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| Pontitianus’ Account of Antony, the Founder of Monachism, and of Some Who Imitated Him. PREVIOUS SECTION - NEXT SECTION - HELP
Chapter VI.—Pontitianus’
Account of Antony, the Founder of Monachism, and of Some Who
Imitated Him.
13. And how, then, Thou didst deliver me out
of the bonds of carnal desire, wherewith I was most firmly
fettered, and out of the drudgery of worldly business, will I now
declare and confess unto Thy name, “O Lord, my strength and my
Redeemer.”652 Amid
increasing anxiety, I was transacting my usual affairs, and
daily sighing
unto Thee. I resorted as frequently to Thy church as the business,
under the burden of which I groaned, left me free to do. Alypius
was with me, being after the third sitting disengaged from his
legal occupation, and awaiting further opportunity of selling his
counsel, as I was wont to sell the power of speaking, if it can be
supplied by teaching. But Nebridius had, on account of our
friendship, consented to teach under Verecundus, a citizen and a
grammarian of Milan, and a very intimate friend of us all; who
vehemently desired, and by the right of friendship demanded from
our company, the faithful aid he greatly stood in need of.
Nebridius, then, was not drawn to this by any desire of gain (for
he could have made much more of his learning had he been so
inclined), but, as a most sweet and kindly friend, he would not be
wanting in an office of friendliness, and slight our request. But
in this he acted very discreetly, taking care not to become known
to those personages whom the world esteems great; thus avoiding
distraction of mind, which he desired to have free and at leisure
as many hours as possible, to search, or read, or hear something
concerning wisdom.
14. Upon a certain day, then, Nebridius being
away (why, I do not remember), lo, there came to the house to see
Alypius and me, Pontitianus, a countryman of ours, in so far as he
was an African, who held high office in the emperor’s court. What
he wanted with us I know not, but we sat down to talk together, and
it fell out that upon a table before us, used for games, he noticed
a book; he took it up, opened it, and, contrary to his expectation,
found it to be the Apostle Paul,—for he imagined it to be one of
those books which I was wearing myself out in teaching. At this he
looked up at me smilingly, and expressed his delight and wonder
that he had so unexpectedly found this book, and this only, before
my eyes. For he was both a Christian and baptized, and often
prostrated himself before Thee our God in the church, in constant
and daily prayers. When, then, I had told him that I bestowed much
pains upon these writings, a conversation ensued on his speaking of
Antony,653
653 It may be well here to say a few words in regard to
Monachism and Antony’s relation to it:—(1) There is much in the
later Platonism, with its austerities and bodily mortifications
(see vii. sec. 13, note 2, above), which is in common with the
asceticism of the early Church. The Therapeutæ of Philo, indeed,
of whom there were numbers in the neighbourhood of Alexandria in
the first century, may be considered as the natural forerunners of
the Egyptian monks. (2) Monachism, according to Sozomen (i. 12),
had its origin in a desire to escape persecution by retirement into
the wilderness. It is probable, however, that, as in the case of
Paul the hermit of Thebais, the desire for freedom from the cares
of life, so that by contemplation and mortification of the body,
the λόγος or inner reason
(which was held to be an emanation of God) might be purified, had
as much to do with the hermit life as a fear of persecution.
Mosheim, indeed (Ecc. Hist. i. part 2, c. 3), supposes Paul
to have been influenced entirely by these Platonic notions. (3)
Antony was born in the district of Thebes,
A.D. 251, and visited Paul in the Egyptian desert a little
before his death. To Antony is the world indebted for establishing
communities of monks, as distinguished from the solitary asceticism
of Paul; he therefore is rightly viewed as the founder of
Monachism. He appears to have known little more than how to speak
his native Coptic, yet during his long life (said to have been 100
years) he by his fervent enthusiasm made for himself a name little
inferior to that of the “king of men,” Athanasius, whom in the
time of the Arian troubles he stedfastly supported, and by whom his
life has been handed down to us. Augustin, in his De Doctr.
Christ. (Prol. sec. 4), speaks of him as “a just and holy
man, who, not being able to read himself, is said to have committed
the Scriptures to memory through hearing them read by others, and
by dint of wise meditation to have arrived at a thorough
understanding of them.” (4) According to Sozomen (iii. 14),
monasteries had not been established in Europe
A.D. 340. They were, Baronius tells us, introduced into Rome
about that date by Athanasius, during a visit to that city.
Athanasius mentions “ascetics” as dwelling at Rome A.D. 355. Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, Martin,
Bishop of Tours, and Jerome were enthusiastic suppporters of the
system. (5) Monachism in Europe presented more of its practical and
less of its contemplative side, than in its cradle in the East. An
example of how the monks of the East did work for the good of
others is seen in the instance of the monks of Pachomius; still in
this respect, as in matters of doctrine, the West has generally
shown itself more practical than the East. Probably climate and the
style of living consequent thereon have much to do with this.
Sulpicius Severus (dial. i. 2, De Vita Martini) may be taken
to give a quaint illustration of this, when he makes one of his
characters say, as he hears of the mode of living of the Eastern
monks, that their diet was only suited to angels. However mistaken
we may think the monkish systems to be, it cannot be concealed that
in the days of anarchy and semi-barbarism they were oftentimes
centres of civilisation. Certainly in its originating idea of
meditative seclusion, there is much that is worthy of commendation;
for, as Farindon has it (Works, iv. 130), “This has been
the practice not only of holy men, but of heathen men. Thus did
Tully, and Antony, and Crassus make way to that honour and renown
which they afterwards purchased in eloquence (Cicero, De
Officiis, ii. 13, viii. 7); thus did they pass a solitudine
in scholas, a scholis in forum,—‘from their secret
retirement into the schools, and from the schools into the
pleading-place.’” | the Egyptian
monk, whose name was in high repute among Thy servants, though up
to that time not familiar to us. When he came to know this, he
lingered on that topic, imparting to us a knowledge of this man so
eminent, and marvelling at our ignorance. But we were amazed,
hearing Thy wonderful works most fully manifested in times so
recent, and almost in our own, wrought in the true faith and the
Catholic Church. We all wondered—we, that they were so great, and
he, that we had never heard of them.
15. From this his conversation turned to the
companies in the monasteries, and their manners so fragrant unto
Thee, and of the fruitful deserts of the wilderness, of which we
knew nothing. And there was a monastery at Milan654
654 Augustin, when comparing Christian with Manichæan
asceticism, says in his De Mor. Eccl. Cath. (sec. 70), “I
saw at Milan a lodging-house of saints, in number not a few,
presided over by one presbyter, a man of great excellence and
learning.” In the previous note we have given the generally
received opinion, that the first monastery in Europe was
established at Rome. It may be mentioned here that Muratori
maintains that the institution was transplanted from the East first
to Milan; others contend that the first European society was at
Aquileia. | full of good brethren, without the
walls of the city, under the fostering care of Ambrose, and we were
ignorant of it. He went on with his relation, and we listened
intently and in silence. He then related to us how on a certain
afternoon, at Triers, when the emperor was taken up with seeing the
Circensian games,655
655 See vi. sec. 12, note 1, above. | he and three
others, his comrades, went out for a walk in the gardens close to
the city walls, and there, as they chanced to walk two and two, one
strolled away with him, while the other two went by themselves; and
these, in their rambling, came upon a certain cottage
inhabited by some of Thy servants, “poor in spirit,” of whom
“is the kingdom of heaven,”656
656 Matt. v. 3. Roman commentators are ever
ready to use this text of Scripture as an argument in favour of
monastic poverty, and some may feel disposed from its context to
imagine such an interpretation to be implied in this place. This,
however, can hardly be so. Augustin constantly points out in his
sermons, etc. in what the poverty that is pleasing to God consists.
“Pauper Dei,” he says (in Ps. cxxxi. 15), “in animo
est, non in sacculo;” and his interpretation of this passage in
his Exposition of the Sermon on the Mount (i. 3) is entirely
opposed to the Roman view. We there read: “The poor in spirit are
rightly understood here as meaning the humble and God-fearing,
i.e. those who have not a spirit which puffeth up. Nor ought
blessedness to begin at any other point whatever, if indeed it is
to reach the highest wisdom. ‘The fear of the Lord is the
beginning of wisdom’ (Ps. cxi. 10); whereas, on the other hand
also, ‘pride’ is entitled ‘the beginning of all sin’ (Ecclus.
x. 13). Let the proud,
therefore, seek after and love the kingdoms of the earth, but
‘blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom of
heaven.’” | where they found a book in which
was written the life of Antony. This one of them began to read,
marvel at, and be inflamed by it; and in the reading, to meditate
on embracing such a life, and giving up his worldly employments to
serve Thee. And these were of the body called “Agents for Public
Affairs.”657
657 “Agentes in rebus. There was a society of
them still about the court. Their militia or employments were to
gather in the emperor’s tributes; to fetch in offenders; to do
Palatini obsequia, offices of court provide corn, etc., ride
on errands like messengers of the chamber, lie abroad as spies and
intelligencers. They were often preferred to places of magistracy
in the provinces; such were called Principes or
Magistriani. St. Hierome upon Abdias, c. 1, calls them
messengers. They succeeded the Frumentarii, between which
two and the Curiosi and the Speculatores there was
not much difference.”—W. W. | Then,
suddenly being overwhelmed with a holy love and a sober sense of
shame, in anger with himself, he cast his eyes upon his friend,
exclaiming, “Tell me, I entreat thee, what end we are striving
for by all these labours of ours. What is our aim? What is our
motive in doing service? Can our hopes in court rise higher than to
be ministers of the emperor? And in such a position, what is there
not brittle, and fraught with danger, and by how many dangers
arrive we at greater danger? And when arrive we thither? But if I
desire to become a friend of God, behold, I am even now made it.”
Thus spake he, and in the pangs of the travail of the new life, he
turned his eyes again upon the page and continued reading, and was
inwardly changed where Thou sawest, and his mind was divested of
the world, as soon became evident; for as he read, and the surging
of his heart rolled along, he raged awhile, discerned and resolved
on a better course, and now, having become Thine, he said to his
friend, “Now have I broken loose from those hopes of ours, and am
determined to serve God; and this, from this hour, in this place, I
enter upon. If thou art reluctant to imitate me, hinder me not.”
The other replied that he would cleave to him, to share in so great
a reward and so great a service. Thus both of them, being now
Thine, were building a tower at the necessary cost,658 —of
forsaking all that they had and following Thee. Then Pontitianus,
and he that had walked with him through other parts of the garden,
came in search of them to the same place, and having found them,
reminded them to return as the day had declined. But they, making
known to him their resolution and purpose, and how such a resolve
had sprung up and become confirmed in them, entreated them not to
molest them, if they refused to join themselves unto them. But the
others, no whit changed from their former selves, did yet (as he
said) bewail themselves, and piously congratulated them,
recommending themselves to their prayers; and with their hearts
inclining towards earthly things, returned to the palace. But the
other two, setting their affections upon heavenly things, remained
in the cottage. And both of them had affianced brides, who, when
they heard of this, dedicated also their virginity unto
God.
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