how bare an estate of life he daily liveth. For when the court is at Antwerp, he will be at Brussels; for he cannot abide the smell of the court; for either he hates the court, or some in the court hate him. For not long ago young Charles Mansfield did upbraid him by the name of traitor, and told him, that he came into Spain more for fear of his life than for love of religion, and would have thrust him out of doors, but that some there did persuade him.

Now for his life, it is so lascivious and vile, that but with reverence I dare not write it, he keepeth a French boy as his pander: and when he hath waited all day, he may go sing for his supper. He never carrieth any money: for the filthy women, that he daily useth, are ready to receive it before he have it: and yet the old colt will be lusty. For if he see a brave woman, he sendeth his pandry boy for her, and in his drunken humour he will give a Philip dollar for a kiss. And so sometimes when he receives his pension, he consumeth that in three days that should keep him three months after; and that maketh him so far in debt: for he oweth more than 15,000l . in Antwerp and Brussels. And let there come any English, if he know it, he will send the marshalsman to apprehend them as spies. This I speak by proof. And he keepeth daily company with sir Timothy Mocket, whose life and behaviour is either as bad or worse than my lord’s.

He meddleth with no matters of state, because indeed they hold him not wise. He is going into Spain: for I know he dareth tarry no longer in Antwerp: for he is fain to go under protection of the king, for fear of arresting. And he taketh a good order: for look, what he can get is his own: for he meaneth not to pay any thing he oweth. And still he goeth threadbare. Sir Timothy Mocket and he keep ordinaries, when they have money; and when they have none, they dine with duke Humfrey. So much for him, with your honour’s pardon for my presumption.

CHARLES PAGET.

Paget, my lord, keepeth himself still, aa he hath ever been, a notable rebel, and a monstrous traitor both to his prince and country. He will give any thing to hear of her majesty’s death: for then, he saith, he doubteth not but to make your honour render him his land, which, he saith, you have let by lease to a lady in Kent, as I remember he said. This old traitor will give money to such as come over to undertake a villainy against the state of England, or the state of the Low Countries. This rebel is greatly in regard with the count Faustus, and Mansfield, and Mountdragon, governor of Antwerp castle, and all those of the king’s council. For they take him to be very wise; especially in plotting such matters as can never be brought to pass. He saith, he hopes to be a privy-counsellor in England: but I hope and desire of God to see him shorter by the head, like a traitor. And if good fortune had served, we might have had him here, to be rewarded for his treasons and practices. It was his villainy to put in that notable rumour of the lady Anabel: also that secretary Walsingham died in that horrible sort, that he dareth in that traitorous, false libel. But how can he do other than lie, when the traitor knoweth not the truth; or at least he will not know it. He is a great friend to religion, and will always be talking what a sweet life it is to be a capucheny: and how dukes have left their livings to be of that sect; and how they lie upon the bare boards with a stone under their heads, and whip themselves, and drink nothing but cold water. And yet those days they do this penance, in the evening, when the audience is departed, they will be so drunk with wine that they can scant stand: let the world judge whether this be hypocrisy or no. I think Paget would be one of those holy men, but that he hath so many bags of money, and so much money at usury, that he thinketh it would hinder him from his devotion.

For indeed he is the wealthiest rebel in that country among the English rebels that be there. And his house-mate is that traitor, the eldest of the Throgmortons. And between them both, they bring up Throgmorton’s son that was executed, that young imp of impiety, that no doubt will follow his father step by step to his gallows. This young imp told me, that he hoped ere long to see them lose their heads that condemned the traitor his father to death. He goeth to school in Antwerp. But if Paget could speak as many languages as he can tell lies, I think he should be out of the king’s privy kitchen: for he counts many things before they be done. And therefore I count him fitter to tell dishes in the king’s privy kitchen, than to be of a king’s privy-council. I cannot write so bad of him as he deserveth. But I thought good to shew your honour this, ere I proceed any further.

My irons are heavy, and my imprisonment taketh away my memory. And therefore, till I have answered the matter for which I was committed, I hope your honour will pardon me.

SIR WILLIAM STANLEY Is the next that England calleth to the bar. [And here the paper endeth, somewhat abruptly .]

NUMBER 106.

Anthony Hall, a messenger and Officer of the queen’s: his services and deserts, shewed in a letter to the lord treasurer. And for a favour on that account to be obtained for his son. And his abilities in heraldry for that end. Feb. 12, 1593. MAY it please your honour, That where I am an humble suitor in behalf of my son Anthony Halls in respect of divers services that your honour and divers others my lords have commanded me; as passing twice to France with the seminary priests and Jesuits, being in number fast upon sixty, as appeareth by certificates in the council chest; of their good usages by me; as also the conveyance of 4000 and 500 Irish, transported to Bristol at two several times, as appeareth by certificates delivered to your honours under the common seal of the town of Bristol; as also the keeping of Jaques de Noa, the Scottish queen’s secretary, six weeks, I only lying on a pallet in a chamber, until he had delivered all the truth he knew touching the Scottish queen’s treasons. Testes, Mr. Philips, her majesty’s decipherer, and also Mr. Francis Mille, [Walsingham’s secretary.] Also my house was possessed, at your honour’s commandment, certain days and nights, whereby Ballard the priest, and Babington, with others of that traitorous crew, were apprehended in a garden near my house. Testes, Mr. Philips, and Mr. Fra. Mille. As also the keeping of Mr. Richard Randolph (a professor of the law) in Bridewell and in the Counter, for a prisoner certain days and nights; who persuaded Bennet the priest that he should revoke those treasons whereof he had accused the earl of Arundel, until he had confessed all the truth. Testis, Mr. Wade, clerk of the council.

In respect of which my loyal and dutiful services, I humbly am a suitor, that it might please your honour to receive into the place of a pursuivant at arms my said son, a scholar brought up at Cambridge, in Emanuel college; and since professing the law at Barnard’s-inn; and, by my lord Anderson’s gift, clerk in the prenuitories [protonotaries] office, in the commonplace.

Notwithstanding, I perceiving his inclination apt to gather gentlemen’s coats, as well on church windows, stone walls, as noblemen’s tombs, whereby he hath collected some thirty thousand or more coats, of his own tricking and writing, besides a pretty skill in counterfeiting pictures after the life, or otherwise; am hereupon, knowing his sufficiency, by some of the said officers at arms made known unto me, humbly to beseech your honour to stand my good lord in my son’s suit.

Your honour’s humble servant, to command, ANTHONY HALL, SENIOR.

NUMBER 107.

Strangers, Fleming’s and French, in the city of London: and complaints of them, and libels against them. Ann. 1593. MSS. Car.

D. Hallifax. THEY contented not themselves with manufactures and warehouses, but would keep shops, and retail all manner of goods. The English shopkeepers made several complaints and remonstrances against them: whereupon a strict account was taken in every ward of all strangers inhabiting within London, with their servants and children. And certificates were returned the 4th of May; when the total of all the strangers, with their children and servants, born out of the realm, were 4300: of which 267 were denizens.

Another scrutiny was made the same year, 1593, by order of the chief magistrates: which was done by the ministers and chief officers of the foreign churches in London, and in the same month of May, by which the number of the strangers of the French, Dutch, and Italian churches did amount to 3325, whereof 212 were found to be English born, COMPLAINT OF THEM.

The artificers freemen within the city and suburbs in London made complaint, by several petitions, against the trades and occupations exercised by strangers. And upon due information the households appeared to be only 678.

LIBELS SET OUT AGAINST THE STRANGERS.

While these inquiries were making, to incense the people against them, there were these lines in one of their libels. “Doth not the world see, that you, beastly brutes, the Belgians, or rather drunken drones, and fainthearted Flemings; and you, fraudulent father, Frenchmen, by your cowardly flight from your own natural countries, have abandoned the same into the hands of your proud, cowardly enemies, and have, by a feigned hypocrisy and counterfeit show of religion, placed yourselves here in a most fertile soil, under a most gracious and merciful prince; who hath been contented, to the great prejudice of her own natural subjects, to suffer you to live here in better case and more freedom than her own people. Be it known to all Flemings and Frenchmen, that it is best for them to depart out of the realm of England between this and the 9th of July next. If not, then to take that which follows: for that there shall be many a sore stripe. Apprentices will rise to the number of 2336. And all the apprentices and journeymen will down with the Flemings and strangers.”

NUMBER 108.

A rhyme set up upon the wall of the Dutch churchyard, on Thursday May the 5th, between eleven and twelve at night: and there found by some of the inhabitants of that place, and brought to the constable and the rest of the watch. Beginning, You, strangers, that inhabit in this land, Note this same writing, do it understand.

Conceive it well, for safeguard of your lives, Your goods, your children, and your dearest wives.

THE court, upon these seditious motions, took the most prudent measures to protect the poor strangers, and to prevent any riot or insurrection: sending for the lord mayor and aldermen, resolving that no open notification should be given, but a private admonition only, to the mayor and discreetest aldermen: and they not to know the cause of their sending for. Orders to be given to them to appoint a strong watch of merchants and others, and like handi-crafted masters, to answer for their apprentices’ and servants’ misdoing. The subsidy-books for London and the suburbs to be seen: how many masters, and how many men, and of what trades, and if they use double trades. The preachers of their churches to forewarn them of double trades. And such as be of no church to be avoided hence. And a proclamation of these things to be made publicly in Guildhall.

After these orders from the council boards, several young men were taken up, and examined about the confederacy, to rise and drive out the strangers. Some of these rioters were put into the stocks, carted and whipped, for a terror to other apprentices and servants. MSS. Car. D.

Hallifax.

NUMBER 109.

A notable Jesuit taken up, named Ogilby, alias Bowrne, but his true name Ingram. Certified in a letter from the earl of Huntington at York, to the lord keeper Puckring. Feb. 12, 1593.

FOR the seminary, which was sent from Berwick, I find him still to be close, obstinate, and resolute: but I think I may boldly affirm, that he is an Englishman born, and no Scot, though himself saith otherwise. I cannot hitherto learn his right name; and I find now that it is doubted that his name is not Bowrne, as it is most certain it is not Ogylby. But with Scotland he is greatly acquainted, and among others, especially with the earl of Huntley; with whom, as it is constantly affirmed, he hath been for the most part of one year and an half. And so great is the reputation of him with the archpapists of Scotland, and some others, that if money would redeem him, he would not long continue a prisoner. And I am told, that if the time of his sending from Berwiek had been known, some would have adventured to rescue him before he had passed Northumberland. A matter which I had cause to doubt of. And therefore I sent a man to Mr. Cary, expressly to send him away well guarded, on the sudden; which was well performed. I shall shortly be able to advertise at whose house, and with whom he hath been in the south; (and I do already partly know some places and persons, where and with whom he hath been in Northumberland;) when I have got, ten hereof more certainty.

I wish rather that I might be licensed to bring him to London, than commanded to send him. For I do greatly desire to see her majesty, and say somewhat to herself, which I will not write. And that done, if my service here be requisite, I will upon two days warnings return again, though I could be contented to stay there a month or six weeks this spring time. But to return to this seminary. I think, till he come to the Tower, he will not speak English so rightly as he can and should do. From York, this 12th of February, 1598.

Your lordship’s assured poor friend, H. HUNTYNGDON.

NUMBER 110.

Another letter from the earl of Huntington to the lord keeper: concerning his examination of Ogylby, and Walpole, and Lingeh, seminaries, concerning Ogylby’s true name. March the 8th. And Ingram sent up. SINCE the receipt of your lordship’s letter, I have travailed with the seminary called Ogylby, both by strict examination and gentle persuasions, sometime myself alone, and sometime assisted with some of this council; with whom I could not prevail in any matter to any purpose, (such was his obstinacy and wilfulness,) until by that good hap, which God giveth to all service for her majesty, I had some light given to me by them, of whom, touching him, I never did ask a question that they would satisfy me in. For of Ogylby, which he always confidently said to be his name, or of Bowrne, which I certified was his name, according to the information given me, I could not learn any thing, neither of Walpole the Jesuit, nor of his brother Thomas Walpole, nor of Lingen; neither could the two seminaries, Hardestre and Maior, tell me any thing of him, which were both then here in this house. But calling one day for Thomas Walpole, to take some examination of him, it was his hap to meet this seminary going from me.

And when he came before me, he told me of himself, that he had seen this man both in Brussels and in Antwerp, or one very like to him. I did straightway send for the seminary again, and made Walpole stand where he might view him well. Which done, I bade him in writing set down all his knowledge of him: which he did. And so have now sent it to my lords, with the seminary’s own confession, and another of Lingen: whom I take to be a man as badly affected towards her majesty and this state, as the worst of his company.

I hope it shall not be disliked at this time, that I have sent this seminary before I had a direction for it. For in part that which your lordship did write in your last letter hath emboldened me to do so; and partly, because I think now he is discovered to be an Englishman; the fear of torture, with such other good courses as may there be taken with him, will get more from him than here I could obtain. And to this gaol I durst not send him, for that I did hear very confidenfiy of some liberal offers made for his enlargement before he came from Berwick: which moved me to think him more fit for the Tower, where he might be in more safety, and better sifted than here he could be. From York, the 8th of March, 1593.

NUMBER 111.

Concerning Walpole the Jesuit, Walpole his brother, and Lingen, thus the earl of Huntington to the lord keeper in a former letter, dated Jan. 10. SITHENCE letters from my lords, dated the 17th of December, which came to my hands on Christmas-eve, in which they directed their pleasure in dealing with Walpole the Jesuit, and the two other persons which were taken with him, viz. Tho. Walpole his brother, and Edward Lingen, I appointed a gaol-delivery to be held here on the 24th of this month, [January.] And now upon conference had lately, the learned of this council tell me, that this Lingen and Tho. Walpole cannot be tried here without a special commission for that purpose: because their treasons were committed beyond the seas. I have written this much to my lord treasurer; and have thought good likewise to advertise your lordship thereof. To the end, that if the lords shall think it meet they should receive their trial here, (the example whereof, no doubt, will do good in these parts,) your lordship will please to give direction, that the commission may come hither in time, before the 23d day.......

From York, this l0th of January, 1593. In another letter of the same date, thus the earl wrote concerning one of them: Tho. Walpole giveth me some cause to hope of his conformity and plain dealing. But Lingen, he sheweth himself hitherto far otherwise.

NUMBER 112.

Henry Barrow, a separatist, now in prison for sedition, (and soon after executed,) requireth a conference; in a letter to Egerton, attorney-general.

MY most humble and submissive desire unto your worship was and is, that forasmuch as there remain sundry ecclesiastical differences of no small weight between me, with sundry other her highness’s faithful subjects, now imprisoned for the same on the one side, and this present ministry, now by authority established in the land, on the other, undecided, or as yet indiseussed; your worship would vouchsafe to be a means to her most excellent majesty, that a Christian and peaceable disputation by the scriptures might be vouchsafed unto some few of us; with whom, or how many of our adversaries herein shall in wisdom be thought meet, for the ready and happy deciding or composing the same: protesting to your worship, in the sight of God, at whose final judgment I look hourly to stand, that I hold not any thing in these differences of any singularity or pride of spirit. And as I am hitherto,certainly persuaded, by the undoubted grounds of God’s word, the profession and practice of other reformed churches, and learned of other countries. Whereof if we, her majesty’s said few imprisoned subjects, shall fail to make evident and assured proof, and that those learned shall shew any other thing by the word of God, in the said Christian conference desired, that then I for my part vow unto your worship, through God’s grace, (as also I am persuaded, my said imprisoned brethren, permitted this conference, will do the like,) that I will utterly forsake any error I shall be so proved to hold, and in all humbly consent to submit to our now dissenting adversaries in all these matters, wherein now we differ, if they shall approve them unto us by the word of God.

By which charitable act your worship may put an end to these present controversies; reduce all wherein we err, and appease many Christian souls.

Your worship’s humble suppliant, HENRY BARROWE.

NUMBER 113.

This petition of conference was considered of by the bishops and others; and not thought convenient upon these reasons against public disputation with Barrow. MSS. Whitg. archiep. Cantuar.

IT is not equally safe nor fit to grant a disputation to sectaries. 1. It hath ever been denied by the state to papists, a sect that had the possession of the church for some hundred years before. 2. To call the ministry and confession of the church of England into question, were to call all other churches likewise into question. Against whom also those exceptions extend. 3. The church of England hath submitted herself to disputation thrice; in king Edward’s time, in queen Mary’s, and in queen Elizabeth’s. 4. The erroneous opinions of these men have been already condemned by just treatises of the most famous learned men that have lived since restitution of religion. 5. It is no reason that religion and the controversies thereof, the same being already established by parliament, should be examined by an inferior authority, by way of disputation. 6. It is no reason, that all the reformed churches in Europe, (acknowledging our church of England for a sister,) the same should be now brought into question at the will and request of a few sectaries. 7. Their principal errors have been already discussed by disputations and writings in the days of St. Augustin, and that by himself, &c. 8. To call the ministry of England into question is to strengthen the papists, and to disable all the exercises of the mysteries of religion ever since the establishment thereof. 9. It hath ever been the manner of heretics to require the same, by great importunities and continual exclamations; as Novatus, Arrius, Eunomius, Paul Samosatenus, Campion, and such like. 10. It hath been already discussed by books written; out of which the truth may better appear than by any tumultuary disputation. 11. They that require disputation of the civil magistrate will not stand to the judgment of the civil magistrate. 12 . If the church should satisfy every sect that riseth, there were no end of disputations.

NUMBER 114.

Another address of Barrow for a conference (as it seems) to the council, entitled, A motion tending to unity. 1 .THAT if we may not hear public conference for any inconvenience, (in regard whereof it were better we should suffer mischief,) yet that our teachers may in our hearing (if it may be thought meet) have such as was granted Campion and his fellows. 2. Or else that there may be some conference between two or three of each side, before a good number of your honours and worships in some private chamber, the main questions agreed upon, (with preparation of fasting and prayer.) And when the time comes, omitting all taunts and by matters, only searching the truth in love: to the touchstone, to the law and to the testimony. 3. Or else such a conference as was granted Hart, the papist.

If it be objected that none of our side are worthy to be thus disputed or written with, (public or private,) we think that this will prove the contrary, viz. because there are three or four in this city, [London,] and more elsewhere, which have been zealous preachers in the parish assemblies, not ignorant of the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew tongues, nor otherwise unlearned, and generally confessed to be of honest conversation: to be brief, as gentle and learned Mr. Reynolds of Oxford, and other like him, are yet alive; so are there right honourable and godly disposed personages of sir Fra. Knowles’s mind; who have power we know, and good-will we hope, to further such lawful motions, tending to such good purposes.

If these motions take effect, we are verily persuaded that the controversy will soon end (with all or most of us.) For by these means shall we, poor wretches, (which only make this separation, as knoweth the Lord, for love we have to keep his commandments, and for fear to disobey him,) perceive more plainly, whether as men and simple souls we be deceived by any false light, or else, as his dear children, (for so we hope,) honoured and trusted with the first view of, and faithful standing in, a cause of holiness and righteousness. Where in most humble and earnest manner, and even as you fear God and love righteousness, and as you strive to resemble him in liking better of them that are hot, than of those which are lukewarm, we entreat your honours and worships to labour these or some better motions for procuring unity and mercy; and for that the blessings promised to faithful men and peacemakers may light upon you and yours; and that the curses threatened for the contrary may be far from you.

You reverend magistrates and noble guides of this most flourishing commonwealth, we beseech you again and again, in the Lord Jesus, search yourselves narrowly, when you seek him whom your soul loveth, and think how you would desire to be dealt with, if you were in our case; and so deal with us and our teachers. If you suppose them and us to be in grievous error, for common humanity sake, (were there no further cause,) let us not perish, either secretly in prisons or openly by execution, for want of that uttermost help which lies in your power to afford them that are not obstinate men. If any adversaries shall object, that we are worthy of close imprisonment in most contagious air, without bail, and unworthy of having or hearing any great prepared conference, or of any favour, because some of us have been conferred with already, and yet remain in great error, as learned men judge, we make this answer, and pray each one of tender heart to ponder it deeply; God forbid, that all they who err greatly in some opinion should have no other means to convert them, but sudden, unequal conferences by starts, with snatching and catching, without good order and indifferent hearing and judges. Such have all or the most of our conferences been. And then, if they will not by and by yield, be thought worthy of as bad prisons as thieves and rogues, &c. This address goes on in a passionate style, setting forth their imprisonments, and the miseries thereof to themselves, and all their children and families, and to their undoing. And then appeals sometimes to the reverend fathers, and sometimes to the merciful magistrates, and sometimes to their worships amd honours. More concerning this Barrow will be found in Archbishop Whltgift’s Life , b. 4:ch. 11.

NUMBER 115.

A meeting of Barrowists at Islington: where many of them were taken wad committed; and afterwards examined before some of the queen’s justices. MSS. lord keeper Puckring.

THE examination of Daniel Buck, scrivener, of the borough of Southwark, taken the 9th of March before Henry Townsend, Richard Young, and John Ellys, esquires. And being required to be deposed upon a book, refuseth to take any other oath, than to protest before God that all his sayings were true.

Being examined, whether he was with the coffin at Newgate, [where one of the brotherhood died, and a coffin was brought with much pomp, with an inscription, to receive the body of a martyr for the cause,] denieth that he was there, and that he did not see the libel fixed on the said coffin. But saith, that afterward a stranger shewed unto him the copy of the same at his own shop in Southwark; saith, that he was upon Sunday last in the afternoon in the constable’s house at Islington; where he did see, among others of his fraternity, Penryn, [Penry;] and that George Johnson was reader there in the constable’s house, as aforesaid; and that there were above forty of them together, and divers others that were not of their society. And that he was not in the parish-church these twelve months, because it was against his conscience, unless there were reformation in the church, according as they be warranted by the word of God.

And as concerning the bishops, he thinketh that they have no spiritual authority over the rest of the clergy. Being asked, What vow or promise he had made, when he came first into their society; he answered, he made this protestation, that he would walk with the rest of the congregation so long as they did walk in the way of the Lord, and as far as might be warranted by the word of God.

Being demanded, Whether should be a motion made by some of their fraternity, that they should go somewhere in the country, whereby they might be in more safety; denieth that he heard any such matter; but saith, that he heard one Millers, a preacher at St. Andrew’s Undershaft, say, that if they did maintain the truth, they should not keep themselves in corners, but should shew themselves publicly to defend the same. But he thought that unfit, lest it might be a means to stir a rebellion.

And being further demanded, who was their pastor, and by whom he was created; saith, that Mr. Fra. Johnson was chosen pastor, and Mr. Greenwood doctor, and Bowman and Lee, deacons, and Studley and George Kniston, apothecary, were chosen elders, in the house of one Fox, in St. Nicholas-lane, London, about half a year sithence, all in one day, by their congregation, or at Mr. Bilson’s house in Cree-church, he remembereth not whether. And that the sacrament of baptism was, as he called it, delivered there to the number of seven persons by Johnson. But they had neither godfathers nor godmothers. And he took water and washed the faces of them that were baptized. The children that were there baptized were the children of Mr. Studley, Mr. Lee, with others, being of several years of age; saying only in the administration of this sacrament, I do baptize thee in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, without using any other ceremony therein, as is now usually observed, according to the Book of Common Prayer; being then present the said Daniel Studley, Will. Shepherd, Will. Marshal, Joh. Becke, with the names of a great many more, [here set down,] with some women.

Being further demanded the manner of the Lord’s Supper administered among them, he saith, that five white loaves, or more, were set upon the table. That the pastor did break the bread, and then delivered it to some of them, and the deacons delivered to the rest; some of the said congregation sitting, and some standing about the table. And that the pastor delivered the cup unto one, and he to another, till they had all drunken; using the words at the delivery thereof, according as it is set down in the eleventh of the Corinthians, the 24th verse. Being demanded, whether they used to make a collection or gathering among them; said, that there is a gathering of money among them. The which money is delivered to the deacons, to be distributed according to their discretions, to the use of the poor. And he heard say, that they did use to marry in their congregation. And further refuseth to come to the church, and obey the form of service which is used in the Book of Common Prayer, because there is not a reformation according to the word of God. [Signed] Bych. Young.

NUMBER 116.

Penry, [or Martin Marprelate,] his indictment. Being expressiona taken out of the printed books: reflecting upon England, and the general state; the archbishops, bishops, judges, and council. From lord keeper Puckring’s papers. ENGLAND. What hath England answered! Surely, with au impudent forehead, she hath said, I will not come near the Holy One; and as for the building of his house, I will not so much as lift up a finger towards that work. Nay, I will continue the desolations thereof. And if any man speaketh a word in the behalf of this house, or bewaileth the misery of it, I will account him an enemy to my state. As for the gospel and the ministers of it, I have already received the gospels and all the ministers that I mean to receive; I have received a reading gospel and a reading ministry, a pompous gospel and a pompous ministry; a gospel and a ministry, that strengtheneth the hands of the wicked in his iniquity; a gospel and a ministry, that will stoop unto me, and be at my beck, either to speak or to be mute, when I shall think good. Briefly, I have received a gospel and a ministry, that will never trouble my conscience with the sight of my sins.

Which is all the gospel and all the ministry which I mean to receive. And I will make a sure hand, that the Lord’s house, if I can choose, shall be none otherwise edified, than by the hands of such men as bring unto me that forsake [foresaid] gospel, and the foresaid ministry. The general state. As for the general state either of the magistracy or the ministry, or of the common people, behold nothing else but a magistracy of conspirators against God, against his truth, against the building of his house, against his saints and children; and consequently against the wealth of their own souls, and the public peace and tranquillity of the whole realm. Archbishops, bishops, and clergy. You shall find among this crew nothing else but a troop of bloody soul-murderers, sacrilegious church-robbers, and such as have made themselves fat with the blood of men’s souls, and the utter ruin of the church. Judges. It is now grown, and hath been a long time, a common practice of these guiltless men, to make offices, statutes, ordained for the maintenance of religion or common quietness, a pit, wherein to catch the peaceable of the land. Council. And because our council may be truly said to delight in this injury and violent oppression of God’s saints and ministers, therefore whensoever the Lord shall come to search for the sins of England with lights, as Zephaniah saith, he will surely visit our council with a heavy plague.

Because undoubtedly they are frozen in their dregs, and persuade their own hearts, that the Lord will do neither good nor evil in the defence of his messengers and children. And then shall they feel what it is to wink at, much more to procure, the oppression of the church of Christ. I will not in this place charge of council with that which followeth in Jeremy, upon the place before alleged; namely, that they execute no judgment, (no, not the judgment of the fatherless,) but this I will say, that they cannot possibly deal truly in the matter of justice between man and man; insomuch as they bend all their force to bereave Christ Jesus of that right which he hath in the government of his church. The which ungodly and wicked course as they have held on, ever since the beginning of her majesty’s reign, so at this day they have taken greater boldness, and grown more rebellious against the Lord and his cause, than ever they were.

NUMBER 117.

Observations upon Penry’s tracts amd writings; as, his Protestation of his Loyalty; his Confession; his Treatise unto the Queen’s Majesty. Ubi supra.

I. OBSERVATIONS upon the Protestation of his Loyalty. That Penry is not, as he pretendeth, a loyal subject, but a seditious disturber of her majesty’s peaceable government, appeareth many ways. 1. By his peremptory condemning of the whole ecclesiastical government established by her majesty, as wicked and Antichristian. 2. By his libels and pamphlets; wherein he hath for these many years past most devilishly railed against the whole state ecclesiastical, and condemned their calling as Antichristian. Who notwithstanding have no ordinary lawful authority in this church, but under and from her majesty. 3. By his schismatical separation from the society of the church of England, and joining with the hypocritical and schismatical conventicles of Barrow and Greenwood. 4. By his justifying of Barrow and Greenwood, who, suffering worthily for their seditious writings and practices, are nevertheless by him reputed as holy martyrs. 5. By his seditious practices in Scotland against the peace of this church; as appeareth out of certain his writings now lately taken; which do display his seditious intentions. 6. By so many of his protestations, wherein he acknowledgeth her majesty’s royal power only to establish laws ecclesiastical and civil; shunning the usual terms of making, enacting, decreeing, and ordaining laws.

Which import a most absolute authority. As though her majesty had no such power, but only a prerogative to establish and ratify such laws as are made to her hand by the omnipotent presbytery, as he and others of his crew have both taught and written. 1. By the doctrines taught in their conventicles, whereof he is a member, and practised by his lewd martyrs; viz. that the people are not to stay for her majesty’s authority in proceeding to reform matters of religion; neither are to be hindered therefrom by any her prohibitions. 2. That her majesty envieth her subjects a saving knowledge of the true God. 3. That the sacraments ministered in her land are unto them not the seals of God’s covenant. 4 . That her majesty is yet unbaptized. Her people remain in infidelity, and stand generally condemned to hell. 5. That an honest man cannot possibly live under her government in any vocation whatsoever. 6. That her majesty may as well make a new religion, as new laws for religion. 7. That her majesty altereth the penalties of the judicial law of Moses.

And many more, all flatly impeaching, defaming, or impugning her majesty’s lawful authority. Penry’s contemptuous and seditious speeches, in a treatise of his unto the queen’s majesty; taken out of the book through the pages set down here.

Whereof these are some: The last days of your reign are turned rather against Christ Jesus and his gospel than to the maintenance of the same. We cannot be quieted, until we find ourselves rid of all the occasions and obstacles that hinder us to enjoy that which our soul so much desireth. It is not your majesty we are to deal with, but it is our God. I have great cause of complaint, madam; nay, the Lord and his church hath cause to complain of your government, not so much for any outward injury as I or any other of your subjects have received, as because we your subjects this day are not permitted to serve our God under your government according to his word; but are sold to be bondslaves, not only to our affections, to do what we will, so that we keep ourselves within the compass of established civil laws, but also to be servants to the man of sin and his ordinances. Reject them we must all of us, that mean to live godly in Christ Jesus. Your judges in causes of blood, nay, your whole council and state, will not be afraid to proceed against us by the laws of the land: whereas in the mean time we are ready to shew our cause to be good, according to the word of God.

It is not the force that we seem w fear, that will come upon us. For the Lord may destroy both you for denying, and us for slack seeking of his will, by strangers, [i. e. by the Spaniards.] I come unto you with it. And if you will hear it, our case may be eased; if not, that your posterity may know that you have been dealt with, and that this age may see that there is no great expectation to be looked for at your hands. And if your state will thus stand against his word, the Lord will surely overthrow it. Among the rest of the princes under the gospel, that have been drawn to oppose themselves against the gospel, you must think yourself to be one. For until you see this, madam, you see not yourself. And they are but sycophants and flatterers, whosoever tell you otherwise. Your standing is and hath been by the gospel. It is little or smally beholden unto you, for any thing that appeareth. The practice of your government sheweth, that if you could have ruled without the gospel, it would have been to be feared, whether the gospel should be established or not. For now that you are established in your throne, and that by the gospel, ye have suffered the gospel to reach no further than the end of your sceptre, limited unto it. If we had queen Mary’s days, I know that we should have had as flourishing a church this day as ever any. For it is well known, that there was then in London under the burden, and elsewhere in exile, a far more flourishing church than any are now tolerated by your authority.

It will be said, I know, that I endeavour sedition against your majesty, and draw your subjects unto sedition against you. Unto which slander I will vouchsafe no other answer at this time, but that that state is near ruin, where the truth is accounted seditious; and that truth will be verified in the overthrow thereof, when it shall wish that it had given ear unto the truth before destruction come. If to utter the truth be sedition and treason, few Christians can be but greater..... I would not have it said, that the cause of God was either ashamed or afraid to come before queen Elizabeth. Briefly, madam, you may well see the foundation of England rooted up; but this cause will you never see suppressed. [ With a great deal more. The whole address may be read in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift, book 4:ch. 11.]

NUMBER 118.

Advertisements out of Portugal, by one Graye, (a merchant, as it seems,) lately comederom thence, of some Irish, and other English there; with other intelligence. THE cardinal suddenly left the government of Portugal, and went for Madril. Then it was bruited the king was dead, and that he should marry with the daughter of Spain. In his stead the government of Portugal was committed to don Juan de Silva, conde de Portulegre, Spaniard, the archbishop of Lixbon, don Duarte Castleblank, Merinlomez, earl of Villa Dorta, and Michel de Mores of the nobles of Aragon, were beheaded upon an insurrection. The state is still jealous of that country.

Buttler and Tirol [Irishmen] came to Lixbon to offer their service. Where they were committed. Within a month discharged. After suspected (they say, accused) of intelligence, and so committed close prisoners in Madril, and put to the torment. Immediately thereupon Tayler, the English consul, Lee, an Irishman, both of Lixbon, and Rynkin, an English merchant of the Madera, were apprehended, their goods seized for the king, and they sent prisoners to Madril.

Mr. Stanihurst is said presently to go upon the king’s business into Scotland, accompanied bravely. The English fathers any time this twelvemonth very peremptorily presaged of the alteration of religion in England and Ireland, as if they knew some great matter of estate.

An English college is in erection at Lixbon. The duke of Berganza promiseth a yearly stipend thereto.

Four months since, George Cawell, out of Mr. Glamand’s shipping, came to Lixbon, and offered his service. But that before he had served the king in the Low Countries with sir William Stanley, and departed the service; he was mistrusted, and so committed, with seven Englishmen more that came with him, to the castle.

The bishop of Tomond, so called, came out of Ireland half a year since, and wrote a letter to the said Cawel, that he should advertise him at the court of all them that were factious in Ireland, and of Maguyer; because it was at that instant a matter of great consequence: the kinsmen of the earl of Desmond, and all the rest of the Irish pensioners, in December, met at Madril, and, as we heard, to sue to carry men into Ireland.

In November, father Fixer, under the name of father Young, came to Lixbon, attired gentlemanlike, and within three days after was shaven, and took the habit of a priest. He is very conversant with don Juan de Silva, the principal governor, and hath hourly recourse to all of that council. With him came one Thomas Pool, a young gentleman of Hampshire, which lodgeth in the English father’s house, that came in a ship of Tredawgh.

The crown of Portugal furnish out the Portugal armado, and none govern or serve, in them but Portugals.

Four days before our departure from Lixbon, upon the post coming from the court, it was bruited the king was dead. Which news continued still in vehement suspicion. The second day after, they sat in council, and ordained the crown of Portugal to pay all the king’s soldiers garrisoned in the realm of Portugal. Don Juan de Silva likewise gave it out, that all Englishmen afterwards taken should be disposed of by the archbishop and the Portingals.

As we came thence it was generally bruited, (but not promulgated by royal authority,) that the king had licensed free sale of all English commodities in Spain and Portugal, so it came not in English bottoms nor by English factors.

Nothing is so much dreaded in Spain as the Turk, which cometh down with great power. His galleys be very busy in the coasts of Spain; and have taken many men out of their houses within this twelvemonth.

The Spanish captains and soldiers, at our coming away, would oftentimes argue, that it were fit their king and the queen’s majesty should have peace, and to assist him with the rest of the Christian princes against the Turk.

The news was there, that the emperor began to solicit a peace, and that the duke of Arnezia should govern the Low Countries, and begin there the pacification.

An hundred and fifty captains before Christmas were despatched from Madril with their commissions to raise companies. They give it out, for defence of Aragon, which remaineth troublesome.

Many Portugals lately apprehended and committed. The king is said to owe twenty millions to the merchants of Italy, Spain, and Portugal; to have received many rents of his estate for six, eight, ten years beforehand; and to be behind with his soldiers wheresoever, for four, six, and eight years.

In December, father Henry Flud came for England. At our departure father George, a Lancashire man, went to St. Rock, to the divinity exercise, and to be private, to have his hair grow, to come likewise for England. All Englishmen taken by the way of wars are licensed to come for their country without ransom. The governor, don Juan de Silva, hath promised good wars, in his government, with the English nation. This year came here but two caracks of the five which should have come. That called the Pantaleon was brought to Payon, but commanded to come to Lixbon to discharge. Thirty-seven great and small ships, with the six sent, those of treasure, came this year from the Spanish Indies. The vice-admiral of them was cast away at the island. About the end of May, two ships came very rich from the mines of Revelasco. Three saicks and 40 [or 90 obscurely writ] barks and ships, the week after Easter, go this year for the Indies of Portugal. One of the caracks is a new ship of 13 or 1400, and carrieth much plate with her.

At the cardinal’s departure, an Italian engineer presented his skill before the Altoze and the governor, by skirmishing on the water with musket without boat, by conveying fireworks strangely, and breaking down a gate and piece of a wall by enginal force. He is lately gone for Madril. And it is said he promiseth the cardinal to burn her majesty’s navy. They be so afraid of intelligencers, as they commit pilgrims, and forbid Portingals peregrination.

The governor willed us at our departure to signify our good entertainment there, and to be solicitors that the king’s subjects in like manner might be used and sent home without ransom. That intelligence that the Dutch consul sent by me to your honour is with my lord admiral.

NUMBER 119.

A note of the evidence of all the prisoners for popery in the several counties; as the lord keeper Puckring collected, and writ it down for and against the persons hereafter named. So endorsed by his own hand; anno 1593. SURREY. William Flower, born in Denshire, made a priest in France at Michaelmas, anno 28. reginae. He returned into England, and was apprehended in Surrey about June, 29. reginae, after the general pardon.

His offence was of being in the realm.

Edward Chapman, a person reconciled four years past in St. George’s Fields in Surrey. After apprehended at Chichester in Sussex, after Easter, anno 28. reginae. Committed to the Marshalsea by the council’s commandment,26. April, anno 28. reginae, where he hath remained ever since. He is not within the last general pardon, but excepted, unless he will submit himself, in obedience to her majesty; come to church to hear the divine service; conform himself in matters of religion; and so continue in the same. Also he is further excepted out of the pardon, 29. reginae, being a prisoner in the Marshalsea. As being then restrained of liberty by some of the privy council’s commandment.

Will. Goodacre, reconciled in the Marshalsea, about a year and a quarter past, since the last general pardon. A person within the exceptions of the pardon for not conforming himself.

John Vachel hath forborne to come to church these two years, was reconciled in the Marshalsea.

John Cradock, reconciled in France, about a year and a quarter since, so, after the last pardon; but yet two years since: he is excepted out of the same pardon, unless he conform himself, ut supra; his offence being treason committed beyond sea, is to be inquired and determined in what county it shall please her majesty, by commission, having words tending to that end. And so may now be in Surrey by especial words now in the commission. Kent. Edward Campion: he was born in Shropshire, made priest in Lent, anno 29. reginae; came into England at Easter after. (Which his offence was after the last pardon.) Was apprehended in Kent. So a traitor, triable there. He wisheth he were no worse traitor than Campion, [his namesake,] that was executed for treason. Will not directly say, if he will take the queen’s part against the king of Spain’s army; but will pray that the catholic Romish church may prevail. If an army come by the apostolic authority, to deprive her majesty and to restore Romish religion, he refuseth to tell what part he will take, but will pray that the catholic religion may prevail so long as he liveth.

Christopher Buxton, born in Derbyshire, made priest beyond sea, at Hallowtide, anno 28. reginae. Came into England at Hallowtide the 29. reginae. Was apprehended in Kent after time of the last pardon. This man will not take her majesty’s part against the [Spanish] army, nor do any thing to hinder his religion.

Robert Wilcox, born at West-Chester, made priest beyond sea. He will pray for the army that shall come hither to supplant religion.

William Margenet, made priest beyond sea. John Bolton, made priest beyond sea. Committed to the Marshalsea, llth Nov. 1585, anno 27. reginae. Where he hath remained ever since. Sussex. Edward James, made priest four years past beyond sea. Rare Croket, made priest beyond sea, three years past. John Owen, made priest beyond sea, three years past; returned into England. Was banished out of the realm about Michaelmas, anco 28. reginae. And after sailing between Deep and Bolleyn, was, by tempest, as he saith, driven into England, and landed in Sussex, and there apprehended. He will not say he will take the queen’s part against any for religion. Besides all these in the Marshalsea, not excepted out of the queen’s pardon, there were also many more in the Marshalsea, of other counties, and particular accounts given of them; and why excepted out of the queen’s pardon; as John Robenson, James Harrison, Christopher Thules, priests, made beyond sea. Thomas Heath, for receiving and relieving of the same Harrison at his house in Cumberford-hall in Staffordshire.

Richard Webster, schoolmaster, born in Yorkshire; examined April 20, 1593, before Dr. Goodman, dean of Westminster, Dr. Stanhope, Mr. Topcliff, Mr. Barne, and Mr. Young. Refused to be sworn, but saith, that he had been prisoner in the Marshalsea seven years, or thereabouts, for being taken at a mass; and divers times examined before the lord treasurer, lord archbishop of Canterbury, Mr. Young, and others, and indicted for hearing of mass, and for recusancy. And that he was married by George Beesly, a seminary priest, and gave him 28s. 6d. for his pains. That two years after Beesly came to him to the Marshalsea. And then his wife made and gave him a cordial. Examined, what seminary priests he knoweth.

Saith, he knoweth divers; and set down divers; but all such as are in prison, and known to some of the said commissioners. Being charged that he gave forty shillings to Fr. Corbet, a seminary priest, at Corbet’s first coming into England, saith, that if Corbet will say so, he will not deny it. Being demanded, whether he will at this present denounce [renounce] the pope and his authority, and take an oath thereto, refuseth the same, desiring pardon. Being demanded, whether if the pope, by the catholic authority of the church of Rome, shall proceed against our sovereign lady, the queen’s majesty, to excommunicate her, accurse her, and thereupon pronounce her subjects to be free of their oath of allegiance and obedience to her; then whether he thinketh therein the pope do lawfully or not? I answer to this question, I have not read of it. And I cannot tell what to answer herein. [This writ with his own hand.] And otherwise he will not answer. Being asked, whether in the like case, whether if the pope send an army into this realm, to establish that which he calleth the Romish catholic religion, he would fight against such an army on the queen’s majesty’s side, or on the catholic Romish army’s side? I answer in this case last before written, I will take her majesty’s part against....... [And no more written by him.] And there he ending, being required to write these words following, the pope and his catholic authority and army, to make up the sentence, refuseth to write the same. I humbly crave pardon not to set my hand to the last article, [writ also with his own hand,] added in the margin.

Gratian Brownel, of Sponeden in Derbyshire, bachelor of the law in Oxon, of the age of forty years; in prison in the Marshalsea six years; committed by sir Francis Walsingham: saith, he hath no living, neither lands nor goods. [And so did divers others, to save themselves the mulet by law for absence from church.] Denied that he ever received a seminary priest or Jesuit. Refuseth to come to church. Being asked, whether if the pope by his catholic authority, and the authority of the church of Rome, shall proceed against our sovereign lady, queen Elizabeth, to excommunicate her, accurse her, and thereupon pronounce her subjects to be freed of the oath of allegiance and obedience to her; then, whether he thinketh the pope therein do lawfully or not? refuseth directly to answer; and saith, he knoweth not what he may answer to this ease. Being asked, whether in the like case, if the pope send an army to this land to establish that which he calleth the Roman catholic religion, he would fight against such an army on the queen’s side, or on the catholic Roman army side? refuseth directly to answer.

April 17, 1593, Raffe Emerson, of the bishopric of Durham, scholar, of the age of 42 years, or thereabouts; examined before sir Owen Hopton, Dr. Goodman, dean of Westminster, Mr. Dale, &c. [ecclesiastical commissioners,] saith, that he hath been in prison nine years: in the country three years, and in the Clink the rest of the time, in bringing books, called, my lord of Leicester’s books, as he saith: had been examined before sir Francis Walsingham and others; confesseth he is a lay Jesuit: took that degree at Home fourteen years since, and was sometime Campion’s boy.

And saith, that when he took that order, he did vow chastity, poverty, and obedience to the superior of their house. And if he sent him to the Turk, he must go.

Being urged to take the oath of allegiance to her majesty, refuseth the same, and saith, he may not take any oath. Would not set down by whom he was maintained, and now relieved. Refused to be reformed and come to church; affirming, that he will live and die in the faith. Being demanded, whether if the pope shall send an army into this realm, to establish that which he calleth the catholic Romish religion, whether he would in the like case fight for the queen on her side against the said army, or on that army’s side? saith, that he will never fight against her majesty, nor against the religion which he professeth.

Several other papists, priests and laymen, in the Marshalsea, examined by the ecclesiastical commissioners in the month of April, 1593.

Thomas Alcock, of Rampton in Cambridgshire, gentleman, examined before Dr. Goodman, Dr. Stanhope, Mr. Barnet, Mr. Young. Refused to be sworn. Saith, that he hath been in the Marshalsea about thirty-two weeks; committed by the archbishop of Canterbury, &c. for recusancy. Is indicted for the same in Cambridgshire, and hath been often examined.

Saith, he hath an annuity of 44l . a year from his father for his maintenance, and hath the reversion of all his father’s lands, worth 200l . yearly. Salth, his father goeth to church. Himself had married one of Mr. Edward Gage’s daughters, of Bently in the county of Sussex. Denieth, that he knoweth any seminary priests or Jesuits, or ever had conference with any such. Refuseth to depose it. Saith, that he hath had conference with Mr. Dr. Andrews and Dr. Fleming. Refuseth to come to church.

Robert Parton, priest, examined. Made priest in queen Mary’s time. Of the age of 77 years. Refused to be sworn. Saith, that he hath been in prison about ten years. First in Newgate. From thence set at liberty by sir Francis Walsingham. After taken again, and sent to Stafford gaol, where he remained six years. Then brought up to the Marshalsea: where he hath been ever since Christmas last. Committed by the lord archbishop of Canterbury for recusancy. Divers times examined: never indicted to his knowledge. Confesseth that he was made a priest by Dr. Hopton, bishop of Norwich, in queen Mary’s time. Never beyond the seas since her majesty came to the crown. Hath neither land nor goods, but only in money 10l .

That he hath not come to church these fifteen years last past. That he was beneficed the space of ten years, since her majesty came to her crown, at the beginning of her reign: which benefice was to the value of an hundred mark by the year. From which being deprived, fell to papistry again.

Refuseth yet to come to church. But he is contented to have a conference with the dean of Westminster; and desireth a month’s respite.

Robert Bellamy, of Harrow at Hill, gentleman, of fifty-two years, examined; saith, that he hath been in prison six years. First, being taken with Blackborn, a seminary priest, in his house at mass, with divers others.

Committed to Newgate. Indicted for hearing of mass, according to the statute. Did afterwards break prison, with others, and fled into Scotland.

And from thence into Germany. And there taken by duke Casimire; and by him sent into England. Then committed by sir Fran. Walsingham. By the means of Robert Robinson, who had twenty marks for his labour, being a suitor to the privy-council, was by their honours set at liberty. Afterwards committed again by Mr. Young and other commissioners, about twelve months since, or somewhat more. Then in Easter set at liberty again, upon bonds taken with sureties that he should appear at the next sessions. In the mean time should resort to the dean of Westminster for conference. And again, being committed by Mr. Young for being found in the court as a man suspected. But will not yet come to church.

Being demanded, if any army shall come into this realm by the catholic Romish authority, sent from the pope to establish the catholic Romish religion (as he calleth it) within this realm, whether in the like ease he would fight for the queen’s majesty against such an army, or against the queen’s majesty and her forces, on the said army’s side? saith, he will fight for the queen’s majesty against any such army. And this he attlrmeth upon his oath. Saith, he hath not been at church these fifteen years. But yet is not indieted for recusancy.

Christopher Rocke, an Irishman, 32 years of age: examined by the commissioners. Hath been in prison a year and a quarter. Committed by the lord treasurer: being suspected to be a priest. Indicted about a year since, for speaking seditious words against the queen. And was therefore set upon the pillory divers days. Hath not yet been indicted for recusancy.

Demanded, whether if the pope, by his catholic authority, shall proceed against the queen to excommunicate her, accuse her, and thereupon pronounce her subjects to be free of her oath of allegiance and obedience to her; then, whether he think the pope doth therein lawfully or not? saith, this question is too high for him to answer unto; and otherwise will not directly answer. Being demanded, whether in the like case, if the pope shall send an army into this realm, to establish that which he calleth the Roman catholic religion, he would fight against such an army on the queen’s side? he refuseth to answer directly; saith, he will fight for her majesty against all her enemies. But being further asked, whether he think the pope to be her majesty’s enemy? saith, God knoweth, he knoweth not: and otherwise will not answer. Whether he thinketh Saunders, and those that came with him into Ireland, were the queen’s enemies? saith, he knoweth not. Confesseth he was eight years beyond sea. And at that time was at Rhemes, Doway, Paris, Lorain, and other countries in France. Knoweth Corbet, a seminary priest; which came to the prison: but knoweth not any other seminary or Jesuit; nor never relieved any. But being urged to be sworn thereto, refuseth. Refuseth to come to church. Saith, that he never had conference with any preacher, nor doth he desire it, except he may have some liberty. A very dangerous fellow, added by another hand.

Humphrey Cartwright, of Warrington in Lancashire, scholar, of the age of 47. Committed to prison in Manchester nine years, by the earl of Derby.

Thence brought up to the Counter in Wood-street. In which he remained about a year for recusancy. Indicted at Manchester. Hath neither lands nor goods. Knew Bell, a seminary priest, in Lancashire. Did help him to say mass at Mr. Stopford’s house in Lancashire; who was dead. Saw Mr. Michel, a seminary priest, in Lancashire: one Baret, a priest, at Mr. Whitmore’s house in Cheshire. Met one Brian, a seminary priest, in Fetterlane, and one Lloid, in Fleet-street. But never relieved any of them.

Refuseth to come to church. Never had conference with any preacher since his imprisonment; neither doth he desire it.

There were likewise examined this month of April, by Dr. Goodman, dean of Westminster, and other commissioners, now in the King’s Bench and other places: Rob. Goldsborow, of Stabridge Weston, of Dorsetshire; Walter Blount, of Utoxeter, gentlemen; in prison twenty years, in divers prisons. Rob. Daubigny, of Sharrington in Norfolk, gent.; John Grey, of Preston in Suffolk; in prison for the most part of twenty years. Will.

Cornwallis, clerk. Confesseth, he was made priest by the bishop of Soissons in France, hy authority from the bishop of Rome. Aged 66, &c.

For his opinion he saith, that he thinketh that the pope, by his catholic authority, and his authority over the church of Rome, may not proceed to excommunicate or accurse our sovereign lady, and thereupon pronounce her subjects to be freed and discharged of their obedience to her. And that if the pope should send an army into this realm, to establish the catholic Romish religion, he would in that case fight against such an army to the uttermost of his power, on her majesty’s side.

Miles Gerrard, of Ince, esq. charged by Mr. Bell to have received and lodged divers seminary priests at his house; as namely, Norden, Blackwel, Gardiner, Fourth, Hughs, Hardwyt, Dakins, Butler, and Bell, alias Burton.

His brother a seminary, to whom he gave 30s. and another time 40s. and after, sent him 10l . to Wisbich: and to another brother of his saith, he hath frequented the church these seven years, but hath not received the communion; but desireth therein respite and conference, hoping he shall conform himself. That he never took the oath of allegiance, according to the statute, but is willing to take it, if it be tendered.

Thomas Simpson, alias Iligate, of Brightlingsey in Essex, clerk. Made a seminary priest beyond sea. He hath reformed himself, and is contented to renounce and forsake his former calling, opinion, and course of life, and to live according to the laws of this realm, and to come, to church, and to do every thing as becometh a good subject. And in sign thereof hath now voluntarily taken the oath of allegiance unto her majesty, and is ready to take the oath of supremacy. And is further contented to write his own submission and conversion more at large with his own hand. And hath renounced all foreign powers, princes, and potentates.

Richard Sampson, of Binfield in Berks. In prison fifteen years, in divers prisons. Committed by the bishop of London, for being at mass with the French ambassador in Salisbury-court. Indicted for recusancy. Hath taken an oath upon a Latin Testament of Erasmus’s translation, that he is no priest. But refuseth to be sworn upon an English Testament. Refuseth to be sworn, whether he hath been beyond sea or no. Refuseth to come to church, neither doth he desire conference. Demanded, whether he think the pope, by his catholic authority, and the authority of the church of Rome, may excommunicate our sovereign lady? saith, he is not able to judge of this matter, but leaves it to such as are better learned. Whether, if the pope should send an army into this realm, to establish Romish catholic religion, he would fight against such an army on her majesty’s part? he will take the queen’s part so far as he shall not offend God nor his conscience. And otherwise will not directly answer.

Rich. Waldern, citizen and salter of London. Hath been in divers prisons about London these fifteen years. Committed to the Tower by the bishop of London. Found about him a written book: which was delivered to him by one father Read, an old priest. The contents whereof he refuseth to tell.

Confesseth the cause of his first commitment by Mr. Wilkes was, for that there was a portmanteau and a chest of Polydore Morgan found in his house; which, he saith, was delivered him by the said Morgan’s brother.

Afterwards committed to the Tower. Afterwards set at liberty. And then taken for suspicion for being at mass at the French ambassador’s. Stands indicted for recusancy. For the question about the pope’s excommunicating the queen, saith, the question appertaineth to learned men to answer: and saith, himself is unlearned, and so can make no answer to it. And otherwise refuseth to answer directly. To the other demand about the pope’s invading the land, and fighting for the queen in that cause, he saith, that when such matter shall happen, then he will make his answer to it. But being again asked the same question, saith, he would take the queen’s majesty’s part, so fax as it shall not be against his conscience.

NUMBER 120.

One Whitfield’s information concerning Mr. Francis Dacres going to the king of Spain. Whose two brothers were papists, and in the rebellion in the north. Discovered by John Whitfield (who went in his company) to Mr. Henry Dethick, a justice of peace, October 1593. The confession whereof was brought to the bishop of Durham; and he delivered it to the lord president of the north.

Found among, lord keeper Puckring’s MSS.

THE sum of the said Whitfield’s information was, that he, of Welton, waited on Dacres into Scotland. After long continuance there, they got a licence from the king of Scots for his passage and return from Spain. That they were driven by weather into Dartmouth. Landed; and took shipping again. Landed at Bourdeaux. Left there a little chest of evidences with one Adam Hud, an Irish priest, until his return from Rome. Then he travelled to Spain; where he had conference with Parsons, an English seminary: by whom all Englishmen, whom he liketh of, have access unto the king. But he found more help by father Creiton: who followed Mr. Daere to Rome.

Mr. Daere hath 80 crowns allowed by the Spanish king every month, paid him in Rome by the duke Cessie, the king’s ambassador; who continued three years together in Rome. And his son is at Doway. Unto whom the king hath promised 40 crowns every month: but doubteth it is not paid duly.

Mr. Dacre went out of Spain not well pleased that he had no greater pay. It was objected to him, that his brother had done greater service, and he had but 50 crowns monthly. Whereupon Mr. Dacre wished himself in England again, for that he failed of his expectation. Furthermore Whitfield saith, that Dacre left him with one of the squires of the body to the prince, for to learn the language. He did see the king daily, who is sorely weakened with the gout: and that his eyes and lips are fallen down very much. He remained in Spain a year and three months at the least, Who perceiving at last that he should be enforced to receive the sacrament, his conscience moved to the contrary: and whereas the use is, that a note is taken in every house fourteen days before Easter of those which are to receive, he willed the examiner not to write his name, for that he would not be there. And so hardly escaped, being moved in conscience: seeing the fruits of their doctrine; being expressed in their abominable stews, and other idolatries.

He came to Rochel, and arrived at Plymouth. And so was brought to my lord treasurer. Since which time he hath been at his father’s house, [Raphe Whitfield of Whitfield,] and among his brethren in Northumberland.

NUMBER 121.

Whitfield’s declaration voluntary, of his own handwriting, concerning Dacres. Nov. 8, 1593. So endorsed by the lord keeper Puckring. THE first petition which Francis Dacre had made to go to the king of Spain was made by father Parsons; which was very brief. The effect of it was only to make it known unto the king, how his brethren had died in his service.

And the cause of their banishment was in respect of conscience, and that not unknown to his majesty. And that after the death of both his brethren, he made title to the lands which were his ancestors’. And because he was always catholicly affected, he was not well thought of by the queen’s majesty and her council only, but deterred also from the common laws of the realm and justice. And in respect of his conscience, thought himself happy to be drove into a catholic country; where he might live in the service of God, till it should please God to send a catholic prince in his country, whom he hoped would restore him to all the living which was his ancestors’.

And concluded his petition to the king, who was the refuge of all the exiles of his country, that his majesty would consider of his estate and quality, and how he should be maintained; and that his majesty would command his service, where his majesty thought most convenient.

Within a month after Francis Dacre came to Madrid, news came, that my lord of Cumberland was upon the coast of Spain; and father Creiton [a Scotch Jesuit] did practise with Fran. Dacre, that he would go unto the said lord, and make an offer unto him, that he should refuse his country, and come to serve the king: Dacre would not go, because he did distrust that the said lord would have kept him. And not having a fit messenger, I was moved thereto, that I should go with the message: which I granted to do; meaning always to have done the duty of a good subject. They concluded, that Dacre, Creiton, and I, should have gone all to Lisbon; and that Dacre and Creiton should have stayed ashore. That I should have gone with letters and a message in a boat to the ships. But in the mean time, while they were agreeing what they should offer him, news came that he was gone. At which time Francis Dacre was persuaded by father Creiton, that the king would have granted him his pension in Scotland, because he made his information, as he told me, that in Scotland he was most able to do the king service. And that his money should have been paid by bank, by Will. Neper, a Scotchman, a burgess of Edinburgh: who is the principal man that conveyed the Spaniards forth of Scotland, and the chief merchant that trafficks into Spain, in all Scotland. But father Parsons prevented him privily, that he should not have the pension paid him in Scotland, as he thought. Because that Parsons had no steadfast hope in Dacre. And also that he should know, that his credit was more with the king than Creiton’s, or any other in that matter.

The duchess of Feria told Francis Dacre, as he told me, that it was a common use of the English Jesuits, when they give intelligence to the king of Spain out of England, they tell the king, that so many Englishmen hath such a Jesuit converted; and that if the king of Spain would make invasion into this country, that they would all refuse their allegiance unto her majesty, and turn unto the king of Spain. John Whitfield.

NUMBER 122.

Mr. Francis Dacre indicted. The particulars of his indictment: anno 1593. Lord keeper Puckring’s MSS.

THE imagining and compassing the death and destruction of the queen’s majesty, and the invasion of the realm, &c. practised by him without the realm, in Scotland, Spain, and Rome, beyond the sea. Overt acts. In Scotland he took upon him the name and title of honour of lord Dacres, without her majesty’s licence, consent, or knowledge. He conferred with sir John Seton and others in Scotland, touching the compassing and performing of these his treacherous imaginations and purposes. And procured sir John Seton to write divers letters to divers in Spain, being the king of Spain’s subjects, to shew him favour, and to receive him into the frontier towns in Spain; and another letter to col.

Symple in his favour.

In Spain he adhered to sir Francis Englefield and Parsons, the Jesuit, being traitors attainted, and the queen’s public enemies; and conferred with them touching his treason.

He left and refused his allegiance and obedience to the queen, and yielded himself as subject to the king of Spain; offering his service to be at the king of Spain’s commandment in what service he thought convenient.

He devised and set down in articles and notes in writing for the invading of England: declaring his opinion, that it was best to be done by landing his forces at Kerkeodrey in Scotland; and so to enter upon the west part of England, where Francis Dacres was born, was best known, had best friends, and able to do the king of Spain best service. These articles and notes he delivered to Creighton, a Scottish Jesuit, to translate into Spanish.

And being translated, he delivered the same to John de Ideates.

He obtained a grant of a pension of 60 crowns for himself, and 20 crowns for his son and heir. Which pension he hath received accordingly.

He went to Rome, and there adhered to cardinal Allen; and had conference with him, touching the compassing and performing of his treasons.

NUMBER 123.

Whitfield, a spy. To the lord keeper Puckring, offering service.

Nov. 16, 1593.

My good lord, I DO think, that if Fr. Da. do send into England, he will send by Scotland.

And most like he will send to John Whitfield, [this Whitfield’s uncle,] which was mentioned in those notes which I writ yesternight; or to Matthew Blenkensop, who serveth the lord Wharton, and knew of Fr. Da. way-going [going away]; and was a messenger between the ladyWharton and Fr. Da.: which men I am well acquainted withal. And they will not conceal any matter from me, as touching those causes. But if it be known unto them, that your lordship should shew any favour unto me, they would not give to me so good credit as they have done. Many others there be in that country which are affected that way: which, if it please your lordship to send me into that country, I shall take better mark of, and shall be better able to give a reason of them. In this country I know no place, where I am acquainted, that I can learn of any thing that may tend to her majesty’s service, but only at sir Rob. Dormer’s, which I may do as I go down to the north, or in returning. The more hardlier I shall be bruited to be thought of by your lordship, the more able I shall be to do her majesty service in that respect. In the north I can procure what bond your lordship shall think meet, either to be given unto my lord president [of the north, for his appearance whensoever he should be called,] or to my lord [bishop] of Durham.

I beseech your lordship pardon my boldness, and let the rudeness of my country excuse my evil manners. And whatsoever it shall please your honour to command me, I will, with all humbleness and duty, be ready to obey. And after trial I most humbly desire your lordship to think of me as my good-will shall deserve, and wherewith I am able to perform the same. John Whitfield.

NUMBER 124.

Whitfield’s intelligence, December 2, 1593, of English Jesuits and pensioners in Spain.

SIR Francis Englefield is the principal man who giveth intelligence unto the king of Spain. For every post that goeth between Spain and Flanders he writeth by them. He writeth most commonly to father Holt, a Jesuit, who remaineth in Flanders; for most part at Brussels. And presently upon the receipt of letters, the said Englefield reporteth unto don Juan dey Diaques; to make known unto him what news he hath heard, as touching England. I did first understand this by Frs. Jackson. And afterwards I saw it evidently, that presently, upon the coming of the post from Flanders, he repaired unto don Juan dey Diaques, as I have said before.

Also, the said sir Fra. Englefield sendeth letters to Rome with every post that goeth; and receiveth answers. He writeth to every town in Spain where there is English from every week, and receiveth answer. Father Parsons for the most part writeth to sir Fra. Englefield, when he hath any business as touching matters of England. And the said sir Francis repaireth to don dey Diaques, as before is said. But for the providing for his college, father Parsons sendeth to one Tho. James, who lieth at Madrid only to solicit the causes of father Parsons. Which James went in April last to Seville, there to be employed by father Parsons in a college which is built for English students. And now in Tho. James’s place is Fra. Jackson employed in Madrid. Which Jackson hath of sir William Stanley 600 reals, five shillings apiece, for to receive and transport by bank, from Spain to Brussels, a pension of 300 crowns a month, granted by the king of Spain to sir William Stanley for his lifetime. Which pension in May last, as I understand by Jackson, as also by letters sent from sir William Stanley to the said Jackson, to be delivered to don Juan dey Diaques, that for the space of a year and an half he had received no pay at all out of Spain.

The chief Jesuit of the English is Walpole, and one Chriswel, and one Fleck Chriswel came from the English college at Rome. The cause wherefore he came from Rome, as I understand by William Owen, a scholar, who some time had been a scholar in the said college at Rome, was disagreement one with another among themselves; and that the whole college of Rome was divided into two factions, when as the said William Owen came thence, which was in summer was a year.

When I came from Madrid, which was in May last, one Richard Burley had a pension granted of 40 crowns a month, as he told; and that he should be sent back again to Newhaven in France, where he lay as a spy for the king of Spain.

In May last, one Boswel, a scholar, who had been sick in the English college at Valedolid, came to Madrid, to recover his health. And after he was well, departed from Madrid to Seville, where he was to be made priest with divers others, and presently to be sent into England. I did hear it of the said Boswel, when he took his leave of his brother, one Richard Boswel, who was once my lord of Huntington’s man, and afterwards a soldier in Britain, and now is at Madrid in service.

In the last spring there was a general discharge of all pensioners in Portugal, that did not serve by sea in the armada, or else in the galleys. And many Englishmen came to Madrid, for to seek of the king their pensions which were by-past, and due before. But no answer they could get. Also, one Owen Paton did seek a pension at the same time, but could not travail.

At the same time I did understand by sir Francis Englefield, that all Englishmen that were not of good account were in the like manner discharged, except they would go and serve in the wars that were in Flanders.

The duchess of Feria [who, I think, was an Englishwoman, named Dormer] told Francis Dacre, that he came in very late time for to seek any thing at the king of Spain’s hands: because the king neither doth give so great pensions to Englishmen, as beforetimes he had done, nor makes so great account of their service. Also she told him, that the English priests, when they are in England, as he well knew, did seek by all means to drive men forth of their country; promising them, that when they came into Spain they shall be well entertained by the king. But when they come there, they are neither esteemed by the king, neither by the Jesuit who was the cause that made them leave their country. For there is no credit in Spain for any Englishmen, but only for father Parsons; who now taketh care only for the colleges, for to maintain English scholars which are most able to do most service for the present to the king of Spain. Joh. Whitfield.

NUMBER 125.

An examination of Job. Whitfield, November 6, 1593, before sir John Puckring, lord keeper.

HE saith, that about four years ago, Francis Dacre departed out of the realm, and went into Scotland, being moved thereunto by discontentment.

Which did grow by reason that he received not such favour at the hands of her majesty and the lords of the council as he expected. And this examinant was then his servant, and attended upon him. And that his intention was to procure the king of Scots to deal with her majesty in this behalf. And therein he prevailed so far, that the king did write his letters to the queen’s majesty for him, &c.

NUMBER 126.

Another examination of J. Whitfield, November 8, 1593.

IT is reported this last year in the court of Spain, (and greatly feared,) that sir Francis Drake was appointed to come with forty ships to invade Spain on the one side, and the Turk on the other side. And that her majesty and the Turk were agreed of it.

He saith, that Rolston wrote letters to Francis Dacre into Spain, but they were not delivered till after Francis Dacre was gone from Spain to Rome.

Which this examinant receiving did open; and perusing them found, that Rolston thereby affirmed, that he was sorry that Francis Dacre was not more esteemed, or no more accounted of in Spain, since he was able to do the king so good service in England; and no English out of England better able.

This examinant saith, that at Francis Dacre’s first coming into Scotland, the king said unto him, that whensoever he should be king of England, he would restore Francis Dacre to all the living that his brothers had lost for the queen his mother, and that he would give him the title of honour in the mean time. And so was Francis Dacre called the lord Dacre among all the lords and gentlemen in Scotland.

NUMBER 127.

Names of prisoners now in the Tower. Some that intended to kill the queen. Others for other treaaons. Lord keeper’s MSS. EDWARD YORK and Richard Williams; undertaking the death of her majesty: confessed. Henry Young; stirring of rebellion, and to kill her majesty: accused by them. Laton, for intending the death of the queen. Jo.

Annias, an Irishman, pensioner of the king of Spain; for intending the burning of the queen’s ships; privy of Patrick Collins’s treasons; breaking prison. Edward Lingen, pensioner of the king of Spain; adhering to her majesty’s enemies; came over with Walpole, the Jesuit, guarded with two ships of war of Dunkirk; and spoiled divers of her majesty’s subjects by sea. Walpole, Southwel, Gerard, Jesuits.

NUMBER 128.

Cardinal Allen’s letter to Mr. Mush, a priest, anno 1594, to pacify the disagreements between the priests in.England. In which year the cardinal died.

IHAVE heard, to my great grief, that there is not that good correspondence between the fathers [Jesuits] and other priests; I cannot tell upon what discontentments, &c. But whereof soever it cometh, it is of the enemy; and with all possible discretion and diligence, by the wiser sort on both sides, to be rooted out, or else it will be the ruin of the whole cause, &c. And therefore in this point especially, Mr. Mush, be earnest and peremptory with all parties, and every one in particular. And tell them, that I charge and advise them, by the blessed blood and bowels of God’s mercy, that they honour, love, and esteem one another, according to every man’s age, order, and profession.

NUMBER 129.

Advertisements of the ill estate and order of the Jesuits and seminary priests, &c. in the prison of Wisbich castle, [and their manner of living there.] Lord keeper Puckring’s MSS.

THE state of the seminary priests and Jesuits at Wisbich, by liberty and favour of their keeper, growing to be as dangerous as a seminary college, being in the heart and midst of England.

First , there is about twenty-eight seminary priests and Jesuits, who have compounded with their keeper, Gray, for their diet and all provision, and necessary entertaining servants, as if they were in a free college, and no prison. 2. By that means they send abroad into the town, being a place of some resort, to the market; where they buy up any dainty victuals before the best in the town, or in that country. And their men will disdainfully ask any person, if they dare buy any thing out of the gentlemen’s hands, before they be served. 3. Great resort and daily is there to them of gentlemen, gentlewomen, and of other people; who use to dine and sup with them, walk with them in the castle yard, confer with them in their chambers: whereby they receive intelligence, and send again what they list, from and unto all quarters of the realm, and beyond sea. And other priests resort unto them: as father Scot, the seminary priest, did, anno 91; and others known. 4. Venison, wine, spices, and all other provision, is sent to them from all parts of the realm. And they want no money. The townsmen and women be so feasted and entertained, as they are far won to be theirs in devotion, and further disallegiance: the town and country seated over strongly for such people of danger. 5. The alms and devotions they give at the gate makes the poor to esteem them for good and godly men, and others to affect them. 6. Bakers, brewers, chandlers, shoemakers, tailors, and their wives, resort to them for payment of money; and thereby won to popery. 7. They keep eight poor townsborn children, and two strangers of good wit and choice, besides their cooks; and those recusants. 8. They be all young and lusty people, disposed to mirth and viciousness with women; known to attempt them, as well with deeds as words, with enchanted almonds; as the keeper’s maiden and his two daughters have been in whorish manner: one of them run from thence, and hath had children from her husband; and overthrown in popery, of a modest, fair young wife. 9. Some of them promise favour when the Spaniards invade, and speak lewdly of their hope to come. And most of them were examined of their disposition, when the Spaniards were on the seas in anno 1588.

The best said, they would pray for the catholic cause. Most of them were banished, and returned; some condemned men for treason.

Whereby scholars of the universities, and priests beyond the sea hold, if they be taken, and so entertained, that the worst is but good cheer, and great hopes of bishoprics and preferments hereafter.

NUMBER 130.

Then follow the names of the priests remaining in the castle of Wisbich; and of such boys as are attending, on them. Jan. 1595.

With their countries. Lord keeper Puckring’s MSS.

DR. Christoph. Bagshaw, Staff.

Dr. Norden, Lond.

Father Will. Edmunds, Kent.

Mr. Tho. Blewet, Wales.

Father Buckley, Staff.

Mr. Ralph Ithel, Essex.

Lewis Barlow, Wales. And 25 more, with their names set down, and their countries whence they came.

Then follow the names of the boys, and on whom they attended.

NUMBER 131.

Three gentlemen condemned in Middlesex for treason, when the Spanish fleet was on the sea, and passed Calais. And had their trial at the Old Bailey. Sir George Bond, mayor. Ubi supra. HUGH MORE, late of Gray’s Inn, gentleman, was condemned and executed, for being reconciled to the see of Rome, by one Thomas Stevenson, a Jesuit.

Edward Shelly, late of London, gentleman, condemned and executed, for receiving, aiding, and comforting of one Will. Dean, a seminary priest.

Henry Foxwel, of the city of Westminster, gentleman, condemned for being reconciled to the see of Rome, by one John Bawdewyn, a Jesuit. He was afterwards reprieved, and had his pardon.

NUMBER 132.

Names of recusants, with their several sums of money paid into the receipt, from Michaelmas last to March the l0th, 1594.

Their names are set down, and the counties where they lived, and the sums that each of them paid. The sum total at the end: which comes to 33231. ls. 10d. Exam. per Chr. Wardour, clericum pellium. The names are about 137. Where some paid good round sums; others lesser. MSS. D. Puckr. MICHAEL HARE, of Suffolk, 140l . Rob. Rookwood, of Suffolk, 51l . 7s. 3d.

Ferdinand Paris, of Norfolk, 120l . John Townely, of Lanc. 140l . John Sayer, of Yorkshire, 120l . Robert Grey, of Norfolk, 59l. 4s. 9d. Robert Downes, of Norfolk, 49l . 4s. 6d. Edw. Rokewod, of Suffolk, 120l . John Gage, of Sussex, 140l. Joh. Arundel, Cornub. 120l. George Cotton, Southam. 140l . Robert Apprice, Hunting. 120l . Tho. Tresham, Mid. 140l .

John Talbot, Wigorn. 120l . Edward Sulliard, Surf. 140l . Tho.

Throckmorton, Bucks. 140l .

Among these is Tho. More, of York, 5l. 2d. Many of lesser sums. 260l . 50. 40. 30. 20. 10. And some 1l . and upward. And in those sums in general, considerable sums.

There is, as I think, much more money rising by recusants, which is still paid to the sheriffs of the counties. And is paid in their particular accounts in the Pipe Office. Yet please it your lordship to say, that order should be taken with Mr. Vaughan, that all money growing thereby should be particularly paid to the receipt. Which performed, your lordship may always know of me the certainty thereof, according to this certificate: [viz. that above, of the names of each papist throughout all the counties, and the sums by them paid.] This was writ by Wardour, clerk of the pells.

NUMBER 133.

Matthew Hutton, bishop of Durham, to the lord treasurer, December 1594; upon the queen’s purpose, upon the death of Piers, archbishop of York, to prefer him to that see.

IUNDERSTAND, by a letter sent in a packet to Mr. Dean of Durham, from the rt. honourable the lord chamberlain, that her majesty hath set down a full resolution to remove me to York; a thing, I assure your lordship, that I did not desire, being very well pleased here, and also so aged and decayed, that it is more fit for me to think of my grave, than any honours in this world. Yet because it hath pleased God to incline her majesty’s heart towards me, as always heretofore especially, I doubt not by your lordship’s means, I do commit myself wholly to God’s good providence, to be wholly in her highness’s disposition.

I have written to sir Robert Cecill, [lord treasurer’s son,] to know your lordship’s directions, when to send up for that matter. Because I would be loath, either to seem too forward in hasty sending, or, in protracting the time, to be thought undutifully careless of so gracious a resolution, &c.

NUMBER 134.

Another letter of bishop Hutton, upon his being nominated by the queen to the see of York. Written to the lord treasurer, Febr. 14, 1594.

MY humble duty remembered, &c. I think myself most bound to the queen’s most excellent majesty. For now this is the third time that her highness hath preferred me above desert; and at this time above desire also.

And I account the blessing to be the greater, because the same God, who of his undeserved goodness inclined the royal heart of so gracious a sovereign to my good, hath also moved your lordship from time to time to further me. The Lord make me thankful, and careful in my calling, &c.

NUMBER 135.

Part of two letters of the bishop of Durham to the lord treasurer: in behalf of the lady Margaret Nevyl, daughter to the unfortunate earl of Westmerland.

ISENT up in the beginning of the term to sue for the pardon of the lady Margaret Nevyl, taken in company with Boast, the seminary priest. She lamenteth, with tears, that she had offended God and her sovereign: and she is wholly reclaimed from popery. Dr. Aubrey hath had her pardon drawn since the beginning of the term. If it come not quickly, I fear she will die with sorrow. It were very honourable for your good lordship to take the care of a most distressed maiden, who descends, as your lordship knoweth, of great nobility in the house of Norfolk, the house of Westmerland, and the house of Rutland, in memory of men; and was but a child of five years old, when her unfortunate father did enter into the rebellion. And now she is a condemned person, having not one penny by year to live upon since the death of her mother; who gave her 33l . 6s. 8d. a year. It were well that her majesty were informed of her miserable state.

She is virtuously given; humble, modest, and of very good behaviour.......

From Aukland, the 11th of December, 1594.

NUMBER 136.

Part of the bishop’s second letter. Writ February following, when the bishop was removing to York.

NOW, because I am presently to leave this country, I am bold still to recommend unto your good lordship the pitiful state of the lady Margaret Nevyl, daughter to the unfortunate earl of Westmerland, prisoner in my house, and condemned to die for being in company with Boast, the seminary priest. She is wholly reformed in religion. She sore lamenteth, with tears, that she hath offended so gracious a sovereign and her laws. It is an honourable deed, in my opinion, beseeming your lordship, with favour to prefer her humble suit unto her majesty. Your lordship knoweth, that she is descended of divers noble houses, in the memory of man; of the house of Buckingham, Norfolk; Westmerland, and Rutland. And now behold the instability of all human things. Two of them are utterly overthrown: only one standeth unspotted. And she herself, a poor maid, condemned to die. I do assure myself, that it her highness were truly informed of her lamentable state and true repentance, she would take pity and compassion on her, and so make known unto the world that she maketh a difference between her and her two obstinate sisters. [Katharine Gray, a widow, one of them.] She hath confessed unto me, and I verily believe it to be true, that partly want did cause her to wade to woe. For whereas the great offence of her father, her highness most graciously allowed unto her mother 300l . a year, for herself and her three children: whereof 33l . 6s. 8d. was by Mr. Clopton, her majesty’s receiver here, paid unto her yearly; so it is, that since the death of her mother, and somewhat before, the same annuity was not paid unto her. By occasion whereof, she fell to converse with the papists for relief first; and so by little and little did forsake both her religion towards God, and her loyalty to her sovereign.

For both the which she is most heartily sorry, and most humbly craveth one drop of her majesty’s mercy.

I have writ unto Mr. Roger Manners, her great uncle, to commend her humble suit unto your good lordship. Thus beseeching God to bless your lordship with his manifold graces, that you may yet long continue a most wise and faithful counsellor unto so gracious a sovereign, I humbly take my leave.

Your lordship’s bounden in Christ, Matth. Dunelm.

NUMBER 137.

The humble submission of Margaret Nevyl to the queen’s most excellent majesty, enclosed in the former letter. MOST humbly, with tears, beseecheth your highness, your majesty’s most desolate, poor subject, Margaret Nevyl, one of the daughters of the unfortunate late earl of Westmerland, to take princely pity upon my lamentable estate. With great grief I do confess, most gracious sovereign, that sithence the death of my dear mother, having no part of that allowance which it pleased your majesty graciously to bestow upon me, nor any other maintenance, I was even forced, by reason of great want, to receive relief of papists: by whose subtilty my needy simplicity was allured from mine obedience and loyalty, to their superstition and errors: and so being drawn into the company of a seminary priest, I was condemned.

At the assizes the last summer, being destitute of help, it pleased the good bishop of Duresme, at the motion of my lord treasurer and the judges, to take me into his house. Where he only hath and doth yet wholly relieve, and by his godly and sound earnest instructions he hath, I most humbly praise God, fully reformed me in religion. Which by God’s grace I shall, with all obedience unto your highness, constantly profess while I live. And now, alas! this pitiful bishop, my only help, is very shortly to leave this country, and I know not how or where to be relieved, I commend my case and woful state unto God and your majesty: most humbly beseeching your highness, of your princely and most gracious wonted compassion, to be merciful unto me, a most distressed, poor maiden, and to vouchsafe me your most comfortable pardon for my life, and somewhat also for my relief.

Which if I still want, my life will be no life, but only misery.

So shall the enemies of true religion have no cause to rejoice at my woe; the repenting poor converts, by my example, will be comforted; and I, as most bound, shall never cease with them to pray for your majesty’s most happy reign in all wished felicity, and long to endure. Feb. 14, 1594.

Your majesty’s most woful poor prisoner, MARGARETT NEVYL.

NUMBER 138.

Tobie Matthew, D.D. dean of Durham, to the lord treasurer.

Information of Scotch matters, and the Scots king. OUR papists here do secretly whisper, that the stay of Lopus [a Portugal physician, that should have poisoned the queen] his execution may argue, that his condemnation is but to draw the king of Spain in odium with our nation: which indeed would be credited of too many, if he should not suffer.

The earl Bothwel’s late enterprise to so small effect doth much rejoice the papists; who stick not to rumour, that the king secretly hath mass, and is catholic, and that he hath as sound intelligence in our court as her majesty hath in his. Whereof there is doubtless great suspicion, howsoever it cometh. There is now with me one William Ashby, kinsman to that Mr. Ashby that was by her majesty employed in Scotland; who among other particulars (whereof of the king’s council he was demanded) was examined, whether he knew what money the earl had received from me. I pray God the king’s protestations be not overwell believed; who is a deeper dissembler, by all men’s judgment that know him best, than is thought possible for his years.

They talk much in Scotland of the weak provisions in Berwick, specially of powder: and stick not to take notice, how little there was between Trent and Tweede at that time the Spaniards were last upon the coast.

The delivery of notorious recusants out of prison almost hand over head, sithence the last statute made, hath done, and will do, great harm hereabout. Thus very glad, when your lordship pleaseth to command my service, which I have vowed to your lordship: and craving pardon at this present, I most humbly betake your good lordship to God. At Duresme, the 9th of April, 1594.

Your lordship’s most humble and most bounden, TOBIE MATTHEW.

NUMBER 139.

The death of Pierse, archbishop of York, and the queen’s almoner; who died Sept. 28,1594, at his seat at Bishopthorp. Some account of him in the sermon preached by Dr. King, his chaplain, at his funeral.

HE was dean of Chester, dean of Christ’s-church, and dean of Salisbury, successively; and bishop of Rochester for twenty months; then bishop of Salisbury about eleven years; and lastly, archbishop of York six years.

Aged 71: buried in the cathedral of York; with a large inscription set up in memory of him: viz. That he was contemptor mundi: optimus, facilis, et in sola vitia superbus....... Veram et germanam Christi religionem omnibus modis propagavit, &c. His funeral sermon was preached by Joh. King, D.D. his domestic chaplain, (afterwards bishop of London,) Nov. 17.

Which was afterward (anno 1599) printed with his Lectures upon Jonah.

His text was Psalm cxlvi. Put not your trust in princes, nor in any son of man: for there is no help in him. His breath departeth, and he returneth to the earth, &c. In which sermon this account was given of his life, discharge of his holy function, and Christian departure: viz.

As he was not great by parentage, so it was his greater commendation that he became greater by virtues....... The university tried his learning, the court his manners, the church his wisdom. He was transplanted from college to college: not by chance, but by advised choice....... He sat in a chair [as a public professor] to teach. In the court, while he lived therein, he was not unus e multis, a com mon man there for his deserts: and yet for his pains he was unus e multis; he made himself a common man, in keeping as orderly and ordinary a course of preaching, as whosoever was most bound to do that service. And as he had an office therein besides to wait upon, [the queen’s almoner,] so he discharged it with fidelity: not bearing the bag like a thief, but with such uprightness of conscience, that in the sight of God and man he might justly purge himself with those words of Samuel, Witness against me, if you can; whom have I defrauded?

Lastly, The church had a long experience of his government. He was thrice a dean: and because he was faithful in a little, he was made a ruler over much: for he was thrice also a bishop. In the management of which weighty charges, malice itself spared him: even that malice which blotted and blemished the names of most of the lights of this land, [viz. the bishops,] never accused him. But I call this the least credit of a thousand. From the first hour that he came into this province, you know his behaviour among you at all seasons; how he kept nothing back that was profitable, but taught you openly, and through every church; witnessing both to Jews and Gentiles, protestants and papists, repentance towards God, and faith towards Jesus Christ, &c.

You cannot truly say of him, Ditavimus, Abrahamum. He had not a holy trade more than he brought at his first coming. What this reverend prelate hath gained and carried away with him, by continuing among you these many years, is only the name of an archbishop, &c.

Now concerning his travail and pains in his function. He dealt both the gospel of Christ and himself among you. Whose saying ever was, that which he also took from a famous light of this land, which was Julium Sydus, a jewel of his age, [Bishop Jewel, perhaps;] Where should a preacher die, but in his pulpit? Oportet me pastorem in acie stantem mori.

A general must die in the field upon his feet. Surely he thoroughly performed it: for when the infirmity of his body was such, that the least moving and stirring thereof, by travail, drew his blood from him, even then he drew out his breast, and fed you with the milk of God’s most holy word, &c.

Now concerning the last particular of all. This I can constantly affirm in general, that all other cares and consultations, which the world might have drawn him unto, he laid aside, and not sought much: as, namely, he only applied himself to make some profession and promulgation of his faith; which he rather chose to do, not to all the people, but to us witnesses, (then chaplains in his house,) chosen of God to the same dispensation of the faith wherein himself had been. His speech was to this effect:

I have sent for you for this end, that before my departure I might give some testimony of that faith wherein I have hitherto lived, and am now to die.

What I have received of the Lord, that have I ever delivered. I have received much; written much; often disputed; preached often: yet never could I find in the book of God any ground for popery; neither have I known any point of doctrine received in the church of England that is not consonant to the word of God. Wherefore he exhorted me [said Dr. King, the preacher] and my colleague, being then absent, to continue in that building wherein I had already laid my foundation. And because I was now his ghostly father, (which was the unworthy name a father bestowed upon me, a child in comparison,) required, that I would not neglect to repair unto him twice or thrice before his ending. I told him, that having often in his life ministered so good comforts to others, he could not want comfort to himself. He granted it. But because omnis homo mendax, (wherein we took his meaning to be, that a man might flatter and beguile himself,) therefore he again required my resort unto him. I replied, that I thought it best, and I feared would be the last service that ever I should do him.

Howbeit, the comforts I had to give, I could but pour into his outward ears; and that it must be the Spirit of God which inwardly comforteth the conscience. To which his answer was, The Spirit of God doth assure my spirit that I am the child of God. Yet he proceeded, You have seen long peace, and many good days in Israel; I hope also you shall depart. in peace, and leave peace behind you: neither know I any thing in the world wherewith your conscience should be troubled.

He finally concluded, I die in perfect peace of conscience, both with God and man. So he licensed me to depart, not willing, he said, to trouble me any more at that time. Indeed it was the last trouble that ever in breath he put me unto. For the next entrance I made was just to receive his last and deepest gasp. Of whom I say now not more, but as Philip said to Hipparchus, being gone, he died in good time to himself; but to me too soon. Thus he, that was ever honourable in the whole race of his life, was not without honour at his death....... He fought a good fight, both in the defence of the faith, and in expugnation of heresies, schisms, seditions, which invest the church....... I call that labour of his, because he made none other at that times his last will and testament. Wherein the particular legacies which he bequeathed were these: To myself, (which I hold more precious than the finest gold,) fatherly exhortation to go forward in planting the gospel of Christ, which I had begun. [Meaning, perhaps, his lecture in York.] Secondly, To the papists, wholesome admonition to relinquish their errors, having no ground in the scriptures. And let them well advise themselves, that at such a time, when there is no cause to affect favour and partiality to the religion established, no places left to dissemble with God or man, tanti meriti, tanti pectoris, tanti oris, tantae virtutis episcopus; (as Augustin spake of Cyprian;) so worthy, so wise, so well spoken, so virtuous, so learned a bishop, gave such counsel unto them.

Thirdly, To all the members of the church of England, unity of soul and heart, to embrace the doctrine authbrized. And, lastly, To himself peace and rest in the assured mercies of God. This peace he had plentiful fruition of with the God of peace.

NUMBER 140.

Cooper, bishop of Winchester, (who died this year, 1594,) his monument and epitaph.

IN the choir of that cathedral church was a plain white stone, on the ground, by the south door that goetb out of the choir, thus inscribed: Hic jacet THO. COOPERUS, olim Lincolniens. nuper Wintonien, episcopus; munificentiss, doctiss, ac vigilantiss, praesul. Qui religiosissime in Dno. obdormivit, 29 Apr. ann. Dom. 1594.

Thesaurus, Chronicon, COOPERI caetera scripta Dum remanent, celebris COOPERI fama manebit.

Oxoniensis erat, Glocestrensisque decanus.

Continuus primae vicecancellarius urbis.

Tum Lincolnensis fit praesul: et inde movetur Wintoniam, denos ubi sedit episcopus annos.

Summe doctus erat, summeque benignus egenis, Et summo studio divina oracula pandit.

Terra tegit corpus, sed spiritus est super astra.

Caelestes animae coelesti pace fruentur.

W. S. Decasticon.

NUMBER 141.

William Wickham, upon his nomination from Lincoln to the bishopric of Winchester, to the lord treasurer; in gratitude, and upon long leases designed of the revenues of that bishopric.

HE acknowledged that lord to have been the main instrument of his preferment, in a very gentile and courtly style. Afterwards he went on in these words:

Now in this conscience of my devotionate affection to your lordship, and of your lordship’s high favour to my instant preferment, suffer me, I pray you, after that cause of confidence, which you have ministered unto me your honourable inclination to the good of my state, to be suitor with your good liking, that as you have thought good to bring me forth to this further advancement in our church, so you will please to be mean for me to her majesty, that like as it is reputed, and I trust intended, so I may indeed find it an advancement unto me, by enjoying her highness’s benefit whole and full, without constrained grants: such as, I understand, are by some endeavoured, of extraordinary and unlawful leases of lands belonging to the bishopric. Whereby not only I shall from my own time be disabled to answer equally to my late predecessors the supposed dignity and wellknown charges of that place, but (whereof I would be more loath) shall for hereafter also leave behind me an evil fame and report in this whole church; that I was a spoiler of that see, which an honourable bishop there, of the same name [William of Wickham] and house sometime with me, did diversely before enrich and endow. Hereof, my honourable good lord, in most humble and earnest manner, I again pray you. And so commit your lordship to the merciful protection of the Almighty. From my lodging in London, the 10th of January, 1594. Your lordship’s daily and most faithful orator, GULIELMUS LINCOLN.

NUMBER 142.

Fletcher, bishop of Worcester, his letter to the lord treasurer.

Desires a remove to the see of London: and why.

Right honourable, I AM bold to beseech that by writing, which lately in presence I desired of your lordship: to wit, your honour’s opinion and continuance of that begun favour, which lately it pleased your lordship to afford me to her majesty.

My education hereabout, [viz. London ,] and long knowledge of the place, continued as well by my service in court, as by sundry other links of friendship with persons of the city, and considering the absence from that charge which I have, do draw me rather to desire the improvement of my poor duty and endeavour to the service of God and her majesty to this see and city of London, than in any other place of the realm. And I doubt not but it will please God to bless it withal.

Your lordship knoweth, that it is not nothing in that function, where the flock and the pastor have desire the one of the other: in many things, beside the main and principal matter of ecclesiastical government and oversight therein, your lordship for your long experience knoweth, that there may befall occasions concerning the state, where the bishop, being regarded and beloved of them, may be a good and ready mean to give them furtherance and expedition. Besides which, the general care and regard of pastoral charge which, I trust, it will please God to settle in me for his glory there, your lordship shall be assured, if it so please the same, that no man, no, not bound with bands of nearest duty to your lordship, shall be more ready to respect your lordship’s honourable either desires or directions in that place.

And so, humbly beseeching your lordship to make me in this occasion both favoured by her majesty towards her own servant, and by the rest of my honourable lords, beholden to your lordship, as in time past I have been, I commit your lordship to the goodness of God. The 29th of June, 1594.

Your lordship’s ever in Christ, RICH. WIGORN.

The success of this letter, and what happened to the bishop afterwards, may be seen in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift, book 4:chap. 13.

NUMBER 143.

Adam Loftus, archbishop of Dublin, and lord chancellor of Ireland, to the lord treasurer. His troubles; his integrity; displayed to that lord: and his application to him. Wrote from Dublin, 27th of May, 1594.

May it please your good lordship, AS often as I look back unto the course of my life, which draws towards an end, and call to my remembrance the manifold crosses and grievous troubles which in my place and vocation I have endured, so often must I confess, that next after the goodness of God, and her majesty’s great grace, your honourable patronage and protection of me hath been the only means of my deliverance. Wherefore I most humbly crave your lordship’s pardon, to license me (being destitute of all other means to make any requital for the least of your favours which you have poured upon me) in all my letters to acknowledge my most bounden duty and thankfulness; which is the only thing I can present unto you.

By your lordship’s letters in answer of mine sent by my servant, this bearer, I do perceive your just mislike of my motion, to have her majesty’s leave, during the time of my absence in England, to leave the custody of the great seal with some one of this council, for whom I would answer. I do most humbly acknowledge mine oversight in that motion, being misled by some formed precedents in former times: and very loath that the keeping of the seal should have come into the hands of sir Robert Gardiner, a gentleman not well affected towards me, as I have just cause to conceive by his dealings: first stirring up Leg and Rich to prefer untrue and malicious libels against me; and now lately animating one Tipper, a seditious man of this country birth, to prosecute the same course; who hath his sole dependence upon sir Robert. Nevertheless I yield my most humble thanks to your lordship, for directing my servant by your greater advice to suppress my letters to their lordships, lest any advantage had been taken against me for that matter; having now resolved to forbear my suit till a more convenient time, when it shall please all-wise God to send it.

I understand by a postscript, written by your lordship’s own hand, (for which I am most bound,) that upon such informations as were preferred against me, first by Leg, and now lately by one Tipper, which have been reported to her most excellent majesty by two of the lords, her highness is not well satisfied towards me. I am right woful in heart, and oppressed with grief of mind, that after my thirty and three years service in the place of a privy-counsellor in this state, information of so base persons are believed against me, and mine answers not credited: which I have delivered upon my credit, duty, and conscience; and do refuse no manner of trial that shall be directed for my purgation. For remedy whereof, I have no other refuge but still to fly to your honourable protection: humbly beseeching your lordship, that as it hath pleased God in these our days to make you even the father of all good counsel, and the most ancient counsellor that ever served prince, that you will not suffer a poor servitor of my conscience, after so many hazards of my life in her majesty’s service, to be without cause thus unworthily disgraced.

If either the answers which I have made to Legg’s informations be found untrue, or in any of these new matters preferred by Tipper I shall be culpable, I am contented for ever to renounce your lordship’s favour. I have partly been advertised of Tipper’s accusations, and do find by experience, that the falsehood sometimes carrieth some probability of a truth. But if upon due trial of these cases it shall be proved that I have offended, let me never after be trusted with you.

I hear to my great comfort, upon the late arrival of Tipper, and upon speeches given out by himself, that commission is directed to sir William Russel, the two chief justices, and sir Ra. Napper, for examination of the matter wherewith he hath charged me. I am right glad this course is taken for the trial of the truth. And my humble suit to your lordship in this behalf is only this, to vouchsafe me your letter to the said commissioners to enter with some speed into the examination of these causes; that I may be called to answer all that is or shall be objected. And that all my answers may be duly certified, for the full safisfaction of her majesty and your lordships: which is the thing I chiefly desire: and to the end no scar may remain against me of these informations; as I am right sorry, by reason of Legg’s death, there doth of the former, the Lord is my witness, without any cause.

My hope is, that during your lordship’s days (which God long continue) I shall not want a friend to inform her majesty of my long and painful services, and of my zealous affection and desire to do unto her highness any acceptable service. But woe is me, that now I perceive, to my great discomfort, your lordship doth begin to complain of sickness, and want of strength in body to protect such as always heretofore have depended upon you. My good lord, I have no other to rely upon, being unknown to all the rest of their lordships. Hitherto, under God and her majesty, I never had dependency upon any but the earl of Sussex and your lordship. Neither do I mean to seek a new friend so long as you do live: most humbly beseeching your honourable lordship to be a mean for me unto your son, sir Robert Cecil, that under you I may depend upon his honourable favour in my just and honest causes. To which end I have purposely sent over this bearer, my servant, with my letters for him, humbly craving your lordship’s good furtherance of this my suit. And I promise your lordship hereby, upon my honesty and credit, I will never seek his favour in any bad or dishonest cause. And even so, with due remembrance of my most bounden duty, I commend your lordship, by my most earnest prayers, to God’s best graces.

From Dublin, the 27th of May, 1594.

Your lordship’s humbly at commandment, AD. DUBLIN, CANC.

NUMBER 144.

John bishop of Limrick, from York, who was, if seems, of the council there, to the lord treasurer: concernirg some dangerous papists taken in those parts, and sent up: and now going to his bishopric in Ireland, desires to be one of the council there, and his service promised.

THE prisoner Gravenor, and the two Hales, by my lord president here sent up, and within two or three days after this my letter will be at London.

They will not here confess any practice. But your honour will find them most obstinate malefactors and dangerous persons. It appeareth they agreed upon a form of a set tale, when they should come to be examined, as may seem by their first answer, that they were beer-sellers; which they confessed they concluded among themselves, in the way betwixt Barwic and York, &c.......

If your honour may be pleased to pardon this one thing I now write, I will perform while I live that which I now write. Namely, if your honour think me worthy for any employment about the state with the deputy and council in Ireland, whereby I may have cause sometimes there to reside for her majesty’s service, there shall not any one thing concerning any service happen there, but thereof will I give your honour, or sir Robert Cecil, primary and speedy true intelligence thence. In one word, I will in all things serve your honour. For I know you serve her majesty and your country with all faithfulness. Only were I so happy as to be received into your honour’s trust and protection, I were sufficiently animated from time to time to certify your honour all things there said, purposed, or practised.

Yourself should dwell in their bosoms, when I dwell in Dublin.

And so, humbly desiring your honour to wrap up my proffered service and duty in silence and in oblivion, I most humbly take leave, praying to the Almighty, with hand and heart lift up to heaven, for your health to be continued, with all honourable happiness. York, the 31st of December.

Your honour’s in all duty, JO. LIMRICENSIS.

NUMBER 145.

The said bishop to the lord treasurer: for leave to transport things from York into Ireland; where he was going to live, being required residence.

My most honourable good lord, IBESEECH your honour, that I may have licence (seeing I am to live in Ireland) to transport with me 50 ewes, 8 rams, 6 mares, 20 cows, and bulls, for mine own breed; and 10 muskets, and other needful furniture, for my own safety. And that my household stuff, which I carry with me, my books, chests, trunks, and other my carriages, may be transported with myself or with my servants, without any let or trouble to me or my servants, by searchers, or customers, or other officers, to be offered unto us. I most humbly take my leave; evermore praying for your honour’s healthful and happy preservation. York, 16th of March.

Your honour’s in all duty and service, JO. LIMRICENS.

NUMBER 146.

The plague, dreadful storms and unseasonable weather in this and the former.year, gave occasion to Dr. J. King, in one of his lectures at York, to use these words.

THE months of the year [1593 and 1594] have not yet gone about, wherein the Lord hath bowed the heavens, and come down about us with more tokens and earnests of his wrath intended, than the agedest man of our land is able to recount of so small a time. For say, if ever the winds, since they blew one against the other, have been more common and more tempestuous; as if the four ends of heaven had conspired to turn the province of the earth upside down. Thunders and lightnings, neither seasonable for the time, and withal most terrible with such effects brought forth, that the child unborn shall speak of it. The anger of the clouds hath been poured down upon our heads, both with abundance, and (besides those that felt it) with incredible violence. The air threatened our miseries with a blazing star. The pillars of the earth tottered in many whole countries and tracts of our land. For the arrows of the woful pestilence have been cast abroad at large in all the quarters of our realm, even to the emptying and dispeopling of some parts thereof. And in another of his lectures. Within the year, each sevennight cut off a thousand; yea, sometimes a great many more, in one city of our land, [viz.

London,] by the infection of the plague. Since that time, the note hath returned [of the abatement of the infection] not one; or so few, that it is as yet as if it were nothing. Remember that the spring [that year when the plague brake out] was very unkind, by means of the abundance of rains that fell. Our July hath been like to a february; our June even as an April: so that the air must needs be corrupted. God amend it in his mercy, and stay this plague of waters. But yet the pestilence is not ceased. And concerning a dearth for three years now successively, he had these words. Behold! what a famine God hath brought upon our land; and making it to persevere yet hitherto, doth increase it. One year there hath been hunger: the second there was a dearth: and a third there was great cleanness of teeth. And see, whether the Lord doth not threaten us much more, by sending such unseasonable weather and storms of rain among us.

Which if we will observe, and compare it with that which is past, we may say, that the course of nature is very much inverted. Our years are turned upside down. Our summers are no summers: our harvests are no harvests: our seeds-times are no seedstimes. For a great space of time, scant any day hath been seen that it hath not rained upon us. And the nights are like the days.

NUMBER 147.

Francis Bacon, (afterwards the learned lord Verulam,) son to sir Nicholas Bacon, lord keeper of the great seal, deceased, to the lord treasurer: concerning, the solicitor’s place, which he had endeavoured by friends to obtain from the queen. AFTER the remembrance of my humble and bounden duty. It may please your good 1ordship, the last term I drew myself to my house in the country, expecting that the queen would have placed another solicitor; and so, I confess, a little to help digestion. And to be out of eye, I absented myself. For I understood her majesty not only to continue in her delay, and, as I was advertised chiefly by my lord of Essex, to be retrograde, to use the terms apted to the highest powers. Since which time I have, as in mine own conceit, given over the suit: though I leave it to her majesty’s tenderness, and the constancy of my honourable friends; so it be done without pressing.

And now my writing to your lordship is chiefly to give you thanks. For surely if a man consider the travail, and not the event, a man is often more bounden to his honourable friends for a suit denied, than for a suit succeeding. Herewithal I am bold to make unto your lordship three requests; which ought to be very reasonable, because they come so many at once. But I cannot call that reasonable, which is only grounded upon favour. The first is, that your lordship would yet tueri opus tuae manus; and give as much life to this present suit for the solicitor’s place as may be without offending the queen: for that were not good for me. The next is, that if I did shew myself too credulous to idle hearsays, in regard of my rt. honourable kinsman and good friend sir Robert Cecill, whose good nature did well answer my guest liberty, your lordship will impute it to the complexion of a suitor, and of a stirred seasick suitor, and not mine own inclination. Lastly, that howsoever this matter go, yet that I may enjoy your lordship’s good favour and help, as I have done, in regard of my private estate. Which as I have not altogether neglected, so I have but negligently attended; and which hath been bettered only by yourself, (the queen except,) and not by any other, in matter of importance.

This last request I find it more necessary for me to make, because, though I am glad of her majesty’s favour, that I may with more ease practise the law, which percase I may use now and then for my countenance; yet to speak plainly, though perhaps vainly, I do not think that the ordinary practice of the law, not serving the queen in place, will be admitted for a good account of the poor talent that God hath given me. So, as I make reckoning, I shall reap no great benefit to myself in that course, that am desiring the continuance of your lordship’s goodness as I have hitherto found, and on my part sought also to deserve. I commend your good lordship to God’s good preservation. From Gray’s Inn, this 2lst of March, 1594.

Your lordship’s most humbly bounden, FR. BACON.

NUMBER 148.

Sir Thomas Mildmay moveth to keep a register of all strangers coming into the realm. (Hitherto refused out of a compassion, as it seems, of the poor people, that came over hither for the sake of their religion and their lives.) THE queen’s most excellent majesty, even from the first beginning of her gracious reign, having manifested to all the world her godly zeal and inclination to the true service of Almighty God, by abolishing idolatry and superstition from among her people, causing his word to be preached, and his gospel to have free passage throughout her highness’ dominions, hath thereby (through the malice of the apparent adversaries to God’s truth) procured herself many: from whose danger nevertheless God hath, in his great mercy, miraculously defended her majesty, notwithstanding their practices both abroad and in her own realm; tending to the overthrow of religion, the peril of her royal person, and the utter subversion of the commonwealth. In this time of her highness’ reign, (her princely clemency is such,) she hath permitted and suffered a number of strangers and foreigners of sundry nations (without account rendered of the causes of their coming) liberally and freely to have access into this realm, and under the colour of religion and conscience, here to inhabit and accede at their wills and pleasures; protected from those exactions and persecutions wherewith they were like to have been miserably afflicted in their own natural countries: a work highly pleasing God, greatly honourable to her majesty, and worthily commendable among all good men.

Howbeit sithence heretofore among many good princes, her majesty’s manly progenitors, and in other well-governed commonwealths at this day, (joining policy with pity,) it hath been and is reputed great wisdom to provide means, that the certain number of foreigners and strangers coming to inhabit this our country or any other, and the several occasions of their coming, might be certainly known by notorious and perfect registers, kept in some special office to be appointed for that purpose, of what nation each foreigner were, the cause of his coming, his calling and condition, art and science, when and where he arrived, in what place he inhabited, and what time he returned again into his own country.

It may so now please her majesty, of her special grace and favour, for these necessary reasons ensuing, for the yearly rent of 40l . to be paid into her highness’ court of exchequer, and in consideration of the true and faithful service done unto her majesty for the space of twenty-eight years now past, by sir Thomas Mildmay, kt. her grace’s servant, to erect an office for that purpose by her highness’ letters patents, making and ordaining him, the said sir Thomas, officer thereof; granting unto him and his assigns power and authority thereby, for the term of twenty-one years, to begin from the feast of the birth of our Lord God last past, to make and keep a register and registers, yearly, of the names, ages, and abilities of body, countries, callings, arts, sciences, places of habitation, causes of repair hither, and times of departure hence, of all foreigners and strangers, now being and inhabiting within this her highness’ realm of England, and of all other that shall from time to time come into this realm to inhabit, or pass forth of the same, during the same term of twenty-one years; except all ambassadors and their trains, noblemen or gentlemen, ladies or gentlewomen, coming of pleasure to see her majesty and her realm, and Scots. Allowing to the same sir Thomas Mildmay, or his assigns, for the first entry after, during the continuance of the said term, four pence for every poll of such as be householders, and two pence the poll for children and servants; and four pence the poll for every one that shall depart the realm again.

THE REASONS TO PROVE THIS SUIT BENEFICIAL FOR THE COMMONWEALTH.

1. Although the number of foreigners and strangers, now inhabiting and being within the realm, may not as yet be reputed over great, yet is the same meet to be certainly known. And well may it be feared, that the wars and afflictions now being, and like to continue sharp in the countries adjacent, may procure a greater number to repair hither, than with good policy were fit to be endured. 2. It were necessary to know of what nation each foreigner is, and the cause of his coming. So may her majesty’s friends be known from those who are subjects to other princes or states, her enemies; and cannot in reason be thought to come among us either for zeal for religion or love to her majesty, but rather to practise against her highness and her state, or at the least to rob us of our commodities, to enrich themselves. 3. The strangers that do now inhabit here, either have placed themselves in the heart of the realm, as London, Norwich, and Canterbury, or in the porttowns, as Southampton, Sandwich, Colchester, and divers others; where they are ready to do mischief, being of power, (time and occasion serving them,) or otherwise lie fittest to engross our commodities into their hands, and to transport the same to their own private benefit and our great hinderance. And therefore it is expedient to know certainly the numbet of them, their callings and trades. So as always at her majesty’s pleasure the same number might be abridged, if either it should seem perilous to the state to suffer it, or that it might be granted to such of her majesty’s subjects, artizans and mechanical persons, to be impoverished by the multitude of strangers, being of their trades and faculties. 4. Even as her majesty, by her gracious favour, doth protect such as repair hither sincerely for their conscience sake and for religion, so is there no reason; but such as make religion the colour of their coming, and are in truth irreligious, and frequent no church at all, such be known and discerned from the other, as by this means they may be. 5. Her majesty, by knowing their number, ages, and abilities of body, may understand what serviceable men there be among them, fit to be employed in the wars, if it should so please her majesty to use them. And accordingly to increase armour and weapon at their charge, to be kept in store at her majesty’s appointment, for the benefit of the realm, as occasion shall serve to have the same used, either by our own countrymen, we having among us many more able bodies than we can easily arm, or otherwise at her majesty’s pleasure,6. There be many known rich men among them, and others very able, (though not so greatly noted,) which live obscurely only to benefit themselves by usury and exchange of money, without doing good to our commonwealth. These men are meet to lend her majesty great sums of money at all times, if it be her pleasure to use it, and thereby ease her highness’ own subjects. And by the register such may upon all occasions be found out. 7. Many strangers and foreigners, after they have once greedily gotten into their hands great riches and treasure by engrossing our commodities, suddenly depart the realm, and many times steal away with other men’s goods, without any notice given or taken thereof. A matter very hurtful to the commonwealth, and would be holpen, if the time, place, and manner of their departure were observed and registered. 8. Under the colour of merchandize and religion, many intelligencers and spies adventure to come hither among us, to the prejudice of the state: which would be reformed, if the cause of their coming was well understood and discreetly examined. 9. If the meaner multitude of her majesty’s people should (as in former days) happen, upon some fantastical conceit, to find themselves grieved at the extreme prices of victuals, or the great enhancing the rents of houses, where the fofeigners inhabit: suppose the numbers of them be the cause, it would by the register plainly appear whether it were true or no; and at all times be reformed with speed, at her majesty’s good pleasure. 10. There be few or no poor people among them; so as it cannot be justly intended, that this payment of 6d. for the first entry, and 4d. and 2d. yearly after, as aforesaid, cannot be offensive. And it is very evidently seen and known, that after they be once settled here they become wealthy in short space, however poor and needy they were at their first coming. Therefore the burden being so small to them, nothing being thereby taken from any of our own nation, but so many benefits growing to the realms by the means of erecting the said office, and a yearly revenue coming to the crown thereby, it may therefore please her most excellent majesty to favour this humble petition of the said sir Thomas, and to grant the same accordingly.

The like suit was made the year before, 1593, to the lord treasurer, by Edward Dymock, for a view of all aliens and strangers through the realm, and to keep a roll and book of the names and numbers of them; with the reasons set down: when the answer given him was, that the suits were stale, and inconvenient for her majesty to grant.

NUMBER 149.

The lord treasurer to the queen’s secretary: concerning certain rents and revenues to be assured to the queen, upon the vacancies of the bishoprics of Winchcster and Durham, by the two bishops that should succeed the former. MSS. D. Job. episc. Elien. (Now in the royal library at Cambridge.) To my very loving son, sir Robert Cecill, kt. &c.

IWOULD wish you to be careful touching the proceeding to be had for the nominated bishops of Wincester and Durham; that before they be perfited, there be sufficient provision made, and assurance to her majesty of such rents and annuities as ought to be assured by them. As namely, from the bishop of Winchester of a rent charge of CCCC lib. [i. e. 400 pounds] per. ann. granted by the late bishop deceased, out of the manor of Taunton, and other manors; as also of CVIII and XXIIII [880] yearly rents, issuing out of the lordship of Allerton, and other lordships within the bishopric of Durham, paid to her majesty; and further, of CXL [140] yearly rent for the castle of Durham, and a fishing upon the river of Tweed, which my lord chamberlain holds, which rent was likewise answered to her majesty by his predecessor. I pray you therefore have a care to these things, touching her majesty, before any further proceeding be had therein. From my house, Westminster, the 14th of Feb. 1594.

THIS THAT FOLLOWS WAS MY LORD BURGHLEY’S OWN HANDWRITING.

“I sent for Mr. Attorney to have a care hereof, who is herein wary how to proceed, but I have directed to speak with the lord chief justice and the master of the rolls, who were attorneys; and so he will: but he complaineth of want of others, seeing there is but one sergeant, and no solicitor; alleging, that there are many weighty causes of her majesty to be ordered. “You may inform her majesty hereof: and for a setgeant, I know none fitter than Mr. Yelverton. As for any solicitors, I will not presume to name any for some respects.

Your loving father, W. BURGHLEY.”

NUMBER 150.

A prayer of queen Elizabeth, upon the going forth of her army against the enemy. Found among the lord Burghley’s MSS. MOST omnipotent Maker and Guider of all the world’s mass, that only searchest and fathomest the bottom of all hearts’ conceits, and in them seest the true original of all actions intended: thou that by thy foresight dost truly discern, how no malice of revenge, nor quittance of injury, nor desire of bloodshed, nor greediness of lucre, hath bred the resolution of our new set out army; but a heedful care, and wary watch, that no neglect of foes, nor over-surety of harm, might breed either danger to us, or glory to them. These being the grounds, thou that didst inspire the mind, we humbly beseech thee, with bended knees, prosper the work; and with best forewinds guide the journey, speed the victory, and make the return the advancement of thy glory, the triumph of their fame, and surety to the realm, with the least loss of English blood. To these devout petitions, Lord, give thou thy blessed grant.

NUMBER 151.

The archbishop of York, and the council in the north, to the lord treasurer: signifying their receipt of the queen’s commission; with certain instructions for authorizing the government of that council.

MAY it please your good lordship to be advertised, that we have received yesterday her majesty’s commission under the seal of England, directed to us and others, together with certain instructions, signed with her most gracious hand, for the authorizing of the government of this council.

Wherein we do most humbly acknowledge her highness’s princely, and your good lordship’s honourable regard had of this council, and the quiet government of these parts. Which commission was this day published, the sitting beginning accordingly. And whereas upon the death of our late good lord, the earl of Huntington, it pleased your good lordship to signify unto us, that her highness did well allow, that the steward of his lordship’s late household should continue the diet for this council, and the ordinary servants, (whereof a calendar was before sent up to your lordship,) until her majesty’s pleasure be further known. Since which time, the said steward, upon knowledge of your lordship’s letters given him, and to her majesty’s receiver of this county, by us, having received since Christmas but the sum of fourscore pounds from the receiver, hath hitherto therewith, and with such provision of corn and victuals as remained of the late earl, and money disbursed by him, maintained the diet for this council and said household.

And now for so much as it hath pleased her majesty by these her last instructions, to declare that her highness will give order by warrant to the receiver of this shire, to continue payment of such sums of money for the discharge of the diet of the household, to be kept for this council, as heretofore he hath done; and so that the household of the late earl yet continuing together is very great, the corps remaining still in her majesty’s house, and her highness’s receiver being now at London, not having any warrant from your lordship, either for the money he hath hitherto paid to the steward upon this quarter, since his lordship’s death, nor for the payment of the rest; so as in his absence the steward doth borrow to supply the present provision, till some further direction from your lordship: we therefore are humble suitors to your good lordship, that present warrant may be given, to be sent directly to the clerk, for the payment of the rest of this quarter’s allowance to the steward; whereby the diet may be the better provided, and the money borrowed for the same discharged: as also to know your lordship’s further pleasure, how long the servants of the said lord president, that be here at her majesty’s cost, and how many shall after be continued for the necessary attendance and service of the place.

We are now about the despatch of her majesty’s service for the horsemen to be sent to the lord Euric, for defence of the borders, according to her majesty’s gracious pleasure: which we hope to effect with expedition. And so beseeching God to bless your lordship, we humbly take our leaves. At York, this 1st of March, 1595.

Your lordship’s most assured, MATTH. EBOR. W. CARDYNALL. E. STANHOPE.

CH. HALES. J. FERNE. JO. GIBSON.

NUMBER 152.

Matthew Hutton, archbishop of York, to the lord treasurer: concerning recusants in those parts. A great revolt there.

My honourable good lord, TOGETHER with her majesty’s commission for keeping the sitting here, I Received your lordship’s letter of the 26th of the last month, [February.] Whereby I understand you have seen the certificate of the recusants of this province, and that you do compati with us of the clergy, whom especially the matter doth concern, and who I fear must answer to Almighty God for this great revolt. And yet I hope it is not so great as it seems to be. Partly, because a great number of those that were indicted for l2d. a time are either dead or else reclaimed, as yesterday I did hear; and partly, for that the most part of them are women, or of the meanest sert, not able to endanger the state.

Your lordship is desirous to know my opinion, what should be the cause of this falling away. Which I will do, as soon as I may conveniently. I am shortly to visit mine own diocese: whereby I shall know all things more exact, and certify your lordship more perfectly. In the mean while, I will use all good means to call in those that are gone astray, and to keep those that are within. But I must earnestly entreat your lordship to be a mean, that the ecclesiastical commission may be renewed. I have been above three quarters of a year in suing for it, and yet cannot get her majesty’s hand.

Edward Barker, the register, did undertake the suing it forth before my coming from London; and every term since I sent to him: and now I hear it is delivered to Dr. Caesar.

Thus, beseeching God to bless your lordship with his manifold gifts, and namely, with good health, that her majesty, the church, and the realm may long have the fruition of your sound counsel in these troublesome times, I bid your good lordship most heartily farewell. From York, This of March, 1595.

Your lordship’s in Christ most assured, MATTH. EBOR.

NUMBER 153.

The same archbishop, to the lord treasurer: concerning one Wright, a dangerous man; dismissed, and sent down to York.

My most honourable good lord, ALBEIT it doth not become me to dislike any thing done by that most honourable board, yet because it hath pleased her most excellent majesty to commit a great charge unto me in this country, I am bold to signify unto your good lordship, as to the father of grave counse], that I have no good liking of the coming of Wright unto York, nor of his abode here. His father is an obstinate fleering recusant, and long hath so been: himself went away from school at York about 19 years ago; and now is said to be a Jesuit.

The man, properly studied in the school-points of popery, not sound, nor profoundly learned; yet very bold, audacious, or rather impudent, to defend the most absurdities of that trash in any company; in presence of myself and my chaplains. He did to this assertion stand very stiffly: that a private man, being in conscience persuaded that it was lawful for him to kill a tyrant, sinneth not, if he kill him. And when I replied, that that ignorance itself was a sin, and that albeit it might excuse a tanto, yet it could not in any wise excuse a toto; he did boldly and audaciously stand to it, that it did excuse a toto. This opinion is a most devilish opinion; most dangerous to all states and commonwealths. For he is a tyrant and an heretic, in their opinion, whom the pope saith is one.

I beseech your good lordship consider, whether it is fit that this man should be sent for thither, or stay here, without keeper, without pardon. I pray God, that the papists do not make this collection, that seminary priests and Jesuits are true and dutiful subjects to her majesty: for it is said, he hath done good service of late, &c.; but I am in opinion, that he doth the pope very good service in this kind of dealing. And God knows, whether he hath not dispensation to bewray some things against the Spaniard, that some other way he may do the pope better service, either against this state or against religion.

And thus I commend your good lordship to the blessed protection of the Almighty. From Bishopthorp, the 19th of Sept. 1595.

Your good lordship’s in Christ most assured, MATTH. EBOR.

NUMBER 154.

Newal, a messenger of the queen’s chamber, sent by the privycouncil into Derbyshire, to apprehend certain scminary priests there: with directions under their honours’ hands, unto which houses he should go; and the names of the justices that accompanied him.

EDWARD COKAYNE went with him, being one of the queen’s justices, with his own man, Day: and that to do her majesty his best service. The first house which they searched, according to the messenger’s direction, was the house of Mr. Tenison, that married one of the lady Gerard’s daughters: she being a great recusant, and not her husband. However it is reported, that there was great resort of strangers there. But what they were, they could not learn. Nor did they find any there, but pictures in the chambers, according to their profession. Only one West, that was a messenger between the seminaries, was fled six weeks before they came.

The next house they searched in the same county was one Mr. Merry’s house, of Barton-Park; whose wife is sister to Mr. Palmer of Legworth: she being a great recusant, and not her husband. And they have likewise, as was reported, great resort unto their house. She told the messenger, that she heard of his coming the night before. In the house indeed they found nothing.

For these seminary priests which he doth look for, namely, John Redford, alias Tanfield, Robert Shewel, Nicolas Wade, alias Toke, three seminaries, they have been heard of to be in this country ofttimes, and yet remaining up and down; but where, as yet, we know not. All this circuit I have been with the messenger, who hath taken very great pains, and discharged his tluty very well. 16th of June, 1595.

EDWARD COKAYNE.

The same messenger came to Fr. Hastinges, another justice there, shewing the council’s warrant to go with him about her majesty’s service. They went presently to Mr. John Palmer’s house at Kegworth: and the messenger made due and diligent search; but found nothing, nor no stranger there. This the said Hastings certified, June the 18th, 95.

NUMBER 155.

Prisoners for religion: their prisons, and numbers, sent up from the ecclesiastical commission.

IN the of popish recusants24 Clink, Of Brownists In the Marshalsea In Newgate Whereof one a Brownist.

In the Gate-house 11 Whereof two convicted of recusancy.

In Bridewell Most upon the council’s commandment.

In the Fleet Whereof one a Brownist, and three committed for debt.

In the Counter in Wood-street In the White-Lion In the Kings Bench...... The one a sectary; the other convicted of treason.

In the prison of St. Katharine’s From the lords of the council.

The whole number89 Of which number, 10, partly upon submission, and partly upon promise to admit conference, are enlarged, upon bond to return to prison upon warning.

So there remain prisoners at this present, 79.

Of which number of threescore and nineteen, only 24 are committed by the ecclesiastical commission.

And they all continue obstinate, and of the same mind wherein they were at the time of their commitment.

And of the same number of 79, there be 28 committed by the lords of the council, and by order from them.