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Chapter
XVII.—The Revocation of the
Rulers.
1. Wrestling with so many evils, he thought of the cruelties
which he had committed against the pious. Turning, therefore, his
thoughts toward himself, he first openly confessed to the God of the
universe, and then summoning his attendants, he commanded that without
delay they should stop the persecution of the Christians, and should by
law and royal decree, urge them forward to build their churches and to
perform their customary worship, offering prayers in behalf of the
emperor. Immediately the deed followed the word.
2. The imperial decrees were
published in the cities, containing the revocation of the acts against
us in the following form:
3. “The Emperor Cæsar
Galerius Valerius Maximinus, Invictus, Augustus, Pontifex Maximus,
conqueror of the Germans, conqueror of the Egyptians, conqueror of the
Thebans, five times conqueror of the Sarmatians, conqueror of the
Persians, twice conqueror of the Carpathians, six times conqueror of
the Armenians, conqueror of the Medes, conqueror of the Adiabeni,
Tribune of the people the twentieth time, Emperor the nineteenth time,
Consul the eighth time, Father of his country, Proconsul;
4. and the Emperor Cæsar
Flavius Valerius Constantinus, Pius, Felix, Invictus, Augustus,
Pontifex Maximus, Tribune of the people, Emperor the fifth time,
Consul, Father of his country, Proconsul;
5. and the Emperor Cæsar
Valerius Licinius, Pius, Felix, Invictus, Augustus, Pontifex Maximus,
Tribune of the people the fourth time, Emperor the third time, Consul,
Father of his country, Proconsul; to the people of their provinces,
greeting:2592
2592 This edict was issued in April, 311 (see the previous chapter,
note 1). There has been considerable discussion as to the reason for
the omission of Maximin’s name from the heading of the edict. The
simplest explanation is that he did not wish to have his name appear in
a document which was utterly distasteful to him and which he never
fully sanctioned, as we learn from Bk. IX. chaps. 1 and 2, below. It is
possible, as Mason suggests, that in the copies of the edict which were
designed for other parts of the empire than his own the names of all
four emperors appeared. Eusebius gives a Greek translation of the
edict. The original Latin is found in Lactantius’ De mort.
pers. chap. 34. The translation in the present case is in the main
accurate though somewhat free. The edict is an acknowledgment of defeat
on Galerius’ part, and was undoubtedly caused in large part by a
superstitious desire, brought on by his sickness, to propitiate the God
of the Christians whom he had been unable to conquer. And yet, in my
opinion, it is not as Mason calls it, “one of the most bizarre
state documents ever penned,” “couched in language
treacherous, contradictory, and sown with the most virulent
hatred”; neither does it “lay the blame upon the Christians
because they had forsaken Christ,” nor aim to “dupe
and outwit the angry Christ, by pretending to be not a persecutor, but
a reformer.” As will be seen from note 3, below, I interpret the
document in quite another way, and regard it as a not inconsistent
statement of the whole matter from Galerius’ own point of
view. |
6. “Among the other things
which we have ordained for the public advantage and profit, we formerly
wished to restore everything to conformity with the ancient laws and
public discipline2593
2593 τὴν
δημοσίαν
ἐπιστήμην. Latin: publicam disciplinam. | of the Romans,
and to provide that the Christians also, who have forsaken the religion
of their ancestors,2594
2594 τῶν γονέων
τῶν ἑαυτῶν
τὴν
αἵρεσιν.
Latin: parentum suorum sectam. There has been some discussion as
to whether Galerius here refers to primitive Christianity or to
paganism, but the almost unanimous opinion of scholars (so far as I am
aware) is that he means the former (cf. among others, Mason, p. 298
sq.). I confess myself, however, unable, after careful study of the
document, to accept this interpretation. Not that I think it impossible
that Galerius should pretend that the cause of the persecution had been
the departure of the Christians from primitive Christianity, and its
object the reform of the Church, because, although that was certainly
not his object, he may nevertheless, when conquered, have wished to
make it appear so to the Christians at least (see Mason, p. 302 sq.).
My reason for not accepting the interpretation is that I cannot see
that the language of the edict warrants it; and certainly, inasmuch as
it is not what we should a priori expect Galerius to say, we are
hardly justified in adopting it except upon very clear grounds. But in
my opinion such grounds do not exist, and in fact the interpretation
seems to me to do violence to at least a part of the decree. In the
present sentence it is certainly not necessarily implied that
the ancestors of the Christians held a different religion from the
ancestors of the heathen; in fact, it seems on the face of it more
natural to suppose that Galerius is referring to the earlier ancestors
of both Christians and heathen, who were alike pagans. This is
confirmed by the last clause of the sentence: ad bonas mentes
redirent (εἰς
ἀγαθήν
πρόθεσιν
ἐπανέλθοιεν), which in the mouth of Galerius, and indeed of any
heathen, would naturally mean “return to the worship of our
gods.” This in itself, however, proves nothing, for Galerius may,
as is claimed, have used the words hypocritically; but in the next
sentence, which is looked upon as the main support of the
interpretation which I am combating, it is not said that they have
deserted their ancient institutions in distinction from the
institutions of the rest of the world, but illa veterum
instituta (a term which he could hardly employ in this unqualified
way to indicate the originators of Christianity without gross and
gratuitous insult to his heathen subjects) quæ forsitan primum
parentes eorumdem constituerant, “those institutions of the
ancients which perchance their own fathers had first
established” (the Greek is not quite accurate, omitting the
demonstrative, and reading πρότερον for primum). There can hardly have been a
“perchance” about the fact that the Christians’
ancestors had first established Christian institutions, whatever they
were—certainly Galerius would never have thought of implying that
his ancestors, or the ancestors of his brother-pagans, had established
them. His aim seems to be to suggest, as food for reflection, not only
that the ancestors of the Christians had certainly, with the ancestors
of the heathen, originally observed pagan institutions, but that
perhaps they had themselves been the very ones to establish those
institutions, which would make the guilt of the Christians in departing
from them all the worse. In the next clause, the reference to the
Christians as making laws for themselves and assembling in various
places may as easily be a rebuke to the Christians for their separation
from their heathen fellow-citizens in matters of life and worship as a
rebuke to them for their departure from the original unity of the
Christian Church. Again, in the next sentence the “institutions
of the ancients” (veterum instituta) are referred to in
the most general way, without any such qualification as could possibly
lead the Christians or any one else to think that the institutions of
the Christian religion were meant. Conformity to “the ancient
laws and public discipline of the Romans” is announced in the
beginning of the edict as the object which Galerius had in view. Could
he admit, even for the sake of propitiating his Christian subjects,
that those laws and that discipline were Christian? Veterum
instituta in fact could mean to the reader nothing else, as thus
absolutely used, than the institutions of the old Romans.
Still further it is to
be noticed that in §9 Galerius does not say “but
although many persevere in their purpose…nevertheless,
in consideration of our philanthropy, we have determined that we ought
to extend our indulgence,” &c., but rather “and
since (atque cum) many persevere in their purpose,”
&c. The significance of this has apparently been hitherto quite
overlooked. Does he mean to say that he feels that he ought to extend
indulgence just because they do exactly what they did
before—worship neither the gods of the heathen nor the God of the
Christians? I can hardly think so. He seems to me to say rather,
“Since many, in spite of my severe measures, still persevere in
their purpose (in proposito perseverarent) and refuse to worship
our gods, while at the same time they cease under the pressure to
worship their own God as they have been accustomed to do, I have
decided to permit them to return to their own worship, thinking it
better that they worship the God of the Christians than that they
worship no God; provided in worshiping him they do nothing contrary to
discipline (contra disciplinam), i.e. contrary to Roman
law.” Thus interpreted, the entire edict seems to me consistent
and at the same time perfectly natural. It is intended to propitiate
the Christians and to have them pray for the good of the emperor to
their own God, rather than refuse to pray for him altogether. It is not
an acknowledgment even to the Christians that their God is the supreme
and only true God, but it is an acknowledgment that their God is
probably better than no god, and that the empire will be better off if
they become loyal, peaceable, prayerful citizens again (even if their
prayers are not directed to the highest gods), than if they continue
disaffected and disloyal and serve and worship no superior being. That
the edict becomes, when thus interpreted, much more dignified and much
more worthy of an emperor cannot be denied; and, little respect as we
may have for Galerius, we should not accuse him of playing the
hypocrite and the fool in this matter, except on better grounds than
are offered by the extant text of this edict. | should return to
a good disposition.
7. For in some way such
arrogance had seized them and such stupidity had overtaken them, that
they did not follow the ancient institutions which possibly their own
ancestors had formerly established, but made for themselves laws
according to their own purpose, as each one desired, and observed them,
and thus assembled as separate congregations in various
places.
8. When we had issued this
decree that they should return to the institutions established by the
ancients,2595
2595 ἐπὶ
τὰ ὑπὸ τῶν
ἀρχαὶων
καταστ€θεντα. Latin: ad veterum instituta. | a great many2596
2596 πλεῖστοι. Latin: multi. |
submitted under danger, but a great many being harassed endured all
kinds of death.2597
2597 παντοίους
θαν€τους
ὑπέφερον. Latin: deturbati sunt. |
9. And since many continue in
the same folly,2598
2598 τῇ αὐτῇ
ἀπονοί& 139·
διαμενόντων. Latin: in proposito perseverarent. | and we
perceive that they neither offer to the heavenly gods the worship which
is due, nor pay regard to the God of the Christians, in consideration
of our philanthropy and our invariable custom, by which we are wont to
extend pardon to all, we have determined that we ought most cheerfully
to extend our indulgence in this matter also; that they may again be
Christians, and may rebuild the conventicles in which they were
accustomed to assemble,2599
2599 τοὺς
οἰκοὺς, ἐν
οἷς
συνήγοντο,
συνθῶσιν. Latin: conventicula sua componant. | on condition
that nothing be done by them contrary to discipline.2600
2600 contra disciplinam, i.e.
“against the discipline or laws of the Romans.” Galerius
does not tell us just what this indefinite phrase is meant to cover,
and the letter to the magistrates, in which he doubtless explained
himself and laid down the conditions, is unfortunately lost. The edict
of Milan, as Mason conclusively shows, refers to this edict of Galerius
and to these accompanying conditions; and from that edict some light is
thrown upon the nature of these conditions imposed by Galerius. It has
been conjectured that in Galerius’ edict, Christianity was
forbidden to all but certain classes: “that if a man chose to
declare himself a Christian, he would incur no danger, but might no
longer take his seat as a decurion in his native town, or the
like”; that Galerius had endeavored to make money out of the
transaction whereby Christians received their church property back
again; that proselytizing was forbidden; that possibly the toleration
of Christianity was made a matter of local option, and that any town or
district by a majority vote could prohibit its exercise within its own
limits (see Mason p. 330 sq.). These conjectures are plausible, though
of course precarious. | In another letter we shall indicate to the
magistrates what they have to observe.
10. Wherefore, on account of
this indulgence of ours, they ought to supplicate their God for our
safety, and that of the people, and their own, that the public welfare
may be preserved in every place,2601
2601 The
Greek reads, in all our mss., κατὰ
π€ντα
τρόπον,
“in every manner.” The Latin original, however, reads
undique versum. In view of that fact, I feel confident that the
Greek translator must have written τόπον instead
of τρόπον. If,
therefore, that translator was Eusebius, we must suppose that the
change to τρόπον is
due to the error of some scribe. If, on the other hand, Eusebius simply
copied the Greek translation from some one else, he may himself have
carelessly written τρόπον. In
either case, however, τόπον must have
been the original translation, and I have therefore substituted it
for τρόπον, and
have rendered accordingly. I find that Crusè has done likewise,
whether for the same reason I do not know. | and that they
may live securely in their several homes.”
11. Such is the tenor of this
edict, translated, as well as possible, from the Roman tongue into the
Greek.2602
2602 Eusebius does not say whether the translating was done by himself
or by some one else. The epistle of Hadrian to Minucius Fundanus,
quoted in Bk. IV. chap. 9, above, was translated by himself, as he
directly informs us (see ibid. chap. 8, note 17). This might
lead us to suppose him the translator in the present case; but, on the
other hand, in that case he directly says that the translation was his
work, in the present he does not. It is possible that Greek copies of
the edict were in common circulation, and that Eusebius used one of
them. At the same time, the words “translated as well as
possible” (κατὰ τὸ
δυνατόν)
would seem to indicate that Eusebius had supervised the present
translation, if he had not made it himself. Upon his knowledge of
Latin, see the note just referred to. | It is time to consider what took
place after these events.
That which follows is found
in Some Copies in the Eighth Book.2603
2603 The words of this title, together with the section which follows,
are found in the majority of our mss. at the
close of the eighth book, and are given by all the editors. The
existence of the passage would seem to imply that the work in only
eight books came into the hands of some scribe, who added the appendix
to make the work more complete. (Cf. chap. 13, note 15, above.) Whoever
he was, he was not venturesome in his additions, for, except the notice
of Diocletian’s death and the statement of the manner of the
death of Maximinus, he adds nothing that has not been already said in
substance by Eusebius himself. The appendix must have been added in any
case as late as 313, for Diocletian died in that year. |
1. The
author of the edict very shortly after this confession was released
from his pains and died. He is reported to have been the original
author of the misery of the persecution, having endeavored, long before
the movement of the other emperors, to turn from the faith the
Christians in the army, and first of all those in his own house,
degrading some from the military rank, and abusing others most
shamefully, and threatening still others with death, and finally
inciting his partners in the empire to the general persecution. It is
not proper to pass over the death of these emperors in
silence.
2. As four of them held the
supreme authority, those who were advanced in age and honor, after the
persecution had continued not quite two years, abdicated the
government, as we have already stated,2604
2604 See
above, chap. 13, §11. |
and passed the remainder of their lives in a common and private
station.
3. The end of their lives was as
follows. He who was first in honor and age perished through a long and
most grievous physical infirmity.2605
2605 Diocletian died in 313, at the age of sixty-seven. The final ruin
of all his great plans for the permanent prosperity of the empire, the
terrible misfortunes of his daughter, and the indignities heaped upon
him by Maximin, Licinius, and Constantine, wore him out and at length
drove the spirit from the shattered body. According to Lactantius
(De mort. pers. 42), “having been treated in the most
contumelious manner, and compelled to abhor life, he became incapable
of receiving nourishment, and, worn out with anguish of mind,
expired.” | He who held
the second place ended his life by strangling,2606
2606 Upon the death of Maximian, see above, chap. 13, note
23. |
suffering thus according to a certain demoniacal prediction, on account of
his many daring crimes.
4. Of those after them, the
last,2607
2607 ὁμὲν
ὕστατος,
i.e. Galerius, who was the second Cæsar and therefore the last, or
lowest, of the four rulers. Upon his illness and death, see chap. 16,
above. | of whom we have spoken as the originator
of the entire persecution, suffered such things as we have related. But
he who preceded him, the most merciful and kindly emperor
Constantius,2608
2608 Constantius was first Cæsar, and thus held third rank in the
government. The following passage in regard to him is found also in
chap. 13, §12–14, above. | passed all the time of his
government in a manner worthy of his office.2609
2609 Constantius was first Cæsar, and thus held third rank in the
government. The following passage in regard to him is found also in
chap. 13, §12–14, above. |
Moreover, he conducted himself towards all most favorably and
beneficently. He took not the smallest part in the war against us, and
preserved the pious that were under him unharmed and unabused. Neither
did he throw down the church buildings, nor devise anything else
against us. The end of his life was happy and thrice blessed. He alone
at death left his empire happily and gloriously to his own son2610 as his successor, one who was in all
respects most prudent and pious. He entered on the government at once,
being proclaimed supreme emperor and Augustus by the
soldiers;
5. and he showed himself an
emulator of his father’s piety toward our doctrine. Such were the
deaths of the four of whom we have written, which took place at
different times.
6. Of these, moreover, only the
one referred to a little above by us,2611
with those who afterward shared in the government, finally2612
2612 I
read λοιπόν which is found in some mss. and is
adopted by Stephanus and Burton. Valesius, Schwegler, Laemmer and
Heinichen follow other mss. in reading
λιπών, and this is adopted by Stroth, Closs and Crusè in
their translations. The last, however, makes it govern “the
above-mentioned confession,” which is quite ungrammatical, while
Stroth and Closs (apparently approved by Heinichen) take it to mean
“still alive” or “still remaining” (“Der
unter diesen allein noch Ueberlebende”; “Der unter diesen
noch allein uebrige”), a meaning which belongs to the middle but
not properly to the active voice of λείπω. The
latter translation, moreover, makes the writer involve himself in a
mistake, for Diocletian did not die until nearly two years after the
publication of Galerius’ edict. In view of these considerations I
feel compelled to adopt the reading λοιπόν which is nearly, if not quite, as well supported by ms. authority as λιπών. | published openly to all the
above-mentioned confession, in the written edict which he
issued.E.C.F. INDEX & SEARCH
|