Bad Advertisement?
Are you a Christian?
Online Store:Visit Our Store
| Chapter IV. The evil resulting from the bringing in of Novel Doctrine shown in the instances of the Donatists and Arians. PREVIOUS SECTION - NEXT SECTION - HELP
Chapter IV.
The evil resulting from the bringing in of Novel
Doctrine shown in the instances of the Donatists and Arians.
[9.] But that we may make
what we say more intelligible, we must illustrate it by individual
examples, and enlarge upon it somewhat more fully, lest by aiming at
too great brevity important matters be hurried over and lost sight
of.
In the time of Donatus,430
430 There were two persons of this name, both
intimately connected with the schism,—the earlier one, bishop of
Casa Nigra in Numidia, the other the successor of Majorinus, whom in
the year 311 the party had elected to be bishop of Carthage in
opposition to Cecilian, the Catholic bishop, the ground of the
opposition being that the principal among Cecilian’s consecrators
lay under the charge of having delivered up the sacred books to the
heathen magistrates in the Dioclesian persecution, and of having
thereby rendered his ministerial acts invalid. It was from the
last-mentioned probably that the sect was called.
The Donatists affected great strictness of life, and
ignoring the plain declarations of Scripture, and notably the prophetic
representations contained in our Lord’s parables of the Tares,
the Draw-net, and others, they held that no church could be a true
church which endured the presence of evil men in its society.
Accordingly they broke off communion with the rest of the African
Church and with all who held communion with it, which was in effect the
rest of Christendom, denying the validity of their sacraments,
rebaptizing those who came over to them from other Christian bodies,
and reordaining their clergy.
The sect became so powerful that for some
time it formed the stronger party in the church of North Western
Africa, its bishops exceeding four hundred in number; but partly
checked through the exertions of Augustine in the first years of the
fifth century, and of Pope Gregory the Great at the close of the sixth,
and partly weakened by divisions among themselves, they dwindled away
and become extinct. |
from whom his followers were called Donatists, when great numbers in
Africa were rushing headlong into their own mad error, and unmindful of
their name, their religion, their profession, were preferring the
sacrilegious temerity of one man before the Church of Christ, then they
alone throughout Africa were safe within the sacred precincts of the
Catholic faith, who, detesting the profane schism, continued in
communion with the universal Church, leaving to posterity an
illustrious example, how, and how well in future the soundness of the
whole body should be preferred before the madness of one, or at most of
a few.
[10.] So also when the Arian poison had infected
not an insignificant portion of the Church but almost the whole
world,431
431 The rise of Arianism was nearly
contemporaneous with that of Donatism. It originated with Arius, a
presbyter of Alexandria, a man of a subtle wit and a fluent tongue. He
began by calling in question the teaching of his bishop, when
discoursing on a certain occasion on the subject of the Trinity. For
himself he denied our blessed Lord’s coeternity and
consubstantiality with the Father, which was in effect to deny that He
is God in any true sense, though he made no scruple of giving Him the
name. His doctrine may be best inferred from the anathema directed
against it, appended to the original Nicene Creed: “Those who
say, that once the Son of God did not exist, and that before He was
begotten He did not exist, or who affirm that He is of a different
substance or essence (from that of the Father), or that His nature is
mutable or alterable, those the Catholic and Apostolic Church
anathematises.”
Arianism spread with great rapidity, and
though condemned by the Council of Nicæa in 325, it gained fresh
strength on the death of Constantine and the accession of Constantius,
so that for many years thenceforward the history of the Church is
occupied with nothing so much as with accounts of its struggle for
supremacy.
“Arians and Donatists began
both about one time, which heresies, according to the different
strength of their own sinews, wrought, as the hope of success led them,
the one with the choicest wits, the other with the multitude, so far,
that after long and troublesome experience, the perfectest view that
men could take of both was hardly able to induce any certain
determinate resolution, whether error may do more by the curious
subtlety of sharp discourse, or else by the mere appearance of zeal and
devout affection.”—Hooker, Eccles. Pol. v. 62.
§ 8. | so that a sort of blindness had fallen
upon almost all the bishops432
432 The Catholic
bishops, in number more than four hundred, who at Ariminum, in 359,
after having subscribed the Creed of Nicæa, were induced, partly
by fraud, partly by threats, to repudiate its crucial terms and sign an
Arian Formulary. It was in reference to this that St. Jerome wrote,
“Ingemuit orbis, et Arium se esse miratus est.” “The
world groaned and marvelled to find itself Arian.” He continues,
“The vessel of the apostles was in extreme danger. The storm
raged, the waves beat upon the ship, all hope was gone. The Lord
awakes, rebukes the tempest, the monster (Constantius) dies,
tranquillity is restored. The bishops who had been thrust out from
their sees return, through the clemency of the new emperor. Then did
Egypt receive Athanasius in triumph, then did the Church of Gaul
receive Hilary returning from battle, then did Italy put off her
mourning garments at the return of Eusebius (of
Vercellæ).”—Advers. Luciferianos, §
10. | of the Latin
tongue, circumvented partly by force partly by fraud, and was
preventing them from seeing what was most expedient to be done in the
midst of so much confusion, then whoever was a true lover and
worshipper of Christ, preferring the ancient belief to the novel
misbelief, escaped the pestilent infection.
[11.] By the peril of which time was abundantly
shown how great a calamity the introduction of a novel doctrine causes.
For then truly not only interests of small account, but others of the
very gravest importance, were subverted. For not only affinities,
relationships, friendships, families, but moreover, cities, peoples,
provinces, nations, at last the whole Roman Empire, were shaken to
their foundation and ruined. For when this same profane Arian novelty,
like a Bellona or a Fury, had first taken captive the Emperor,433
433 Constantius, the
Emperor of the West. | and had then subjected all the principal
persons of the palace to new laws, from that time it never ceased to
involve everything in confusion, disturbing all things, public and
private, sacred and profane, paying no regard to what was good and
true, but, as though holding a position of authority, smiting
whomsoever it pleased. Then wives were violated, widows ravished,
virgins profaned, monasteries demolished, clergymen ejected, the
inferior clergy scourged, priests driven into exile, jails, prisons,
mines, filled with saints, of whom the greater part, forbidden to enter
into cities, thrust forth from their homes to wander in deserts and
caves, among rocks and the haunts of wild beasts, exposed to nakedness,
hunger, thirst, were worn out and consumed. Of all of which was there
any other cause than that, while
human superstitions are being brought in
to supplant heavenly doctrine, while well established antiquity is
being subverted by wicked novelty, while the institutions of former
ages are being set at naught, while the decrees of our fathers are
being rescinded, while the determinations of our ancestors are being
torn in pieces, the lust of profane and novel curiosity refuses to
restrict itself within the most chaste limits of hallowed and uncorrupt
antiquity?434
434 Though
Vincentius’ account of the Arian persecutions refers to those
under Arian emperors, Constantius and Valens, the former especially,
yet he could not but have had in mind the atrocious cruelties which
were being perpetrated, at the time when he was writing, by the Arian
Vandals in Africa. Possidius, in his life of St. Augustine, who lay on
his death-bed in Hippo while the fierce Vandal host was encamped round
the city (c. xxviii.), gives a detailed account of them belonging to a
date some four years earlier, entirely of a piece with
Vincentius’ description in the text. Victor, bishop of Vite,
himself a sufferer, has left a still ampler relation, De
Persecutione Vandalorum. | E.C.F. INDEX & SEARCH
|